UNEARTHING HIMALAYAN TREASURES
INDICA ET TIBETICA
MONOGRAPHIEN ZU DEN SPRACHEN UND LITERATUREN
DES INDO-TIBETISCHEN KULTURRAUMES
Begründet von
Michael Hahn
Herausgegeben von
Jürgen Hanneder, Jens-Uwe Hartmann,
Konrad Klaus und Roland Steiner
Band 59
Indica et Tibetica Verlag
Marburg 2019
Unearthing Himalayan Treasures
Festschrift for Franz-Karl Ehrhard
Edited by
Volker Caumanns, Marta Sernesi
and Nikolai Solmsdorf
Indica et Tibetica Verlag
Marburg 2019
Signet: Bodhnāth stūpa, after Ehrhard 2005 (11991): 3
Gedruckt mit freundlicher Unterstützung der TARA-Stiftung
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ISBN 978-3-923776-62-7
ISSN 0723-3337
༄༅།། ཨོཾ་སྭ་སྟི། སངས་རྒྱས་དང་བྱང་ཆུབ་སེམས་དཔའ་དགེ་བའི་བཤེས་གཉེན་ཐམས་ཅད་ལ་ཕྱག་འཚལ་ལོ།
གནའ་དེང་རིག་པའི་གནས་ལ་སྤྱན་ཡངས་རིས་མེད་སློབ་ཚོགས་རྒྱུ་སྐར་བཀྲ།
།ཐུན་མིན་བོད་ཀྱི་རིག་གཞུང་ལ་དགྱེས་ལྷག་བསམ་ཉ་གང་ཟླ་འོད་འཚེར།
།ཡོན་ཏན་ཁུར་གྱི་ལོ་འབྲས་ལྕི་ཡང་ཁེངས་དྲེགས་ང་རྒྱལ་རི་བོ་བསྙིལ།
།ཚུལ་ལྡན་ཉམ་ཆུང་ཕལ་བའི་རྣམ་ཐར་བདག་གིར་བཞེས་མཛད་ཁྱེད་ཉིད་ཙམ།
འཛམ་གླིང་འདི་ན་སྙན་གྲགས་ཤིན་ཏུ་ཆེ་བའི་ཧཱམ་བྷོ་ཆེ་མཐོའི་སློབ་མཐར་ཕྱིན།
།རྨད་བྱུང་དཀའ་བཅུ་རབ་འབྱམས་ཞེས་བྱའི་མཚན་གྱི་ཅོད་པན་བདག་གིར་བཞེས།
།བལ་ཡུལ་ཞིབ་འཇུག་ལྟེ་གནས་དབུ་ཁྲིད་གནང་བཞིན་ཀ་ཐཱ་མན་གྲུ་རུ།
།ནང་བསྟན་ལོ་རྒྱུས་རིག་གཞུང་དང་བཅས་སྣ་མང་དཔེ་ཆར་ཞིབ་འཇུག་བྱས།
ནུབ་ཕྱོགས་ལྗར་མན་ལྷོ་ཕྱོགས་མུན་ནིག་མཐོ་རིམ་སློབ་གླིང་ཆེན་མོ་རུ།
།ཕུལ་བྱུང་དཀའ་བཅུ་རབ་འབྱམས་པ་ཁྱོད་ཉིས་སྟོང་གསུམ་ནས་ད་ལྟའི་བར།
།མཐོ་སློབ་ཆེན་མོའི་དགེ་རྒན་གནང་ཞིང་སློབ་ཕྲུག་གང་མང་སྐྱེད་སྲིང་མཛད།
།དེ་དག་གིས་ཀྱང་འཛམ་གླིང་འདི་ན་སྤྱི་ཕན་བསྒྲུབས་ཕྱིར་ཉིད་དང་མཚུངས།
འདས་སོང་བགྲང་བྱ་སུམ་ཅུ་ལྷག་བརྒལ་ཇོ་མོ་གླང་མའི་རི་རྒྱུད་ནས།
།ཆོས་དང་རིག་གཞུང་ལོ་རྒྱུས་ཡོངས་ལ་དཔྱད་ཞིབ་གནང་བཞིན་འཚོལ་སྡུད་བྱས།
།གྲོང་དང་གྲོང་ཁྱེར་དགོན་སྡེ་མང་པོའི་རིན་བྲལ་དཔེ་རྙིང་དུ་མ་ཞིག
།བརྒྱ་ཕྲག་ངལ་བས་སྲུང་སྐྱོབ་བྱས་ཤིང་པར་སྐྲུན་བྱས་གྲངས་ཉུང་ཉུང་མིན།
དེ་ཕྱིར་ཁྱེད་ཀྱི་མཛད་བཟང་ངོ་མཚར་རི་བོ་གངས་དཀར་ཏེ་སེའི་སྤོར།
།བོད་བརྒྱུད་ནང་བསྟན་ཁ་འབབ་རྣམ་བཞི་གཅིག་ཏུ་འཁྱིལ་བ་མ་ཕམ་མཚོར།
།ནུབ་ཕྱོགས་མཁས་དབང་སྐད་གཉིས་ལོ་ཙཱའི་རྣམ་དཔྱོད་རིག་པས་ཧུབ་ཀྱིས་བཏུངས།
།ཁྱེད་ཀྱི་མཛད་བཟང་དམ་པར་བསྟོད་བསྔགས་མེ་ཏོག་འཕྲེང་བ་ཡང་ཡང་ཕུལ།།
༧ དགེ་རྒན་ཆེན་མོ་ཨེ་ཧར་མཆོག་གི་མཚམས་སྦྱོར་མདོ་ཙམ་བརྗོད་པ་ཇོ་མོ་གླང་མའི་གངས་འོད། ཅེས་བྱ་བ་འདི་ཉིད་
ཁོང་གི་སློབ་མ་མི་ཉུང་བ་ཞིག་གིས་བསྐུལ་བ་ལ་བརྟེན་ནས་ ༧ གནས་མཆོག་ལུམ་བྷི་ནིའི་ཞིབ་འཇུག་ལས་རོགས་པ་
ཚེ་རིང་བླ་མ་ནས་བྲིས་པ་དགེ་ཞིང་བཀྲ་ཤིས་པར་གྱུར་ཅིག །།
Tabula Gratulatoria
Orna Almogi
Achim Bayer
Katia Buffetrille
Volker Caumanns
Oliver von Criegern
Christoph Cüppers
Olaf Czaja
Jacob Dalton
Hubert Decleer
Elena De Rossi Filibeck
Siglinde Dietz
Lewis Doney
Brandon Dotson
Helmut Eimer
Marlene Erschbamer
Karl-Heinz Everding
Hiromi Habata
Jens-Uwe Hartmann
Jörg Heimbel
David Jackson
Matthew Kapstein
Jowita Kramer
Ralf Kramer
Leonard van der Kuijp
Klaus-Diether Mathes
Petra Maurer
Gudrun Melzer
Burkhard Quessel
Jim Rheingans
Samyo Rode-Hasinger
Ulrike Roesler
Lambert Schmithausen
Johannes Schneider
Peter Schwieger
Marta Sernesi
Jan-Ulrich Sobisch
Nikolai Solmsdorf
Vincent Tournier
Vinītā Tseng
Tsering Lama
Helga Uebach
Roberto Vitali
Dorji Wangchuk
Yotsuya Kodo
Table of Contents
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Publication List of Franz-Karl Ehrhard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Orna Almogi: The Human behind the Divine: Some Reflections on the
Scriptural Evolution of the Ancient Tantras (rNying rgyud) . . . . . . .
Achim Bayer: The World Arises from Mind Only: Candrakīrti’s Affirmation
of ciamātra at Madhyamakāvatāra 6.87 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Volker Caumanns: A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels: ʼJam mgon A mes
zhabsʼs Discussion of sNgags ʼchang Kun dgaʼ rin chenʼs Spiritual Genealogy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Christoph Cüppers: A Document of the Official Handover by the dkon
gnyer of the ʼPhags pa Wa ti Shrine in Kyirong . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Hubert Decleer: A Newar / Bon po Guide to Svayambhū: Ācārya Tenzin
Namdak’s e Light Illuminating Nepal: e Self-Arisen Caitya . . . . . .
Elena De Rossi Filibeck: “Dear Luciano…” Three Unpublished Letters by
Giuseppe Tucci to Luciano Petech from Tibet: In Search for Tibetan
Texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Siglinde Dietz and Helmut Eimer: Tibetan Versions of the ye dharmā hetuprabhavā Stanza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Lewis Doney: Life and Devotion: The Biography of Padmasambhava in Two
Works of A mes zhabs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Brandon Dotson: A Fragment of an Early Tibetan Divination Board from
Mīrān . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Marlene Erschbamer: Learning, Discipline, and Nobility: rJe ’Ba’ ra ba
and his Spiritual Father Zur phug pa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Jens-Uwe Hartmann and Bṣṇī Vīā: “Bathing the Body with Face
Downwards” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Jörg Heimbel: Producing a Deluxe bKa’ ’gyur Manuscript Set at Ngor
Monastery: The Commission (1601–1603) of Shar chen Byams pa Kun
dga’ bkra shis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
David Jackson: The History of Nā lendra Monastery: Sources and Some
Recent Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
xi
xix
1
27
51
79
87
119
133
143
165
189
203
219
235
x
Table of Contents
Matthew T. Kapstein: e All-Encompassing Lamp of Awareness: A Forgotten Treasure of the Great Perfection, its Authorship and Historical
Significance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Leonard W. J. van der Kuijp: A lag sha Ngag dbang bstan dar (1759–after
August 1, 1840): On Some Chinese Lexemes and the Chinese Language,
Part One . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Klaus-Dieter Mathes: Mountain Cult and Religious Geography in Dolpo
(Nepal): A Guide to Crystal Mountain Dragon Roar . . . . . . . . . . .
Petra Maurer: Obstacles in the Path of the Religious Life: The Early
Monastic Years of Grub chen Ngag dbang Tshe ring (1657–1734) . . . .
Ulrike Roesler: Biographies, Prophecies, and Hidden Treasures: Preliminary Remarks on Some Early bKa’ gdams pa Sources . . . . . . . . . . .
Peter Schwieger: Cultural Revolution in the Grassland: Tibetan Short Stories Addressing a Collective Trauma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Marta Sernesi: Writing Local Religious History: The Abbatial History of
Brag dkar rta so . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Jan-Ulrich Sobisch: Paracanonical Manuscript-Traditions of Tilopa’s
Ganggā ma Mahāmudrā: Translation of the Version Preserved by the
Aural Transmission Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Nikolai Solmsdorf: The Ocean-Like Conqueror (rgyal ba rgya mtsho): A
Jina Sāgara Thangka in Mang yul Gung thang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Helga Uebach: Notes on the Postal System (slungs) in the Tibetan Empire
in the 7th –9th Centuries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Roberto Vitali: Bang rim chos sde in Dwags po (11th –13th Century): mKhar
nag lo tsā ba’s Treatment and the Bai ser Follow-up . . . . . . . . . . .
Dorji Wangchuk: Rong zom pa on the Ālayavijñāna Theory . . . . . . . .
Yotsuya Kodo: Some Discrepancies between Candrakīrti and Tsong kha
pa: On the Critique of Svatantra Reasoning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
259
287
299
323
345
367
387
417
433
449
457
471
479
Introduction
Franz-Karl Ehrhard was born on 15 August 1953 in the historic city of Heidelberg,
the former centre of Romanticism in south-west Germany. His mother worked as
a nurse, his father was a civil servant employed by the German Railways. After
completing school, in lieu of military service, he worked at a local hospital. After
civilian service, together with a friend, he undertook a trip to Asia which was
to shape his academic future: the two travelled widely, visiting also Nepal and
India, and it was in Bodhgaya that Franz-Karl Ehrhard was deeply impressed by
Tibetans and their culture. The love for Nepal and its rich tradition was also ignited,
and would lead him to return to the country regularly throughout his subsequent
career.1
The decision was made and, after his return from Asia, Franz-Karl Ehrhard
moved to the northern part of Germany, to the “Free and Hanseatic City of
Hamburg,” where he enrolled at the university and began to study Indology,
Tibetology, and Social Anthropology. His teachers at the local “Seminar für Kultur
und Geschichte Indiens” were distinguished scholars such as the venerable Geshe
Gendün Lodrö, Prof. Albrecht Wezler and Prof. Lambert Schmithausen―the former a luminary of traditional Tibetan learning who left a lasting imprint on his
Western students, the latter two exceptional mahāpaṇḍitas who inherited the
imposing academic tradition of German Indology and Buddhology.
Franz-Karl Ehrhard continued his postgraduate studies at the same institution, completing his doctoral dissertation in 1987 under the supervision of Prof.
Lambert Schmithausen: this work, published in 1990 with the title Flügelschläge
des Garuḍa is devoted to a topic that will run like a thread (among many others)
through Franz-Karl Ehrhardʼs Tibetological career, namely the doctrinal system
and the history of the rNying ma school. In particular, it consists of an edition
and German translation of the spiritual songs (mgur) of Zhabs dkar Thogs drug
rang grol (1781–1851): it has to be noted that at the time only the songs of Mi la
ras pa had been translated and studied, together with the dohās and caryāgītis,
but the English translation of the Ocean of Kagyu Songs and other poetical collections were yet to come. The volume is opened by an introduction to rDzogs
1
We wish to thank Christoph Cüppers for his help in piecing together the information on the early
years of Franz-Karl Ehrhard’s career. We are also grateful to Oliver von Criegern for realising the
lay-out of this book. The printing of the volume was generously sponsored by the Tara Foundation.
xii
Introduction
chen—especially the sNying thig tradition—with a discussion of Khregs chod and
Thod rgal.
In 1988 Franz-Karl Ehrhard, now in his mid-thirties, succeeded Christoph
Cüppers in the Nepal Research Centre in Kathmandu, coordinating the activities of the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project (ngmpp). He held this
position in Nepal for five years (1988–1993), during which he took part in the
expeditions aimed at microfilming the textual heritage preserved in private and
monastic libraries across the Himalayas: for this purpose, he travelled to Jumla,
Jomoson, Junbesi, Helambu, Kutang, Nubri, and Dolpo. This experience awoke his
keen interest in regional history and sacred geography, as well as his sensibility
for archival research and book history. The wealth of documents filmed during
the expeditions were partly of local origin, partly originating in south-western
Tibet and precipitously carried across the border after 1959, via ancient trade
routes and reactivating long-lasting institutional and personal networks. To the
latter typology of books belong the Collected Works (gSung ’bum) of Brag dkar
ba Chos kyi dbang phyug (1775–1837) and of dKar brgyud bstan ’dzin nor bu
(1899–1959), as well as 16th century printed books from Mang yul Gung thang,
that constituted part of the library of Brag dkar rta so hermitage in sKyid grong,
and that had been brought to safety to Lobpon Gyurmed in Nubri. These findings, shared with friends and colleagues, were the source material of Franz-Karl
Ehrhard’s subsequent major publications.
He also contributed to the publication of the recovered literature, in typeset
reproduction or facsimile. The earliest was the publication in Tibetan script of
Snowlight of Everest: A History of the Sherpas of Nepal, a series of texts compiled
by Bla ma Sangs rgyas bstan ’dzin (1923–1990) from Junbesi. Earlier writings by
the same author—including the Sher pa’i chos ’byung—had already been published
in 1971 in Paris by Alexander Macdonald; the supplement was edited together with
this scholar in 1987, and then published shortly after the death of the Sherpa Bla
ma (Stuttgart, 1992). It remained a fundamental source for the study of the region,
and was translated into Nepali two years later (Kathmandu, 1994). The works of
dKar brgyud bstan ’dzin nor bu, filmed in Nubri in 1992, were published in 1996
with a short introduction by their “treasure discoverer.”
Franz-Karl Ehrhard thus acquired a direct knowledge of the land, the people,
and the history of south-western Tibet and the Himalayas, which led him to participate in the dfg-funded project “Nation Building and Processes of Human Settlements in the Tibetan Himalayas” (“Staatenbildung und Siedlungsprozesse im
tibetischen Himalaya”), developed between 1993 and 1998 by the German Archaeological Institute (Bonn) and the Department of Archaeology in Nepal. His individual research project, titled “Religious Geography as Space-structuring Element”
Introduction
xiii
(“Religiöse Geographie als raumstrukturierendes Element”), focused on the sacred
sites and pilgrimage routes in the region of Mang yul Gung thang in south-western
Tibet, which he could visit for fieldwork in 1997. The research project was hosted
by the Institute of Indology of the University of Münster and was overseen by
Prof. Adelheid Mette. The main results of this enquiry were presented in the dissertation for his Habilitation, which he submitted at Hamburg University in 1998.
The manuscript was published in 2004 as Die Statue und der Tempel des Ārya Va-ti
bzang-po: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte und Geographie des Tibetischen Buddhismus,
which, as pointed out in the title, is a work devoted to local history and religious
geography. Indeed, it is dedicated to the narratives relating to the temple of Ārya
wa ti bzang po in sKyid grong: centred on a composition by Brag dkar ba Chos
kyi dbang phyug—edited and translated—it presents in detail the life and works of
this master and it explores a wealth of related materials on the self-arising image
of Avalokiteśvara hosted in the temple, its “brothers,” and the sacred sites of sKyid
grong. Another work by the same Tibetan master that had also been filmed by
the ngmpp is the genealogy (gdung rabs) of the Gur family, which for centuries
headed the mDo chen bKa’ brgyud tradition in the region: it is edited, translated,
and studied in Franz-Karl Ehrhard’s 2008 monograph A Rosary of Rubies. These
publications represent breakthroughs into the history and the narrative lore of
the south-western Tibetan borderlands and are now essential reference works for
scholars furthering these studies.
