253 How Important is Mount Wutai? Part 3 Changing Practices at Mount Wutai ∵ 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 253 7-10-2020 22:01:23 254 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 254 Barrett 7-10-2020 22:01:23 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai 255 Chapter 10 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai: SinoTibetan Buddhism among the Five Plateaus since the 1930s Ester Bianchi At the beginning of the 21st century, Mount Wutai նፕ՞ includes more than one hundred fifty sacred sites of different natures, sizes and traditions. Among the approximately eighty active monasteries and temples, a dozen belong to the Sino-Tibetan tradition.1 These sites are home to at least ten per cent of Mount Wutai’s monastic population2 and identify themselves with monk Nenghai ౨௧ (1886–1967), the “Chinese lama” to whom I have already devoted a number of studies3 and who stands out as one of the most significant personalities of the modern Sino-Tibetan Buddhism [Fig. 10.1]. In spreading Tibetan Buddhism inside China proper, Nenghai visited Mount Wutai several times, and finally moved there at the beginning of the 1950s, spending the last years of his life in Jixiang si ‫ٳ‬壁‫ڝ‬, near Qingliang Bridge. In the present study, I shall evaluate Nenghai’s role in the developments of Buddhism on Mount Wutai during the 20th century, as well as the legacy he 1 There are currently ten active Sino-Tibetan monasteries on Mount Wutai and four more monasteries are under construction. In 2006 the monasteries belonging to Nenghai’s tradition numbered eight. As for the total number of monasteries, in August 2015 official data referred to seventy-three active sites inside Mount Wutai National Park and stated that nine more sites were under construction (Zhang Chunyu ്ਞॸ, personal communication, August 2015). 2 See Gray Tuttle, “Tibetan Buddhism at Ri bo rtse lnga/Wutai shan in Modern Times,” Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 2 (2006): 24. This percentage has probably increased during the last decade. According to Rukong ‫़ڕ‬, today on Mount Wutai there are more than three hundred resident monastics belonging to Nenghai’s tradition (Rukong, personal communication, 25 July 2015). 3 In particular see Ester Bianchi, “The ‘Chinese Lama’ Nenghai, (1886–1967): Doctrinal Tradition and Teaching Strategies of a Gelukpa Master in Republican China,” in Buddhism Between Tibet and China, ed. Mattew Kapstein (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2009), 294–346, and Ester Bianchi, “Sino-Tibetan Buddhism: Continuities and Discontinuities. The Case of Nenghai ౨ ௧’s Legacy in the Contemporary Era,” in Chinese and Tibetan Esoteric Buddhism, eds. Yael Bentor and Meir Shahar (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 300–18. On Nenghai, see also Dingzhi, ed., Nenghai shangshi zhuan (Chengdu: Fangguang wenhua, 1995) and Wu Wei, “Indigenization of Tibetan Buddhism in Twentieth-Century China” (PhD diss., Princeton University, 2017). © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004419872_012 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 255 7-10-2020 22:01:23 256 Bianchi figure 10.1 Worship of Nenghai on Wutaishan (Shangshita si). Photo by author. created through his first and second-generation disciples involved with the “Five Plateau Mountains”.4 1 Nenghai’s relationship with Mount Wutai The coexistence of Chinese and Tibetan Buddhist worship and practice on Mount Wutai has been one of its most distinctive features for more than a millennium.5 In the last phase of the imperial period, religious sites were 4 I collected the fieldwork data for the paper in July-August 2006 and in July 2015. 5 In the 8th century, at a time when the identification of Mount Wutai with Mañjuśrī had consolidated in China, there is also evidence of a Tibetan interest in Mount Wutai: the first Tibetan pilgrims reached the mountain as early as the beginning of the 8th century (Anne Chayet, Les Temples de Jehol et leurs modèles tibétains [Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1985], 147). Furthermore, a Tibetan mission of the 9th century requested a map of the site from the imperial court (Tuttle, “Tibetan Buddhism at Ri bo rtse lnga,” 2). However, it was under the Yuan dynasty, when Tibetan Buddhism was selected as the state religion, that the mountain became an important centre for Tibetan Buddhism. With the Qing period, the Tibetan sites on the mountain acquired an extremely large institutional role. On Tibetan and Mongolian Buddhism on Mount Wutai in late imperial China, see Isabelle Charleux, Nomads on Pilgrimage: Mongols on Wutaishan (China), 1800-1940 (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 109–12 and pas- 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 256 7-10-2020 22:01:23 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai 257 classified as “yellow temples” (huangmiao ႓ᐔ or lamamiao ໞቪᐔ), i.e. monasteries in the Tibetan tradition, and “black temples” (qingmiao ॹᐔ, also known as heshangmiao ࡉࡸᐔ), i.e. Chinese monasteries.6 In spite of this clear-cut distinction, encounters and interactions between the two categories of monasteries were not unusual.7 The situation remained basically the same throughout the first half of the 20th century, when Nenghai arrived on the mountain.8 Nenghai [Fig. 10.2],9 a Chinese monk with a chan ᛽ background, became devoted to the transmission of the Gelukpa teachings to Chinese disciples after 6 7 8 9 sim; Karl Debreczeny, “Wutai shan: Pilgrimage to Five-Peak Mountain,” Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 6 (2011): 1–133; David M. Farquhar, “Emperor as Bodhisattva in the Governance of the Ch’ing Empire,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 38, no. 1 (1978): 5–34 (on the identification of Emperors with Mañjuśrī); Natalie Köhle, “Why did the Kangxi Emperor go to Wutai Shan? Patronage, pilgrimage, and the Place of Tibetan Buddhism at the Early Qing Court,” Late Imperial China 29, no. 2 (2008): 73–119; and Gray Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists in the Making of Modern China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 15–33. Huangmiao refers to huangjiao ႓ඒ, a Chinese term for the Gelukpa tradition of Tibetan Buddhism; qingmiao, on the other hand, refers to the habit of wearing dark clothes (brown, grey, or black) among Chinese monks. Consider for example that, as the Russian ambassador Pokotilov who visited Mount Wutai in 1889 explained, Chinese monasteries used to host Mongolian lamas because it was to their economic advantage. This situation promoted cross-fertilization of cultural and ritual elements from the different traditions. See D. Pokotilov, “Der Wu Tai Schan und seine Klöster. Eine historisch-geographische Skizze und Schilderung der örtlichen Verhältnisse im Jahre 1889,” Sinica Sonderausgabe, 1935: 38–89. For earlier times, see Charleux, Nomads on Pilgrimage, 99 ss. A census from 1936 reports that out of 2,200 monks who resided in the 130 monasteries on the mountain, approximately 800 belonged to the lama category. After the establishment of the PRC, many monks and nuns left monastic life and the number of residents decreased to 359 individuals by 1952. In 1956, out of the 124 sites that were still active, 99 belonged to the Chinese tradition and 25 to the Tibetan one. According to a new census of the monastic population, 582 monks lived on the mountain in 1958. See Hou Wenzheng, Wutaishan zhi (Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 2003), 130–32. On Nenghai’s life at Wutaishan, see Tuttle, “Tibetan Buddhism at Ri bo rtse lnga,” 8–14; Wen Jinyu, “Wutaishan zangchuan fojiao yu minzu tuanjie,” Fayin 2 (2003): 22–27; Zhao Gaiping, “Nenghai fashi dui Wutaishan zangchuanfojiao fazhan de gongxian,” Xizang yanjiu 1 (2009): 59–70; and Zheng Jihuai, “Wutaishan shang de mifa chuanren: Nenghai fashi,” Wutaishan yanjiu 2 (1996): 24–27. Also see the accounts by some of his disciples in a collective work of memories published in 1997: Qingding, “Wushang dabao enshi Nenghai lao fashi de xingshi ji,” in Nenghai shangshi yonghuai lu, eds. Qingding, Longlian, Zhaotong et al. (Shanghai: Shanghai foxue shuju, 1997), 12; Ren Jie, “Haigong shangshi de chen qin wen lu,” in Nenghai shangshi yonghuai lu, 68–69; Zhaotong, “Suishi Haigong shangshi huiyilu,” in Nenghai shangshi yonghuai lu, 29–40; and Zhimin, “Haigong shangshi qinian si xingshi lu,” in Nenghai shangshi yonghuai lu, 42. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 257 7-10-2020 22:01:23 258 Bianchi figure 10.2 Common portrait of Nenghai. Photo by author. studying in Tibet.10 He first came to Mount Wutai in 1934, two years after returning from a four-year period of study in Lhasa. At the mountain, Nenghai stayed at the Chinese monastery Guangji Maopeng ᐖᛎૄᓒ (also known as Bishan si ጘ՞‫)ڝ‬, where he was appointed abbot in the summer of 1936. In the few years following his initial visit, he became acquainted with the jasagh lama (Ch. Zhasa lama ‫៳ؤ‬ໞቪ) Lozang Pasang (1882–1955), a Mongolian monk from Pusa ding ဆ៳ື. Nenghai created a secluded space for his disciples to practice Tantrism, and also devoted himself to the translation of Tibetan works into Chinese.11 In the early days of 1937, because of tensions that arose between his followers and the traditional Chinese monks in the Guangji Maopeng, 10 11 Nenghai first went to Kham in 1926–1927; he later went to Central Tibet and stayed in Drepung monastery between 1928–1932; he went back to Lhasa for the last time in 1940– 1941. Nenghai translated the Lam rim Nyamgur (Putidao cidi kesong ဆ༼ሐ‫ڻ‬รᓰ፽), the “Vajrabhairava sādhana of the Thirteen Deities” (Daweide shisanzun yigui Օ৖ᐚԼԿ༇ Ꮪ૩), and also began to study and translate with the jasagh lama the Abhisamayālaṃkāra (Xianzheng zhuangyan lun ෼ᢞ๗ᣤᓵ), one of the fundamental texts in the Gelukpa monastic curricula for geshés. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 258 7-10-2020 22:01:23 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai 259 Nenghai established his own tantric community of more than a hundred monks at Shancai dong ࿳ತ੐ (Sudhana’s Cave) with the support of the jasagh lama.12 Soon afterward, however, due to the Sino-Japanese war, he was forced to leave North China and was only able to come back to Mount Wutai sixteen years later. During this period of time, Nenghai stayed in Jinci si २ს‫ڝ‬, his first misheng jin’gang daochang യଊ८ଶሐ໱ (“tantric vajra bodhimaṇḍa”)—the name he gave to his monasteries. Nenghai founded the place of practice south of Chengdu in 1938 and planned to move back to Mount Wutai as soon as historical circumstances allowed.13 In 1952 Nenghai went back to live in Guangji Maopeng for a while and decided to take up permanent residence on Mount Wutai. The following year he returned to the mountain and founded the Jixiang si, the seventh and last jin’gang daochang where he retired during his last thirteen years of life [Fig. 10.3]. He declared that he had always desired to live on the mountain devoted to Mañjuśrī, his principal meditation deity (yidam). Governmental politics of the time, which required that Buddhist monasteries be economically independent, favoured this decision. Jixiang si was located near Qingliang Bridge, 2,440 m. high above sea level, on the south-western side of the Central Terrace.14 Nenghai changed its name into Qingliangqiao Jixianglü yuan 堚ළᖯ‫ٳ‬壁৳ೃ (Vinaya Temple Jixiang of Qingliang Bridge) and moved in together with the monks from the Jinci si and other followers. The place was surrounded by fields to grow vegetables and to feed livestock, and could thus assure the survival of the monastic community. In 1957 Nenghai, as abbot of Jixiang si, was elected President of the newly-founded Buddhist Association of Mount Wutai, and in 1958 the Buddhist review Xiandai foxue ෼‫ז‬۵ᖂ (Modern Buddhism) 12 13 14 On these early years at Mount Wutai, see Chenkong, “Wutaishan guangji maopeng zhi guoqu yu xianzai.” Haichaoyin 17, no.7 (1936 July): 79–82, Dingzhi, ed., Nenghai shangshi zhuan (Chengdu: Fangguang wenhua, 1995), 15, and Zhaotong, “Suishi Haigong shangshi huiyilu.”. On Jincisi, see Bianchi, “The ‘Chinese Lama’ Nenghai,” 316–22. Founded during the Northern Wei dynasty, Jixiang si became an important Buddhist site under the Tang. According to one tradition, this was the place where Mañjuśrī appeared as an elder man carrying a lamp to the Emperor Kangxi, who was said to be lost while he was wandering on the Central Terrace in search of his father, the former Emperor Shunzhi. It is for this reason, tradition holds, that Denglong Wenshu ᗉᦨ֮௘, a particular form of the bodhisattva wearing a beard and monastic robes and carrying a red lantern, is worshipped in the monastery. Apparently, the place was selected by Nenghai also because, at the end of the Ming dynasty, the vinaya master Sanmei Կਡ had established an ordination platform at this spot. See Hou, Wutaishan zhi, 92–93, and Wen Jinyu, “Nenghai fashi jielü sixiang yanjiu,” Foxue yanjiu (2003): 30. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 259 7-10-2020 22:01:23 260 Bianchi figure 10.3 Jixiangsi, near Qingliang Bridge. Photo by author. reported positively on the activities of his community. The following years constituted a relatively relaxed period in his life and career. Nenghai and his disciples, like other monastic communities in China, engaged both in productive activities and in religious studies and spiritual practice. In 1966, at the outbreak of the Cultural Revolution, the Jixiang si was subject to repeated attacks, Nenghai himself was tortured, and his young disciple Zhimin ཕඕ (1927–2017) was harassed and beaten until he lost the mobility of his legs.15 Finally, Nenghai passed away on January 1, 1967, one of the three monks who died on Mount Wutai during those years of turmoil.16 He was found dead in the Meditation Hall, with his body still sitting in the lotus 15 16 Zhimin, abbot of Duobao jiangsi ‫ڍ‬ᣪᝑ‫ ڝ‬in Zhejiang, encountered Nenghai in 1953 at the Shanghai Jin’gang daochang Ղ௧८ଶሐ໱ and resolved to enter the monastic order. The following year he moved to Mount Wutai, took novice vows under Qingding 堚ࡳ and full ordination with Nenghai. He spent the next thirteen years on the mountain. See Bianchi, “Sino-Tibetan Buddhism.” Five other individuals were reported to have committed suicide. During the Cultural Revolution, the majority of monks disrobed and went back to their place of origin. Only about sixty elderly people were allowed to continue to live on Mount Wutai. See Hou, Wutaishan zhi, 130–132. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 260 7-10-2020 22:01:24 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai 261 position, a phenomenon interpreted as a sign of spiritual realization in the Buddhist tradition.17 John Blofeld, who resided on Mount Wutai in 1935–36 and became intimate with Nenghai, observed that he was “attempting a compromise between Lamaism and Chinese Buddhism, incorporating the salient features of both.”18 In fact, as I have already discussed elsewhere,19 the teachings and practices Nenghai advocated reveal a combination of Chinese and Tibetan elements. This synthesis is the most distinctive character of his tradition. It is apparent in the architecture, furniture, iconography and religious objects displayed inside his monasteries, as well as the religious activities carried out by his monastic communities and the doctrines and practices he transmitted to them. Nenghai belonged to the doctrinal lineage of Khangsar Rinpoche, who had bestowed on him his dharma heritage at Drepung monastery in Lhasa before passing away in 1941 [Fig. 10.4].20 At the same time, however, Nenghai integrated this transmitted tradition with elements taken from Chinese Buddhism, “purely joining in one doctrine Tibetan and Chinese teachings.”21 Since the Chinese Buddhist elements belong almost entirely to open/exoteric (xian ᧩) teachings, while the Tibetan ones are mainly of tantric/esoteric (mi യ) nature, Nenghai’s tradition can be characterized both as a form of Sino-Tibetan Buddhism22 and as an example of the “perfect penetration of exoteric and esoteric teachings” 17 18 19 20 21 22 On the night of December 31, 1966, Nenghai reached the Meditation Hall and, after dismissing a disciple with a premonitory sentence, he began meditating. The next morning, January 1, 1967, the religious community found him dead, his body still sitting in the lotus position. Interesting enough, in 2004 Jikmé Püntsok also passed away while sitting in meditation. See Suodaji kanbu, Fawang Jinmei Pengcuo zhuan (Sertar: Larong Wuming foxueyuan, 2001), 229. John Blofeld, The Wheel of Life: The Autobiography of a Western Buddhist (Boston: Shambala Dragon Editions, 1988), 136. The present discussion on the combination of Sino-Tibetan or exoteric-esoteric elements in Nenghai’s teachings follows closely my former study: Bianchi, “Sino-Tibetan Buddhism.” On Khangsar (1890–1941) see Bianchi, “The ‘Chinese Lama’ Nenghai,” 297–302. Nenghai took back Khangsar’s relics from Lhasa; they are presently enshrined in a stūpa at Jixiang si. These are the words of nun Longlian ၼᓊ, quoted in Bianchi, “The ‘Chinese Lama’ Nenghai,” 296. While Nenghai’s teachings related to the Highest Yogatantras refer almost exclusively to Tibetan Vajrayāna, in his exoteric doctrines and lower tantras Chinese and Tibetan aspects are often intertwined. The category of “Sino-Tibetan Buddhism” for the modern time was established by Monica Esposito, “rDzogs Chen in China. From Chan to ‘Tibetan Tantrism’ in Fahai Lama’s (1920–1991) Footsteps,” in Images of Tibet in the 19th and 20th Centuries, ed. M. Esposito (Paris: École française d’Extrême-Orient, 2 vols., 2008), 472. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 261 7-10-2020 22:01:24 262 Bianchi figure 10.4 Relic stūpa of Nenghai’s Tibetan master Khangsar. Photo by author. (xianmi yuantong ᧩യႽຏ), a well-established category of late imperial Chinese Buddhism.23 23 Nenghai justified the union of exoteric and esoteric teachings on the basis of Tsongkhapa’s lamrim perspective of a gradual path to bodhi. It should be noticed, however, that this kind of combination can be dated back at least to 11th century China, as testified by the “Collection of Essentials for Realization of Buddhahood in perfect penetration of the Exoteric and the Esoteric teachings” (Xianmi yuantong chengfo xinyao ji ᧩യႽຏ‫ګ‬۵֨ʳ ૞ႃ, T.1955, 46) by Liao dynasty monk Daochen ሐ弤 (11th-12th century). “This work, according to its preface composed probably sometime in the 1080s, is a concerted effort 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 262 7-10-2020 22:01:24 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai 263 After the Cultural Revolution, Nenghai’s tradition—characterized by this twofold combination of Chinese and Tibetan, xian and mi—soon re-emerged in Sichuan, Zhejiang and on Mount Wutai. Nenghai’s relics are preserved in a stūpa which was built between 1979 and 1981 along the path leading to Dailuo ding ឝᝅື.24 The construction was sponsored by the Buddhist Association of China and the Chinese characters on the nearby stele were written by the Association’s President Zhao Puchu ᎓ᖦॣ (1907–2000) [Fig. 10.5].25 It reads: He held to the teachings of Mañjuśrī and took his monk staff to the Clear and Cold mountains. He spread sūtras and tantras and far and wide revered the dharma king. His discipline was painstakingly pristine, his knowledge sharp as the vajra. A messenger of peace, he was a light for the Buddha school. Among the lofty Five Peaks, and within the flourishing 24 25 to synthesize the doctrines of Huayan Buddhism, which its author characterizes as the acme of the Buddha’s exoteric or manifest teachings (xianjiao ᧩ඒ), and the practices and assumptions of the occult Buddhist traditions (mijiao യඒ, i.e., Tantrism, esoterism, etc.)” (Robert M. Gimello, “Icon & Incantation: The Goddess Zhunti and the Role of Images in the Occult Buddhism of China,” in Images in Asian Religions: Text and Contexts, eds. Phyllis Granoff and Koichi Shinohara, Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2004, 234–5). Also see Robert Gimello, “Wu-t’ai Shan during the Early Chin Dynasty: The Testimony of Chu Pien,” Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal 7 (1994), 507–8 and 558–9, n. 16; Charles D. Orzech “Looking for Bhairava: Exploring the Circulation of Esoteric Texts Produced by the Song Institute for Canonical Translation,” Pacific World: Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies (Third Series) 8 (2006): 148 and 162–3, n. 38; and Henrik H Sørensen, “Esoteric Buddhism under the Liao,” in Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, eds. Charles D. Orzech, Henrik H. Sørensen, and Richard K. Payne (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 457. For the debates about xian and mi during the Republican period, see Mei Jingxuan, “Minguo zaoqi xian mi fojiao chongtu de tantao,” Chung-Hwa Buddhist Studies 3 (1999): 251–70, and Luo Tongbing, “The Reformist Monk Taixu and the Controversy About Exoteric and Esoteric Buddhism in Republican China,” in Images of Tibet in the 19th and 20th Centuries, 433–71. After the Cultural Revolution, Nenghai was immediately regarded as one of the most prominent masters of the Republican period. He was appreciated for his contribution to the revival of Tantrism, for bridging Tibetan and Chinese Buddhism, and for his patriotism. See for instance Wen, “Wutaishan zangchuan fojiao,” Yu Guanghui, “Lun Nenghai fashi dui Chengdu zangchuan fojiao fazhan de gongxian,” Zhongguo zangxue 2 (2013): 156–61; Zhao, “Nenghai fashi dui Wutaishan,” and Zheng, “Wutaishan shang de mifa.” Nenghai’s life was also narrated in a documentary film entitled: Dangdai Xuanzang Nenghai shangshi ᅝ‫خז‬୛౨௧Ղஃ (“Lama Nenghai, a Modern Xuanzang ‫خ‬୛”). “ࢭ֮௘ඒΔ஡ᙔ堚ළΔ᧩യᠨ‫ؖ‬Δ᎟ᙅऄ‫׆‬Ζ৳ᐌ٧ᑥΔཕՍ८ଶΔ‫ؓࡉ܂‬ ࠌΔ੡ᤩࡲ٠Ζնື᥇᥇ΔԿ୼፧፧Δ⣊ჃശࢂΔᐚଃྤᡲ” (quoted in Longlian, “Nenghai fashi nianpu,” in Sichuan wenshi ziliao xuanji 39 [Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1985], 85). 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 263 7-10-2020 22:01:24 264 Bianchi figure 10.5 Relic stūpa of Nenghai, and Zhao Puchu stele inscription. Photo by author. Three Emei, in hidden stūpas on lofty mountains, may his virtue resound boundless. Nenghai’s heirs, most of whom chose to live on the sacred mountain devoted to Mañjuśrī, do not consider themselves representatives either of the Tibetan Gelukpa school or of Chinese Buddhism. Instead, they derive their identity from the “doctrinal lineage of lama Nenghai” (Nenghai shangshi chuancheng ౨௧Ղஃႚࢭ), and thus position themselves at an equal distance between Chinese Buddhists and Tibetan Buddhists [Fig. 10.6]. 2 Nenghai’s legacy on Mount Wutai Nenghai’s passage on Mount Wutai has left an indelible mark. He is still revered in a number of stūpas and monasteries, which are headed by different 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 264 7-10-2020 22:01:24 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai 265 figure 10.6 Nenghai’s lineage on Mount Wutai: Nenghai, Khangsar and Qinghai. Photo by author. abbots and are independent from one another both in administration and, to some extent, also in practice. Nevertheless, a substantial traditional identity unifies these sites and communities. In each of them, Han Chinese monks dressed in yellow robes follow the particular liturgy created by Nenghai: they chant Tibetan texts translated into Chinese, engage in Tibetan meditation practices and rituals, and at the same time abide by typical Chinese Buddhist habits and rules. Among these places, the two main sites are located at the very core of Taihuai ‫؀‬ᡖ. Tayuan si Ⴣೃ‫[ ڝ‬Fig. 10.7], with more than seventy monks, hosts the biggest of Nenghai’s monastic communities on the mountain. It was previously one of the “ten major black/Chinese monasteries” (shi da qingmiao ԼՕ ॹᐔ) and nowadays, though the resident community practices a form of SinoTibetan Buddhism, it continues to attract pilgrims of all Buddhist traditions. Yuanzhao si Ⴝᅃ‫[ ڝ‬Fig. 10.8], on the other hand, is home to more than forty monks and has been associated with the Gelukpa tradition for over five hundred years.26 The nearby Guangzong si ᐖࡲ‫ ڝ‬houses the relics of Fazun ऄ༇ 26 Tuttle, “Tibetan Buddhism at Ri bo rtse lnga,” 16–8. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 265 7-10-2020 22:01:25 266 Bianchi figure 10.7 Sino-Tibetan, Tibetan and Chinese pilgrims at Tayuan si. Photo by author. figure 10.8 Nenghai’s memorial hall (Yuanzhao si). Photo by author. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 266 7-10-2020 22:01:25 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai 267 figure 10.9 Stūpa of Fazun (Guangzong si). Photo by author. (1902–1980), another fundamental figure in the dissemination of Tibetan teachings in China [Fig. 10.9]. The residing community of a dozen of monks nevertheless follows Nenghai’s liturgy.27 The other monasteries in Nenghai’s lineage located in the neighbourhood of Taihuai include Santa si ԿჃ‫ڝ‬, which is home to ten Chinese monks and two Tibetan lamas,28 Jifu si ႃ壂‫( ڝ‬also known as Wulang miao ն૴ᐔ), where approximately twenty-five nuns practice Sino-Tibetan Buddhism,29 and 27 28 29 The stūpa was erected in 1980, soon after Fazun’s death. On Fazun, see Brenton Sullivan, “Blood and Teardrops: the Life and Travels of Venerable Fazun (1901–1980),” in Buddhists: Understanding Buddhism Through the Lives of Practitioners, ed. Todd Lewis (Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2014), 296–304, and “Venerable Fazun at the Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Studies Institute (1932–1950) and Tibetan Geluk Buddhism in China,” Indian International Journal of Buddhist Studies 9 (2008): 199–241, and Françoise Wang-Toutain, “Quand les maîtres chinois s’éveillent au bouddhisme tibétain. Fazun: le Xuanzang des temps modernes,” Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient 87, no. 2 (2000): 707–27, and, with reference to Wutaishan, Tuttle, “Tibetan Buddhism at Ri bo rtse lnga,” 6–8. In July 2015, abbot Puxin ཏॾ was collecting funds in order to restore and enlarge the monastic buildings (Yuandao ᣋሐ, personal communication, 25 July 2015). The remaining thirty-five nuns in residence are affiliated with Pure Land Buddhism. Abbess Xianrui ᧩ᅗ was a disciple of Qinghai 堚௧. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 267 7-10-2020 22:01:25 268 Bianchi figure 10.10 Sino-Tibetan-Indian architecture at Dabao si. Photo by author. the newly-built Wenshu dong ֮௘੐, currently inhabited by ten monks.30 Finally, (Nenghai) Shangshi ta si (౨௧) ՂஃჃ‫( ڝ‬commonly known as Jinjie si ८੺‫ )ڝ‬is at present under restoration and does not have an organized monastic community yet. Given that its buildings enshrine one of Nenghai’s stūpas, it seems destined to grow into a major site.31 As for the monasteries spread throughout the surrounding areas, the Dabao si Օᣪ‫ ڝ‬deserves special mention here. Located to the south of Mount Wutai National Park’s boundaries, its Sino-Tibetan-Indian architecture immediately reveals the monastery’s uniqueness [Fig. 10.10].32 The Daobao si hosts 30 31 32 Abbot Puxing ཏᘋ was a disciple of Jidu ഭ৫. Abbot Zhiming ཕࣔ, a disciple of Qingding, is the sole residing monk and is taking charge of the work to enlarge and restore the site (Zhiming, personal communication, 26 July 2015). The place was established by Zhaojian ᅃߠ, previously guest prefect (zhike वড়) of Tayuan si and disciple of Jidu. In 2006 he built the retreat huts on the upper slope of the nearby mountain; in 2009 he added the main Dharma hall; finally, in 2010, the construction of the big stūpa began. It is modelled on Bodhgaya’s stūpa, as it was the wish of Nenghai, who, after his pilgrimage to India, had himself a 10 m. high stūpa built in Mianzhu, Sichuan (Pujing ཏ෣, personal communication, 26 July 2015). On similar copies in Beijing and Inner Mongolia, see Isabelle Charleux, “Copies de Bodhgayā en Asie orientale: 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 268 7-10-2020 22:01:26 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai 269 sixty-three monastics, including fourteen nuns and ten Tibetan Gelukpa lamas; the latter take part in everyday common activities but practice separately according to their own Tibetan liturgies. Jixiang si was Nenghai’s last residence and remains a place where his relics are worshipped; as such it is a favourite pilgrimage spot despite its remote location near Qingliang Bridge. For at least a decade, the monastery has been in the process of being restored. It is presently home to thirteen monks and a nun who practice a rather simple form of Tibetan Buddhism compared to that of the other Sino-Tibetan monasteries.33 Finally, located on Mount Wutai Central Terrace is Yanjiao si ዝඒ‫ڝ‬, a subsidiary monastery of Yuanzhao si. At this monastery, daily religious practice is conducted autonomously by the five residing monks, who need only go to the main monastery in Taihuai for the bimonthly recitation of the precepts and for other important religious events.34 Further evidence of the strength of Nenghai’s legacy comes in two forms. First, in Summer 2015 at least four other Sino-Tibetan monasteries were under construction: Jingshui si ෣ֽ‫( ڝ‬a nunnery already inhabited by a dozen of nuns), Yuhua si ‫د‬ဎ‫ڝ‬, Hanshan si ༃՞‫ڝ‬, and Lianhua si ᓊक़‫ڝ‬. Second, Nenghai’s tradition on the mountain is also evident in the growing number of stūpas, built in Tibetan style and destined to enshrine relics and bones of outstanding Han Chinese monastics. Besides the already mentioned relic stūpa of Nenghai located along the path of the “short pilgrimage route” leading to Dailuo ding, another stūpa at Jixiang si enshrines the cleric’s ashes and bones [Fig. 10.11].35 Following its 33 34 35 Les stupas de type Wuta à Pékin et Kökeqota (Mongolie-Intérieure),” Arts Asiatiques (L’autre en regard, Volume en hommage à Madame Michèle Pirazzoli-t’Serstevens) 61 (2006): 120–142; on small-scale models in Tibet, see Charles E.A.W. Oldham, “Some Remarks on the Models of the Bodh Gaya Temple Found at Nar-thang,” Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 23 (1937): 418–28. My thanks to Wen-shing Chou for sharing this information with me. The Jixiang si abbot is Fangseng ֱቖ, who inherited this position from Rengang ոଶ (see below, note 35). Practice at Jixiang si does not include Highest Yogatantras (Cunjin ‫ژ‬ வ, personal communication, 27 July 2015) and is thus very similar to that of the Tiexiang si (see Ester Bianchi, The Iron Statue Monastery. “Tiexiangsi”, a Buddhist Nunnery of Tibetan Tradition in Contemporary China (Firenze: Leo S. Olschki, 2001), 121–165). Jimin ഭऔ (personal communication, 27 July 2015). In July 2015, the monastic establishment was being consistently enlarged. Nenghai was cremated by his disciple Rengang. A member of the CCP, Rengang was granted permission by the local government, in spite of the fact that this occurred during the Cultural Revolution. Rengang kept relics (sheli ॐ‫)ܓ‬, ashes and bones, at his place throughout the ten-year turmoil. In 1979 the Buddhist Association of China made the decision to enshrine Nenghai’s relics together with some other precious personal 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 269 7-10-2020 22:01:26 270 Bianchi figure 10.11 Stūpa of Nenghai’s bones and ashes at Jixiang si. Photo by author. establishment, the former stūpa was later enlarged and became the monastic establishment called Shangshi tayuan (“Stūpa complex of lama Nenghai”). The monastery also includes stūpas for Qingding 堚ࡳ (1903–1999)36 and Qinghai 堚௧ (1923–1991). The principal stūpa of Qinghai, however, was built in 1992 at Qingliang qiao; in the same area, inside and around Jixiang si, there are the stūpas of Qingding, Chengfo ‫ګ‬۵ (1908–1991), Rengang ոଶ (?–1998) and Jidu ഭ৫ (1910–2004), as well as Khangsar lama’s relic stūpa.37 Other stūpas of Nenghai direct disciples are located next to Santa si. There are the two stūpas of Qingfo ᓮ۵ (1915–2003) and Jidu, and those of Ren Jie ٚ ໃ (Changhao ൄ௯, 1920–2011), Longhui ၼᐝ (1932–2013), Chengfo and Guohu 36 37 belongings (e.g. the silver buttons of his military jacket) in a stūpa leading to Dailuo ding. Many of Nenghai’s disciples, such as Qingfo ᓮ۵, Longlian, Jidu, Qinghai and the same Rengang, participated at the construction project. Nenghai’s bones and ashes were later enshrined in Jixiang si’s stūpa (Zhiming, personal communication, 26 July 2015). Qingding (1902–1999), who became his disciple in 1942, was appointed by Nenghai abbot of the Shanghai Jin’gang daochang in order to spread tantric teachings in South-East China. He was arrested in 1955 as a former member of the nationalist army. After his rehabilitation, he took up abbotship at Chengdu Zhaojuesi ਟᤚ‫ڝ‬, which he reorganized as a place of “tantric and pure land joint practice” (mijing shuangxiu യ෣ᠨଥ), thus introducing Nenghai’s tradition in a prominent Chinese monastery of the area. See Qingding, Qingding shangshi kaishi lu. Qingding shangshi jianjie. Nenghai shangshi jianjie. Kangsaba renboqing xingji chugao (Chengdu: Zhaojuesi, 1999). On the stūpas built in the 1990s, see Tuttle, “Tibetan Buddhism at Ri bo rtse lnga,” 20–1. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 270 7-10-2020 22:01:26 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai 271 ࣠ᥨ (1928–2011) [Fig. 10.12]. A more recent and noteworthy case is the stūpa of Longlian (1909–2006), the only nun among Nenghai’s principle disciples [Fig. 10.13]; when she passed away her relics were divided into four equal parts and one portion was sent to Mount Wutai.38 Finally, Renxiang ո壁, who was a disciple both of Nenghai and Qingding, found his place next to his two masters’ stūpas. These stūpas testify of the close ties of many of Nenghai’s direct disciples with Mount Wutai.39 Among them, Qinghai and Jidu are the most revered figures, since they inherited the master’s influence and position on the mountain.40 As abbots of Yuanzhao si and Tayuan si respectively, they were responsible for reviving Sino-Tibetan Buddhism on the mountain and possibly, even if indirectly, also Tibetan Buddhism.41 Consequently, with the sole exception of the Jixiang si and Shangshita yuan, which tend to be autonomous and “bipartisan” due to their relevance as places for the worship of Nenghai’s relics, all other Sino-Tibetan communities identify themselves either with the lineage of Qinghai or with that of Jidu, which differ from one another in certain doctrinal aspects and for some tantric practices.42 38 39 40 41 42 Longlian, former abbess of Tiexiang si ᥳቝ‫( ڝ‬Sichuan) and commonly addressed as “the most outstanding nun of the modern era,” resided on Mount Wutai in 1957–58 and again in 1959, studying and practicing with Nenghai for several months. On Longlian’s stays on Mount Wutai, see Qiu Shanshan “Longlian fashi yu Wutaishan,” Wutaishan 7 (2006): 19–23; On Longlian, see Ester Bianchi, “Subtle Erudition and Compassionate Devotion: Longlian (1909–2006), the ‘Most Outstanding Bhikṣuṇī’ in Modern China,” in Making Saints in Modern China, eds. David Ownby, Vincent Goossaert and Ji Zhe, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017), 272–311, and Qiu Shanshan, Dangdai di yi biqiuni: Longlian fashi zhuan (Fuzhou: Fujian meishu chubanshe, 1997). Among Nenghai’s direct disciples I shall also mention Dinghui ࡳᐝ, Jingtian ᙩ֚, Wanfa ᆄऄ, Yongci ‫ة‬ს, Xingfa ᘋऄ, Zhaotong ᅃຏ, Liu Mingyuan Ꮵࣔෘ (Tongyi ຏԫ), and Zhenyi ૣრ. On Nenghai’s principle disciples, see Liu Mingyuan, Nenghai shangshi ji qi dizi shengping shiji huiji (Taiyuan: Shanxi Taiyuan sanbao dizi yin, 2012); significantly, this book, focused on the Qingfo and Jidu lineage branch, does not include Qinghai’s biography. On Qinghai, see Tuttle, “Tibetan Buddhism at Ri bo rtse lnga,” 14–8, and Zhao, “Nenghai fashi dui Wutaishan,” 68–9. On Jidu, see especially Liu, Nenghai shangshi ji qi dizi, 34–45. This is, for instance, Gray Tuttle’s opinion of Qinghai’s deeds and endeavours (see Tuttle, “Tibetan Buddhism at Ri bo rtse lnga”). Among the main differences, it should be noticed that the “Vairocana sādhana” (Pilu yigui ੆ᗝᏚ૩), which was transmitted to Nenghai in 1946 by a Mongolian lama, was inherited only by Qinghai, and is thus practiced exclusively in those monasteries that connect themselves with his lineage branch (Haixin ௧ॾ, personal communication, 28 July 2015). 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 271 7-10-2020 22:01:26 272 Bianchi figure 10.12 Stūpas of Ren Jie, Longhui, Chengfo and Guohu (near Santa si). Photo by author. Qinghai [Fig. 10.14] lived with Nenghai for twenty-seven years, first at the Jinci si and later on Mount Wutai. In 1978, as soon as it was permitted,43 he went back to the mountain, settled in Guangzong si and decided to convert it into a Sino-Tibetan Buddhist monastery. In 1984 he moved to the neighbouring Yuanzhao si, which soon became a major hub of Nenghai’s tradition. Jidu [Fig. 10.15] was also among those disciples that followed Nenghai from Jinci si to Mount Wutai. He came back to the mountain in 1978 as well, resided in Bishan si for a couple of years and, in 1981, was appointed abbot of Tayuan si, thus introducing Sino-Tibetan Buddhism to this Chinese site. 43 In the early 1980s, after the promulgation of the new policy on freedom of religious belief and the official reopening of the Mount Wutai Buddhist Association, those monks who had been previously turned out were invited to come back to live on the mountain. New young monks were also recruited. By 1984, 94 monks positively responded to the call to return to Mount Wutai and 75 young monks were ordained between 1981 and 1988. Over the last decades the monastic population has been on the rise (to my knowledge, no official census of the Mount Wutai monastic population is available). At least a quarter of the monks practice Tibetan or Sino-Tibetan Buddhism and most of them are Mongolian or Han Chinese, though over the last years there has been an exponential growth of Tibetans. See Hou, Wutaishan zhi, 132–3, and Tuttle, “Tibetan Buddhism at Ri bo rtse lnga,” 4–5. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 272 7-10-2020 22:01:26 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai figure 10.13 273 Stūpa of Longlian (near Bishan si). Photo by author. Presently, among the Sino-Tibetan Buddhist communities on Mount Wutai one finds monks belonging to the second and third generation of Nenghai’s disciples. The most prominent masters include abbot Haixin ௧ॾ from Yuanzhao si, who was disciple of Qinghai, and Fangseng ֱቖ, the abbot of Jixiang si who resides in Yuanzhao si. Fangseng was a disciple of both Qinghai and 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 273 7-10-2020 22:01:26 274 Bianchi figure 10.14 Worship of Qinghai (Yanjiao si). Photo by author. Rengang.44 Abbot Rukong ‫ ़ڕ‬and tulku Zhaohui ᅃᐝ45 from Tayuan si were two principle disciples of Jidu and abbot Zhaojian ᅃߠ of Dabao si was also a disciple of Jidu. Abbot Zhiming ཕࣔ of Shangshita si, who presides over Nenghai’s relics, on the other hand, connected himself with Qingding and Renxiang. While some of these masters still preserve Nenghai’s tradition unchanged, others have established direct connections with contemporary Tibetan tulkus and lamas and are reviving Nenghai’s tradition through new relationships.46 A prominent case is Zhaojian. Before Jidu’s complete transmission was bestowed upon him in 2004, in 2001 he received the “title of lama” (shangshiwei 44 45 46 Fangseng inherited Jixiangsi’s abbotship from Rengang but continues to live at Yuanzhaosi where he has the title of guest prefect (zhike). Zhaohui, who met Nenghai in Jinci si when he was a child, usually stays in a private residence (jingshe 壄ॐ) in Shenzhen, but he often comes back to Tayuan si, where he has formal residence. As the senior master, he is responsible for transmitting teachings and bestowing initiations in the monastery (Rukong, personal communication, 25 July 2015). In most cases these second generation masters have received formal permission to give initiation into Highest Yogatantras by first generation disciples of Nenghai, such as Jidu or Qinghai, who conferred to them all the tantric transmissions they had received themselves from Nenghai. But in other cases, second and third generation masters have been bestowed the lama position by Tibetan masters; this implies that they are revitalizing Nenghai’s tantric tradition through new lineages and transmissions. Initiations in Nenghai’s communities are individual (master to disciple), no mass initiation is reported, whereas dharma transmission is usually conducted on a communal basis (Pujing, personal communication, 26 July 2015). 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 274 7-10-2020 22:01:27 275 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai figure 10.15 Worship of Jidu (Dabao si). Photo by author. Ղஃ‫ )ۯ‬from tulku Daji Օ‫( ٳ‬1923 –), abbot of the Namo তྤ monastery in Kangding. Daji’s previous incarnation was a co-disciple of Nenghai.47 In addition, Zhaojian often sends his own disciples to Kangding for periods of study and practice. Yuanzhao si monks Haixin, Fangseng, Xinli ֨‫ ܓ‬and Haiqin ௧Ⴇ also received the “title of lama” from Daji. Accordingly, Daji went several times to Yuanzhao si and in 2011 also to Dabao si in order to bestow initiations upon the residing community members and to transmit teachings to them. The first lineage master to establish this kind of exchanges with tulku Daji has been Zhimin—the last of Nenghai’s first generation disciples who passed away in 47 The former tulku Daji had taught Tibetan language to Nenghai when he first went to Kangding during the 1920s. Later, when Nenghai came back from Lhasa in 1932, he met the new incarnation (present-day tulku Daji). 