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UNEARTHING HIMALAYAN TREASURES INDICA ET TIBETICA MONOGRAPHIEN ZU DEN SPRACHEN UND LITERATUREN DES INDO-TIBETISCHEN KULTURRAUMES Begründet von Michael Hahn Herausgegeben von Jürgen Hanneder, Jens-Uwe Hartmann, Konrad Klaus und Roland Steiner Band 59 Indica et Tibetica Verlag Marburg 2019 Unearthing Himalayan Treasures Festschrift for Franz-Karl Ehrhard Edited by Volker Caumanns, Marta Sernesi and Nikolai Solmsdorf Indica et Tibetica Verlag Marburg 2019 Signet: Bodhnāth stūpa, after Ehrhard 2005 (11991): 3 Gedruckt mit freundlicher Unterstützung der TARA-Stiftung Bibliografische Information Der Deutschen Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar. 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Satz: Oliver von Criegern Herstellung: BoD – Books on Demand, Norderstedt ISBN 978-3-923776-62-7 ISSN 0723-3337 ༄༅།། ཨོཾ་སྭ་སྟི། སངས་རྒྱས་དང་བྱང་ཆུབ་སེམས་དཔའ་དགེ་བའི་བཤེས་གཉེན་ཐམས་ཅད་ལ་ཕྱག་འཚལ་ལོ། གནའ་དེང་རིག་པའི་གནས་ལ་སྤྱན་ཡངས་རིས་མེད་སློབ་ཚོགས་རྒྱུ་སྐར་བཀྲ། །ཐུན་མིན་བོད་ཀྱི་རིག་གཞུང་ལ་དགྱེས་ལྷག་བསམ་ཉ་གང་ཟླ་འོད་འཚེར། །ཡོན་ཏན་ཁུར་གྱི་ལོ་འབྲས་ལྕི་ཡང་ཁེངས་དྲེགས་ང་རྒྱལ་རི་བོ་བསྙིལ། །ཚུལ་ལྡན་ཉམ་ཆུང་ཕལ་བའི་རྣམ་ཐར་བདག་གིར་བཞེས་མཛད་ཁྱེད་ཉིད་ཙམ། འཛམ་གླིང་འདི་ན་སྙན་གྲགས་ཤིན་ཏུ་ཆེ་བའི་ཧཱམ་བྷོ་ཆེ་མཐོའི་སློབ་མཐར་ཕྱིན། །རྨད་བྱུང་དཀའ་བཅུ་རབ་འབྱམས་ཞེས་བྱའི་མཚན་གྱི་ཅོད་པན་བདག་གིར་བཞེས། །བལ་ཡུལ་ཞིབ་འཇུག་ལྟེ་གནས་དབུ་ཁྲིད་གནང་བཞིན་ཀ་ཐཱ་མན་གྲུ་རུ། །ནང་བསྟན་ལོ་རྒྱུས་རིག་གཞུང་དང་བཅས་སྣ་མང་དཔེ་ཆར་ཞིབ་འཇུག་བྱས། ནུབ་ཕྱོགས་ལྗར་མན་ལྷོ་ཕྱོགས་མུན་ནིག་མཐོ་རིམ་སློབ་གླིང་ཆེན་མོ་རུ། །ཕུལ་བྱུང་དཀའ་བཅུ་རབ་འབྱམས་པ་ཁྱོད་ཉིས་སྟོང་གསུམ་ནས་ད་ལྟའི་བར། །མཐོ་སློབ་ཆེན་མོའི་དགེ་རྒན་གནང་ཞིང་སློབ་ཕྲུག་གང་མང་སྐྱེད་སྲིང་མཛད། །དེ་དག་གིས་ཀྱང་འཛམ་གླིང་འདི་ན་སྤྱི་ཕན་བསྒྲུབས་ཕྱིར་ཉིད་དང་མཚུངས། འདས་སོང་བགྲང་བྱ་སུམ་ཅུ་ལྷག་བརྒལ་ཇོ་མོ་གླང་མའི་རི་རྒྱུད་ནས། །ཆོས་དང་རིག་གཞུང་ལོ་རྒྱུས་ཡོངས་ལ་དཔྱད་ཞིབ་གནང་བཞིན་འཚོལ་སྡུད་བྱས། །གྲོང་དང་གྲོང་ཁྱེར་དགོན་སྡེ་མང་པོའི་རིན་བྲལ་དཔེ་རྙིང་དུ་མ་ཞིག །བརྒྱ་ཕྲག་ངལ་བས་སྲུང་སྐྱོབ་བྱས་ཤིང་པར་སྐྲུན་བྱས་གྲངས་ཉུང་ཉུང་མིན། དེ་ཕྱིར་ཁྱེད་ཀྱི་མཛད་བཟང་ངོ་མཚར་རི་བོ་གངས་དཀར་ཏེ་སེའི་སྤོར། །བོད་བརྒྱུད་ནང་བསྟན་ཁ་འབབ་རྣམ་བཞི་གཅིག་ཏུ་འཁྱིལ་བ་མ་ཕམ་མཚོར། །ནུབ་ཕྱོགས་མཁས་དབང་སྐད་གཉིས་ལོ་ཙཱའི་རྣམ་དཔྱོད་རིག་པས་ཧུབ་ཀྱིས་བཏུངས། །ཁྱེད་ཀྱི་མཛད་བཟང་དམ་པར་བསྟོད་བསྔགས་མེ་ཏོག་འཕྲེང་བ་ཡང་ཡང་ཕུལ།། ༧ དགེ་རྒན་ཆེན་མོ་ཨེ་ཧར་མཆོག་གི་མཚམས་སྦྱོར་མདོ་ཙམ་བརྗོད་པ་ཇོ་མོ་གླང་མའི་གངས་འོད། ཅེས་བྱ་བ་འདི་ཉིད་ ཁོང་གི་སློབ་མ་མི་ཉུང་བ་ཞིག་གིས་བསྐུལ་བ་ལ་བརྟེན་ནས་ ༧ གནས་མཆོག་ལུམ་བྷི་ནིའི་ཞིབ་འཇུག་ལས་རོགས་པ་ ཚེ་རིང་བླ་མ་ནས་བྲིས་པ་དགེ་ཞིང་བཀྲ་ཤིས་པར་གྱུར་ཅིག །། Tabula Gratulatoria Orna Almogi Achim Bayer Katia Buffetrille Volker Caumanns Oliver von Criegern Christoph Cüppers Olaf Czaja Jacob Dalton Hubert Decleer Elena De Rossi Filibeck Siglinde Dietz Lewis Doney Brandon Dotson Helmut Eimer Marlene Erschbamer Karl-Heinz Everding Hiromi Habata Jens-Uwe Hartmann Jörg Heimbel David Jackson Matthew Kapstein Jowita Kramer Ralf Kramer Leonard van der Kuijp Klaus-Diether Mathes Petra Maurer Gudrun Melzer Burkhard Quessel Jim Rheingans Samyo Rode-Hasinger Ulrike Roesler Lambert Schmithausen Johannes Schneider Peter Schwieger Marta Sernesi Jan-Ulrich Sobisch Nikolai Solmsdorf Vincent Tournier Vinītā Tseng Tsering Lama Helga Uebach Roberto Vitali Dorji Wangchuk Yotsuya Kodo Table of Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Publication List of Franz-Karl Ehrhard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Orna Almogi: The Human behind the Divine: Some Reflections on the Scriptural Evolution of the Ancient Tantras (rNying rgyud) . . . . . . . Achim Bayer: The World Arises from Mind Only: Candrakīrti’s Affirmation of ciamātra at Madhyamakāvatāra 6.87 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Volker Caumanns: A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels: ʼJam mgon A mes zhabsʼs Discussion of sNgags ʼchang Kun dgaʼ rin chenʼs Spiritual Genealogy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Christoph Cüppers: A Document of the Official Handover by the dkon gnyer of the ʼPhags pa Wa ti Shrine in Kyirong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hubert Decleer: A Newar / Bon po Guide to Svayambhū: Ācārya Tenzin Namdak’s e Light Illuminating Nepal: e Self-Arisen Caitya . . . . . . Elena De Rossi Filibeck: “Dear Luciano…” Three Unpublished Letters by Giuseppe Tucci to Luciano Petech from Tibet: In Search for Tibetan Texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Siglinde Dietz and Helmut Eimer: Tibetan Versions of the ye dharmā hetuprabhavā Stanza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lewis Doney: Life and Devotion: The Biography of Padmasambhava in Two Works of A mes zhabs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brandon Dotson: A Fragment of an Early Tibetan Divination Board from Mīrān . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Marlene Erschbamer: Learning, Discipline, and Nobility: rJe ’Ba’ ra ba and his Spiritual Father Zur phug pa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jens-Uwe Hartmann and Bṣṇī Vīā: “Bathing the Body with Face Downwards” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jörg Heimbel: Producing a Deluxe bKa’ ’gyur Manuscript Set at Ngor Monastery: The Commission (1601–1603) of Shar chen Byams pa Kun dga’ bkra shis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . David Jackson: The History of Nā lendra Monastery: Sources and Some Recent Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi xix 1 27 51 79 87 119 133 143 165 189 203 219 235 x Table of Contents Matthew T. Kapstein: e All-Encompassing Lamp of Awareness: A Forgotten Treasure of the Great Perfection, its Authorship and Historical Significance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Leonard W. J. van der Kuijp: A lag sha Ngag dbang bstan dar (1759–after August 1, 1840): On Some Chinese Lexemes and the Chinese Language, Part One . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Klaus-Dieter Mathes: Mountain Cult and Religious Geography in Dolpo (Nepal): A Guide to Crystal Mountain Dragon Roar . . . . . . . . . . . Petra Maurer: Obstacles in the Path of the Religious Life: The Early Monastic Years of Grub chen Ngag dbang Tshe ring (1657–1734) . . . . Ulrike Roesler: Biographies, Prophecies, and Hidden Treasures: Preliminary Remarks on Some Early bKa’ gdams pa Sources . . . . . . . . . . . Peter Schwieger: Cultural Revolution in the Grassland: Tibetan Short Stories Addressing a Collective Trauma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Marta Sernesi: Writing Local Religious History: The Abbatial History of Brag dkar rta so . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jan-Ulrich Sobisch: Paracanonical Manuscript-Traditions of Tilopa’s Ganggā ma Mahāmudrā: Translation of the Version Preserved by the Aural Transmission Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nikolai Solmsdorf: The Ocean-Like Conqueror (rgyal ba rgya mtsho): A Jina Sāgara Thangka in Mang yul Gung thang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Helga Uebach: Notes on the Postal System (slungs) in the Tibetan Empire in the 7th –9th Centuries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Roberto Vitali: Bang rim chos sde in Dwags po (11th –13th Century): mKhar nag lo tsā ba’s Treatment and the Bai ser Follow-up . . . . . . . . . . . Dorji Wangchuk: Rong zom pa on the Ālayavijñāna Theory . . . . . . . . Yotsuya Kodo: Some Discrepancies between Candrakīrti and Tsong kha pa: On the Critique of Svatantra Reasoning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259 287 299 323 345 367 387 417 433 449 457 471 479 Introduction Franz-Karl Ehrhard was born on 15 August 1953 in the historic city of Heidelberg, the former centre of Romanticism in south-west Germany. His mother worked as a nurse, his father was a civil servant employed by the German Railways. After completing school, in lieu of military service, he worked at a local hospital. After civilian service, together with a friend, he undertook a trip to Asia which was to shape his academic future: the two travelled widely, visiting also Nepal and India, and it was in Bodhgaya that Franz-Karl Ehrhard was deeply impressed by Tibetans and their culture. The love for Nepal and its rich tradition was also ignited, and would lead him to return to the country regularly throughout his subsequent career.1 The decision was made and, after his return from Asia, Franz-Karl Ehrhard moved to the northern part of Germany, to the “Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg,” where he enrolled at the university and began to study Indology, Tibetology, and Social Anthropology. His teachers at the local “Seminar für Kultur und Geschichte Indiens” were distinguished scholars such as the venerable Geshe Gendün Lodrö, Prof. Albrecht Wezler and Prof. Lambert Schmithausen―the former a luminary of traditional Tibetan learning who left a lasting imprint on his Western students, the latter two exceptional mahāpaṇḍitas who inherited the imposing academic tradition of German Indology and Buddhology. Franz-Karl Ehrhard continued his postgraduate studies at the same institution, completing his doctoral dissertation in 1987 under the supervision of Prof. Lambert Schmithausen: this work, published in 1990 with the title Flügelschläge des Garuḍa is devoted to a topic that will run like a thread (among many others) through Franz-Karl Ehrhardʼs Tibetological career, namely the doctrinal system and the history of the rNying ma school. In particular, it consists of an edition and German translation of the spiritual songs (mgur) of Zhabs dkar Thogs drug rang grol (1781–1851): it has to be noted that at the time only the songs of Mi la ras pa had been translated and studied, together with the dohās and caryāgītis, but the English translation of the Ocean of Kagyu Songs and other poetical collections were yet to come. The volume is opened by an introduction to rDzogs 1 We wish to thank Christoph Cüppers for his help in piecing together the information on the early years of Franz-Karl Ehrhard’s career. We are also grateful to Oliver von Criegern for realising the lay-out of this book. The printing of the volume was generously sponsored by the Tara Foundation. xii Introduction chen—especially the sNying thig tradition—with a discussion of Khregs chod and Thod rgal. In 1988 Franz-Karl Ehrhard, now in his mid-thirties, succeeded Christoph Cüppers in the Nepal Research Centre in Kathmandu, coordinating the activities of the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project (ngmpp). He held this position in Nepal for five years (1988–1993), during which he took part in the expeditions aimed at microfilming the textual heritage preserved in private and monastic libraries across the Himalayas: for this purpose, he travelled to Jumla, Jomoson, Junbesi, Helambu, Kutang, Nubri, and Dolpo. This experience awoke his keen interest in regional history and sacred geography, as well as his sensibility for archival research and book history. The wealth of documents filmed during the expeditions were partly of local origin, partly originating in south-western Tibet and precipitously carried across the border after 1959, via ancient trade routes and reactivating long-lasting institutional and personal networks. To the latter typology of books belong the Collected Works (gSung ’bum) of Brag dkar ba Chos kyi dbang phyug (1775–1837) and of dKar brgyud bstan ’dzin nor bu (1899–1959), as well as 16th century printed books from Mang yul Gung thang, that constituted part of the library of Brag dkar rta so hermitage in sKyid grong, and that had been brought to safety to Lobpon Gyurmed in Nubri. These findings, shared with friends and colleagues, were the source material of Franz-Karl Ehrhard’s subsequent major publications. He also contributed to the publication of the recovered literature, in typeset reproduction or facsimile. The earliest was the publication in Tibetan script of Snowlight of Everest: A History of the Sherpas of Nepal, a series of texts compiled by Bla ma Sangs rgyas bstan ’dzin (1923–1990) from Junbesi. Earlier writings by the same author—including the Sher pa’i chos ’byung—had already been published in 1971 in Paris by Alexander Macdonald; the supplement was edited together with this scholar in 1987, and then published shortly after the death of the Sherpa Bla ma (Stuttgart, 1992). It remained a fundamental source for the study of the region, and was translated into Nepali two years later (Kathmandu, 1994). The works of dKar brgyud bstan ’dzin nor bu, filmed in Nubri in 1992, were published in 1996 with a short introduction by their “treasure discoverer.” Franz-Karl Ehrhard thus acquired a direct knowledge of the land, the people, and the history of south-western Tibet and the Himalayas, which led him to participate in the dfg-funded project “Nation Building and Processes of Human Settlements in the Tibetan Himalayas” (“Staatenbildung und Siedlungsprozesse im tibetischen Himalaya”), developed between 1993 and 1998 by the German Archaeological Institute (Bonn) and the Department of Archaeology in Nepal. His individual research project, titled “Religious Geography as Space-structuring Element” Introduction xiii (“Religiöse Geographie als raumstrukturierendes Element”), focused on the sacred sites and pilgrimage routes in the region of Mang yul Gung thang in south-western Tibet, which he could visit for fieldwork in 1997. The research project was hosted by the Institute of Indology of the University of Münster and was overseen by Prof. Adelheid Mette. The main results of this enquiry were presented in the dissertation for his Habilitation, which he submitted at Hamburg University in 1998. The manuscript was published in 2004 as Die Statue und der Tempel des Ārya Va-ti bzang-po: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte und Geographie des Tibetischen Buddhismus, which, as pointed out in the title, is a work devoted to local history and religious geography. Indeed, it is dedicated to the narratives relating to the temple of Ārya wa ti bzang po in sKyid grong: centred on a composition by Brag dkar ba Chos kyi dbang phyug—edited and translated—it presents in detail the life and works of this master and it explores a wealth of related materials on the self-arising image of Avalokiteśvara hosted in the temple, its “brothers,” and the sacred sites of sKyid grong. Another work by the same Tibetan master that had also been filmed by the ngmpp is the genealogy (gdung rabs) of the Gur family, which for centuries headed the mDo chen bKa’ brgyud tradition in the region: it is edited, translated, and studied in Franz-Karl Ehrhard’s 2008 monograph A Rosary of Rubies. These publications represent breakthroughs into the history and the narrative lore of the south-western Tibetan borderlands and are now essential reference works for scholars furthering these studies. This project was the inception of Franz-Karl Ehrhard’s rich research output tracing the diffusion of Buddhist lineages and teachings (especially rNying ma treasure traditions) and the foundation of temples and monasteries throughout the Himalayas. He investigated the history of the regions that he had journeyed in Nepal on the basis of hagiographies (rnam thar), lists of teachings received (gsan yig), genealogies (gdung rabs), guidebooks (dkar chag), and travel accounts (gnas yig) that for the great part had been filmed by ngmpp expeditions.2 During this period, Franz-Karl Ehrhard begun to compose a picture of the religious history of the Tibetan-Himalayan borderlands, piecing together biographical information, travel accounts, and his own observations in the field. This opus is still ongoing, and may be followed up and expanded upon by others thanks to the extensive and 2 These contributions include, inter alia, a follow up to Snellgrove’s classical study on the “Lamas of Dolpo” (“Two Further Lamas of Dolpo,” 1996), “Tibetan Sources on Muktināth: Individual Reports and Normative Guides” (1993), “Sa-’dul dgon-pa: A Temple at the Crossroads of Jumla, Dolpo and Mustang” (1998), “Religious Geography and Literary Traditions: The Foundation of the Monastery Brag-dkar bsam-gling” (2001), “The Enlightment Stūpa in Junbesi” (2004), and “Concepts of Religious Space in Southern Mustāṅ: The Foundation of the Monastery sKu-tshab gter-lnga” (2001). “The Lands are like a Wiped Golden Basin” (1997) provides an overview of the Sixth Zhwa dmar pa’s travelogue of the 1629/30 journey to Nepal, a rare source that was later the topic of a PhD Dissertation supervised by Franz-Karl Ehrhard at the University of Munich (Navina Lamminger 2012/13). xiv Introduction detailed bibliographical references to the primary sources that constitute the backbone of his studies. His contributions allow identifying the individual trajectories of influential Buddhist teachers, dating the foundation of specific sites, and tracing the origins of lama lineages in the Himalayan valleys. For example, two articles shed light on the origins of the main temples and lama lineages of Yol mo (Helambu), supplementing and offering substantial correctives to earlier contributions by Graham Clarke: “The Story of How bla-ma Karma Chos-bzang Came to Yol-mo’: A Family Document from Nepal” (2004), and “A Forgotten Incarnation Lineage: The Yol-mo-ba Sprul-skus (16th to 18th Centuries)” (2007). The latter follows for five generations the reincarnation lineage of sNgags ’chang Shākya bzang po (16th c.), the “discoverer,” renovator, and first caretaker of the Bodhnāth stūpa in Kathmandu: Franz-Karl Ehrhard returns thus to one of his favourite early topics of study, namely the history of the two main sacred Buddhist monuments in the Kathmandu valley: the stūpa of Bodhnāth and the Svayambhūcaitya. His articles on the Tibetan sources for investigating the successive renovations of the sites (1989, 1990, 1991) were supplemented in 2007 by another survey of “Old and New Tibetan Sources Concerning Svayaṃbhūnāth.” He also published a study of the register (dkar chag) of the small reliquary of the yogin Rang rig ras pa (17th c.) that flanks to the East the main stūpa of Bodhnāth (2002). Franz-Karl Ehrhard’s love for the Kathmandu valley, where he has lived for so long and regularly returns to with joy, transpires from a booklet collecting images of Bodhnāth and verse compositions dedicated to the site, published in Kathmandu in 1991 with the title Views of the Bodhnāth-stūpa, and a contribution to e Changing Town-scapes of the Kathmandu Valley (1995). Remaining in the field of sacred geography, we may emphasise Franz-Karl Ehrhard’s important contribution to the study of “hidden lands” (sbas yul), a phenomenon that brings together his interest in the masters and teachings of the rNying ma tradition and his work on local Himalayan history. Alongside his wellknown articles on “The Role of ‘Treasure Discoverers’ and their