This project was the inception of Franz-Karl Ehrhard’s rich research output
tracing the diffusion of Buddhist lineages and teachings (especially rNying ma
treasure traditions) and the foundation of temples and monasteries throughout
the Himalayas. He investigated the history of the regions that he had journeyed
in Nepal on the basis of hagiographies (rnam thar), lists of teachings received (gsan
yig), genealogies (gdung rabs), guidebooks (dkar chag), and travel accounts (gnas
yig) that for the great part had been filmed by ngmpp expeditions.2 During this
period, Franz-Karl Ehrhard begun to compose a picture of the religious history of
the Tibetan-Himalayan borderlands, piecing together biographical information,
travel accounts, and his own observations in the field. This opus is still ongoing,
and may be followed up and expanded upon by others thanks to the extensive and
2
These contributions include, inter alia, a follow up to Snellgrove’s classical study on the “Lamas
of Dolpo” (“Two Further Lamas of Dolpo,” 1996), “Tibetan Sources on Muktināth: Individual Reports
and Normative Guides” (1993), “Sa-’dul dgon-pa: A Temple at the Crossroads of Jumla, Dolpo and
Mustang” (1998), “Religious Geography and Literary Traditions: The Foundation of the Monastery
Brag-dkar bsam-gling” (2001), “The Enlightment Stūpa in Junbesi” (2004), and “Concepts of Religious Space in Southern Mustāṅ: The Foundation of the Monastery sKu-tshab gter-lnga” (2001). “The
Lands are like a Wiped Golden Basin” (1997) provides an overview of the Sixth Zhwa dmar pa’s travelogue of the 1629/30 journey to Nepal, a rare source that was later the topic of a PhD Dissertation
supervised by Franz-Karl Ehrhard at the University of Munich (Navina Lamminger 2012/13).
xiv
Introduction
detailed bibliographical references to the primary sources that constitute the backbone of his studies. His contributions allow identifying the individual trajectories
of influential Buddhist teachers, dating the foundation of specific sites, and tracing the origins of lama lineages in the Himalayan valleys. For example, two articles shed light on the origins of the main temples and lama lineages of Yol mo
(Helambu), supplementing and offering substantial correctives to earlier contributions by Graham Clarke: “The Story of How bla-ma Karma Chos-bzang Came to
Yol-mo’: A Family Document from Nepal” (2004), and “A Forgotten Incarnation
Lineage: The Yol-mo-ba Sprul-skus (16th to 18th Centuries)” (2007). The latter follows for five generations the reincarnation lineage of sNgags ’chang Shākya bzang
po (16th c.), the “discoverer,” renovator, and first caretaker of the Bodhnāth stūpa
in Kathmandu: Franz-Karl Ehrhard returns thus to one of his favourite early topics
of study, namely the history of the two main sacred Buddhist monuments in the
Kathmandu valley: the stūpa of Bodhnāth and the Svayambhūcaitya. His articles
on the Tibetan sources for investigating the successive renovations of the sites
(1989, 1990, 1991) were supplemented in 2007 by another survey of “Old and New
Tibetan Sources Concerning Svayaṃbhūnāth.” He also published a study of the
register (dkar chag) of the small reliquary of the yogin Rang rig ras pa (17th c.) that
flanks to the East the main stūpa of Bodhnāth (2002). Franz-Karl Ehrhard’s love
for the Kathmandu valley, where he has lived for so long and regularly returns
to with joy, transpires from a booklet collecting images of Bodhnāth and verse
compositions dedicated to the site, published in Kathmandu in 1991 with the title
Views of the Bodhnāth-stūpa, and a contribution to e Changing Town-scapes of
the Kathmandu Valley (1995).
Remaining in the field of sacred geography, we may emphasise Franz-Karl
Ehrhard’s important contribution to the study of “hidden lands” (sbas yul), a phenomenon that brings together his interest in the masters and teachings of the
rNying ma tradition and his work on local Himalayan history. Alongside his wellknown articles on “The Role of ‘Treasure Discoverers’ and their Writings in the
Search for Himalayan Sacred Lands” (1994) and “Political and Ritual Aspects of
the Search for Himalayan Sacred Lands” (1996), which discuss the tradition and
its ideology, he published case-studies of specific sites such as “A ‘Hidden Land’ in
the Tibetan-Nepalese Borderlands” (1997), and “A ‘Hidden Land’ at the Border of
’Ol-kha and Dvags-po” (2009–2010). He also wrote about the “opening” of hidden
lands in Bhutan (“Addressing Tibetan Rulers from the South” 2008), and Sikkim
(“The mNga’ bdag family and the tradition of Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa [1524–
1583] in Sikkim” 2005), two other Himalayan regions that attracted his scholarly
attention.
Introduction
xv
In 1998 Franz-Karl Ehrhard became Research Fellow at the Lumbini International Research Institute (liri), where in the following years he pursued his
own project, inspired, once more, by textual materials filmed by the ngmpp. In
particular, it was the inception of a twenty-year-long fascination with the beautifully produced, and richly illustrated, 16th century printed editions from Mang
yul Gung thang. His Early Buddhist Block Prints from Mang-yul Gung-thang (2000)
is a contribution to the study of Tibetan xylographic printing: in describing the
life and works of Chos dbang rgyal mtshan (1484–1549) and Nam mkha’ rdo rje
(1486–1553) it brings together for the first time accounts of book production from
biographical sources and exemplars of the mentioned editions. The transcriptions
of the full printing colophons of the books, and the study of the artisans that
worked in various capacities (scribes, carvers, illustrators, etc.) at their production, complete the monograph, which remains a reference work, in both method
and contents, for the study of xylography in Tibet. This study was accompanied
by the facsimile reproduction from ngmpp microfilms of two volumes printed in
Mang yul Gung thang in the early 16th century, namely the 1533 editio princeps of
Klong chen pa’s eg mchog mdzod, and a collection of works on the Great Seal
by the influential master of the Bo dong pa school bTsun pa chos legs (1437–1521).
Franz-Karl Ehrhard continued to pursue this avenue of research in a series of articles devoted to early Tibetan printing projects;3 in particular, he investigated
the transmission history and the editorial history of the Maṇi bka’ ’bum, and he
also recently co-edited a volume on Tibetan Printing: Comparisons, Continuities
and Change (2016). This substantial output has greatly advanced our knowledge
of early Tibetan xylographic printing, and has confirmed him as the leading expert
in this field of enquiry.
Franz-Karl Ehrhard’s interest in history and cultural history led him to study
narratives, teaching lineages, cloth paintings (thang kas), law and administration,
and donation inscriptions. In particular, he has investigated the relationship between secular and religious authority, and patterns of patronage, in 15th and 16th
century Tibet, focusing on the individual trajectories of influential masters such as
Kaḥ tog pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1466–1540), Vanaratna (1384–1468), mChog
ldan mgon po (1497–1531), dBus smyon Kun dga’ bzang po (1458–1532), or Chos
3
See “The Transmission of the dMar-khrid Tshem-bu lugs and the Maṇi bka’ ’bum” (2000), “The
Royal Print of the Maṇi bka’ ’bum” (2013), “Editing and Publishing the Master’s Writings” (2010),
“Gnas Rab ’byams pa Byams pa phun tshogs (1503–1581) and His Contribution to Buddhist Block
Printing in Tibet” (2012), “Buddhist Hagiographies from the Borderlands” (2016), “Collected Writings as Xylographs” (2016), “Printing a Treasure Text” (2018), and “Apropos a Recent Contribution
of Tibetan Xylographs from the 15th to the 17th Centuries” (in press).
xvi
Introduction
dpal bzang po (1371–1439);4 e Life and Travels of Lo-chen bSod-nams rgya-mtsho
(1424–1482) is introduced by a synopsis of the life of the 4th Zhwa dmar pa Chos
kyi grags pa (1453–1524), and is accompanied by the facsimile publication of the
Great Translator’s “Buddhist Correspondence” (2002). As may be seen, Franz-Karl
Ehrhard’s contributions to Tibetan and Himalayan studies are highly significant
in different fields of research, reflecting the impressive range and depth of his
expertise.
In 2003 Franz-Karl Ehrhard became Professor for Tibetology and Buddhist
Studies at the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität in Munich. In the years leading
up to this appointment he had been visiting Professor at the University of Vienna
(2000), and at Harvard University (2001). In Munich, he has been a passionate
and inspiring teacher, and has greatly worked to foster the discipline: he acted as
Faculty Students’ Dean for many years, he oversaw about twenty Magister, Master and Bachelor theses, and he supervised eight PhD Dissertations and four Habilitation Dissertations.5 Between 2009 and 2015, he supported and directed five
4
See “Kaḥ thog pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1466–1540) and his Activities in Sikkim and Bhutan”
(2003), and “Kaḥ thog pa Bsod nams rgyal mtshan (1466–1540) and the Foundation of O rgyan rtse
mo in Spa gro” (2007), “Spiritual Relationships between Rulers and Preceptors: The Three Journeys
of Vanaratna (1384–1468) to Tibet” (2004), “Addressing Tibetan Rulers from the South: mChog-ldan
mgon-po (1497–1531) in the Hidden Valleys of Bhutan” (2008), “The Holy Madman of dBus and
His Relationships with Tibetan Rulers in the 15th and 16th Centuries” (2010), “Chos dpal bzang po
(1371–1439): The ‘Great Teacher’ (bla chen) of rDzong dkar and his Biography” (2017).
5
PhD Dissertations: Frank Müller-Witte, “Die Kategorien bdag und gzhan bei dPa’-ris sangsrgyas und Dor-zhi gdong-drug und ihre Relevanz für das Verständnis tibetischer Texte” (ss 2009);
Volker Caumanns, “Leben und Werk des Sa-skya-Gelehrten gSer-mdog Paṇ-chen Shākya-mchogldan (1428–1507)” (ss 2012); Navina Lamminger, “Der Reisebericht des Sechsten Zhva dmar pa
nach Nepal. Textkritische Edition, Übersetzung und Studie” (ws 2012/13); Nikolai Solmsdorf,
“Rig-’dzin Gar-dbang rdo-rje snying-po (1640–1685). A Treasure-Discoverer of the rNying-ma-pa
School from mNga’-ris Gung-thang” (ss 2013); Marlene Erschbamer, “Die Lehrtradition der
’Ba’-ra-ba bKa’-brgyud-pa. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und zur gegenwärtigen Verbreitung
einer Schule des tibetischen Buddhismus” (ss 2016); Christoph Burghart, “Leben und Werk des
17. Thronhalters der ’Bri-gung bka’-brgyud-Tradition Rin-chen phun-tshogs (1509–1557) unter
besonderer Berücksichtigung seines Schatzzyklus Dam chos dgongs pa yang zab” (ss 2017); Marco
Walter, “Leben und Lehren des Gling-ras-pa Padma rdo-rje (1128–1188), Gründer der ’Brug-pa
bKa’-brgyud-pa” (ss 2017); Yüan Zhong, “Lives and Works of Karma nor-bu bzang-po (1906–1984)
and Karma stobs-rgyal (1944–2014)” (ws 2017/18). Habilitation Dissertations: Petra Maurer, “Die
Grundlagen der tibetischen Geomantie dargestellt anhand des 32. Kapitels des Vaiḍūrya dkar po
von sDe srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705). Ein Beitrag zum Verständnis der Kultur- und
Wissenschaftsgeschichte Tibets zur Zeit des 5. Dalai Lama Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho
(1617–1682)” (ss 2006); Ulrike Roesler, “Der dPe chos rin chen spungs pa des Po-to-ba Rin-chen-gsal.
Die Verschmelzung indischer und tibetischer Traditionen in einem frühen ‘Stufenweg zur Erleuchtung’ (lam rim)” (ws 2006/07); Brandon Dotson, “The Victory Banquet: The Old Tibetan Chronicle
and the Rise of Tibetan Historical Narrative” (ss 2013); Marta Sernesi, “Early Tibetan Printed Books:
History and Xylography in South-Western Tibet” (ws 2018/19).
Introduction
xvii
externally-funded research projects spanning a wide range of topics, from bKa’
brgyud contemplative traditions, to Sa skya hagiographical sources, to Old Tibetan
lexicography, and ideals and practices of kingship during the Tibetan Empire.6
He served as series-editor of Collectanea Himalayica: Studies on the History and
Culture of the Himalayas and Tibet (Indus Verlag, München), which published five
volumes, and, since 2008, of Contributions to Tibetan Studies (Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden), which published seven volumes (nos. 6–12). All these endeavours ensured
that the small Department of Indology and Tibetology of Munich University developed into a major centre of Tibetan studies, were students and young scholars
could learn and work in a stimulating and supportive environment.
Franz-Karl Ehrhard is deeply passionate for his subject and generous with his
sources and knowledge, sharing widely the many Tibetan texts of his library, together with his carefully handwritten summaries and notes. His knowledge of
academic scholarship published in English, French, and German is impressive, as
is his learning in history, anthropology, history of religions, cultural history, book
history—just to name a few disciplines. He takes a real pleasure in studying, discussing, sharing, and exploring Tibetan and Himalayan history, culture, and literature. Because of this, alongside his institutional and didactic duties, he always
continued to dedicate time and energy to research, producing a wealth of scholarly
output throughout his career. Hence, this short sketch cannot make justice to the
breadth of Franz-Karl Ehrhard’s research interests and the impact of his contribution to the field of Tibetan and Himalayan studies. He is an inspiring role model for
his mentees, and a knowledgeable and amiable colleague, and this volume wishes
to be but a modest token of our appreciation.
Marta Sernesi
6
“Re-Enacting the Past. The Heritage of the Early bKa’ brgyud pa in the Life and Works of gTsang
smyon Heruka (1452-1507) and His Disciple rGod tshang ras pa sNa tshogs rang grol (1482-1559),”
funded by the daad (2009–2010) and the Gerda Henkel Stiftung (2010–2012), realised by Marta
Sernesi; “Die Hagiographie des tibetischen Gelehrten Shākya-mchog-ldan (1428–1507): Quellen und
historischer Kontext,” funded by the dfg (2010–2012), realised by Volker Caumanns; “Kingship and
Religion in Tibet,” funded by the Alexander von Humboldt Stiftung (2010–2015), realised by Brandon Dotson; “Lexikologische Analyse des alttibetischen Wortschatzes unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Komposita,” funded by the dfg (2013–2015), realised by Joanna Bialek; “bKa’ brgyud
History and Xylography in South-Western Tibet. The Legacy of Yang dgon pa rGyal mtshan dpal
bzang po (1213-1258),” funded by the dfg (2012–2018), realised by Marta Sernesi.
Publication List of Franz-Karl Ehrhard
Monographs
1. Flügelschläge des Garuḍa: Literar- und ideengeschichtliche Bemerkungen zu einer Liedersammlung
des rDzogs-chen. Tibetan and Indo-Tibetan Studies 3. Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag, 1990.
2. Early Buddhist Block Prints from Mang-yul Gung-thang. Lumbini International Research Institute,
Monograph Series 2. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2000.
3. Life and Travels of Lo-chen bSod-nams rgya-mtsho. Lumbini International Research Institute,
Monograph Series 3. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2002.
4. Die Statue und der Tempel des Ārya Va-ti bzang-po: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte und Geographie des
Tibetischen Buddhismus. Contributions to Tibetan Studies 2. Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 2004.
5. A Rosary of Rubies: e Chronicle of the Gur-rigs mDo-chen Tradition from South-Western Tibet.
Collectanea Himalayica 2. München: Indus Verlag, 2008.
Articles
1. “Tibetan Texts in the National Archives, Kathmandu.” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 4,
1980: 233–250.
2. “Observations on Prāsaṅgika-Madhyamaka in the rÑing-ma-pa School.” In Helga Uebach and
Jampa L. Panglung (eds.). Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Schloss Hohenkammer, Munich . Studia Tibetica: Quellen und
Studien zur tibetischen Lexikographie 2. München: Kommission für Zentralasiatische Studien,
Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1988, 139–147.
3. “A Renovation of Svayaṃbhūnāth Stūpa in the 18th Century and its History (According to Tibetan Sources).” Ancient Nepal: Journal of the Department of Archaeology 114, 1989: 1–8.
4. “The Stūpa of Bodhnāth: A Preliminary Analysis of the Written Sources.” Ancient Nepal: Journal
of the Department of Archaeology 120, 1990: 1–9.
5. “Further Renovations of Svayaṃbhūnāth-Stūpa (From the 13th to the 17th Centuries).” Ancient
Nepal: Journal of the Department of Archaeology 123–125, 1991: 10–20.
6. “The Nepal German Manuscript Preservation Project.” European Bulletin of Himalayan Research
2, 1991: 20–24.
7. “The ‘Vision’ of rDzogs-chen: A Text and its Histories.” In Ihara Shōren (ed.). Tibetan Studies:
Proceedings of the th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Narita . 2
vols. Monograph Series of Naritasan Institute for Buddhist Studies, Occasional Papers 2. Narita:
Naritasan Shinshoji, 1992, vol. 1: Buddhist Philosophy and Literature, 47–58.
8. “Two Documents on Tibetan Ritual Literature and Spiritual Genealogy.” Journal of the Nepal
Research Centre 9, 1993: 77–100.
9. “Tibetan Sources on Muktināth: Individual Reports and Normative Guides.” Ancient Nepal: Journal of the Department of Archaeology 134, 1993: 23–39.
10. “The Role of ‘Treasure Discoverers’ and their Writings in the Search for Himalayan Sacred
Lands.” e Tibet Journal 19/3 (special issue: Powerful Places and Spaces in Tibetan Religious Cul-
xx
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
Publication List of Franz-Karl Ehrhard
ture), 1994: 2–20 (reprinted in Toni Huber [ed.]. Sacred Spaces and Powerful Places in Tibetan
Culture: A Collection of Essays. Dharamsala, 1999, 227–239).