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 275 7-10-2020 22:01:27 276 Bianchi figure 10.16 Dharma hall for chanting services (Jixiang si). Photo by author. figure 10.17 Heart mantra of Mañjuśrī in Chinese script. Photo by author. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 276 7-10-2020 22:01:27 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai 277 2017. From the Duobaojiang si in Zhejiang, Zhimin’s disciples are encouraged to undertake periods of study both in Kangding Namosi and on Mount Wutai.48 Nenghai’s original communities were characterized by the amalgamation of Chinese and Tibetan elements. Describing this synthesis John Blofeld writes, symbolically, [Nenghai] wore robes of Lamaistic yellow-ochre cut in Chinese fashion with butterfly-wing sleeves. His monastery … was outwardly like any other important Chinese monastery, but included a subsidiary Great Hall where initiates practised the higher branches of Vajrayāna meditation and rites.49 Though written about Nenghai’s first community, this description would apply equally well to contemporary Sino-Tibetan monasteries on Mount Wutai. Their halls, statues, images, and other religious objects reveal a similar mixture of Chinese and Tibetan styles [Fig. 10.16]. So too does the religious life at these places of practice. While the organization of activities is mainly based on the Chinese Buddhist monastic regulations, the liturgies, rituals and meditation suggest strong Tibetan influences [Fig. 10.17]. Monks also continue to dress in yellow ochre gowns, a distinctive feature of the Sino-Tibetan tradition said to represent Yellow Mañjuśrī, the principal yidam of Nenghai’s communities [Fig. 10.18].50 John Blofeld also discussed the differences he observed between Tibetan Buddhist monasteries such as the Pusa ding and Nenghai’s community in terms of discipline. He wrote that at Nenghai’s community “the food was strictly vegetarian, the sleeping rooms as simple as could be, the taking of wine, even for visitors, strictly forbidden.”51 The creation of a hall exclusively devoted to Vinaya studies (Xuejietang ᖂ‫ݹ‬ഘ) in the Jinci si attests to Nenghai’s focus on monastic discipline, as does his choice to rename Jixiang si a “Vinaya temple” (lüyuan ৳ೃ). In fact, Nenghai committed himself and his disciples to strict observance of the disciplinary rules. As a consequence, members of his 48 49 50 51 See above, note 15. Blofeld, The Wheel of Life, 136. This colour was uncommon not only in China but, for full robes, also in Tibet. According to a different explanation, this choice was meant to imitate the saffron yellow dress of Theravāda monks. Moreover, like Blofeld, other disciples suggested to me that yellow is the colour of Gelukpa monks’ ceremonial hats and of part of their garments. In any case, yellow was chosen by Nenghai in order to distinguish his own tradition both from Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism and it became his most distinctive feature. In contemporary times, however, it is not uncommon that monks belonging to Chinese mainstream Buddhism also wear these garments (Rukong, personal communication, 25 July 2015). Blofeld, The Wheel of Life, 139. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 277 7-10-2020 22:01:27 278 Bianchi figure 10.18 Evening service in Wenshu dong. Photo by author. monastic communities on the mountain continue to emphasize compliance with the Vinaya requirements.52 3 Conclusions Nowadays Mount Wutai Buddhist sites can be divided into three specific Buddhist traditions. In Taihuai, at the core of the mountain, one not only finds the main monasteries of the Chinese and Tibetan traditions (namely, Xiantong si ᧩ຏ‫ ڝ‬and Pusa ding), but also the centres of Sino-Tibetan Buddhism (Yuanzhao si and Tayuan si). Similarly, the path of the “short pilgrimage” 52 Nenghai explained this on the basis of the importance held by monastic discipline in Tsongkhapa’s tradition; interestingly enough, he preferred to refer to the Vinaya texts of the Dharmaguptaka (Sifenlü ؄։৳, T 1428, 22), i.e. the version followed in China, rather than to those of the Mulasarvastivadin, which are followed by Tibetan Buddhists. On the role of monastic discipline in Nenghai, see Ester Bianchi, “Yi jie wei shi ‫ݹא‬੡ஃ: theory and practice of monastic discipline in modern and contemporary Chinese Buddhism,” Studies in Chinese Religions and Wen, “Nenghai fashi jielü.” On Vinaya in Tsongkhapa’s works and personal life, see Wang-Toutain, “Quand les maîtres chinois,” 723. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 278 7-10-2020 22:01:27 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai 279 (xiaochaotai ՛ཛ‫ )؀‬moves from the Cave of Sudhana, a favourite worship place for Tibetan Buddhists,53 passes by the stūpa of lama Nenghai and ends in the purely Chinese Dailuo ding monastery. The three traditions are equally represented in the immediate vicinity of Taihuai and scattered on the surrounding peaks. The diversity of this landscape seems to mirror Mount Wutai throughout the centuries. What is new, today, is the presence of communities devoted to practicing Sino-Tibetan Buddhism, a legacy of Nenghai and Fazun. It is likely that reasons of a political nature may account at least in part for the recent growth in number and importance of these sites, which in fact provide a ‘neutral’ meeting ground between Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism. This can be inferred, for instance, from the description of Nenghai as “emissary for the cultural exchanges between Tibetan and Chinese Buddhism” that appears in the biographical notes placed in front of his relic stūpa. Yet political concerns are not, in my opinion, the most important factor here. The acceptance of Nenghai’s communities by both Chinese and Tibetan local monasteries and—according to interviews I have conducted during fieldwork in the summer of 2006–by pilgrims of all traditions and ethnicities clearly shows that at the beginning of the 21st century the presence of Sino-Tibetan Buddhism on Mount Wutai has achieved historical legitimacy. The shared devotion toward Mañjuśrī is deemed sufficient as a unifying framework. [Fig. 10.19] The long and fascinating history of visions of Mañjuśrī on the mountain has involved monks and lay people from every place of origin. A well known example in modern times concerns Chinese chan master Xuyun ဠႆ (1840– 1959).54 A more recent case is that of Tibetan rinpoche Jikmé Püntsok, founder of the Larung gar Five Sciences Buddhist Academy, who went on pilgrimage to Mount Wutai in 1987 after he had a vision of Mañjuśrī recommending that he visit the mountain.55 Not surprisingly, miracles and visions connected with 53 54 55 Sudhana cave (Shancai dong) dates back to the Qing dynasty, when it was established as an exclusively Tibetan holy place (before the 20th century, no Chinese gazetteers refer to it). As seen above, Nenghai established his community here for a short while in 1937. After the Cultural Revolution, Jikmé Püntsok experienced visions in this place, thus revitalizing its Tibetan identity. Even if Chinese Buddhist monks currently administer Sudhana cave, Upper Sudhana cave continues to be a favorite site for Tibetan pilgrims. See Chou Wenshing, “A Visionary Pilgrimage in Post–Cultural Revolution China” (unpublished). For the pilgrimage of Xuyun to Mount Wutai, see Daniela Campo, La construction de la sainteté dans la Chine moderne: la vie du maître bouddhiste Xuyun (env. 1864–1959) (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2013), 95–101. Once on Mount Wutai, Jikmé Püntsok experienced other visions, miracles and extraordinary events. See Germano, “Re-membering the Dismembered Body of Tibet: The Contemporary Tibetan Visionary Movements in the PRC,” in Buddhism in Contemporary 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 279 7-10-2020 22:01:28 280 Bianchi figure 10.19 Worshipping Mañjuśrī in Yanjiao si (Central Terrace). Photo by author. Mañjuśrī are also to be found in the Sino-Tibetan Buddhist tradition. The bodhisattva is reported to have appeared to Nenghai himself many times. For instance, Mañjuśrī welcomed Nenghai when he first arrived at Mount Wutai disguised as an old man.56 On another occasion, the vision came during meditation, giving his imprimatur to Nenghai’s Wuzi zhenyan ն‫ڗ‬టߢ, a work 56 Tibet: Religious Revival and Cultural Identity, eds. Melvin Goldstein and Matthew Kapstein (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 84–7. Haixin (personal communication, 28 July 2015). 