Writings in the Search for Himalayan Sacred Lands” (1994) and “Political and Ritual Aspects of the Search for Himalayan Sacred Lands” (1996), which discuss the tradition and its ideology, he published case-studies of specific sites such as “A ‘Hidden Land’ in the Tibetan-Nepalese Borderlands” (1997), and “A ‘Hidden Land’ at the Border of ’Ol-kha and Dvags-po” (2009–2010). He also wrote about the “opening” of hidden lands in Bhutan (“Addressing Tibetan Rulers from the South” 2008), and Sikkim (“The mNga’ bdag family and the tradition of Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa [1524– 1583] in Sikkim” 2005), two other Himalayan regions that attracted his scholarly attention. Introduction xv In 1998 Franz-Karl Ehrhard became Research Fellow at the Lumbini International Research Institute (liri), where in the following years he pursued his own project, inspired, once more, by textual materials filmed by the ngmpp. In particular, it was the inception of a twenty-year-long fascination with the beautifully produced, and richly illustrated, 16th century printed editions from Mang yul Gung thang. His Early Buddhist Block Prints from Mang-yul Gung-thang (2000) is a contribution to the study of Tibetan xylographic printing: in describing the life and works of Chos dbang rgyal mtshan (1484–1549) and Nam mkha’ rdo rje (1486–1553) it brings together for the first time accounts of book production from biographical sources and exemplars of the mentioned editions. The transcriptions of the full printing colophons of the books, and the study of the artisans that worked in various capacities (scribes, carvers, illustrators, etc.) at their production, complete the monograph, which remains a reference work, in both method and contents, for the study of xylography in Tibet. This study was accompanied by the facsimile reproduction from ngmpp microfilms of two volumes printed in Mang yul Gung thang in the early 16th century, namely the 1533 editio princeps of Klong chen pa’s eg mchog mdzod, and a collection of works on the Great Seal by the influential master of the Bo dong pa school bTsun pa chos legs (1437–1521). Franz-Karl Ehrhard continued to pursue this avenue of research in a series of articles devoted to early Tibetan printing projects;3 in particular, he investigated the transmission history and the editorial history of the Maṇi bka’ ’bum, and he also recently co-edited a volume on Tibetan Printing: Comparisons, Continuities and Change (2016). This substantial output has greatly advanced our knowledge of early Tibetan xylographic printing, and has confirmed him as the leading expert in this field of enquiry. Franz-Karl Ehrhard’s interest in history and cultural history led him to study narratives, teaching lineages, cloth paintings (thang kas), law and administration, and donation inscriptions. In particular, he has investigated the relationship between secular and religious authority, and patterns of patronage, in 15th and 16th century Tibet, focusing on the individual trajectories of influential masters such as Kaḥ tog pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1466–1540), Vanaratna (1384–1468), mChog ldan mgon po (1497–1531), dBus smyon Kun dga’ bzang po (1458–1532), or Chos 3 See “The Transmission of the dMar-khrid Tshem-bu lugs and the Maṇi bka’ ’bum” (2000), “The Royal Print of the Maṇi bka’ ’bum” (2013), “Editing and Publishing the Master’s Writings” (2010), “Gnas Rab ’byams pa Byams pa phun tshogs (1503–1581) and His Contribution to Buddhist Block Printing in Tibet” (2012), “Buddhist Hagiographies from the Borderlands” (2016), “Collected Writings as Xylographs” (2016), “Printing a Treasure Text” (2018), and “Apropos a Recent Contribution of Tibetan Xylographs from the 15th to the 17th Centuries” (in press). xvi Introduction dpal bzang po (1371–1439);4 e Life and Travels of Lo-chen bSod-nams rgya-mtsho (1424–1482) is introduced by a synopsis of the life of the 4th Zhwa dmar pa Chos kyi grags pa (1453–1524), and is accompanied by the facsimile publication of the Great Translator’s “Buddhist Correspondence” (2002). As may be seen, Franz-Karl Ehrhard’s contributions to Tibetan and Himalayan studies are highly significant in different fields of research, reflecting the impressive range and depth of his expertise. In 2003 Franz-Karl Ehrhard became Professor for Tibetology and Buddhist Studies at the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität in Munich. In the years leading up to this appointment he had been visiting Professor at the University of Vienna (2000), and at Harvard University (2001). In Munich, he has been a passionate and inspiring teacher, and has greatly worked to foster the discipline: he acted as Faculty Students’ Dean for many years, he oversaw about twenty Magister, Master and Bachelor theses, and he supervised eight PhD Dissertations and four Habilitation Dissertations.5 Between 2009 and 2015, he supported and directed five 4 See “Kaḥ thog pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1466–1540) and his Activities in Sikkim and Bhutan” (2003), and “Kaḥ thog pa Bsod nams rgyal mtshan (1466–1540) and the Foundation of O rgyan rtse mo in Spa gro” (2007), “Spiritual Relationships between Rulers and Preceptors: The Three Journeys of Vanaratna (1384–1468) to Tibet” (2004), “Addressing Tibetan Rulers from the South: mChog-ldan mgon-po (1497–1531) in the Hidden Valleys of Bhutan” (2008), “The Holy Madman of dBus and His Relationships with Tibetan Rulers in the 15th and 16th Centuries” (2010), “Chos dpal bzang po (1371–1439): The ‘Great Teacher’ (bla chen) of rDzong dkar and his Biography” (2017). 5 PhD Dissertations: Frank Müller-Witte, “Die Kategorien bdag und gzhan bei dPa’-ris sangsrgyas und Dor-zhi gdong-drug und ihre Relevanz für das Verständnis tibetischer Texte” (ss 2009); Volker Caumanns, “Leben und Werk des Sa-skya-Gelehrten gSer-mdog Paṇ-chen Shākya-mchogldan (1428–1507)” (ss 2012); Navina Lamminger, “Der Reisebericht des Sechsten Zhva dmar pa nach Nepal. Textkritische Edition, Übersetzung und Studie” (ws 2012/13); Nikolai Solmsdorf, “Rig-’dzin Gar-dbang rdo-rje snying-po (1640–1685). A Treasure-Discoverer of the rNying-ma-pa School from mNga’-ris Gung-thang” (ss 2013); Marlene Erschbamer, “Die Lehrtradition der ’Ba’-ra-ba bKa’-brgyud-pa. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und zur gegenwärtigen Verbreitung einer Schule des tibetischen Buddhismus” (ss 2016); Christoph Burghart, “Leben und Werk des 17. Thronhalters der ’Bri-gung bka’-brgyud-Tradition Rin-chen phun-tshogs (1509–1557) unter besonderer Berücksichtigung seines Schatzzyklus Dam chos dgongs pa yang zab” (ss 2017); Marco Walter, “Leben und Lehren des Gling-ras-pa Padma rdo-rje (1128–1188), Gründer der ’Brug-pa bKa’-brgyud-pa” (ss 2017); Yüan Zhong, “Lives and Works of Karma nor-bu bzang-po (1906–1984) and Karma stobs-rgyal (1944–2014)” (ws 2017/18). Habilitation Dissertations: Petra Maurer, “Die Grundlagen der tibetischen Geomantie dargestellt anhand des 32. Kapitels des Vaiḍūrya dkar po von sDe srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705). Ein Beitrag zum Verständnis der Kultur- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte Tibets zur Zeit des 5. Dalai Lama Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682)” (ss 2006); Ulrike Roesler, “Der dPe chos rin chen spungs pa des Po-to-ba Rin-chen-gsal. Die Verschmelzung indischer und tibetischer Traditionen in einem frühen ‘Stufenweg zur Erleuchtung’ (lam rim)” (ws 2006/07); Brandon Dotson, “The Victory Banquet: The Old Tibetan Chronicle and the Rise of Tibetan Historical Narrative” (ss 2013); Marta Sernesi, “Early Tibetan Printed Books: History and Xylography in South-Western Tibet” (ws 2018/19). Introduction xvii externally-funded research projects spanning a wide range of topics, from bKa’ brgyud contemplative traditions, to Sa skya hagiographical sources, to Old Tibetan lexicography, and ideals and practices of kingship during the Tibetan Empire.6 He served as series-editor of Collectanea Himalayica: Studies on the History and Culture of the Himalayas and Tibet (Indus Verlag, München), which published five volumes, and, since 2008, of Contributions to Tibetan Studies (Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden), which published seven volumes (nos. 6–12). All these endeavours ensured that the small Department of Indology and Tibetology of Munich University developed into a major centre of Tibetan studies, were students and young scholars could learn and work in a stimulating and supportive environment. Franz-Karl Ehrhard is deeply passionate for his subject and generous with his sources and knowledge, sharing widely the many Tibetan texts of his library, together with his carefully handwritten summaries and notes. His knowledge of academic scholarship published in English, French, and German is impressive, as is his learning in history, anthropology, history of religions, cultural history, book history—just to name a few disciplines. He takes a real pleasure in studying, discussing, sharing, and exploring Tibetan and Himalayan history, culture, and literature. Because of this, alongside his institutional and didactic duties, he always continued to dedicate time and energy to research, producing a wealth of scholarly output throughout his career. Hence, this short sketch cannot make justice to the breadth of Franz-Karl Ehrhard’s research interests and the impact of his contribution to the field of Tibetan and Himalayan studies. He is an inspiring role model for his mentees, and a knowledgeable and amiable colleague, and this volume wishes to be but a modest token of our appreciation. Marta Sernesi 6 “Re-Enacting the Past. The Heritage of the Early bKa’ brgyud pa in the Life and Works of gTsang smyon Heruka (1452-1507) and His Disciple rGod tshang ras pa sNa tshogs rang grol (1482-1559),” funded by the daad (2009–2010) and the Gerda Henkel Stiftung (2010–2012), realised by Marta Sernesi; “Die Hagiographie des tibetischen Gelehrten Shākya-mchog-ldan (1428–1507): Quellen und historischer Kontext,” funded by the dfg (2010–2012), realised by Volker Caumanns; “Kingship and Religion in Tibet,” funded by the Alexander von Humboldt Stiftung (2010–2015), realised by Brandon Dotson; “Lexikologische Analyse des alttibetischen Wortschatzes unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Komposita,” funded by the dfg (2013–2015), realised by Joanna Bialek; “bKa’ brgyud History and Xylography in South-Western Tibet. The Legacy of Yang dgon pa rGyal mtshan dpal bzang po (1213-1258),” funded by the dfg (2012–2018), realised by Marta Sernesi. Publication List of Franz-Karl Ehrhard Monographs 1. Flügelschläge des Garuḍa: Literar- und ideengeschichtliche Bemerkungen zu einer Liedersammlung des rDzogs-chen. Tibetan and Indo-Tibetan Studies 3. Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag, 1990. 2. Early Buddhist Block Prints from Mang-yul Gung-thang. Lumbini International Research Institute, Monograph Series 2. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2000. 3. Life and Travels of Lo-chen bSod-nams rgya-mtsho. Lumbini International Research Institute, Monograph Series 3. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2002. 4. Die Statue und der Tempel des Ārya Va-ti bzang-po: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte und Geographie des Tibetischen Buddhismus. Contributions to Tibetan Studies 2. Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 2004. 5. A Rosary of Rubies: e Chronicle of the Gur-rigs mDo-chen Tradition from South-Western Tibet. Collectanea Himalayica 2. München: Indus Verlag, 2008. Articles 1. “Tibetan Texts in the National Archives, Kathmandu.” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 4, 1980: 233–250. 2. “Observations on Prāsaṅgika-Madhyamaka in the rÑing-ma-pa School.” In Helga Uebach and Jampa L. Panglung (eds.). Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Schloss Hohenkammer, Munich . Studia Tibetica: Quellen und Studien zur tibetischen Lexikographie 2. München: Kommission für Zentralasiatische Studien, Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1988, 139–147. 3. “A Renovation of Svayaṃbhūnāth Stūpa in the 18th Century and its History (According to Tibetan Sources).” Ancient Nepal: Journal of the Department of Archaeology 114, 1989: 1–8. 4. “The Stūpa of Bodhnāth: A Preliminary Analysis of the Written Sources.” Ancient Nepal: Journal of the Department of Archaeology 120, 1990: 1–9. 