“Religious Places in the Valley.” In Andreas Proksch (ed.). Images of a Century: e Changing
Townscapes of the Kathmandu Valley. Kathmandu: GTZ and UDLE, 1995, 12–25.
“Two Further Lamas of Dolpo: Ngag-dbang rnam-rgyal (born 1628) and rNam-grol bzang-po
(born 1504).” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 10, 1996: 55–75.
“Political and Ritual Aspects of the Search for Himalayan Sacred Lands.” Studies in Central and
East Asian Religions 9, 1996: 37–53 (reprinted in Toni Huber [ed.]. Sacred Spaces and Powerful
Places in Tibetan Culture: A Collection of Essays. Dharamsala, 1999, 240–257).
“A ‘Hidden Land’ in the Tibetan-Nepalese Borderlands.” In Alexander W. Macdonald (ed.).
Maṇḍala and Landscape. Emerging Perceptions in Buddhist Studies 6. New Delhi: D. K. Printworld, 1997, 335–364.
“‘The Lands are like a Wiped Golden Basin’: The Sixth Zhva-dmar-pa’s Journey to Nepal and
his Travelogue (1629/30).” In Samten Karmay and Philippe Sagant (eds.). Les Habitants du toit du
monde: Études recueillies en hommage à Alexander W. Macdonald. Recherches sur la Haute Asie
12. Nanterre: Société d’ethnologie, 1997, 125–138.
“Recently Discovered Manuscripts of the rNying ma rgyud ’bum from Nepal.” In Helmut Krasser,
Michael Thorsten Much, Ernst Steinkellner and Helmut Tauscher (eds.). Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Graz . 2
vols. Beiträge zur Kultur- und Geistesgeschichte Asiens 21. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1997, vol. 1, 253–267.
“Sa-’dul dgon-pa: A Temple at the Crossroads of Jumla, Dolpo and Mustang.” Ancient Nepal:
Journal of the Department of Archaeology 140: 3–19.
“The Transmission of the dMar-khrid Tshem-bu lugs and the Maṇi bka’ ’bum.” In Christine
Chojnacki, Jens-Uwe Hartmann and Volker M. Tschannerl (eds.). Vividharatnakaraṇḍaka: Festgabe ür Adelheid Mee. Indica et Tibetica 37. Swisttal-Odendorf, 2000, 199–215.
“A Printed Laudation of Si-tu Chos-kyi ’byung-gnas and a Note on his Tradition of Tibetan
Medicine.” Lungta 13 (special issue: Situ Paṇchen: His Contribution and Legacy), 2000: 28–32.
“Religious Geography and Literary Traditions: The Foundation of the Monastery Brag-dkar
bsam-gling.” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 12, 2001: 101–114.
“Concepts of Religious Space in Southern Mustāṅ: The Foundation of the Monastery sKu-tshab
gter-lnga.” In Perdita Pohle and Willibald Haffner (eds.). Kāgbeni: Contributions to the Village’s
History and Geography. Giessener Geographische Schriften 77. Gießen: Selbstverlag des Instituts
für Geographie der Justus-Liebig-Universität, 2001, 235–246.
“The Transmission of the ig-le bcu-drug and the bKa’ gdams glegs bam.” In Helmut Eimer and
David Germano (eds.). e Many Canons of Tibetan Buddhism. PIATS : Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies. Brill’s Tibetan
Studies Library 2/10. Leiden: Brill, 2002, 29–56.
“The Register of the Reliquary of Lord Raṅ-Rig Ras-pa.” Wiener Zeitschri ür die Kunde Südasiens
46, 2002: 146–167.
“Kaḥ thog pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1466–1540) and his Activities in Sikkim and Bhutan.”
Bulletin of Tibetology 39/2 (special issue: Contributions to Sikkimese History), 2003: 9–26.
“Spiritual Relationships between Rulers and Preceptors: The Three Journeys of Vanaratna (1384–
1468) to Tibet.” In Christoph Cüppers (ed.). e Relationship between Religion and State (chos srid
zung ’brel) in Traditional Tibet: Proceedings of a Seminar Held in Lumbini, Nepal, March . liri
Seminar Proceedings Series 1. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2004, 245–265.
“‘The Story of How bla-ma Karma Chos-bzang Came to Yol-mo’: A Family Document from
Nepal.” In Shoun Hino and Toshihiro Wada (eds.). ree Mountains and Seven Rivers: Prof.
Mushashi Tachikawa’s Felicitation Volume. Delhi: Motilal Barnasidass, 2004, 581–600.
Publication List of Franz-Karl Ehrhard
xxi
27. “A Monument of Sherpa Buddhism: The Enlightenment Stūpa in Junbesi.” e Tibet Journal 29/3
(special issue: Tibetan Monuments), 2004: 75–92.
28. “The mNga’ bdag Family and the Tradition of Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa (1524–1583) in Sikkim.”
Bulletin of Tibetology 41/2 (special issue: Tibetan Lamas in Sikkim), 2005: 11–29.
29. “A Short History of the g.Yu thog snying thig.” In Konrad Klaus and Jens-Uwe Hartmann (eds.).
Indica et Tibetica: Festschri ür Michael Hahn, zum . Geburtstag von Freunden und Schülern
überreicht. Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde 66. Wien: Arbeitskreis für
Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universität Wien, 2007, 151–170.
30. “Kaḥ thog pa Bsod nams rgyal mtshan (1466–1540) and the Foundation of O rgyan rtse mo in
Spa gro.” In John A. Ardussi (ed.). Bhutan: Traditions and Changes. PIATS : Tibetan Studies:
Proceedings of the Tenth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Oxford .
Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library 10/5. Leiden: Brill, 2007, 73–95.
31. “A Forgotten Incarnation Lineage: The Yol-mo-ba Sprul-skus (16th to 18th Centuries).” In Ramon N. Prats (ed.). e Pandita and the Siddha: Tibetan Studies in Honour of E. Gene Smith.
Dharamshala: Amnye Machen Institute, 2007, 25–49.
32. “The Biography of sMan-bsgom Chos-rje Kun-dga’ dpal-ldan (1735–1804) as a Source for the
Sino-Nepalese War.” In Birgit Kellner, Helmut Krasser, Horst Lasic, Michael T. Wieser-Much and
Helmut Tauscher (eds.). Pramāṇakīrtiḥ: Papers Dedicated to Ernst Steinkellner on the Occasion
of his th Birthday. 2 vols. Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde 70. Wien:
Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universität Wien, 2007, vol. 1, 115–133.
33. “Old and New Tibetan Sources Concerning Svayaṃbhūnāth.” Zentralasiatische Studien 36, 2007:
105–130.
34. (together with Christoph Cüppers) “Die Kupferplatten der Könige Ādityamalla und Puṇyamalla
von Ya-tshe.” In Petra Maurer and Peter Schwieger (eds.). Tibetstudien: Festschri ür Dieter Schuh
zum . Geburtstag. Bonn: Bier’sche Verlagsanstalt, 2007, 37–42.
35. “Addressing Tibetan Rulers from the South: mChog-ldan mgon-po (1497–1531) in the Hidden
Valleys of Bhutan.” In Brigitte Huber (ed.). Chomolangma, Demawend und Kasbek: Festschri ür
Roland Bielmeier zu seinem . Geburtstag. 2 vols. Beiträge zur Zentralasienforschung 12. Halle:
International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, 2008, vol. 1 (Chromolangma), 61–91.
36. “‘Turning the Wheel of the Dharma in Zhing sa Va lung’: The dPal ri sPrul skus (17th to 20th
Centuries).” Bulletin of Tibetology 44/1–2, 2008: 5–29.
37. “The Lineage of the ’Ba’-ra-ba bKa’-brgyud-pa School as Depicted on a Thangka and in ‘Golden
Rosary’ Texts.” Münchener Beiträge zur Völkerkunde: Jahrbuch des Staatlichen Museums ür Völkerkunde München 13, 2009: 179–209.
38. “A ‘Hidden Land’ at the Border of ’Ol-kha and Dvags-po.” e Tibet Journal 34/3–35/2 (special
issue: e Earth Ox Papers: Proceedings of the International Seminar on Tibetan and Himalayan
Studies, Held at the Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, September on the Occasion of the
‘ank you India’ Year), 2009–2010: 493–521.
39. “Buddhist Fasting Lineages: A Thangka of the Eleven-faced and Thousand-armed Avalokiteśvara.” In Eli Franco and Monika Zin (eds.). From Turfan to Ajanta: Festschri for Dieter Schlingloff on the Occasion of His Eightieth Birthday. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute,
2010, 291–302.
40. “The Holy Madman of dBus and His Relationships with Tibetan Rulers in the 15th and 16th Centuries.” In Peter Schalk (ed.). Geschichten und Geschichte: Historiographie und Hagiographie in der
asiatischen Religionsgeschichte. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, Historia Religionum 30. Uppsala:
Uppsala Universitet, 2010, 219–246.
41. “Editing and Publishing the Master’s Writings: The Early Years of rGod tshang ras chen (1482–
1559).” In Anne Chayet, Cristina Scherrer-Schaub, Françoise Robin and Jean-Luc-Achard (eds.).
xxii
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
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Edition, éditions: l’écrit au Tibet, évolution et devenir. Collectanea Himalayica 3. München: Indus
Verlag, 2010, 129–161.
“The Narrative of the Birth of the Buddha as Told by Bskal-bzang Chos-kyi Rgya-mtsho (15th
Century).” In Christoph Cueppers, Max Deeg and Hubert Durt (eds.). e Birth of the Buddha:
Proceedings of the Seminar Held in Lumbini, Nepal, October . liri Seminar Proceedings Series
3. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2010, 355–376.
“‘Flow of the River Gaṅgā’: The gSan-yig of the Fifth Dalai Bla-ma and its Literary Sources.”
In Henk Blezer and Roberto Vitali (eds.). Studies on the History and Literature of Tibet and the
Himalaya. Kathmandu: Vajra Publications, 2012, 79–96.
“Gnas Rab ’byams pa Byams pa phun tshogs (1503–1581) and his Contribution to Buddhist Block
Printing in Tibet.” In Charles Ramble and Jill Sudbury (eds.). is World and the Next: Contributions on Tibetan Religion, Science and Society. PIATS : Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the
Eleventh Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Königswinter . Beiträge
zur Zentralasienforschung 27. Andiast: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies,
2012, 149–176.
“The Scribe’s Remark: A Note on the ‘Rig-’dzin Tshe-dbang nor-bu (Waddell) Edition’ of the
rNying ma rgyud ’bum.” Zentralasiatische Studien 41, 2012: 231–237.
“The Royal Print of the Maṇi bka’ ’bum: Its Catalogue and Colophon.” In Franz-Karl Ehrhard and
Petra Maurer (eds.). Nepalica-Tibetica: Festgabe for Christoph Cüppers. 2 vols. Beiträge zur Zentralasienforschung 28. Andiast: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, 2013,
vol. 1, 143–172.
“Spreading the sNying thig Teachings: The Biographical Account of rDzogs chen pa bSod nams
rin chen (1498–1559).” Bulletin of Tibetology 49/1 (special issue: rNying ma Studies: Narrative and
History), 2013: 55-76.
“Lowo Khenchen (1456–1532) and the Buddhist Pilgrimage to the Ārya Wati Zangpo.” In Benjamin Bogin and Andrew Quintman (eds.). Himalayan Passages: Tibetan and Newar Studies in
Honor of Hubert Decleer. Somerville: Wisdom Publications, 2014, 15–43.
“‘An Ocean of Marvelous Perfections’: A 17th -Century Padma bka’i thang yig from the Sa skya pa
School.” In Jim Rheingans (ed.). Literary Genres, Texts, and Text Types: From Genre Classification
to Transformation. Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library 37. Leiden: Brill, 2015, 139–181.
“Glimpses of the Sixth Dalai Bla ma: Contemporary Accounts from the Years 1702 to 1706.” In
Olaf Czaja and Guntram Hazod (eds.). e Illuminating Mirror: Tibetan Studies in Honour of Per
K. Sørensen on the Occasion of his th Birthday. Contributions to Tibetan Studies 12. Wiesbaden:
Reichert Verlag, 2015, 131–154.
“‘A Thousand-spoke Golden Wheel of Secular Law’: The Preamble to the Law Code of the Kings
of gTsang.” In Dieter Schuh (ed.). Secular Law and Order in the Tibetan Highland: Contributions
to a Workshop Organized by the Tibet Institute in Andiast (Switzerland) on the Occasion of the th
Birthday of Christoph Cüppers from the th of June to the th of June . Monumenta Tibetica
Historica iii/13. Andiast: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, 2015, 105–125.
“‘Throne-holders of the Middle Valley’: Buddhist Teachers from Southern Dolpo.” Bulletin of
Tibetology 51/1–2 (special issue: Buddhist Himalaya: Perspectives on the Tibetan Cultural Area),
2015: 7–45.
“Collected Writings as Xylographs: Two Sets from the Bo dong pa School.” In Hildegard Diemberger, Franz-Karl Ehrhard and Peter Kornicki (eds.). Tibetan Printing: Comparisons, Continuities
and Change. Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library 39. Leiden: Brill, 2016, 212–236.
“Buddhist Hagiographies from the Borderlands: Further Prints from Mang yul Gung thang.” In
Orna Almogi (ed.). Tibetan Manuscript and Xylograph Traditions: e Wrien Word and Its Media
within the Tibetan Culture Sphere. Indian and Tibetan Studies 4. Hamburg: Department of Indian
and Tibetan Studies, Universität Hamburg, 2016, 127–169.
Publication List of Franz-Karl Ehrhard
xxiii
55. “Chos dpal bzang po (1371–1439): The ‘Great Teacher’ (bla chen) of rDzong dkar and his Biography.” In Volker Caumanns and Marta Sernesi (eds.). Fieenth Century Tibet: Cultural Blossoming
and Political Unrest. Proceedings of a Conference Held in Lumbini, Nepal, March . liri Seminar
Proceedings Series 8. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2017, 1–32.
56. “A Thangka from Brag dkar rta so and its Inscription.” In Katia Buffetrille and Isabelle HenrionDourcy (eds.). Musique et épopée en Haute-Asie: Mélanges offerts à Mireille Helffer a l’occasion de
son e anniversaire. Le Pré-Saint-Gervais: L’Asiathèque, 2017, 371–383.
57. “Printing a Treasure Text: The 1556 Edition of the Bya rung kha shor lo rgyus.” In Oliver von
Criegern, Gudrun Melzer and Johannes Schneider (eds.). Saddharmāmṛtam: Festschri ür JensUwe Hartmann zum . Geburtstag. Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde 93.
Wien: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universität Wien, 2018, 75–93.
58. (together with Marta Sernesi) “Apropos a Recent Collection of Tibetan Xylographs from the 15th
to the 17th Centuries.” Revue d’Etudes Tibétaines 48 (special issue: Perspectives on Tibetan Culture:
A Small Garland of Forget-me-nots Offered to Elena De Rossi Filibeck, ed. by Michela Clemente,
Oscar Nalesini and Federica Venturi), 2019 (in press).
Edited Volumes
1. (together with Christoph Cüppers and Philip Pierce) Views of the Bodhnāth-Stūpa. Kathmandu:
Bauddha Book, 1991.
2. (together with Alexander W. Macdonald) Snowlight of Everest: A History of the Sherpas of Nepal.
Nepal Research Centre Publications 18. Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag, 1992. (Nepalese translation,
Kathmandu, 1994).
3. (together with Ingrid Fischer-Schreiber) Das Lexikon des Buddhismus: Grundbegriffe und Lehrsysteme, Philosophie und meditative Praxis, Literatur und Kunst, Meister und Schulen, Geschichte,
Entwicklung und Ausdrucksformen von ihren Anängen bis heute. München: Scherz, 1992.
4. e Collected Works of dKar-brgyud bsTan-ʼdzin nor-bu: A Recent Lama of Brag-dkar rta-so. Smanrtsis Shesrig Spendzod 142. Leh: D. L. Tashigangpa, 1996.
5. e Oldest Block Print of Klong-chen Rab-ʼbyams-paʼs eg mchog mdzod. Facsimile Edition of
Early Tibetan Block Prints. Lumbini International Research Institute, Facsimile Series 1. Lumbini:
Lumbini International Research Institute, 2000.
6. Four Unknown Mahāmudrā Works of the Bo-dong-pa School. Facsimile Edition of Early Tibetan
Block Prints. Lumbini International Research Institute, Facsimile Series 2. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2000.
7. A Buddhist Correspondence: e Leers of Lo-chen bSod-nams rgya-mtsho. Facsimile Edition of a
th Century Tibetan Manuscript. Lumbini International Research Institute, Facsimile Series 3.
Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2002.
8. (together with Petra Maurer) Nepalica-Tibetica: Festgabe ür Christoph Cüppers. 2 vols. Beiträge
zur Zentralasienforschung 28/1–2. Andiast: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist
Studies, 2013.
9. (together with Hildegard Diemberger and Peter Kornicki) Tibetan Printing: Comparisons, Continuities and Change. Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library 39. Leiden: Brill, 2016.
Lexicographical Contributions
1. “Tibetischer Buddhismus.” In Ingrid Fischer-Schreiber et al. (eds.). Lexikon Östlicher Weisheitslehren: Buddhismus, Hinduismus, Taoismus, Zen. München: Scherz, 1986. (English translation:
xxiv
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“Tibetan Buddhism.” In e Rider Encyclopedia of Eastern Philosophy and Religion. London, 1989;
e Shambhala Dictionary of Buddhism and Zen. Boston, 1991.)
2. “Himalayan Buddhism.” In Lindsay Jones (ed.). Encyclopedia of Religion. Second Edition. 15 vols.
Detroit: Macmillan Reference, 2005, vol. 2, 1230–1235.