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 280 7-10-2020 22:01:28 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai 281 figure 10.20 Worship of Yellow Mañjuśrī (Wenshu dong). Photo by author. which is indeed dedicated to Mañjuśrī and has become the basis of practice for the cleric’s disciples.57 Another relevant case is that of nun Longlian: according 57 Wuzi zhenyan is a comprehensive work including lower tantric practices and various exoteric topics, translations from the Tibetan and explanatory passages, the latter of which are in some cases clearly influenced by the Chinese Buddhist tradition. Nenghai conceived of the text as the basis for the Yamāntaka-Vajrabhairava tantric practice. The yidam of the text is Arapacana-Mañjuśrī, whose name recalls the five-syllable mantra mentioned in the title. The tantric practice within the Wuzi zhenyan is a translation into Chinese of a Yogatantra sādhana. See Bianchi, The Iron Statue Monastery, 132–5. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 281 7-10-2020 22:01:28 282 Bianchi to her own recollection, Mañjuśrī the Youth manifested himself in front of her when she first arrived at Mount Wutai in 1957.58 For many centuries Mount Wutai has been a destination for pilgrims coming from every part of Buddhist Asia with the hope of having a face-to-face encounter with Mañjuśrī, who is said to appear before the most sincere and faithful [Fig. 10.20]. The passage of time does not seem to have affected the glory and the attractiveness of the mountain. Nenghai and Longlian are but two among many masters of the same lineage reported to have had the privilege of an encounter with the bodhisattva. To Buddhist believers this seems to be sufficient to fully justify the presence of Sino-Tibetan Buddhism on the sacred mountain. References Berger, Patricia. Empire of Emptiness. Buddhist Art and Political Authority in Qing China. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2003. Bianchi, Ester. “Sino-Tibetan Buddhism: Continuities and Discontinuities. The Case of Nenghai ౨௧’s Legacy in the Contemporary Era.” In Chinese and Tibetan Esoteric Buddhism, edited by Yael Bentor and Mair Shahar, 300–318. Leiden: Brill, 2017. Bianchi, Ester. “Subtle Erudition and Compassionate Devotion: Longlian (1909–2006), the ‘Most Outstanding Bhikṣuṇī’ in Modern China.” In Making Saints in Modern China, edited by David Ownby, Vincent Goossaert and Ji Zhe, 272–311. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017. Bianchi, Ester. “The ‘Chinese Lama’ Nenghai (1886–1967). Doctrinal Tradition and Teaching Strategies of a Gelukpa Master in Republican China.” In Buddhism Between Tibet and China, edited by Mattew Kapstein, 294–346. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2009. Bianchi, Ester. “The Tantric Rebirth Movement in Modern China. Esoteric Buddhism re-vivified by the Japanese and Tibetan Traditions.” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungarica 57, no. 1 (2004): 31–54. Bianchi, Ester. The Iron Statue Monastery. “Tiexiangsi”, a Buddhist Nunnery of Tibetan Tradition in Contemporary China. Firenze: Leo S. Olschki, 2001. 58 Longlian also experienced other miracles on the mountain. For instance, she devoted herself to the study, recitation and practice of the Prajñāpāramitā until one night she saw the sacred book emitting bright rays of light. See Bianchi, “Subtle Erudition and Compassionate Devotion,” 306. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 282 7-10-2020 22:01:28 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai 283 Bianchi, Ester. “Yi jie wei shi ‫ݹא‬੡ஃ: Theory and Practice of Monastic Discipline in Modern and Contemporary Chinese Buddhism.” Studies in Chinese Religions 3, no. 2 (2017): 111–141. Blofeld, John. The Wheel of Life: The Autobiography of a Western Buddhist. Boston: Shambala Dragon Editions (first ed. 1959), 1988. Campo, Daniela. La construction de la sainteté dans la Chine moderne: la vie du maître bouddhiste Xuyun (env. 1864–1959). Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2013. Cartelli, Mary Anne. The Five-colored Clouds of Mount Wutai: Poems from Dunhuang. Leiden: Brill, 2012. Charleux, Isabelle. “Copies de Bodhgayā en Asie orientale: Les stupas de type Wuta à Pékin et Kökeqota (Mongolie-Intérieure).” Arts Asiatiques (L’autre en regard, Volume en hommage à Madame Michèle Pirazzoli-t’Serstevens) 61 (2006): 120–42. Charleux, Isabelle. Nomads on Pilgrimage: Mongols on Wutaishan (China), 1800–1940. Leiden, Boston, Köln: Brill, 2015. Chayet, Anne. Les Temples de Jehol et leurs modèles tibétains. Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1985. Chenkong ቺ़. “Wutaishan guangji maopeng zhi guoqu yu xianzai” նፕ՞ᐖᛎૄᓒ հመ‫װ‬ፖ෼‫[ ڇ‬The Past and Present of Wutaishan’s Guangji Maopeng]. Haichaoyin ௧ཛ呒 17, no.7 (1936 July): 79–82. Chen Bing. “The Tantric Revival and Its Reception in Modern China.” In Images of Tibet in the 19th and 20th Centuries, edited by Monica Esposito, 387–427. Paris: École française d’Extrême-Orient, 2 vols., 2008. Chou, Wen-Shing. (Unpublished). “A Visionary Pilgrimage in Post–Cultural Revolution China”. Cui Zhengsen ാ‫إ‬ཤ. Wutaishan fojiao shi ն‫؀‬՞۵ඒ‫[ ׾‬A History of Wutaishan Buddhism]. Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe ՞۫Գ‫נا‬ठष, 2 vols., 2000. Debreczeny, Karl. “Wutai shan: Pilgrimage to Five-Peak Mountain.” Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 6 (2011): 1–133. Dingzhi ࡳཕ, ed. Nenghai shangshi zhuan ౨௧Ղஃႚ [Biography of Lama Nenghai]. Chengdu: ֱᐖ֮֏, 1995. Esposito, Monica. “rDzogs Chen in China. From Chan to ‘Tibetan Tantrism’ in Fahai Lama’s (1920–1991) Footsteps.” In Images of Tibet in the 19th and 20th Centuries, edited by Monica Esposito, 472–548. Paris: École française d’Extrême-Orient, 2 vols., 2008. Farquhar, David M. “Emperor as Bodhisattva in the Governance of the Ch’ing Empire.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 38, no. 1 (1978): 5–34. Fischer, Emil S. “The Sacred Wu T’ai Shan.” Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 54 (1923): 81–113. Germano, David. “Re-membering the Dismembered Body of Tibet: The Contemporary Ter Movement in the PRC.” In Buddhism in Contemporary Tibet: Religious Revival 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 283 7-10-2020 22:01:28 284 Bianchi and Cultural Identity, edited by Melvyn C. Goldstein and Mattew T. Kapstein, 53–94. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998. Gimello, Robert M. “Chang Shang-ying on Wu-t’ai Shan.” In Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, edited by Susan Naquin and Yü Chün-Fang, 89–149. Berkeley, Los Angeles, Oxford: University of California Press, 1992. Gimello, Robert M. “Wu-t’ai Shan նፕ՞ during the Early Chin Dynasty: The Testimony of Chu Pien.” Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal 7 (1994): 501–612. Gimello, Robert M. “Icon & Incantation: The Goddess Zhunti and the Role of Images in the Occult Buddhism of China.” In Images in Asian Religions: Text and Contexts. edited by Phyllis Granoff and Koichi Shinohara, 225–56. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2004. Hou Wenzheng ঀ֮‫إ‬. Wutaishan zhi ն‫؀‬՞‫[ ݳ‬Wutaishan Gazetteer]. Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe ՞۫Գ‫נا‬ठष, 2003. Huang Yingjie ႓૎ໃ. Minguo mizong nianjian ‫ا‬ഏയࡲ‫[ ᦹڣ‬A Yearbook of Tantrism in the Republic of China]. Taipei: Chengfo wenhua ‫ګ‬۵֮֏, 1995. Jagou, Fabienne. Le 9e Panchen Lama (1883–1937). Enjeu des relations sino-tibétaines. Paris: École française d’Extrême-Orient, 2004. Köhle, Natalie. “Why did the Kangxi Emperor go to Wutai Shan? Patronage, pilgrimage, and the Place of Tibetan Buddhism at the Early Qing Court.” Late Imperial China 29, no. 2 (2008): 73–119. Liu Mingyuan Ꮵࣔෘ, ed. Nenghai shangshi ji qi dizi shengping shiji huiji ౨௧Ղஃ֗ࠡ ‫ݬ‬՗‫ࠃؓس‬ᇾႪႃ [Collection of the Lives and Deeds of Lama Nenghai and His Disciples]. Taiyuan: Shanxi Taiyuan sanbao dizi yin ՞۫֜଺Կᣪ‫ݬ‬՗‫ٱ‬, 2012. Longlian ၼᓊ. “Nenghai fashi hongfa yeji shulüe” ౨௧ऄஃ‫ؖ‬ऄᄐᜎ૪ฃ [An Outline of Master Nenghai’s Outstanding Achievements in Spreading the Dharma]. In Sichuan wenshi ziliao xuanji ؄՟֮‫׾‬ᇷறᙇᙀ [Selected Literary and Historical Materials from Sichuan] 39: 49–59. Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe ؄՟Գ‫ا‬ ‫נ‬ठष, 1985. Longlian ၼᓊ. “Nenghai fashi nianpu” ౨௧ऄஃ‫ڣ‬ᢜ [Chronicle of Master Nenghai’s Life]. In Sichuan wenshi ziliao xuanji ؄՟֮‫׾‬ᇷறᙇᙀ [Selected Literary and Historical Materials from Sichuan] 39: 60–68. Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe ؄՟Գ‫נا‬ठष, 1985. Luo Tongbing. “The Reformist Monk Taixu and the Controversy About Exoteric and Esoteric Buddhism in Republican China.” In Images of Tibet in the 19th and 20th Centuries, edited by Monica Esposito, 433–71. Paris: École française d’Extrême-Orient, 2 vols., 2008. Lü Jianfu ‫ܨ‬৬壂. Zhongguo mijiao shi խഏയඒ‫[ ׾‬A History of Tantrism in China]. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue, 1995. Mei Jingxuan මᙩನ. “Minguo yilai de han-zang fojiao guanxi (1912–1949). Yi han zang jiaoliyuan wei zhongxin de tantao” ‫ا‬ഏ‫ࠐא‬ऱዧ៲۵ඒᣂএʳ (1912–1949):ʳ‫א‬ዧ៲ ඒ෻ೃ੡խ֨ऱ൶ಘ [The Relationship between Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 284 7-10-2020 22:01:28 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai 285 (1912–1949): A Study with Special Reference to the Institute of Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Teachings]. Chung-Hwa Buddhist Studies 2 (1998): 251–88. Mei Jingxuan මᙩನ. “Minguo zaoqi xian mi Fojiao chongtu de tantao” ‫ا‬ഏ‫ڰ‬ཚ᧩യ ۵ඒᓢડऱ൶ಘ [The Conflict between Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism in the First Decades of Republican China]. Chung-Hwa Buddhist Studies 3 (1999): 251–70. Nenghai ౨௧. Wenshu wuzi genben zhenyan niansongfa jianglu ֮௘ն‫ڗ‬௅‫ء‬టߢ࢚ ፽ऄᝑᙕ [Notes on the Explanation of the Practice of the Five Syllable Mantra of Mañjuśrī]. Chongqing: Zhenwushan, n.d. Nenghai ౨௧. Wenshu wuzi genben zhenyan niansongfa ֮௘ն‫ڗ‬௅‫ء‬టߢ࢚፽ऄ [Practice of the Five Syllable Mantra of Mañjuśrī]. Chengdu: Zhaojuesi (first ed. 1936), 1995. Oldham, Charles E.A.W. “Some Remarks on the Models of the Bodh Gaya Temple Found at Nar-thang.” Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 23 (1937): 418–28. Orzech, Charles D. “Looking for Bhairava: Exploring the Circulation of Esoteric Texts Produced by the Song Institute for Canonical Translation.” Pacific World: Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies (Third Series) 8 (2006): 139–166. Orzech, Charles D., Henrik H. Sørensen, and Richard K Payne, eds. Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Pokotilov, D. “Der Wu Tai Schan und seine Klöster. Eine historisch-geographische Skizze und Schilderung der örtlichen Verhältnisse im Jahre 1889.” Sinica Sonderausgabe (first ed. 1893), 1935: 38–89. Qingding 堚ࡳ. “Wushang dabao enshi Nenghai lao fashi de xingshi ji ྤՂՕᣪ஑ஃ౨ ௧‫۔‬ऄஃᐚ۩ኔધ [Memoirs on our Supreme Precious Respected Master Nenghai’s Virtuous Deeds]. In Nenghai shangshi yonghuai lu ౨௧Ղஃူᡖᙕ [Memoirs on Lama Nenghai of One’s Heart], edited by Qingding 堚ࡳ, Longlian ၼᓊ, Zhaotong ਟຏ et al., 3–19. Shanghai: Shanghai foxue shuju Ղ௧۵ᖂ஼‫ݝ‬, 1997. Qingding 堚ࡳ. Qingding shangshi kaishi lu. Qingding shangshi jianjie. Nenghai shangshi jianjie. Kangsaba renboqing xingji chugao 堚ࡳՂஃၲ‫ق‬ᙕΖ堚ࡳՂஃ១տΖ౨ ௧Ղஃ១տΖൈ៳֣ոंହ۩ᇾॣᒚ [A Record of the Teachings of Lama Qingding. A Brief Introduction on Lama Qingding and on Lama Nenghai. A Draft Outline of Khangsar Rimpoche’s deeds]. Chengdu: Zhaojuesi ਟᤚ‫ڝ‬, 1999. Qiu Shanshan ᇗ՞՞. Dangdai di yi biqiuni: Longlian fashi zhuan ᅝ‫ז‬รԫֺ‫― ؍׋‬ ၼᓊऄஃႚ [The Most Outstanding Bhikṣuṇī in Modern China: A Biography of Master Longlian]. Fuzhou: Fujian meishu chubanshe 壂৬ભ๬‫נ‬ठष, 1997. Qiu Shanshan ᇗ՞՞. “Longlian fashi yu Wutaishan” ၼᓊऄஃፖն‫؀‬՞ [Master Longlian and Wutaishan]. Wutaishan ն‫؀‬՞ 7 (2006): 19–23. Ren Jie ٚໃ. “Haigong shangshi de chen qin wen lu ௧ֆՂஃᐚቺᘣፊᙕ [Personal Memoirs on Lama Haihong]. In Nenghai shangshi yonghuai lu ౨௧Ղஃူᡖᙕ [Memoirs on Lama Nenghai of One’s Heart], edited by Qingding 堚ࡳ, Longlian 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 285 7-10-2020 22:01:28 286 Bianchi ၼᓊ, Zhaotong ਟຏ et al., 58–69. Shanghai: Shanghai foxue shuju Ղ௧۵ᖂ஼‫ݝ‬, 1997. Sørensen, Henrik H. “Esoteric Buddhism under the Liao.” In Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, edited by Charles D. Orzech, Henrik H. Sørensen, and Richard K. Payne, 456–64. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Sullivan, Brenton. “Blood and Teardrops: the Life and Travels of Venerable Fazun (1901– 1980).” In Buddhists: Understanding Buddhism Through the Lives of Practitioners, edited by Todd Lewis, 296–304. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2014. Sullivan, Brenton. “Venerable Fazun at the Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Studies Institute (1932-1950) and Tibetan Geluk Buddhism in China.” Indian International Journal of Buddhist Studies 9 (2008): 199–241. Suodaji kanbu ౉ሒ‫ٳ‬໰ؒ. Fawang Jinmei Pengcuo zhuan ऄ‫׆‬வભ༙ൻႚ [Biography of H.H. Jikmé Püntsok dharmarāja]. Sertar: Larong Wuming foxueyuan. English translation: Sodarjey Khenpo, Biography of H.H. Jigmey Phuntsok Dharmaraja. Arnaud Versluys trans. Hong Kong: Hua Xia Cultural Publishing House, 2001. Tuttle, Gray. Tibetan Buddhists in the Making of Modern China. New York: Columbia University Press, 2004. Tuttle, Gray. “Tibetan Buddhism at Ri bo rtse lnga/Wutai shan in Modern Times.” Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 2 (2006): 1–35. Wang-Toutain, Françoise. “Quand les maîtres chinois s’éveillent au bouddhisme tibétain. Fazun: le Xuanzang des temps modernes.” Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient 87, no. 2 (2000): 707–27. Wang Xiangyun. 2000. “The Qing Court’s Tibet Connection: Lcang skya Rol pa’i rdo rje and the Qianlong Emperor.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 60 (2000), no. 1: 125–63. Welch, Holmes. The Practice of Chinese Buddhism. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967. Welch, Holmes. The Buddhist Revival in China. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968. Wen Jinyu ᄵ८‫د‬. “Nenghai fashi jielü sixiang yanjiu” ౨௧ऄஃ‫ݹ‬৳৸უઔߒ [A Study on Master Nenghai’s Conception of Monastic Discipline]. Foxue yanjiu ۵ᖂ ઔߒ (2003): 26–36 Wen Jinyu ᄵ८‫د‬. “Wutaishan zangchuan fojiao yu minzu tuanjie” ն‫؀‬՞៲ႚ۵ඒፖ ‫ا‬ගቸ࿨ [Tibetan Buddhism on Wutaishan and National Unity]. Fayin ऄଃ 2 (2003): 22–7. Wu, Wei. “Indigenization of Tibetan Buddhism in Twentieth-Century China.” PhD diss., Princeton University, 2017. Yu Guanghui ‫܇‬٠ᄎ. “Lun Nenghai fashi dui Chengdu zangchuan fojiao fazhan de gongxian” ᓵ౨௧ऄஃኙ‫ګ‬ຟ៲ႚ۵ඒ࿇୶ऱಥ᣸ [On Master Nenghai’s Con- 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 286 7-10-2020 22:01:28 Lama Nenghai’s imprint on Mount Wutai 287 tribution to the Development of Tibetan Buddhism in Chengdu]. Zhongguo zangxue խഏ៲ᖂ 2 (2013): 156–61. Yu Lingbo Պରं. Dangdai dalu mingseng zhuan ᅝ‫ז‬Օຬ‫ټ‬ቖႚ [Biographies of Renowned Monks in Modern Mainland China]. Taipei: Daqian chubanshe ՕՏ‫נ‬ ठष, 2001. Zhang Mantao ്೷ᛑ, ed. Han zang fojiao guanxi yanjiu ዧ៲۵ඒᣂএઔߒ [Studies on the Relations Between Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism]. Taipei: Dacheng wenhua Օଊ֮֏, 1979. Zhao Gaiping ᎓‫ޏ‬ဉ. “Nenghai fashi dui Wutaishan zangchuan fojiao fazhan de gongxian” ౨௧ऄஃኙն‫؀‬՞៲ႚ۵ඒ࿇୶ऱಥ᣸ [On Master Nenghai’s Contribution to the Development of Tibetan Buddhism on Wutaishan]. Xizang yanjiu ۫៲ ઔߒ 1 (2009): 59–70. Zhaotong ᅃຏ. “Suishi Haigong shangshi huiyilu” 䃘ࠊ௧ֆՂஃ‫ڃ‬ᖋᙕ (Memoir of Serving Lama Nenghai). In Nenghai shangshi yonghuai lu ౨௧Ղஃူᡖᙕ [Memoirs on Lama Nenghai of One’s Heart], edited by Qingding 堚ࡳ, Longlian ၼᓊ, Zhaotong ਟຏ et al., 29-40. Shanghai: Shanghai foxue shuju Ղ௧۵ᖂ஼‫ݝ‬, 1997. Zheng Jihuai ᔤૠᡖ. “Wutaishan shang de mifa chuanren: Nenghai fashi” ն‫؀‬՞Ղऱ യऄႚԳ——౨௧ऄஃ [Nenghai, a Tantric Master on Wutaishan]. Wutaishan yanjiu ն‫؀‬՞ઔߒ 2 (1996): 24–7. Zhimin ཕඕ. “Haigong shangshi qinian si xingshi lu” ௧ֆՂஃ౗‫ڣ‬৸۩ኔᙕ [Memoirs on the Deeds and Thought of Lama Haigong in His Sixties]. In Nenghai shangshi yonghuai lu ౨௧Ղஃူᡖᙕ [Memoirs on Lama Nenghai of One’s Heart], edited by Qingding 堚ࡳ, Longlian ၼᓊ, Zhaotong ਟຏ et al., 42–7. Shanghai: Shanghai Shanghai foxue shuju Ղ௧۵ᖂ஼‫ݝ‬, 1997. Zhimin ཕඕ. “Zai tan chuancheng wenti” ٦ᓫႚࢭംᠲ [Again on Our Lineage]. Duobaojiangsi tongxun ‫ڍ‬ᣪᝑ‫ڝ‬ຏಛ 23 (1997): 1–2. Zhimin ཕඕ, Fu Jiaoshi ແඒ‫ف‬. “Nenghai fashi zhuan” ౨௧ऄஃႚ [Biography of Master Nenghai]. Fayin ऄଃ 2 (1984): 23–8. 9789004385429_Andrews et al_text_proof-03.indb 287 7-10-2020 22:01:29