5. “Further Renovations of Svayaṃbhūnāth-Stūpa (From the 13th to the 17th Centuries).” Ancient Nepal: Journal of the Department of Archaeology 123–125, 1991: 10–20. 6. “The Nepal German Manuscript Preservation Project.” European Bulletin of Himalayan Research 2, 1991: 20–24. 7. “The ‘Vision’ of rDzogs-chen: A Text and its Histories.” In Ihara Shōren (ed.). Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Narita . 2 vols. Monograph Series of Naritasan Institute for Buddhist Studies, Occasional Papers 2. Narita: Naritasan Shinshoji, 1992, vol. 1: Buddhist Philosophy and Literature, 47–58. 8. “Two Documents on Tibetan Ritual Literature and Spiritual Genealogy.” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 9, 1993: 77–100. 9. “Tibetan Sources on Muktināth: Individual Reports and Normative Guides.” Ancient Nepal: Journal of the Department of Archaeology 134, 1993: 23–39. 10. “The Role of ‘Treasure Discoverers’ and their Writings in the Search for Himalayan Sacred Lands.” e Tibet Journal 19/3 (special issue: Powerful Places and Spaces in Tibetan Religious Cul- xx 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. Publication List of Franz-Karl Ehrhard ture), 1994: 2–20 (reprinted in Toni Huber [ed.]. Sacred Spaces and Powerful Places in Tibetan Culture: A Collection of Essays. Dharamsala, 1999, 227–239). “Religious Places in the Valley.” In Andreas Proksch (ed.). Images of a Century: e Changing Townscapes of the Kathmandu Valley. Kathmandu: GTZ and UDLE, 1995, 12–25. “Two Further Lamas of Dolpo: Ngag-dbang rnam-rgyal (born 1628) and rNam-grol bzang-po (born 1504).” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 10, 1996: 55–75. “Political and Ritual Aspects of the Search for Himalayan Sacred Lands.” Studies in Central and East Asian Religions 9, 1996: 37–53 (reprinted in Toni Huber [ed.]. Sacred Spaces and Powerful Places in Tibetan Culture: A Collection of Essays. Dharamsala, 1999, 240–257). “A ‘Hidden Land’ in the Tibetan-Nepalese Borderlands.” In Alexander W. Macdonald (ed.). Maṇḍala and Landscape. Emerging Perceptions in Buddhist Studies 6. New Delhi: D. K. Printworld, 1997, 335–364. “‘The Lands are like a Wiped Golden Basin’: The Sixth Zhva-dmar-pa’s Journey to Nepal and his Travelogue (1629/30).” In Samten Karmay and Philippe Sagant (eds.). Les Habitants du toit du monde: Études recueillies en hommage à Alexander W. Macdonald. Recherches sur la Haute Asie 12. Nanterre: Société d’ethnologie, 1997, 125–138. “Recently Discovered Manuscripts of the rNying ma rgyud ’bum from Nepal.” In Helmut Krasser, Michael Thorsten Much, Ernst Steinkellner and Helmut Tauscher (eds.). Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Graz . 2 vols. Beiträge zur Kultur- und Geistesgeschichte Asiens 21. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1997, vol. 1, 253–267. “Sa-’dul dgon-pa: A Temple at the Crossroads of Jumla, Dolpo and Mustang.” Ancient Nepal: Journal of the Department of Archaeology 140: 3–19. “The Transmission of the dMar-khrid Tshem-bu lugs and the Maṇi bka’ ’bum.” In Christine Chojnacki, Jens-Uwe Hartmann and Volker M. Tschannerl (eds.). Vividharatnakaraṇḍaka: Festgabe ür Adelheid Mee. Indica et Tibetica 37. Swisttal-Odendorf, 2000, 199–215. “A Printed Laudation of Si-tu Chos-kyi ’byung-gnas and a Note on his Tradition of Tibetan Medicine.” Lungta 13 (special issue: Situ Paṇchen: His Contribution and Legacy), 2000: 28–32. “Religious Geography and Literary Traditions: The Foundation of the Monastery Brag-dkar bsam-gling.” Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 12, 2001: 101–114. “Concepts of Religious Space in Southern Mustāṅ: The Foundation of the Monastery sKu-tshab gter-lnga.” In Perdita Pohle and Willibald Haffner (eds.). Kāgbeni: Contributions to the Village’s History and Geography. Giessener Geographische Schriften 77. Gießen: Selbstverlag des Instituts für Geographie der Justus-Liebig-Universität, 2001, 235–246. “The Transmission of the ig-le bcu-drug and the bKa’ gdams glegs bam.” In Helmut Eimer and David Germano (eds.). e Many Canons of Tibetan Buddhism. PIATS : Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies. Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library 2/10. Leiden: Brill, 2002, 29–56. “The Register of the Reliquary of Lord Raṅ-Rig Ras-pa.” Wiener Zeitschri ür die Kunde Südasiens 46, 2002: 146–167. “Kaḥ thog pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1466–1540) and his Activities in Sikkim and Bhutan.” Bulletin of Tibetology 39/2 (special issue: Contributions to Sikkimese History), 2003: 9–26. “Spiritual Relationships between Rulers and Preceptors: The Three Journeys of Vanaratna (1384– 1468) to Tibet.” In Christoph Cüppers (ed.). e Relationship between Religion and State (chos srid zung ’brel) in Traditional Tibet: Proceedings of a Seminar Held in Lumbini, Nepal, March . liri Seminar Proceedings Series 1. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2004, 245–265. “‘The Story of How bla-ma Karma Chos-bzang Came to Yol-mo’: A Family Document from Nepal.” In Shoun Hino and Toshihiro Wada (eds.). ree Mountains and Seven Rivers: Prof. Mushashi Tachikawa’s Felicitation Volume. Delhi: Motilal Barnasidass, 2004, 581–600. Publication List of Franz-Karl Ehrhard xxi 27. “A Monument of Sherpa Buddhism: The Enlightenment Stūpa in Junbesi.” e Tibet Journal 29/3 (special issue: Tibetan Monuments), 2004: 75–92. 28. “The mNga’ bdag Family and the Tradition of Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa (1524–1583) in Sikkim.” Bulletin of Tibetology 41/2 (special issue: Tibetan Lamas in Sikkim), 2005: 11–29. 29. “A Short History of the g.Yu thog snying thig.” In Konrad Klaus and Jens-Uwe Hartmann (eds.). Indica et Tibetica: Festschri ür Michael Hahn, zum . Geburtstag von Freunden und Schülern überreicht. Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde 66. Wien: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universität Wien, 2007, 151–170. 30. “Kaḥ thog pa Bsod nams rgyal mtshan (1466–1540) and the Foundation of O rgyan rtse mo in Spa gro.” In John A. Ardussi (ed.). Bhutan: Traditions and Changes. PIATS : Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the Tenth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Oxford . Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library 10/5. Leiden: Brill, 2007, 73–95. 