Reviews
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
Hidden Treasures and Secret Lives: A Study of Pemalingpa (–) and the Sixth Dalai Lama
(–), by Michael Aris. In Zeitschri der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellscha 142/1,
1992: 206–208.
Tibet: Civilisation et société. Colloque organisé par la Fondation Singer-Polignac à Paris, les , ,
avril , ed. by Fernand Meyer. In Zeitschri der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellscha
142/2, 1992: 395–398.
Divinity Secularized: An Inquiry into the Nature and Form of the Songs Ascribed to the Sixth Dalai
Lama, by Per K. Sørensen. In Zeitschri der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellscha 143/1, 1993:
223–225.
Materials for the Study of Āryadeva, Dharmapāla and Candrakīrti. e Catuḥśataka of Āryadeva,
Chapters and , with the Commentaries of Dharmapāla and Candrakīrti: Introduction, Translation, Sanskrit, Tibetan and Chinese Texts, Notes. 2 vols., by Tom J. F. Tillemans. In Zeitschri der
Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellscha 144/1, 1994: 221–224.
e Buddha Within: Tathāgatagarbha Doctrine According to the Shentong Interpretation of
the Ratnagotravibhāga, by Susan K. Hookham. In Zeitschri der Deutschen Morgenländischen
Gesellscha 144/2, 1994: 415–419.
e Life of Shabkar: e Autobiography of a Tibetan Yogin, by Matthieu Ricard. In e Tibet Journal
22/1, 1997: 87–90.
e Full-Fledged Khyung-chen Bird: An Essay in Freedom as the Dynamics of Being, by Klong-chen
Rab-ʼbyams-pa Dri-med ʼod-zer and Herbert Guenther. In e Tibet Journal 22/3, 1997: 116–119.
Consecration of Images and Stūpas in Indo-Tibetan Tantric Buddhism, by Yael Bentor. In e Tibet
Journal 23/3, 1998: 129–132.
Natural Liberation: Padmasambhavaʼs Teachings on the Six Bardos, by Gyatrul Rinpoche and B.
Alan Wallace. In e Tibet Journal 24/4, 1999: 68–71.
sDe-dpon sum-cu: Ritual und Ikonographie der “Dreißig Schutzgoheiten der Welt”, by Namgyal Ronge, Utz Poley, Rudolf Kaschewsky and Pema Tsering. In e Tibet Journal 25/2, 2000:
60–62.
e Dating of the Historical Buddha / Die Datierung des historischen Buddha, Part , by Heinz
Bechert. In e Tibet Journal 25/3, 2000: 70–71.
e Brief Catalogues to the Narthang and the Lhasa Kanjurs: A Synoptic Edition of the “bKaʼ ʼgyur
rin po cheʼi mtshan tho” and the “rGyal baʼi bkaʼ ʼgyur rin po cheʼi chos tsʼan so soʼi mtsʼan byaṅ
dkar chag bsdus pa”; e Early Mustang Kanjur Catalogue: A Structured Edition of the mDo sṅags
bkaʼ ʼgyur dkar chag and of Ṅor chen kun dgaʼ bzaṅ poʼs bKaʼ ʼgyur ro cog gi dkar chag bstan pa
gsal baʼi sgron me, by Helmut Eimer. In Indo-Iranian Journal 44/2, 2001: 174–179.
Pèlerins, Lamas et Visonnaires: Sources orales et écrites sur les pèlerinages tibétains, by Katia Buffetrille. In Indo-Iranian Journal 44/3, 2001: 279–285.
Himalayan Hermitess: e Life of a Tibetan Buddhist Nun, by Kurtis Schaeffer. In Journal of the
International Association of Tibetan Studies 2, 2006: 1–8.
Life, Transmission, and Works of A-mes-zhabs Ngag-dbang-kun-dgaʼ-bsod-nams, the Great th
Century Sa-skya-pa Bibliophile, by Jan-Ulrich Sobisch. In Indo-Iranian Journal 50/2, 2007:
193–196.
A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels:
ʼJam mgon A mes zhabsʼs Discussion of sNgags ʼchang
Kun dgaʼ rin chenʼs Spiritual Genealogy*
Volker Caumanns
(Universität Bern)
In an article published recently, Franz-Karl Ehrhard presents the interesting case
of a Padma bkaʼi thang yig that, contrary to what one would assume, cannot be
traced back to an author of the rNying ma school.1 Instead, this Padmasambhava
vita was composed, as its colophon reveals, by the 24th hierarch of Sa skya, ʼJam
dbyangs bSod nams dbang po (1559–1621; r. 1584–1589). He was assisted by his
father, the 23rd Sa skya hierarch sNgags ʼchang Kun dgaʼ rin chen (1517–1584;
r. 1533–1584), who provided his son with oral explanations on the biographical
tradition of Padmasambhava.2 In order to shed light on the religious and political
environments in which this Padmasambhava vita was composed, Ehrhard summarises the Tibetan rnam thars of Kun dgaʼ rin chen and bSod nams dbang po,
paying particular attention to the close ties to the rNying ma milieu that these
two Sa skya hierarchs cultivated throughout their lives. In so doing, Ehrhard addresses the Padmasambhava cult, to which they were devoted, depicts their various sojourns at bSam yas Monastery, and touches upon their contacts with treasure discoverers such as Rig ʼdzin Zhig po gling pa (1524–1583) and ʼPhrang sgo
gTer ston Shes rab ʼod zer (1517–1584).3
* It is a great pleasure to dedicate this modest contribution to my Doktorvater Franz-Karl Ehrhard
as a token of my sincere gratitude. From 2006 to 2012, I had the good fortune to work door-to-door
with him at the Institute for Indology and Tibetan Studies at the lmu Munich. At that time, I came to
know Franz-Karl not only as a meticulous and enthusiastic scholar, but also as a warm-hearted and
humorous person, whose amazing lack of intellectual vanity has impressed me deeply to this day. I
am indebted to Kazuo Kano (Komazawa University) and Orna Almogi (University of Hamburg), who
kindly explained to me the Indian background of some of the issues addressed in this contribution.
Moreover, I would like to thank Tsering Lama (Lumbini International Research Institute) for sharing
with me his understanding of some of the more obscure Tibetan phrases in one of the prophecies
translated below. Last but not least, I am grateful to September Cowley for carefully proofreading
my English.
1
See Ehrhard 2015a.
2
For a transliteration of the colophon along with an English translation, see Ehrhard 2015a: 166–
175.
3
See Ehrhard 2015a: 143–160, whose summary is based on the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar
and the bSod nams dbang poʼi rnam thar.
52
Volker Caumanns
In my contribution to this Festschrift, I would like to loosely build on Ehrhardʼs
article and present another example that demonstrates the importance of the
‘rNying ma connection’ for the Sa skya hierarchs of the 16th and 17th centuries. In
particular, I will focus on a brief Tibetan account dealing with the spiritual genealogy of the aforementioned sNgags ʼchang Kun dgaʼ rin chen. This account—which
found its way into some of the writings of Kun dgaʼ rin chenʼs grandson, the
27th Sa skya hierarch ʼJam mgon A mes zhabs (1597–1659; r. 1620–1659)—bears
witness to the traces left in the self-representation of members of Sa skyaʼs ʼKhon
elite by their collaboration with proponents of the gter ma tradition.
My contribution opens with a few introductory remarks that contextualise A
mes zhabsʼs account (Section 1). This is followed by an English translation of the
account (Section 2) and an edition of the Tibetan text (Section 3). The contribution
closes with an appendix providing editions of additional textual materials that are
related to A mes zhabs’s discussion.
1. Introductory Remarks
sNgags ʼchang Kun dgaʼ rin chen played a decisive role in the history of Sa skya
Monastery. Tibetan religious historiography portrays him as a reviver of Sa skya
and its traditions after a prolonged period of decline that had begun with the collapse of the Yüan Sa skya supremacy in the middle of the 14th century.4 A mes
zhabs, who was undoubtedly one of the most influential chroniclers of Sa skya
history, credits his grandfather Kun dgaʼ rin chen with the feat of “rekindling the
dying embers of the [Buddhaʼs] teachings,” which is understood to have included
the revitalisation of the monasteryʼs religious community, the Sa skya teachings
and the ʼKhon family lineage.5 Thus, according to A mes zhabs’s interpretation
of events, Sa skya Monastery underwent a period of revival in the 16th century,
4
See, for instance, the Sa skyaʼi dkar chag (fols. 4a.3–6a.1), reproduced in Venturi 2013: 290–
293 (Tibetan text), 449–452 (English translation); the Sa skya chos ’byung (p. 43) and its English
translation in Chogay Trichen Rinpoche 1983: 22; the Sa skya lo rgyus, reproduced in Schoening
1983: 145–148 (English Translation), 295–297 (Tibetan Text). For a reproduction of a portrait thangka
of Kun dga’ rin chen in a recent Chinese publication, see Dramdul and DeJi DroMa 2008: 202. In the
explanatory caption accompanying this illustration, it is said that Kun dgaʼ rin chen “was engaged
in an overall rehabilitation of Sakya Monastery and rejuvenation of Sakya sect and its reign. [… H]is
lifetime contribution was only after that of five forefathers of Sakya sect.”
5
This phrase is a kind of leitmotif that runs through a number of A mes zhabsʼs writings; see, for
instance, the Grags pa blo gros kyi rnam thar (p. 60.1–2): sngags ʼchang chos kyi rgyal po ngag dbang
kun dgaʼ rin chen gyis dpal sa skyaʼi sde bstan pa gdung brgyud dang bcas paʼi bstan paʼi me ro gso bar
mdzad (…). For further examples, see the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 3.3, 69.3, 70.3). The
phrase bstan paʼi me ro gso ba is, of course, a conspicuous allusion to the initial stage of the “later
spread of the doctrine” (bstan pa phyi dar).
A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels
53
which seems to have lasted until around the middle of the 17th century. The most
salient feature of this revival evidently consisted of large-scale renovation and
construction projects that were initiated by Kun dga’ rin chen and continued by
his sons bSod nams dbang po and Grags pa blo gros (1563–1617; r. 1589–1617). It
was during this time period that the Monastery of Sa skya acquired the form it was
to have for several centuries, until the destructions of the Cultural Revolution.6
Furthermore, as the gsung ʼbums of Kun dgaʼ rin chen, his sons, and especially A
mes zhabs show, the text production of the Sa skya hierarchs of this revival period
reached remarkable proportions.7 Apparently, these literary activities bear testimony to the hierachs’ efforts to preserve the received religious traditions, and to
adapt them to the needs of their time.8
A mes zhabs’s account of Kun dga’ rin chen’s spiritual genealogy, which was
composed during this period of revival, has been preserved in at least two different
versions. The first version is embedded in an extensive biography of Kun dga’
rin chen, i. e., the Ocean of Marvels, which A mes zhabs completed in the year
1628.9 (Ehrhard made extensive use of this rnam thar in the article mentioned
above.) In the Ocean of Marvels, we encounter A mes zhabs’s discussion in the
6
Giuseppe Tucci, who had visited Sa skya in 1939, has already addressed the renovation of the
monastic complex by Kun dgaʼ rin chen, i. e., “the Sa skya pa lama, who is remembered in history
as the reconstructor of the Sa skya pa temples and monasteries damaged by warfare or crumbling
with age” (Tucci 1949: 56). See also ibid.: 172, where Tucci laments the scale of the renovations: “If
time and warfare had spared Sa skya and if Kun dgaʼ rin cʼen had not reconstructed it in the xvith
century, or if his repairs had not been continued by his successors, many important documents of
the Mongol period would have come down to us. We would have seen the art of India and that of
Yüan China coexisting, as was to be expected in a place where the two cultures met.”
7
This phase of literary productivity had already started some decades before the renovations
and structural extensions initiated by Kun dgaʼ rin chen, namely with his uncle and predecessor
Sa skya Lo tsā ba Kun dga’ bsod nams (1485–1533; r. 1496–1533). The tenure of Sa skya Lo tsā ba
marks the beginning of the sole rule of the ʼKhon clanʼs Dus mchod branch over Sa skya. The other
branches—i. e., gZhi thog, Rin chen sgang and lHa khang—had broken off by the end of the 15th
century, something which also brought to an end the power struggles within the clan that had
weakened Sa skya politically since the 14th century. It could be argued that this new situation at
the turn of the 16th century, among other developments, lay the ground for the later institutional
revival of Sa skya initiated by Kun dgaʼ rin chen. For title lists of the collected writings of Sa skya Lo
tsā ba (tbrc w00kg02531; 1 vol.; ca. 1,300 pages), Kun dga’ rin chen (tbrc w00kg02358; 3 vols., only
vol. 2 available; ca. 930 pages), bSod nams dbang po (2 vols.; not available) and Grags pa blo gros
(1 vol.; not available), see Sobisch 2008: 196–202, 208–210, 213–215. A comprehensive catalogue of
the collected writings of A mes zhabs (tbrc w29307; 29 vols.; more than 22,000 pages) is provided
by Sobisch 2007: 139–528.
8
See Sobisch 2007: 10, who states, with regard to A mes zhabs, that “his main contribution […]
was to preserve, reestablish, and edit, as much as possible of the precious contributions of his forefathers.” This statement can be applied as well to the œuvre of the other Sa skya hierarchs mentioned
above.
9
See the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 3.1–8.5).
54
Volker Caumanns
opening chapter, which is titled “An Account of the Succession of [sNgags ’chang
Kun dga’ rin chen’s] Previous Lives, Connected with Authoritative Statements.”10
The second version is available to us in two sources and is included in A mes
zhabs’s Great Sa skya Genealogy and in his Kālacakra History dating from 1629 and
1635–1636, respectively. In both of these sources, the account directly precedes a
biography of Kun dga’ rin chen: In the case of the first source (the Great Sa skya
Genealogy), this is a medium-length biography, which is part of a clan chronicle;
in the second case (the Kālacakra History), it is a short biography, given as part
of a tantric lineage history.11 The two versions of the account are almost identical,
with the exception that, besides having different concluding stanzas, the second
version contains two additions that are not included in the first.12 It is unclear
whether the first version is the original one and was composed specifically for
the Ocean of Marvels (and thus served as the template for the second version), or
whether A mes zhabs took the account from an even earlier source unknown to
us.13 However it may be, the fact that we find A mes zhabsʼs account on Kun dgaʼ
rin chenʼs spiritual genealogy in at least three independent sources suggests that it
might have been comparatively well-known among educated scholars in Sa skya
at the time.14
10
See the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 9.6–10.1): sngon gyi skyes rabs lung dang sbyar te
bshad paʼi rab tu byed pa ste dang po.
11
See the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (fols. 193b.6–196a.4 [Sa skya par ma]; fols. 248a.5–251a.6
[sDe dge par ma]) and the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (fols. 189b.1–192b.2). Further sources may contain
excerpts from A mes zhabsʼs account; see, for instance, the ub pa dgongs gsal gyi ʼchad thabs (pp.
66.3–67.3).
12
For the concluding stanzas of the first version, see the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 8.5–
9.6). The concluding stanzas of the second version can be found in the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo
(fol. 196a.4–5 [Sa skya par ma]; fol. 251a.6–b.1 [sDe dge par ma]) and the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (fol.
192b.2–3). For the additions in the second version, see the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (fols. 194b.4,
194b.7–195a.2 [Sa skya par ma]; fols. 249a.6–b.1, 249b.4–6 [sDe dge par ma]) and the Dus ʼkhor chos
ʼbyung (fols. 190b.2, 190b.6–191a.1).
13
It cannot be unequivocally ascertained to what extent A mes zhabs is the actual ‘author’ of our
account. Because of the intertextual character of much of Tibetan literature, “the authorial act is
mainly”—as Sernesi 2015: 459–460 has put it—“an act of com-pilation or con-junction, of manipulating, combining, and bringing together existing blocks of content-related elements.” It is this form
of authorship that I have in mind, when I speak of “A mes zhabs’s account” in the following. On the
problem of authorship in the Tibetan context, see Cabezón 2001; Sernesi 2015. See also n. 27 below.
14
We unfortunately know very little about the reception history of these works. At least with
regard to the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo, however, we can assume that this work, of which we
have two block print editions, had a wide distribution in pre-modern Tibet. See Tucci 1949: 154 who
mentions one of the “Sa skya pa chronicles” accessible to him (i. e., the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo),
“which being printed in Sa skya is destined to a wide distribution.” He goes on to explain “that the
blocks of the woodcuts are now worn out to the point that it is not possible to print legible copies
from them,” which suggests that a larger number of copies had been printed from the woodblocks.
A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels
55
As far as structure is concerned, the account can be divided into two parts, in
which A mes zhabs develops the topic in an argumentative manner. The first part
briefly introduces the topic by listing Kun dga’ rin chen’s previous lives, namely
Vajrapāṇi, Samantabhadra and Ānanda (these three are characterised as the “compilers” of the tantras, the Mahāyāna teachings and the sūtras, respectively), followed by Lo tsā ba Bai ro tsa na (8th cent.), Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dgaʼ rgyal mtshan
(1182–1251) and the tathāgata Dri ma med paʼi dpal (*Śrīvimala).15 The second part
of the account opens with the claim that these “emanational embodiments exist
as the essence of one buddha gnosis,”16 something which A mes zhabs thereupon
sets about substantiating with the aid of authoritative statements (lung).17
What is of particular interest to us in this context is A mes zhabs’s choice of
sources from which he extracted these statements. Besides canonical texts like
Padmavajraʼs Śrī-guhya-siddhi and the Vajra-śrī-parama-mahā-kalpa-ādi, as well
as a prophecy attributed to rJe btsun Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1147–1216), A mes
zhabs quotes from no less than five gter ma texts, namely O rgyan gling pa’s (1329–
1367) Padma thang yig, Sangs rgyas gling pa’s (1340–1390) Bla ma dgongs pa ’dus
pa, the gSang baʼi lung bstan gab rgya can (not identified) as well as two gter mas
ascribed to Rig ʼdzin Zhig po gling pa, i. e., the ugs rje chen po ʼkhor ba las sgrol
gyi chos ’khor and the Dam ʼdzin lha sras kyi skye rgyud.18 At first glance, the
predominance of gter ma texts in A mes zhabs’s account may seem surprising.
However, in the light of what we know from Ehrhardʼs article (and of what can
be read in detail in the rnam thars of Kun dgaʼ rin chen and his two sons), this
choice has a certain plausibility, and can be read as a textual echo of Kun dga’ rin
Evidently, Tucci refers to the Sa skya par ma (and not the sDe dge par ma) of the Sa skya gdung rabs
chen mo (see his remark that this “Sa skya pa chronicle” was “a bulky work in 265 pages” [=folios]).
15
See the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 3.1–5.1), the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (fols. 193b.6–
194b.2 [Sa skya par ma]; fols. 248a.5–249a.4 [sDe dge par ma]) and the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (fols.
189b.1–190a.6). This first part of the account is framed by the full name of A mes zhabsʼs grandfather,
i. e., dpal sa skya pa chen po sngags ʼchang ngag gi dbang po kun dgaʼ rin chen bkra shis grags pa rgyal
mtshan dpal bzang po. Whether this is coincidence or a deliberately used rhetorical device, I cannot
say.
16
See the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (p. 5.1–2), the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (fol. 194b.2
[Sa skya par ma]; fol. 249a.4 [sDe dge par ma]) and the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (fol. 190a.6–7): de lta
buʼi sprul paʼi skuʼi snang ba de dag sangs rgyas kyi ye shes gcig gi ngo bor grub. For a discussion of
different conceptions of “buddha gnosis” (sangs rgyas kyi ye shes), see Almogi 2009.
17
See the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 5.1–8.5), the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (fols.
194b.2–196a.4 [Sa skya par ma]; fols. 249a.4–251a.6 [sDe dge par ma]) and the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung
(fols. 190a.6–192b.2). Interestingly, A mes zhabsʼs account anticipates a type of thematic exposition
that, in a modern text linguistic perspective, is referred to as “argumentative thematic exposition”
(“argumentative Themenentfaltung“), the other types being narrative, descriptive and expository
thematic exposition; see Brinker, Cölfen and Pappert 2018: 60–80.
18
The second version of A mes zhabsʼs account also contains quotations from the Hevajratantra
and Ngor chen dKon mchog lhun grub’s (1497–1557) Tshul gsum gsal rgyan.
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Volker Caumanns
chen’s contacts with proponents of the gter ma tradition, in particular Rig ʼdzin
Zhig po gling pa and ʼPhrang sgo gTer ston Shes rab ʼod zer.19 These contacts were
undoubtedly of religious significance for all involved, but inevitably had also a
political dimension (at least in the case of Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa). Suffice it to
say in the context of this brief introduction that both Kun dga’ rin chen and Rig
’dzin Zhig po gling pa—the latter being a scion of the powerful sNang rtse sde pa
nobles of sTod lung—were high religious dignitaries “representing the powerful
coalition of interests opposed to the political aspirations of the lHa sa aristocracy
and the dGe lugs pa school.”20 This coalition, dominated from 1565 onwards by
the so-called gTsang kings, bolstered its claim, not least with a proto-nationalist
discourse, in which the greatness of the lost Tibetan empire was conjured up and
which was used by various players on the religio-political stage for their different
purposes.21 The fact that Kun dga’ rin chen and his sons maintained close contact
with a certain stratum of the gter ma milieu and so strongly (and frequently coram
publico) engaged in the cult of Padmasambhava, the ‘Precious Guru,’ indicates
19
For these contacts, see Ehrhard 2015a: 143, 146. Different aspects of Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa’s
life are depicted in Akester 2001a; 2001b; Ehrhard 2005. For a biographical sketch of ’Phrang sgo
gTer ston Shes rab ’od zer, see Deroche 2009: 322–326.
20
This quote from Akester 2001b: 30 originally refers only to Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa, but can
easily be extended to Kun dga’ rin chen, who had at an early stage already established close ties
with sDe pa Zhing gshag(s) pa Tshe brtan rdo rje (d. 1599), the first of the so-called gTsang kings.
This alliance was continued for two generations by Kun dga’ rin chen’s successors until the defeat of
the short-lived rule of this dynasty in 1642; see Ehrhard 2015a: 144–145, 156–157, 159–160, 164–166.
For Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa’s involvement in the politics of his time, see Akester 2001a: 3–10;
2001b: 28–31; Sørensen 2004: 121–125. Because of these activities, which were particularly directed
against the dGe lugs pa, the Fifth Dalai Lama later had no friendly feelings for Kun dga’ rin chen
and Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa. Thus, in a passage of his dkar chag of the lHa sa gTsug lag khang
(translated in Akester 2001b: 29), the Dalai Lama denounces “the demonically inspired activities of
the one from sNang rtse” (i. e., Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa), whom he calls a “charlatan.” And with
regard to the “Sakya Dagchen” (i. e., Kun dgaʼ rin chen), the following caustic remarks can be found
in the Dalai Lama’s autobiography (translated in Karmay 2014: 413): “[…] Sakya Dagchen, the great
Tantrika, and Pema Karpo of the Drugpa school, caused conflict again and again. They were said
to be emanations of Bairo and Naropa respectively, so there were periods when people said: ‘These
two corpses have brought the downfall of the country!’”
21
See Ehrhard 2015a: 164 who mentions the gTsang kingsʼ “attempt to create a unified Tibet on
the basis of a strong sense of nationalism rooted in the glorious past of the Yarlung dynasty.” And
referring to the preamble of the law code of the gTsang kings, Ehrhard 2015b: 114, n. 8 points out
that their rule was assumed to be “the beginning of a new religious era with its own legal system—
equivalent to and a continuation of Tibet’s dynastic period.” See also Dreyfus 1994: 207 who forges
a link between Tibetan proto-nationalism and the gter ma literature: “[p]roto-nationalism arose as
an aspiration to recapture the lost might of the Tibetan empire. It came from the memory of the lost
past contrasted with the decay of the present, together with the realization that the present situation
could be redeemed by recollecting the past. The importance of the recollection of the glorious empire
in creating a sense of Tibetan identity can be seen in the appearance of a type of religious literature,
the ‘Treasures’ (gter ma).”
A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels
57
that the Sa skya hierarchs of the 16th and 17th centuries also participated in this
discourse.
If we take a closer look at A mes zhabs’s list of Kun dga’ rin chen’s previous
lives we will notice that apparently it was only meant to illuminate a small part
of a larger spectrum. There are, for instance, gaps of several centuries between
the lives of Ānanda, Lo tsā ba Bai ro tsa na and Sa skya Paṇḍita. The fact that the
list, as given in the account, is not considered to be a complete one, is also (and
on a more general level) indicated by A mes zhabs’s assertion that his grandfather’s previous lives had appeared “uninterruptedly in the three times [and] in
all realms in different embodiments [and] under a variety of names.”22 According to this logic, the actual number of Kun dgaʼ rin chenʼs previous lives should
outnumber by far the six existences mentioned in A mes zhabs’s account. Interestingly, when we expand our focus beyond this account, we discover that elsewhere,
Kun dga’ rin chen’s name is associated with further eminent figures of the past.
Thus, in another passage in the Ocean of Marvels, A mes zhabs reports that his
grandfather was perceived to be an “emanation” (rnam par sprul pa) of Padmasambhava.23 Moreover, in the Account of the Holy Place of Sa skya, A mes zhabs’s
uncle bSod nams dbang po ‘proves’ that Kun dga’ rin chen and rJe btsun Grags pa
rgyal mtshan were of “the same mind stream” (thugs rgyud gcig pa) and that Kun
dga’ rin chen was the “rebirth” (sku yi skye ba) of the latter.24 Finally, it should be
remembered that, in general, the Sa skya hierarchs were considered to be emanational embodiments of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, as stated, for instance, in A mes
zhabs’s Great Sa skya Genealogy.25 For reasons unknown to us, A mes zhabs did
not include these names in his account on Kun dga’ rin chen’s spiritual genealogy. One could speculate that A mes zhabs might have wanted to avoid overlaps
22
See the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 3.4–4.1), the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (fol. 194a.1–
2 [Sa skya par ma]; fol. 248b.2 [sDe dge par ma]) and the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (fol. 189b.3–4): dus
gsum rgyun mi ʼchad par zhing khams ji snyed par […] sku dang mtshan gyi rnam pa tha dad du
bstan.
23
See the Kun dga’ rin chen gyi rnam thar (p. 252): bsam yas kyi skya ser thams cad kyang sngags
’chang nyid la slob dpon rin po che padma ’byung gnas kyi rnam par sprul par gdon mi za’o zhes mgrin
gcig tu gleng bar gyur.
24
See the Sa skya’i gnas bshad (p. 23): /des na rje btsun grags pa rgyal mtshan dang/ /sngags ’chang
chen po thugs rgyud gcig pa’am/ /sku yi skye ba yin pa the tshom med/ . For the full episode, at the
end of which this statemant is made, see the Sa skya’i gnas bshad (pp. 20–23). See also Caumanns
2018: 50–51 for a German translation of this episode. As we learn from the colophon of the Sa skyaʼi
gnas bshad (pp. 88–89), this work is a compilation of miscellaneous textual materials (gsung rtsom
gnang ʼphro thor bu bzhugs pa rnams) left behind by bSod nams dbang po. Later, the latterʼs nephew
A mes zhabs edited these materials, following instructions bSod nams dbang po had given to him.
25
See the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (fol. 3a.7 [Sa skya par ma]; fol. 3b.4 [sDe dge par ma]): rgyal
ba thams cad kyi ye shes gcig tu bsdus pa rje btsun ’jam pa’i dbyangs nyid ’khon gyi gdung brgyud
kyi tshul bzung.
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in his list, since Padmasambhava and Bai ro tsa na lived at the same time, as did
rJe btsun Grags pa rgyal mtshan and Sa skya Paṇḍita.26 Another reason—which
I think is more likely—could be that our account had originally been an independent text that predated the Ocean of Marvels and which A mes zhabs inserted into
his grandfather’s biography.27
Analysing the terminology that A mes zhabs employs in his account, it becomes apparent that his discussion is built upon two distinct concepts. With respect to the first concept, as the title element sngon gyi skyes rabs indicates, he
addresses the actual succession of his grandfatherʼs previous lives. Thus, he draws
on the concept of rebirth (skye ba), that is, the idea that a “conscious continuum
(saṃtāna)” is transferred “from one impermanent mental and physical foundation
to the next,”28 something which is supposed to be done deliberately in the case of
realised masters. With respect to the second concept, A mes zhabs is concerned
with proving that Kun dgaʼ rin chen and his previous incarnations were “emanational embodiments” that “exist(ed) as the essence of one buddha gnosis.” In
26
Such overlaps, however, are occasionally found in Tibetan accounts dealing with previous lives
of Buddhist masters and were apparently not perceived as contradictory. According to one explanation, which is often mentioned when discussing this topic, these overlapping links must considered
to be “of one mind stream” (thugs rgyud gcig pa); see, for instance, Caumanns 2015: 39–40 n. 3; Kellner 2016: 220–225, 228. As we learn from van der Kuijp 2016: 220, n. 45, and Kellner 2016: 211, 227,
228, these multiple embodiments are sometimes likened to the numberless simultaneous reflections
of the moon that can be seen on the surface of water. One canonical source that is explicitely quoted
at times to justify the possibility of multiple embodiments appearing simultaneously—for instance
in the Shākya mchog ldan gyi rnam thar (p. 6.2–3) and the Glo bo mkhan chen gyi rnam thar (p.
482.5–6)—is Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra X.51; for an edition of the Sanskrit text and a French translation of this stanza, see Lévi 1907, vol. 1: 43, vol. 2: 84. For an English translation, see Dharmachakra
Translation Committee 2014: 227: “All at once, a buddha will in some place display the turning of
the Dharma wheel through hundreds of means, // While elsewhere showing birth and nonmanifestation, the manifold deeds of the lives, // Enlightenment, and the transcendence of suffering. // Yet
all of this a buddha does without wavering from the abode.” See also the brief discussion in the next
paragraph of this article.
27
As already indicated in n. 13 above, this is a common mode of textual composition, to which
Tibetan authors often reverted. See in this context the colophon of the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam
thar (pp. 405.2–407.3), where A mes zhabs provides us with a(n incomplete) list of texts that were at
his disposal when composing the rnam thar. Some of these texts—such as notes (rnam thar gyi zin
tho) and oral versions of Kun dgaʼ rin chenʼs biography—may have served him as general sources,
others—such as registers of temples (gtsug lag khang so soʼi dkar chag) and official letters for alms
collectors (ʼbul sdud la gnang baʼi spyi ʼgro)—were incorporated (more or less) verbatim into the rnam
thar. For the transcripts of two lam yigs that Kun dgaʼ rin chen issued for alms collectors, see the
Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 168.2–175.6, 208.1–213.4). The previously noted dkar chags of
[Sa skya] temples were obviously incorporated into the rnam thar starting on p. 102. Moreover, in
the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 136.1–157.2), A mes zhabs reproduced the entire text of a
monastic constitution (bcaʼ yig), which his grandfather had composed for Sa skyaʼs Thub chen lHa
chen college.
28
See Buswell and Lopez 2014, s. v. rebirth.
A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels
59
this regard, A mes zhabs makes use of the concept of “emanational embodiment”
(sprul paʼi sku, sprul pa), that is, the notion that a buddha or bodhisattva emanates
himself or herself as a living being, thus manifesting “one or another aspect of
buddhahood”29 in physical form. As is often the case in such discussions (and the
account presented here is no exception), A mes zhabs combines the concepts of
rebirth and emanational embodiment, and blends them together.30
From a historical perspective,31 these two concepts—which first arose in the
milieu of the early bKaʼ gdams pa in the 11th and 12th centuries—were brought
together and further developed in the 13th and 14th centuries, especially in the various bKa’ brgyud schools. During the 15th and 16th centuries, sprul sku lineages—
in which the two concepts were combined and institutionalised—gained in importance “as an effective strategy for the succession of spiritual and clerical power, accompanied by the right to leave accumulated material property within the line.”32
From the middle of the 16th century onwards, the sprul sku institution was firmly
established, with the dGe lugs tradition making particular use of it in the struggle for political power and religious supremacy. As a result of these developments,
sprul sku lineages increasingly displaced the older “clan temple” institution “as the
model for inheritance, for the transmission of authority, and for the development
of family-based spirituality.”33 It is certainly no coincidence that A mes zhabs’s
account of Kun dga’ rin chen’s spiritual genealogy came into being at a time, in
which institutionalised sprul sku lineages—and their textual representations—had
become more and more important.34 The ’Khon clan of Sa skya, however, succeeded in retaining the old “clan temple” model, and thus the institution of the Sa
skya hierarch did not depend on a sprul sku lineage for regulating the succession to
office, but remained hereditary within the clan. Therefore, the fact that the ’Khon
elite of the 16th and 17th centuries employed the rebirth-cum-emanation concept,
29
For this quote, see Kellner 2016: 2006.
For a brief analysis of these two concepts, see Samuel 1993: 281–283, 493–498. See also Kellner
2016 who has aptly shown how these two concepts intermingle in the case of the spiritual genealogy
of the Fifth Dalai Lama Ngag dbang Blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682).
31
The following is a condensed summary of Schwieger 2015: 17–49. Schwieger’s presentation of
“the historical development of the trülku position” is mainly based on textual sources, in particular
social and diplomatic documents. Another approach is pursued by Tuttle 2017, who compiled data of
several hundred incarnation series. Despite some differences, which are due to the use of diverging
source materials, Tuttle basically comes to similar results as Schwieger.
32
See Schwieger 2015: 23.
33
See Davidson 2005: 274 (also quoted in Schwieger 2015: 31).
34
Cabezón 2017: 13 points out that “[m]ost developed kutrengs [=sku ʼphreng] or trungraps
[=ʼkhrungs rabs]—which is to say ones that attempt to provide extended, quasi-historical accounts
of the past rebirth of lamas—probably begin only in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.” This
is in line with Schwiegerʼs and Tuttleʼs findings mentioned above in n. 31.
30
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even if only to increase their own religious prestige, is all the more remarkable
and deserves more attention than it has received so far.35
This brief introduction could only touch on some of the more important points,
with the aim of placing A mes zhabsʼs account in its historical context and thus
making it more readily accessible to the modern reader. What I hope to have succeeded in is to show that this account—even if it is only a little piece of a greater
puzzle—is a telling document that allows us a brief glimpse into a period of Tibetan history that has not yet been adequately explored. In conclusion, it can be
stated that A mes zhabsʼs account bears testimony to the impact of the gter ma
milieu on members of Sa skya’s ’Khon elite in the 16th and 17th centuries. Moreover, it gives evidence of the development of the sprul sku concept and mirrors
institutional changes in the regulation of religio-political succession. And finally
(and maybe most interestingly), it sheds light on the way these developments had
a bearing on the modes of self-representation of Sa skya’s ’Khon elite.
2. Translation36
The Glorious Great Sa skya pa, whose name sNgags ʼchang Ngag gi dbang po Kun
dgaʼ rin chen bkra shis grags pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po is widely known—the
Dharma king of the three realms, (3.2) the Buddha of the three times, [and] the noble
supreme guide of the triple world—, (3.3) intentionally took [re]birth to rekindle the
35
It seems that this concept was systematically employed only in the biographies of Kun dga’
rin chen and A mes zhabs, in which separate chapters discussing the spiritual genealogy of these
masters can be found. For an extensive account of A mes zhabs’s former lives, which number almost
twenty, see the A mes zhabs kyi rnam thar (pp. 138.5–209.6). See also A mes zhabsʼs sNgon gyi skyes
rabs and sNgon gyi skyes rabs , which are said to be based on predictions of the bSam yas protector
Tseʼu dmar po. Sobisch 2007: 532–534 provides an overview of A mes zhabs’s previous lives based
on miniatures in the latterʼs gsung ʼbum and on two dkar chags dealing with murals (in the lHa
khang chen mo) of his ʼkhrungs rabs. A glance at the biographies of Kun dgaʼ rin chenʼs two sons
shows that discussions of spiritual genealogy take up much less space there, though, interestingly
enough, the rNying ma influence is also noticeable. Thus, according to the bSod nams dbang poʼi
rnam thar (p. 96.1), bSod nams dbang po was, in his essence, not different from Padmasambhava.
In the case of his younger brother, a letter (zhu yig) of a certain gTer ston chen po Chos kyi ʼod zer
is quoted, according to which Grags pa blo gros was Vajrapāṇi in the Mahā-Saṃbhogakāya realm,
mKhan chen Bodhisattva (i. e., Śāntarakṣita) in India, and Bla ma dam pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan
(1312–1375) in Tibet; see the Grags pa blo gros kyi rnam thar (p. 48.2–5). More research is needed
on this topic.
36
The following translation is based on the first version of A mes zhabs’s account of Kun dga’ rin
chen’s spiritual genealogy as included in the Kun dga’ rin chen gyi rnam thar (i. e., the Ocean of
Marvels). The two addenda of the second version, which are found in the Sa skya gdung rabs chen
mo and the Dus ’khor chos ’byung, are inserted into the translation in a smaller font size and framed
by asterisks.
A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels
61
dying embers of the teachings of the venerable Sa skya masters. Prior to his present
life, [he] showed [himself] in [the form of] many emanational embodiments (sprul
pa’i sku) that were skilled in means, thus working for the benefit of [all] limitless
sentient beings. (3.4) If [I am to] expound briefly the way [he pursued this], [I
would give the following account]: This very sNgags ʼchang Lama—the sun of the
teachings [and] the great lord of the siddhas—showed [himself] uninterruptedly in
the three times [and] in all realms in different embodiments [and] under a variety
of names that were suitable to the karmic lot of each individual being to be tamed
(gdul bya; vineya). (4.1) Then [he] gathered those living beings to be tamed who
had not yet been gathered as [his] retinue. Those [he had] gathered [he led to]
ripening. Those [he had led to] ripening [he led to] liberation. Those [he had led
to] liberation [he] established on the path of completion (mthar phyin paʼi lam;
niṣṭhāmārga).
(4.2) First of all, from the perspective of fortunate beings who have entered the
secret mantra path, this sNgags ʼchang, king of Dharma, is known as Vajrapāṇi,
the lord of secrets, who is the supreme compiler of the entire tantra section of the
secret mantra. From the perspective of beings possessing the spiritual disposition
(rigs can; gotraka) of the great vehicle, (4.3) [he] is known as Samantabhadra, the
compiler of all the pronouncements of the great vehicle. And from the perspective
of the śrāvakas needing to be tamed, [he] is known as the Arhat Ānanda, the
compiler of the sūtra section.
Moreover, here in Tibet, amidst snow covered mountains, [he] is known as
the great translator Bai ro tsa na who was without equal in increasing the great
ocean of sūtra and tantra. (4.4) Furthermore, [he] is known as the venerable Sa
skya Paṇḍita Kun dgaʼ rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po who taught properly the systematic presentation of what is to be accepted and what is to be rejected (blang
dor gyi rnam gzhag). Hence, [Sa skya Paṇḍita] established in the noble Dharma
the fortunate beings needing to be tamed in the three [countries of] China, Tibet,
and Mongolia. (4.5) After that [he] became the supreme emanational embodiment
called the tathāgata Dri ma med paʼi dpal in the realm of Abhirati [situated] in
the east, thus establishing in benefit and happiness [the beings] of that realm who
were needing to be tamed. (4.6) [He] displayed all these appearances of emanational
embodiments just as explained, [and] after having condensed their excellent and
wondrous deeds into one, [he] emanated [himself] as an embodiment embellished
by white robes [and] braided hair. Then [he] took care of the wicked people of
[our] age of degeneration by means of the four kinds of salvific activities, [that
is], pacifying, augmenting, controlling, and destroying. (5.1) [He] is no one else but
the Great Glorious Sa skya pa whose name sNgags ʼchang Ngag gi dbang po Kun
dgaʼ rin chen bkra shis grags pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po is widely known.
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(5.2) If [I am to] link [issues] such as the manner in which the appearances of
such emanational embodiments exist as the essence of one buddha gnosis with
the Conqueror’s valid scriptures (lung tshad ma), [I would state the following]:
As for [their] essence, Vajrapāṇi, the Conquerorʼs son Samantabhadra, and the
mahāśrāvaka Ānanda—the compilers of the teachings of the sūtras and tantras—
(5.3) are inseparable from [our] teacher, the saṃbuddha. How [is that]? It is said
in the gSang ba grub paʼi rgyud:37 “Only we say: ‘There is no other compiler of
this [teaching].’ [He who] compiles is [the Lord] [Bodhi]cittavajra.” *And also in the
root tantra, the Dvikalpa (i. e., the Hevajratantra), it is said: “I am the teacher. I am also the Dharma.
Endowed with my excellent group [of disciples], I am the one who listens.”*38 (5.4)
proved.39
Thus it is
In particular, Samantabhadra and Ānanda are, in [their] essence, inseparable. It is said in the gNyis med rnam rgyal gyi rgyud:40 “Now [I] will set forth
the excellent retinue of the Omniscient One. It is like this: Mañjuśrī (5.5) became
the great king Śuddhodana. Lokeśvara became Mahādevī Māyā. Śrīdevī became
Yaśodharā. Vajrasattva became Rāhula. Sarvanīvaraṇaviṣkambhin became Śāriputra. Samantabhadra became (5.6) the sthavira Ānanda. Śakra, the king of gods,
became the sthavira Devadatta. Mahāvairocana became the samyaksaṃbuddha
Śākyamuni.” Thus it is proved. *After considering these issues, the lord of scholars, dKon
37
The following is an abbreviated and slightly modified quotation from Padmavajraʼs Śrī-guhyasiddhi. The original Sanskrit along with its canonical Tibetan translation is provided in the appendix
(excerpt A). For an English translation from the Sanskrit, see Davidson 2002: 256: “But, based on
devotion at the feet of the teacher, only we maintain that in the Śrīsamāja there is no other collector
and canter (4) Than the author of the tantra, Hṛdvajra [=Bodhicittavajra]. He alone is the speaker
and the teacher. Thus there is none other if we were to eliminate this [person of] Great Bliss. (5)”
Note that in the Guhyasamāja system, the tathāgata Bodhicittavajra is considered to be the Buddha
who proclaimed this tantra.
38
For the corresponding Sanskrit passage from the Hevajratantra and its canonical Tibetan translation, see the appendix (excerpt B). English translations of this passage are provided by Snellgrove
1959, vol. 1: 92; Farrow and Menton 1992: 167–168 (in tandem with the elucidation from the Yogaratnamālā by Kāṇha / Kṛṣṇa).
39
These excerpts from the Śrī-guhya-siddhi, the Hevajratantra and the Vajra-śrī-parama-mahākalpa ādi (see below) are also occasionally quoted in scholastic treatises that contain sections discussing the compilation of the corpus of Tantric scriptures; see, for instance, the rGyud sde spyiʼi
rnam gzhag (pp. 111.6–114.2); the brTag gnyis tshig ʼgrel rgyud bshad (pp. 132.1–136.4).
40
The title, as reproduced by A mes zhabs (i. e., gNyis med rnam rgyal gyi rgyud), refers to the dPal
de bzhin gshegs pa thams cad kyi gsang ba rnal byor chen po rnam par rgyal ba zhes bya ba mnyam
pa nyid gnyis su med pa’i rgyud kyi rgyal po rdo rje dpal mchog chen po brtag pa dang po (short title:
rDo rje dpal mchog) (Śrī-sarva-tathāgata-guhya-tantra-yoga-mahā-rājādvaya-samatā Vijaya nāma
Vajra-śrī-parama-mahā-kalpa ādi), and not, as one might assume, to the gNyis su med pa mnyam
pa nyid rnam par rgyal ba’i rtog pa’i rgyal po (Advaya-samanta-vijayākhya-kalpa). Both tantras
are found in vol. 82 of the sDe dge bKa’ ’gyur. For the canonical Tibetan version of A mes zhabs’s
quotation, see the appendix (excerpt C).
A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels
63
mchog lhun grub, said in the Tshul gsum gsal rgyan, [which is] a synopsis of the venerable Sa
skya masters’ scriptures:41 “In particular, the chiefs of [their respective] retinues, [i. e.,] the compilers [of the teachings], are the bodhisavas who, from the perspective of others, have emanated
from the non-dual gnosis of [our] teacher. [In] the realm of Akaniṣṭha, [in] Kusuma-tala-garbhavyūhālaṃkāra, Saha-loka-dhātu and especially from the perspective of human beings, [they] are
known as Vajrasattva, Samantabhadra, Guhyapati and Ānanda, respectively.”*42
Bai ro tsa na and Ānanda are of one mental continuum (thugs rgyud gcig pa). It
is said in the Padma thang yig: (6.1) “Having passed away in India, in the monastery
of Vajrāsana, Ānanda, the attendant of [the Buddha] Śākyamuni, wandered many
Sambhoga[kāya] realms. Thereafter, [as] the last of seven [re]births [in the form
of] human beings attached to the Dharma, [he is born] on an estate in gTsang
called sNye mo Bye mkhar in a nine-eyed house (brang khang dmig dgu). (6.2) [He
is] the son of a father with the name dPa’ gor he ’dod and of a mother named Bran
ka bza’ sgron skyid. [He] is called Gan phyag thang tha. Because the eight-yearold [boy] will be given the [appropriate] training, [he] will become an undisputed
translator.”43 Thus it is proved.
Sa skya Paṇ chen and Bai ro are not different [from each other]. (6.3) It is said
in the Lung bstan bka’ rgya’i las can nyi shu rtsa gcig gi lung bstan of the Bla ma
dgongs pa ’dus pa, a gter ma that gTer ston Sangs rgyas gling pa took out of Phu ri
Phug mo che [in] Kong po: “Lo tsā dPa’ gor Bai ro tsa na! Your succession of lives
will be of benefit in the present period [of this] fortunate aeon (bskal bzang).44
(6.4) Accordingly, in [your] final [life] in the future, [you] will guide living beings
gradually and protect the teachings. In particular, at the time when [you] will be
entrusted to spearhead those taming the savage ones, in a realm of [the Buddha]
Shākya[muni] named Sa,45 [you will be] a translator, a courageous paṇḍi[ta], acting as the preceptor of an earth-ruling king. (6.5) In so doing, [you] will suppress
the savage ones, [and] benefit will arise for living beings. Many [descendants of
41
Note that the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (p. 190b.6) reads gdung rabs (“genealogy”) instead of gsung
rabs (“scriptures”).
42
For this quote from the Tshul gsum gsal rgyan, see also the appendix (excerpt D).
43
For the original passage from the Padma thang yig, which slightly differs from A mes zhabsʼs
quotation, see the appendix (excerpt E). Cf. the English translation in Douglas and Bays 1978, vol.
2: 409.
44
Reading the variant skal bzang (B1, C) instead of bskal bzang (A, B2), one could also translate:
“Your succession of lives will be of benefit to the fortunate ones [living] in the present period;” or
alternatively: “Your fortunate succession of lives will be of benefit in the present period.”
45
In the context of A mes zhabs’s account, this “realm […] named Sa” is obviously to be understood
as Sa skya Monastery.
64
Volker Caumanns
your] lineage [will] successively [appear] in that way. [This is] inconceivable!”46
Thus it is proved.
The tathāgata Dri ma med pa’i dpal is, in [his] essence, identical to rJe Sa paṇ.
Once upon a time, when rJe btsun Rin po che Grags pa rgyal mtshan (6.6) had
dissolved [his] material body into the sphere of ultimate reality, [he] personally
displayed to rJe Sa paṇ bodily appearances of rJe btsun Rin po che (i. e., Grags pa
rgyal mtshan), the lord of yogins Virūpa, and the mahāsiddha Nag po pa. rJe btsun
Rin po che said: (7.1) “After this birth, you will become a vidyādhara dwelling in the
sky. Thereafter, [you] will traverse for the most part the realisations of the [ten]
grounds and [five] paths. Then, in the realm of Mu mu ni in the eastern part of
India,47 [you] will become the son of the king Nyi ma stobs ’phel and, (7.2) having
the attire of a cakravartin, [you] will completely purify the Buddha realms. After
that, in your fourth rebirth, [you] will become a samyaksaṃbuddha in the realm
of Abhirati as the tathāgata called Dri ma med pa’i dpal.”48 Thus (7.3) it is proved
by this prophecy.
In that way, all these appearances of embodiments of buddhas and bodhisavas
are of one mental continuum with Bai ro tsa na. That they are not different from
the sNgags ’chang, the Dharma king, is said in the gSang ba’i lung bstan gab rgya
can:49 (7.4) “[According to] definitive meaning, you, Bai ro tsa na, translator of
[our] present time, are known as Vairocana Gangs chen mtsho. [In the form of]
many saṃbhoga- [and] nirmāṇa[kāya] bodhisavas, [you] guide the living beings.
[Your] speech emanation [will be], [according to] provisional meaning, the last
one of thirteen [rebirths], [having] the name known as ‘[the man from] the ’Khon
clan.’ When faced with demons, (7.5) [you] protect the secret mantra teachings.
Whoever comes to meet [you]—a very fierce bodhisava, whose mode of appear46
Tib.: brgyud mang rim bzhin de bzhin bsam mi khyab/ . Note that this last line of the prophecy
as quoted by A mes zhabs departs from the original passage from the Bla ma dgongs ’dus; the latter
reads: brgyud mar rim bzhin de sogs bsam mi khyab/ . See also the appendix (excerpt F)
47
In the Hevajratantra (part 1, chapter 7), Mu mu ni, or Munmuni, is the name of one of the sacred
meeting places of the male and female initiates; see Snellgrove 1959, vol. 1: 70.
48
Grags pa rgyal mtshanʼs prophecy is already found in the earliest layer of the biographies of Sa
skya Paṇḍita. For one specimen (i. e., the version from Chos rgyal ʼPhags paʼs Chos rje paʼi rnam thar
bsdus pa), see the appendix (excerpt G).
49
My translation of the following quotation from the gSang ba’i lung bstan gab rgya can remains
tentative. The origin of this “sealed prophecy of the secret(s)” could not be clarified. According to
Tsering Lama (liri), it hails from the Bla ma dgongs ʼdus; however, I was not able to locate it. It is
interesting to note in this context that the Fifth Dalai Lama mentions in his ʼchams yig a prophecy
attributed to ʼPhrang sgo gTer ston Shes rab ʼod zer, according to which Kun dga’ rin chen was an
emanation of Bai ro tsa na; see de Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1976: 240, 241. Therefore, there might be the
possibility that the prophecy quoted above can be found in one of the gter ma scriptures of ’Phrang
sgo gTer ston. I am indebted to Tsering Lama who explained to me some of the more difficult Tibetan
formulations in this prophecy.
A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels
65
ance is uncertain—will be liberated after three [re]births. The gates to [re]births
[in] the lower realms will be closed [for] all those who will have consumed [your]
two smells [and] will be touched by [your] hand.50 [These] are [truthful] words
[of] definite [meaning].51 Whether [there will be] obstacles of a demoness (7.6) or
the Māra of the son of gods [coming] from the region of China; [you], the one
with the karmic lot, be careful! If [you] encounter the noble unstained mind emanation [of Bai ro tsa na?] at that time, immeasurable benefit will occur for living
beings. [You] will live [your] life to its [natural] end and be victorious over the
host of obstacles. In particular, [you] will overpower the upper Hor [who are]
emanations of Māra. Due to [this speech] emanation [as sNgags ʼchang Kun dgaʼ
rin chen], there will be no obscurations as to the welfare of sentient beings. (8.1)
[When you dwell] in the limitless Mahā-Saṃbhogakāya realm, by all means, keep
[this] in [your] heart! Samaya!”
Moreover, it is said in the Chos kyi lo rgyus lung byang gsal baʼi sgron me [of
the] ugs rje chen po ʼkhor ba las sgrol [gyi chos skor], [a text that] sNang rtse
gTer ston (i. e., Zhig po gling pa) took out of a treasure [hidden] in the back of the
statues of the seven successive Buddhas in Chos ʼkhor lHa sa: (8.2) “A [re]birth of
Bai ro, having the name known [as] ‘the man from the ʼKhon clan [born in] the ox
year,’ will appear, a human being [who will be] the lord of [this] doctrine. Since
[this doctrine] is conferred to him, the Buddhaʼs teachings will spread.”52
Furthermore, (8.3) it is said in the Dam ʼdzin lha sras kyi skye brgyud, [a treasure
text that] sPrul sku sNang rtse ba took out of Padma bcud phud at Khyung tshang
brag (“Garuḍa Nest Rock”): “You, Bai ro tsa na, translator of [our] present time,
will bear the name known as ‘[the man from] the ʼKhon clan.’ If [you] encounter
this profound doctrine, [you] will live [your] life to [its natural] end. (8.4) [You]
will spread [these] teachings in the whole region of dBus.”53 Thus it is proved by
these prophecies.
50
According to Tsering Lama, these are instances of “liberation through taste” (myong grol) and
“liberation through touch” (reg grol). As Tsering Lama explained to me, the “two smells” (dri gnyis)
refer to “faeces and urine” (dri chen dang dri chu).
51
Tib.: nges tshig yin, which Tsering Lama paraphrased as nges don gyi bden tshig yin.
52
For the original Tibetan passage from the ugs rje chen po ’khor ba las sgrol gyi chos skor, see
the appendix (excerpt H). On the discovery and transmission of this gter ma, see Ehrhard 2005: 23.
53
I was not able to identify the Dam ʼdzin lha sras kyi skye brgyud, which, by its title, should be
a document dealing with the “line of rebirths of Dam ’dzin lha sras” (i. e., Khri srong lde btsan’s
middle son Mu rub btsan po). Although Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa was considered to be a rebirth
of Mu rub btsan po (see Ehrhard 2005: 15–16), the prophecy quoted above could not be found in
the list of this gter ston’s former lives as contained in the Chos kyi lo rgyus (pp. 8.4–20.1). On the
“Garuḍa Nest Rock,” see Akester 2001b.
66
Volker Caumanns
These [statements] are dissimilar from the [deceptive] ways of a blind man
with a walking stick (long ba ’khar ’dzugs), [who]—by fraudulently [declaring]54
about some individuals: ‟[They] are emanations of ‘this [or that] noble being’”—
engages in deeds [leading to] the downfall of himself and others. (8.5) [To the contrary], this [account of mine], being proved by stainless valid scriptures, is a liberation story that is unique and extraordinary.
3. Edition of the Tibetan Text
The following edition of A mes zhabsʼs account of Kun dgaʼ rin chenʼs spiritual
genealogy reproduces the Tibetan text as given in the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam
thar (i. e., version i; textual witness A). Variant readings found in the Sa skya gdung
rabs chen mo and the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (i. e., version ii; textual witnesses B1,
B2 and C) as well as my own emendations are recorded in the footnotes. The two
additional passages from version ii are inserted into the edition in a smaller font
size and framed by asterisks. In these passages, the edition reproduces the text
of the sDe dge print of the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (textual witness B2). The
following sigla, abbreviations and signs are used in the text edition:
A
B1
B2
C
Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (1628), Dhongthog, pp. 3.1–8.5
Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (1629), Sa skya blockprint, fols. 193b.6–196a.4
Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo, sDe dge blockprint, fols. 248a.5–251a.6
Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (1635–1636), dbu med manuscript, fols. 189b.1–192b.2
add.
em.
om.
addidit, added
emendavit, emended
omisit, omitted
page reference in A
folio reference in B1
folio reference in B2
folio reference in C
unclear reading
(3.2)
[194a]
{248b}
⟨190a⟩
gzhag
54
Tib.: zog brdzus can dag gi (=gis?); lit.: ‟through fraudulent [claims]”?
A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels
67
de la ʼdir55 khams gsum chos kyi rgyal po56 / (3.2) dus gsum gyi sangs rgyas/ srid
pa gsum gyi ʼdren mchog dam pa/ dpal sa skya pa chen po sngags ʼchang ngag gi
dbang po kun dgaʼ rin chen bkra shis grags pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po zhes
mtshan (3.3) yongs su grags pa57 rje btsun sa skya paʼi {248b} bstan paʼi me ro gso58
ba la bsams59 bzhin du sku skye ba bzhes pa de nyid kyi60 sku tshe ʼdiʼi [194a] sngon
rol du61 thabs la mkhas paʼi sprul paʼi sku du mar bstan te/ mthaʼ yas paʼi sems
(3.4) can gyi don mdzad paʼi tshul mdo tsam zhig brjod na/ sngags ʼchang bla ma
bstan paʼi nyi ma grub paʼi dbang phyug chen po ʼdi nyid ni dus gsum rgyun mi
ʼchad62 par zhing khams ji snyed par gdul bya so soʼi skal ba dang ʼtshams (4.1) paʼi
sku dang mtshan gyi rnam pa tha dad du bstan nas/ gdul byaʼi ʼgro ba ʼkhor du ma
ʼdus pa rnams bsdus63 / bsdus pa rnams smin/ smin pa rnams grol/ grol ba rnams
mthar phyin paʼi lam la ʼgod par mdzad pa yin te64
de yang sngags ʼchang chos (4.2) kyi rgyal po ʼdi65 nyid thog mar sngags kyi
lam du bzhugs66 paʼi skal ldan rnams kyi ngor gsang sngags kyi rgyud sde mthaʼ
dag sdud paʼi byed pa po67 mchog tu gyur pa gsang baʼi bdag po phyag na rdo rje
zhes bya bar grags shing/ theg pa chen poʼi rigs can rnams kyi ngor theg (4.3) pa
chen poʼi bkaʼ mthaʼ dag68 sdud69 pa po kun tu70 bzang po zhes bya bar grags la/
gdul bya nyan thos pa rnams kyi ngor/ mdo sdeʼi sde snod sdud71 pa po dgra bcom
pa kun dgaʼ bo72 zhes bya bar grags shing/
yang bod gangs riʼi ⟨190a⟩ khrod ʼdir mdo rgyud kyi chu gter chen po (4.4) spel
ba la mtshungs pa dang bral baʼi lo tsā73 ba chen po74 bai ro tsa na zhes grags
shing/ slar yang blang dor gyi rnam gzhag75 tshul bzhin du ston paʼi rje btsun sa
skya paṇḍi ta kun dgaʼ rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po zhes bya bar grags pas rgya
bod {249a} hor gsum76 gyi gdul bya skal ldan (4.5) rnams dam paʼi chos la ʼgod par
mdzad nas shar phyogs mngon par dgaʼ baʼi zhing du de bzhin gshegs pa dri ma
med paʼi dpal zhes bya baʼi mchog gi sprul skur gyur te77 / zhing deʼi78 gdul bya
rnams phan bde la ʼgod par mdzad pa yin la/ de ltar bshad (4.6) ma thag paʼi sprul
paʼi skuʼi snang ba ji snyed cig79 bstan pa de dag gi80 ngo mtshar baʼi mdzad pa
bzang po phyogs gcig81 tu bsdus nas gos dkar lcang los mdzes [194b] paʼi skur sprul
te/ snyigs dus kyi skye bo gdug pa can rnams zhi rgyas dbang drag gi ʼphrin las
rnam pa82 (5.1) bzhiʼi sgo nas rjes su ʼdzin par mdzad pa ni/ dpal sa skya pa chen po
55
de la ʼdir] B1, B2 deʼi gcung ʼgran zla dang bral baʼi skyes chen dam pa; C de nyid kyi gcung rgyal
baʼi bstan pa la rgyal ba 2 ⟨189b⟩ pa ltar gyur pa ni| 56 khams gsum chos kyi rgyal po] C om. 57 pa]
B1, B2, C paʼi 58 gso] B1 bso 59 bsams] B1, C bsam; em. bsam 60 kyi] B2 kyis; em. kyis 61 du]
B1 tu 62 ʼchad] B1, C chad; em. chad 63 bsdus] C add. pa 64 te] C no 65 ʼdi] C de 66 bzhugs] B1,
B2, C zhugs; em. zhugs 67 sdud paʼi byed pa po] B1 bsdud paʼi byed pa po; C bsdud pa po 68 mthaʼ
dag] C dag 69 sdud] B1, C bsdud 70 tu] B2, C du 71 sdud] B1, C bsdud 72 bo] C bor 73 tsā] C tsa
74
chen po] B1, B2, C om. 75 gzhag] B1 gzhag 76 gsum] C 3 77 te] B1 te 78 zhing deʼi] B1 deʼi; B2
des 79 ji snyed cig] B1, B2 ji snyed pa gcig; C ji snyed 1 80 gi] B2 gis 81 gcig] B1 cig; C 1 82 rnam
pa] B1 rnams
68
Volker Caumanns
sngags ʼchang ngag gi dbang po kun dgaʼ rin chen bkra shis grags pa rgyal mtshan
dpal bzang po zhes mtshan yongs su grags pa ʼdi nyid yin la/
de lta buʼi (5.2) sprul paʼi skuʼi snang ba de dag sangs rgyas kyi ye shes gcig83
gi ngo bor grub paʼi tshul sogs rgyal baʼi lung tshad ma dang sbyar na/ phyag na
rdo rje/ rgyal baʼi sras po kun tu84 bzang po/ nyan thos chen po kun dgaʼ bo ⟨190b⟩
ste mdo sngags kyi bstan pa85 sdud86 pa po rnams (5.3) ston pa po87 rdzogs paʼi
sangs rgyas dang ngo bo88 dbyer med yin paʼi tshul ni/ gsang ba grub paʼi rgyud
las/ ʼdi yi sdud89 par byed pa po/ /gzhan dag yod pa ma yin ces/ /bdag nyid ʼbaʼ
zhig smra bar byed/ /sdud90 mdzad pa ni thugs rdo rje// *zhes dang/ rtsa rgyud brtag
gnyis las kyang/ ʼchad pa po nga chos kyang nga/ /rang gi tshogs {249b} ldan nyan pa nga/* /zhes
91
(5.4) gsungs pa ʼdis grub/
khyad par kun tu92 bzang po dang kun dgaʼ bo gnyis93 ngo bo dbyer med yin
pa ni/ gnyis94 med rnam rgyal gyi rgyud las/ de nas thams cad mkhyen paʼi ʼkhor
phun sum tshogs pa95 bshad par byaʼo/ /ʼdi lta ste/ ʼjam dpal ni (5.5) rgyal po chen
po96 zas gtsang mar gyur to/ /ʼjig rten dbang phyug ni lha mo chen mo97 sgyu
ʼphrul du gyur to/ /dpal lha mo ni grags ʼdzin no/ /rdo rje sems dpaʼ ni sgra gcan
ʼdzin no/ /sgrib pa thams cad rnam par sel ba ni shā riʼi buʼo/ /kun tu98 bzang po ni
gnas (5.6) brtan99 kun dgaʼ bor gyur to/ /lhaʼi dbang po brgya byin ni gnas brtan lha
sbyin no/ /rnam par snang mdzad chen po ni yang dag paʼi100 sangs rgyas shākya
thub par gyur to/ /zhes gsungs pa ʼdis101 grub/ *don de dag la dgongs nas mkhas paʼi
dbang po dkon mchog lhun grub kyis102 / rje btsun sa skya paʼi gsung rabs103 kyi don bsdus tshul
[195a]
gsum rgyan104 las/ khyad par ʼkhor gyi105 gtso bo sdud106 pa po/ ston paʼi gnyis107 su med paʼi
ye shes las/ gzhan ngor sprul paʼi byang chub sems dpaʼ che108 / ʼog min gnas dang me tog rgyan
gyis109 brgyan/ /mi mjed ⟨191a⟩ zhing dang khyad par mi yi ngor/ /rim110 bzhin rdo rje sems dpaʼ kun
du111 bzang/ /gsang baʼi bdag po kun dgaʼ bo zhes grags/ zhes gsungs pa yin no/*
bai ro tsa na dang kun dgaʼ bo thugs rgyud gcig112 pa ni/ padma thang yig (6.1)
las/ rgya gar rdo rje gdan gyi chos grwa nas/ /shākya thub paʼi nye gnas kun dgaʼ
bo/ /tshe ʼphos {250a} longs skuʼi zhing khams mang nyul nas/ /mi lus chos ldan skye
ba bdun gyi mthaʼ/ /gtsang gi snye mo bye mkhar zhes bya yi/ /gnas gzhis113 cig114
gi brang (6.2) khang mig dgu na/ /pha ming dpaʼ gor he ʼdod ces115 bya dang/ /ma
83
gcig] C 1 84 tu] B2, C du 85 pa] B1, B2, C paʼi 86 sdud] B1, C bsdud 87 pa po] B1, B2, C pa; em.
pa 88 ngo bo] C om. 89 sdud] B1, C bsdud 90 sdud] B1, C bsdud 91 ʼdis] B1 ʼdiʼi 92 tu] B2, C du
93
gnyis] C 2 94 gnyis] C 2 95 pa] C par 96 chen po] B1, B2 om. 97 chen mo] B1, B2 om. 98 tu] B2,
C du 99 gnas brtan] B1, B2, C om. 100 yang dag paʼi] B1, B2, C yang dag par rdzogs paʼi; em. yang
dag par rdzogs paʼi 101 ʼdis] B1 ʼdiʼi 102 kyis] B1 gyi 103 gsung rabs] C gdung rabs 104 tshul gsum
rgyan] C tshul gsum gsal rgyan; em. tshul gsum gsal rgyan 105 gyi] B1 gyis 106 sdud] B1, C bsdud
107
gnyis] C 2 108 che] C ste 109 gyis] B1, C gyi 110 rim] B1 rims 111 du] B1 tu; em. tu 112 gcig] B1
cig; C 1 113 gzhis] B1, B2, C gzhi; em. gzhi 114 cig] B2, C gcig 115 ces] B1, C zhes
A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels
69
ming bran ka bzaʼ sgron skyid kyi bu/ /gan phyag thang tha116 zhes bya lo brgyad
pa/ /de la bslabs117 pas rtsod me lo tsā118 ʼbyung/ /zhes gsungs pa ʼdis grub/
sa skya paṇ chen dang/ bai ro119 tha dad (6.3) med pa ni/ gter ston sangs rgyas
gling paʼi gter ma kong po phu120 ri phug mo che nas spyan drangs paʼi bla ma
dgongs pa ʼdus paʼi lung bstan bkaʼ rgyaʼi las can nyi shu rtsa gcig121 gi lung bstan
las/ lo tsā122 dpaʼ gor bai ro tsa na khyod/ /tshe rabs123 bskal124 bzang da dus (6.4)
tshigs la phan/ /de bzhin ma ʼongs125 dus kyi mthar thug126 pa/ /rim127 bzhin ʼgro
rnams ʼdren dang bstan pa skyong/ /khyad par dmu rgod ʼdul mgo ʼchol baʼi tshe/
/sa zhes bya ba shākyaʼi zhing khams su/ /sgra bsgyur lo tsā128 paṇḍi blo stobs
can/ /sa skyong rgyal (6.5) poʼi mchod gnas byed pa ste/ /dmu rgod kha gnon ʼgro
la phan pa129 ⟨191b⟩ ʼbyung130 / /brgyud131 mang rim132 bzhin de bzhin bsam mi
khyab/ /ces133 lung bstan pa ʼdis grub/
de bzhin gshegs pa dri ma med paʼi dpal rje sa paṇ dang ngo bo gcig134 pa ni/
sngon rje btsun rin po che (6.6) grags pa rgyal mtshan gzugs sku chos dbyings su
bsdus zin paʼi dus re zhig gi tshe na/ rje sa paṇ la rje btsun rin po che dang/ rnal
ʼbyor gyi dbang phyug birwa pa [195b] dang/ grub chen {250b} nag po pa gsum135
gyis136 skuʼi snang ba dngos su bstan zhing/ rje btsun chen poʼi137 zhal (7.1) nas/
khyod skye ba ʼdiʼi ʼog rol du138 mkhaʼ la gnas paʼi rig pa ʼdzin par gyur nas/ sa lam
gyi rtogs pa phal cher bgrod139 / de nas rgya gar shar phyogs mu mu niʼi140 zhing
khams su rgyal po nyi maʼi stobs ʼphel gyi bur gyur te141 / (7.2) ʼkhor los sgyur142
baʼi cha byad can gyis143 sangs rgyas kyi zhing rnams144 yongs su145 sbyong bar146
byed cing/ de nas skye ba bzhi pa la mngon par dgaʼ baʼi zhing du de bzhin gshegs
pa dri ma med paʼi dpal zhes bya bar mngon par rdzogs par147 sangs rgya bar ʼgyur
ro148 zhes lung (7.3) bstan pa ʼdis grub149 /
de ltar na sangs rgyas dang byang chub sems dpaʼi skuʼi snang ba ji snyed pa de
dag bai ro tsa na dang thugs rgyud gcig150 pa151 yin zhing/ de dang sngags ʼchang
chos kyi rgyal po nyid tha dad med pa ni/ gsang baʼi lung bstan gab rgya can las/
152 bai ro tsa na khyod/ /nges don rnam snang gang chen153 mtsho
(7.4) da ltaʼi lo tsā
zhes grags/ /longs sprul byang sems du mas ʼgro ba ʼdren/ /gsung gi sprul pa drang
don bcu gsum gyis154 / /mthaʼ155 ma ʼkhon gyi rigs la grags paʼi mtshan/ /bdud kyi
116
gan phyag thang tha] B1, B2 gan jag thang mthaʼ; C gan byag thang tha 117 bslabs] B1, C bslab
rtsod me lo tsā] B1, B2 lo tsā rtsod med; C lo tsa rtsod med 119 bai ro] B1 add. tsa; B2 add. tsa na
120
phu] B1, B2 pu; C spu; em. spu, pu 121 gcig] C 1 122 tsā] C tsa 123 rabs] C rab 124 bskal] B1,
C skal 125 ʼongs] B1 ʼong 126 thug] B1 thugs 127 rim] B1 rims 128 tsā] B1, C tsa 129 pa] C pa pa
130
ʼbyung] B1 byung 131 brgyud] B1, B2 rgyud 132 rim] B1 rims 133 ces] B1, C zhes 134 gcig] C 1
135
gsum] C 3 136 gyis] B1, B2 gyi; em. gyi 137 chen poʼi] B1, B2 rin po cheʼi 138 du] B1 tu 139 bgrod]
B1 add. te; B2 add. de 140 niʼi] B2 neʼi; C naʼi 141 te] B1 ste 142 sgyur] B1, C bsgyur 143 gyis] B1
gyi; C kyis 144 rnams] C khams 145 su] B1 om. 146 sbyong bar] B1, C sbyongs par 147 par] B1, B2,
C pa 148 rgya bar ʼgyur ro] B1 rgyas par gyur to; B2 rgyas par ʼgyur ro 149 grub] C ʼgrub 150 gcig]
C 1 151 pa] B1, B2, C om. 152 tsā] C tsa 153 gang chen] B1, C gangs can; em. gangs chen 154 gyis]
C gyi; em. gyi 155 mthaʼ] B1, B2, C tha; em. tha
118
70
Volker Caumanns
nye tsam156 ⟨192a⟩ gsang (7.5) sngags bstan pa skyong/ /byang sems drag gtum ma
nges snang tshul can/ /de dang ʼbrel tshad skye ba gsum157 nas grol/ /dri gnyis
ltor song158 lag gis159 gang reg pa/ /ngan song skye sgo chod de nges tshig yin/
/las can160 de la bdud moʼi bar chad dam/ /rgya nag (7.6) khams nas lha buʼi bdud la
161
{251a} gzobs / /de dus thugs sprul zag med dam pa dang/ /ʼphrad na ʼgro la phan pa
dpag med ʼbyung/ /tshe mthar phyin cing162 bar chad tshogs las rgyal/ /khyad par
stod hor bdud sprul zil gyis163 gnon/ /sprul pas sems can don (8.1) la sgrib g.yogs
med/ /mthaʼ yas longs sku chen poʼi zhing khams su/ /nges par snying la tshongs
shig164 sa ma ya/ /zhes165 dang/
snang rtse gter ston166 pas chos ʼkhor lha saʼi [196a] sangs rgyas rabs167 bdun
gyi sku rgyab kyi168 gter nas spyan drangs paʼi thugs (8.2) rje chen po ʼkhor ba las
sgrol169 gyi chos kyi lo rgyus/ lung byang gsal baʼi sgron me las/ bai roʼi skye ba
ʼkhon170 rigs glang lo pa/ /grags paʼi ming can chos bdag skyes bu ʼbyung/ /de la
gtad pas sangs rgyas bstan pa ʼphel/ ces171 dang/
yang (8.3) sprul sku snang rtse pas khyung tshang172 brag gi padma bcud phud
nas gdan drangs paʼi dam ʼdzin lha sras kyi173 skye rgyud174 las175 / da ltaʼi lo tsā176
bai ro tsa na khyod/ /ʼkhon gyi rigs la grags paʼi ming ʼchang ste/ /zab chos ʼdi dang
ʼphrad na tshe mthar phyin/ /bstan (8.4) pa dbus khams yongs la spel bar byed/ /ces
lung bstan pa ʼdis grub pa ⟨192b⟩ yin no/
ʼdi dag ni gang zag ʼgaʼ zhig la skyes bu dam pa ʼdi zhes bya baʼi rnam par
sprul paʼo zhes zog brdzus177 can dag gi178 long ba ʼkhar ʼdzugs kyis179 rang gzhan
gnyis180 (8.5) phung gi181 las la sbyor baʼi tshul dang mi ʼdra baʼi dri ma med paʼi
lung tshad mas182 grub pa ʼdi ni kun dang thun mong183 ma yin paʼi rnam par thar
paʼo//
156
tsam] B1, C ʼtshams; B2 mtshams; em. mtshams 157 gsum] C 3 158 dri gnyis ltor song] B1, B2,
C dri snying rta sogs 159 gis] B1, C gi 160 las can] B1, B2 las ldan; C legs ldan 161 gzobs] B1, C
zob 162 cing] C zhing; em. zhing 163 gyis] C gyi 164 tshongs shig] B1 ʼtshong cig; C ʼchang zhig
165
zhes] B1, C ces 166 ston] B1, C bton 167 rabs] B1 rab 168 kyi] B1, B2 nas 169 sgrol] B1, B2 grol
170
ʼkhon] C mkhon 171 ces] B2 zhes 172 tshang] B1 tshangs 173 kyi] C om. 174 rgyud] em. brgyud
175
las] B1, B2 la 176 tsā] C tsa 177 brdzus] C rdzus 178 gi] em. gis 179 kyis] B1, C kyi 180 gnyis] C 2
181
gi] C om. 182 mas] C maʼi 183 mong] B1, C mongs
A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels
71
Appendix
As we have seen, authoritative statements from canonical scriptures, gter mas and
other texts—which are intended to prove that Kun dga’ rin chen and his previous
existences were “emanational embodiments” that “exist(ed) as the essence of one
buddha gnosis”—play a crucial role in A mes zhabs’s account. Some of these statements, as quoted by A mes zhabs, deviate to some extent from their original wording. This appendix provides text editions of these statements, as they are found in
their original sources.184
[A] Excerpt from Padmavajraʼs Śrīguhyasiddhi (ch. 2, v. 4–5); in Samdhong Rinpoche and Vrajvallabh Dwivedi (eds.). Guhyādi-Aṣṭasiddhi-Saṅgraha. Sarnath,
Varanasi: Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, 1987, p. 12 [part 1 (= Sanskrit text)], p. 16 [part 2 (= Tibetan text)]185
vayaṃ tu kevalaṃ brūmo gurupādaprasādataḥ | abhāvaḥ śrīsamājasya anyasaṃgītikārakaḥᵃ || 4 || sraṣṭā tantrasya hṛdvajroᵇ vaktā sa eva deśakaḥ | abhāvastāvadanyasya
varjayitvāᶜ mahāsukhaṃ || 5 ||
/bla maʼi zhabs kyi bkaʼ ʼdrin gyis/ /dpal ldan ʼdus paʼi sdud pa po/ /gzhan dag yod pa
ma yin zhes/ /bdag nyid ʼbaʼ zhig smra bar byed/ 4 /rgyud mdzad pa ni thugs rje cheᵈ/
/gsung ba po de brjod paʼang de/ /de las gzhan dag yod min pas/ /bde chen las gzhan
gsungs pa med/ 5 /
variants (as given by the editors): ᵃ -kam ᵇ hevajro ᶜ vaktumuktā, vajramuktā ᵈ thugs
rdo rje
[B] Excerpt from the Hevajratantra (pt. 2, ch. 2, v. 39); in Snellgrove 1959, vol. 2:
48, 49186
vyākhyātāham ahaṃ dharmaḥ | śrotāhaṃ sugaṇair yutaḥ ||
/ ʼchad pa po nga chos kyang nga/ /rang gi tshogs ldan nyan pa nga/
[C] Excerpt from the Śrī-sarva-tathāgata-guhya-tantra-yoga-mahā-rājādvayasamatā Vijaya nāma Vajra-śrī-parama-mahā-kalpa ādi (dPal de bzhin gshegs pa
thams cad kyi gsang ba rnal ʼbyor chen po rnam par rgyal ba zhes bya ba mnyam
184
The text excerpts edited in this appendix are merely intended to convey a certain spectrum of
variants that can be found in some of the relevant textual witnesses (if more than one witness has
been available). Reliable (diplomatic or critical) text editions are still a desideratum in the field of
Tibetan studies.
185
For the Tibetan text, see also the bsTan ʼgyur dpe bsdur ma. 120 vols. Pe cin: Krung go’i bod rig
pa’i dpe skrun khang, 1994–2008, vol. 26, p. 12.
186
For the Tibetan text see also bKa’ ’gyur dpe bsdur ma. 109 vols. Pe cin: Krung go’i bod rig pa’i
dpe skrun khang, 2006–2009, vol. 80, p. 38.
72
Volker Caumanns
pa nyid gnyis su med paʼi rgyud kyi rgyal po rdo rje dpal mchog chen po brtag pa
dang po); in bKa’ ’gyur. 103 vols. sDe dge, vol. 82, p. 411.3–6 (fol. 206a.2–6)187
de nas gzhan yang thams cad mkhyen paʼi ʼkhor phun sum tshogs pa bshad par byaʼo/
/ʼdi lta ste ʼphags pa ʼjam dpal ye shes sems dpaʼ ni rgyal po zas gtsang mar gyur to/ /ʼjig
rten gyi dbang phyug dbyangs ni lha mo chen mo sgyu ʼphrul zhes bya bar gyur to/ /lha
mo dpal gyi lu gu rgyud ma ni grags ʼdzin mar gyur to/ /rdo rje sems dpaʼ ni sgra gcan
ʼdzin to/ /byang chub sems dpaʼ sgrib pa kun tu gcod pa ni shā riʼi bur gyur paʼo/ /kun du
bzang po ni gnas brtan kun dgaʼ bor gyur to/ /kun du bzang po rnam par rol paʼi sku can
ni maud gal gyi bur gyur paʼo/ /lhaʼi dbang po brgya byin ni gnas brtan lha sbyin no/
/tshangs pa chen po ni byang chub sems dpaʼi snang baʼi ʼod du gyur paʼo/ /dpal rnam
par snang mdzad chen po ni yang dag par rdzogs paʼi sangs rgyas rgyal ba shākya thub
pa nyid du gyur to/
[D] Excerpt from the Tshul gsum gsal rgyan; in Ngor chen dKon mchog lhun
grub. Tshul gsum gsal bar byed paʼi rin po cheʼi rgyan. dbu med manuscript (tbrc
w2cz7911), p. 15.6–8
ᵃkhyad par ʼkhor gyi gtso bo sdud pa po/ /ston paʼi su med paʼi ye shes las/ /gzhan
ngor sprul paʼi byang chub sems dpaʼ ste/ /ʼog min gnas dang me tog rgyan gyis rgyan/
/mi mjed zhing dang khyad par mi yi ngor/ /rim bzhin rdo rje sems dpaʼ kun tu bzang/
/gsang baʼi bdag po kun dgaʼ bo zhes grags/
ᵃ gloss: pa ʼkhor gyi gtso bo sdud pa po ji ltar byung tshul ni/
[E] Excerpt from the Padma thang yig; in gTer chen O rgyan gling pa. O rgyan
gu ru padma ʼbyung gnas kyi skyes rabs rnam par thar pa rgyas par bkod pa
[padma bkaʼi thang yig]; in Padma thang yig; A: dbu can manuscript (tbrc
w4cz45306), Mang yul Gung thang (1535), fols. 94b.7–95a2; B: block print (tbrc
w4cz74450), rTag brtan phun tshogs gling (1675), fol. 163a.1–3; C: block print
(tbrc w1kg16912), Pe cin (1779), fols. 248b.4–249a.2188
rgya gar rdo rje gdan gyi chos grwaᵃ nas : shā kyaᵇ thub paʼi nyeᶜ gnas kun dgaʼ bo : tshe
ʼphos longs skuʼi zhing khams mang mnyulᵈ nas : mi lus chos ldan skyeᵉ bdun tha ma ni
: gtsang gi snyeᶠ mo bye khar g bya ba yi : gnas gzhiʰ zhigⁱ gi brang khang dmig guʲ na :
pha mingᵏ pa gor he ʼdod bya ba laˡ : ma mingᵐ branⁿ ka gzaʼᵒ sgron skyid kyi bu : gan
jagᵖ thang ta zhes paq lo brgyad pa : pha mi gnyis la bslangsʳ na ster bar mchiˢ : sprul
paʼi lo tsaᵗ rtsodᵘ med grags pa ʼbyung :
ᵃ grwa] C gra ᵇ shā kya] A, C shākya ᶜ nye] C nyer ᵈ myul] A nyul ᵉ skye] A skyes ᶠ
snye] A gnyeʼ g khar] A, C mkhar; em. mkhar ʰ gzhi] A bzhi ⁱ zhig] A gcig ʲ dmig gu]
A dmag gru ᵏ ming] A ni ˡ la] A dang ᵐ ming] A ni ⁿ bran] C phran ᵒ gzaʼ] A za ᵖ jag]
A dzag q zhes pa] A zhes bya baʼi ʳ bslangs] A slangs ˢ ster bar mchi] A gter mchis pas
ᵗ tsa] A tstsha, C tsā ᵘ rtsod] A rtsad
187
188
See also the bKaʼ ʼgyur dpe bsdur ma, vol. 82, p. 501.
The edition reproduces the Tibetan text as given in B.
A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels
73
[F] Excerpt from the Ma ʼongs lung bstan; in gTer ston Sangs rgyas gling pa (1340–
1390). Lung bstan bkaʼ rgyaʼi las can nyi shu rtsa gcig gi lung bstan; A: Bla ma dgongs
ʼdus. 13 vols., block print, sGa rje bde chen dgon. Gangtok: Sonam Topgay Kazi,
1972, vol. 6, pp. 277.6–278.2; B: Bla ma dgongs ʼdus. 18 vols. dbu can ms., mTshams
brag dgon. Paro: Lama Ngodrup and Sherab Drimey, 1981–1984, vol. 6, p. 343.1–3;
C: Bla ma dgongs pa ’dus pa las ma ’ongs lung bstan bka’ rgya ma’i skor. dbu med
ms., gNam rtse dgon. Gangtok: Sherab Gyaltsen Lama, 1983, p. 235.3–5189
lo tsaᵃ ba ʼgorᵇ bai ro tsa na khyod : tshe rabs skal bzangᶜ daᵈ dus tshigsᵉ la phan : de bzhin
ma ʼongs dus kyi mthar thug parᶠ : rimg bzhin ʼgro baʰ ʼdren dang bstan pa skyongsⁱ :
khyad par dmuʲ rgod g.yul mgoᵏ tshol baʼiˡ tshe : sa zhes bya ba shākyaʼi yulᵐ khams su :
sgra bsgyur lo tsaⁿ paṇ tiᵒ blo stobs can : sa skyongᵖ rgyal poʼi mchod gnas byed pa steq :
dmuʳ rgod kha gnonˢ ʼgro la phan pa ʼbyungᵗ : brgyudᵘ mar rimᵛ bzhin de sogs bsam mi
khyab :
ᵃ tsa] C tstsha ᵇ ba ’gor] B pa gor; C spa gor; em. pa gor ᶜ skal bzang] B bskal bzangs
ᵈ da] B nga ᵉ tshigs] B tshig ᶠ mthar thug par] B mtha’ thug par; C mthar thugs pas g
rim] B rims ʰ ba] B rnams ⁱ skyongs] B skyong ʲ dmu] B smu ᵏ g.yul mgo] B yul go ˡ
tshol ba’i] B ’tshol ba’i; C tshugs pa’i ᵐ yul] B zhing ⁿ tsa] B, C tstsha ᵒ paṇ t] B paṇ
tri; C paṇḍi; em. paṇḍi ᵖ skyong] C skyongs q ste] B te ʳ dmu] B smu ˢ gnon] B mnon
ᵗ ’byung] C ’gyur ᵘ brgyud] B, C rgyud ᵛ rim] B rims
[G] Prophecy by rJe btsun Grags pa rgyal mtshan; in Chos rgyal ’Phags pa Blo
gros rgyal mtshan. Chos rje paʼi rnam thar bsdus pa; A: dPal ldan sa skya paʼi bkaʼ
ʼbum: e Collected Works of the Founding Masters of Sa-skya. 15 vols. Dehra Dun:
Sakya Center, 1992–1993, vol. 13, p. 125.3–6; B: Sa skya bka’ ’bum dpe bsdur ma
las ’gro mgon chos rgyal ’phags pa’i gsung pod dang po. Pe cin: Kung go’i bod rig
pa’i dpe skrun khang, 2007, p. 135190
gzhan yang sku zhi kar gyur pa la nye baʼi tshe/ rje btsun rin po che dang/ birwa pa
dang/ nag po pa gsum gyis khyod skye ba thog ma med pa nas sbyangs shing/ khyad
par duʼangᵃ skye ba nyi shu rtsa lngar mi nas mir gyur te/ ʼjam paʼi dbyangs kyis rjes su
bzung zhing/ rig paʼi gnas lnga la sbyangs pa yin pas/ ʼdi nyid kyi ʼog tu shar phyogs su
ʼjig rten gyi khams du ma brgal baʼi pha rol tuᵇ mkhaʼ la gnas paʼi rig pa ʼdzin par gyur
nas/ de bzhin gshegs pa du ma mnyes par byas shing sangs rgyas kyi zhing yongs su
dag pa dang/ sems can du ma yongs su smin par byas nas/ sa dang lam rnams phal cher
bgrod de/ skye ba gsum pa la ʼdzam buʼi gling ʼdi nyid kyi shar phyogs kyi lho la nye baʼi
rgya gar na/ mu mu ni zhes bya bar rgyal po nyi maʼi stobs ʼphel ba zhes bya baʼi sras
su gyur nas/ bde bar gshegs paʼi bstan pa rgyas par byas te/ skye ba bzhi pa la mngon
par dgaʼ ba zhes bya baʼi zhing du dri ma med paʼi dpal zhes bya bar ʼtshang rgya bar
lung bstan zhing dbugs ʼbyungᶜ ba mdzad do/
ᵃ du’ang] B (=Lu phu) om. ᵇ tu] B du ᶜ ’byung] B dbyung
189
190
The edition reproduces the Tibetan text as given in A.
The edition reproduces the Tibetan text as given in A.
74
Volker Caumanns
[H] Excerpt from the Chos kyi lo rgyus lung byang gsal baʼi sgron me; in Rig ’dzin
Zhig po gling pa. ugs rje chen po ’khor ba las sgrol gyi chos skor: A collection
of Lamaist practices focussing upon Mahākāruṇika Avalokiteśvara. Recovered from
their place of concealment at the ’Phrul-snaṅ Temple of Lhasa by Źig-po-gliṅ-pa Gargyi-dbaṅ-phyug. 2 vols. Sherab Gyaltsen Lama: Gangtok, 1976, vol. 1, p. 27.2–3
bai roʼi skye ba ʼkhon rigs glang lo pa : grags paʼi ming can chos bdag skyes bu ʼbyung :
de la gtad pas sangs rgyas bstan pa ʼphel :
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