31. “A Forgotten Incarnation Lineage: The Yol-mo-ba Sprul-skus (16th to 18th Centuries).” In Ramon N. Prats (ed.). e Pandita and the Siddha: Tibetan Studies in Honour of E. Gene Smith. Dharamshala: Amnye Machen Institute, 2007, 25–49. 32. “The Biography of sMan-bsgom Chos-rje Kun-dga’ dpal-ldan (1735–1804) as a Source for the Sino-Nepalese War.” In Birgit Kellner, Helmut Krasser, Horst Lasic, Michael T. Wieser-Much and Helmut Tauscher (eds.). Pramāṇakīrtiḥ: Papers Dedicated to Ernst Steinkellner on the Occasion of his th Birthday. 2 vols. Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde 70. Wien: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universität Wien, 2007, vol. 1, 115–133. 33. “Old and New Tibetan Sources Concerning Svayaṃbhūnāth.” Zentralasiatische Studien 36, 2007: 105–130. 34. (together with Christoph Cüppers) “Die Kupferplatten der Könige Ādityamalla und Puṇyamalla von Ya-tshe.” In Petra Maurer and Peter Schwieger (eds.). Tibetstudien: Festschri ür Dieter Schuh zum . Geburtstag. Bonn: Bier’sche Verlagsanstalt, 2007, 37–42. 35. “Addressing Tibetan Rulers from the South: mChog-ldan mgon-po (1497–1531) in the Hidden Valleys of Bhutan.” In Brigitte Huber (ed.). Chomolangma, Demawend und Kasbek: Festschri ür Roland Bielmeier zu seinem . Geburtstag. 2 vols. Beiträge zur Zentralasienforschung 12. Halle: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, 2008, vol. 1 (Chromolangma), 61–91. 36. “‘Turning the Wheel of the Dharma in Zhing sa Va lung’: The dPal ri sPrul skus (17th to 20th Centuries).” Bulletin of Tibetology 44/1–2, 2008: 5–29. 37. “The Lineage of the ’Ba’-ra-ba bKa’-brgyud-pa School as Depicted on a Thangka and in ‘Golden Rosary’ Texts.” Münchener Beiträge zur Völkerkunde: Jahrbuch des Staatlichen Museums ür Völkerkunde München 13, 2009: 179–209. 38. “A ‘Hidden Land’ at the Border of ’Ol-kha and Dvags-po.” e Tibet Journal 34/3–35/2 (special issue: e Earth Ox Papers: Proceedings of the International Seminar on Tibetan and Himalayan Studies, Held at the Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, September  on the Occasion of the ‘ank you India’ Year), 2009–2010: 493–521. 39. “Buddhist Fasting Lineages: A Thangka of the Eleven-faced and Thousand-armed Avalokiteśvara.” In Eli Franco and Monika Zin (eds.). From Turfan to Ajanta: Festschri for Dieter Schlingloff on the Occasion of His Eightieth Birthday. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2010, 291–302. 40. “The Holy Madman of dBus and His Relationships with Tibetan Rulers in the 15th and 16th Centuries.” In Peter Schalk (ed.). Geschichten und Geschichte: Historiographie und Hagiographie in der asiatischen Religionsgeschichte. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, Historia Religionum 30. Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet, 2010, 219–246. 41. “Editing and Publishing the Master’s Writings: The Early Years of rGod tshang ras chen (1482– 1559).” In Anne Chayet, Cristina Scherrer-Schaub, Françoise Robin and Jean-Luc-Achard (eds.). xxii 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. Publication List of Franz-Karl Ehrhard Edition, éditions: l’écrit au Tibet, évolution et devenir. Collectanea Himalayica 3. München: Indus Verlag, 2010, 129–161. “The Narrative of the Birth of the Buddha as Told by Bskal-bzang Chos-kyi Rgya-mtsho (15th Century).” In Christoph Cueppers, Max Deeg and Hubert Durt (eds.). e Birth of the Buddha: Proceedings of the Seminar Held in Lumbini, Nepal, October . liri Seminar Proceedings Series 3. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2010, 355–376. “‘Flow of the River Gaṅgā’: The gSan-yig of the Fifth Dalai Bla-ma and its Literary Sources.” In Henk Blezer and Roberto Vitali (eds.). Studies on the History and Literature of Tibet and the Himalaya. Kathmandu: Vajra Publications, 2012, 79–96. “Gnas Rab ’byams pa Byams pa phun tshogs (1503–1581) and his Contribution to Buddhist Block Printing in Tibet.” In Charles Ramble and Jill Sudbury (eds.). is World and the Next: Contributions on Tibetan Religion, Science and Society. PIATS : Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the Eleventh Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Königswinter . Beiträge zur Zentralasienforschung 27. Andiast: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, 2012, 149–176. “The Scribe’s Remark: A Note on the ‘Rig-’dzin Tshe-dbang nor-bu (Waddell) Edition’ of the rNying ma rgyud ’bum.” Zentralasiatische Studien 41, 2012: 231–237. “The Royal Print of the Maṇi bka’ ’bum: Its Catalogue and Colophon.” In Franz-Karl Ehrhard and Petra Maurer (eds.). Nepalica-Tibetica: Festgabe for Christoph Cüppers. 2 vols. Beiträge zur Zentralasienforschung 28. Andiast: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, 2013, vol. 1, 143–172. “Spreading the sNying thig Teachings: The Biographical Account of rDzogs chen pa bSod nams rin chen (1498–1559).” Bulletin of Tibetology 49/1 (special issue: rNying ma Studies: Narrative and History), 2013: 55-76. “Lowo Khenchen (1456–1532) and the Buddhist Pilgrimage to the Ārya Wati Zangpo.” In Benjamin Bogin and Andrew Quintman (eds.). Himalayan Passages: Tibetan and Newar Studies in Honor of Hubert Decleer. Somerville: Wisdom Publications, 2014, 15–43. “‘An Ocean of Marvelous Perfections’: A 17th -Century Padma bka’i thang yig from the Sa skya pa School.” In Jim Rheingans (ed.). Literary Genres, Texts, and Text Types: From Genre Classification to Transformation. Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library 37. Leiden: Brill, 2015, 139–181. “Glimpses of the Sixth Dalai Bla ma: Contemporary Accounts from the Years 1702 to 1706.” In Olaf Czaja and Guntram Hazod (eds.). e Illuminating Mirror: Tibetan Studies in Honour of Per K. Sørensen on the Occasion of his th Birthday. Contributions to Tibetan Studies 12. Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 2015, 131–154. “‘A Thousand-spoke Golden Wheel of Secular Law’: The Preamble to the Law Code of the Kings of gTsang.” In Dieter Schuh (ed.). Secular Law and Order in the Tibetan Highland: Contributions to a Workshop Organized by the Tibet Institute in Andiast (Switzerland) on the Occasion of the th Birthday of Christoph Cüppers from the th of June to the th of June . Monumenta Tibetica Historica iii/13. Andiast: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, 2015, 105–125. “‘Throne-holders of the Middle Valley’: Buddhist Teachers from Southern Dolpo.” Bulletin of Tibetology 51/1–2 (special issue: Buddhist Himalaya: Perspectives on the Tibetan Cultural Area), 2015: 7–45. “Collected Writings as Xylographs: Two Sets from the Bo dong pa School.” In Hildegard Diemberger, Franz-Karl Ehrhard and Peter Kornicki (eds.). Tibetan Printing: Comparisons, Continuities and Change. Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library 39. Leiden: Brill, 2016, 212–236. “Buddhist Hagiographies from the Borderlands: Further Prints from Mang yul Gung thang.” In Orna Almogi (ed.). Tibetan Manuscript and Xylograph Traditions: e Wrien Word and Its Media within the Tibetan Culture Sphere. Indian and Tibetan Studies 4. Hamburg: Department of Indian and Tibetan Studies, Universität Hamburg, 2016, 127–169. Publication List of Franz-Karl Ehrhard xxiii 55. “Chos dpal bzang po (1371–1439): The ‘Great Teacher’ (bla chen) of rDzong dkar and his Biography.” In Volker Caumanns and Marta Sernesi (eds.). Fieenth Century Tibet: Cultural Blossoming and Political Unrest. Proceedings of a Conference Held in Lumbini, Nepal, March . liri Seminar Proceedings Series 8. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2017, 1–32. 56. “A Thangka from Brag dkar rta so and its Inscription.” In Katia Buffetrille and Isabelle HenrionDourcy (eds.). Musique et épopée en Haute-Asie: Mélanges offerts à Mireille Helffer a l’occasion de son e anniversaire. Le Pré-Saint-Gervais: L’Asiathèque, 2017, 371–383. 57. “Printing a Treasure Text: The 1556 Edition of the Bya rung kha shor lo rgyus.” In Oliver von Criegern, Gudrun Melzer and Johannes Schneider (eds.). Saddharmāmṛtam: Festschri ür JensUwe Hartmann zum . Geburtstag. Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde 93. Wien: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universität Wien, 2018, 75–93. 58. (together with Marta Sernesi) “Apropos a Recent Collection of Tibetan Xylographs from the 15th to the 17th Centuries.” Revue d’Etudes Tibétaines 48 (special issue: Perspectives on Tibetan Culture: A Small Garland of Forget-me-nots Offered to Elena De Rossi Filibeck, ed. by Michela Clemente, Oscar Nalesini and Federica Venturi), 2019 (in press). Edited Volumes 1. (together with Christoph Cüppers and Philip Pierce) Views of the Bodhnāth-Stūpa. Kathmandu: Bauddha Book, 1991. 2. (together with Alexander W. Macdonald) Snowlight of Everest: A History of the Sherpas of Nepal. Nepal Research Centre Publications 18. Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag, 1992. (Nepalese translation, Kathmandu, 1994). 3. (together with Ingrid Fischer-Schreiber) Das Lexikon des Buddhismus: Grundbegriffe und Lehrsysteme, Philosophie und meditative Praxis, Literatur und Kunst, Meister und Schulen, Geschichte, Entwicklung und Ausdrucksformen von ihren Anängen bis heute. München: Scherz, 1992. 4. e Collected Works of dKar-brgyud bsTan-ʼdzin nor-bu: A Recent Lama of Brag-dkar rta-so. Smanrtsis Shesrig Spendzod 142. Leh: D. L. Tashigangpa, 1996. 5. e Oldest Block Print of Klong-chen Rab-ʼbyams-paʼs eg mchog mdzod. Facsimile Edition of Early Tibetan Block Prints. Lumbini International Research Institute, Facsimile Series 1. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2000. 6. Four Unknown Mahāmudrā Works of the Bo-dong-pa School. Facsimile Edition of Early Tibetan Block Prints. Lumbini International Research Institute, Facsimile Series 2. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2000. 7. A Buddhist Correspondence: e Leers of Lo-chen bSod-nams rgya-mtsho. Facsimile Edition of a th Century Tibetan Manuscript. Lumbini International Research Institute, Facsimile Series 3. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2002. 8. (together with Petra Maurer) Nepalica-Tibetica: Festgabe ür Christoph Cüppers. 2 vols. Beiträge zur Zentralasienforschung 28/1–2. Andiast: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, 2013. 9. (together with Hildegard Diemberger and Peter Kornicki) Tibetan Printing: Comparisons, Continuities and Change. Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library 39. Leiden: Brill, 2016. Lexicographical Contributions 1. “Tibetischer Buddhismus.” In Ingrid Fischer-Schreiber et al. (eds.). Lexikon Östlicher Weisheitslehren: Buddhismus, Hinduismus, Taoismus, Zen. München: Scherz, 1986. (English translation: xxiv Publication List of Franz-Karl Ehrhard “Tibetan Buddhism.” In e Rider Encyclopedia of Eastern Philosophy and Religion. London, 1989; e Shambhala Dictionary of Buddhism and Zen. Boston, 1991.) 2. “Himalayan Buddhism.” In Lindsay Jones (ed.). Encyclopedia of Religion. Second Edition. 15 vols. Detroit: Macmillan Reference, 2005, vol. 2, 1230–1235. Reviews 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. Hidden Treasures and Secret Lives: A Study of Pemalingpa (–) and the Sixth Dalai Lama (–), by Michael Aris. In Zeitschri der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellscha 142/1, 1992: 206–208. Tibet: Civilisation et société. Colloque organisé par la Fondation Singer-Polignac à Paris, les , ,  avril , ed. by Fernand Meyer. In Zeitschri der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellscha 142/2, 1992: 395–398. Divinity Secularized: An Inquiry into the Nature and Form of the Songs Ascribed to the Sixth Dalai Lama, by Per K. Sørensen. In Zeitschri der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellscha 143/1, 1993: 223–225. Materials for the Study of Āryadeva, Dharmapāla and Candrakīrti. e Catuḥśataka of Āryadeva, Chapters  and , with the Commentaries of Dharmapāla and Candrakīrti: Introduction, Translation, Sanskrit, Tibetan and Chinese Texts, Notes. 2 vols., by Tom J. F. Tillemans. In Zeitschri der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellscha 144/1, 1994: 221–224. e Buddha Within: Tathāgatagarbha Doctrine According to the Shentong Interpretation of the Ratnagotravibhāga, by Susan K. Hookham. In Zeitschri der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellscha 144/2, 1994: 415–419. e Life of Shabkar: e Autobiography of a Tibetan Yogin, by Matthieu Ricard. In e Tibet Journal 22/1, 1997: 87–90. e Full-Fledged Khyung-chen Bird: An Essay in Freedom as the Dynamics of Being, by Klong-chen Rab-ʼbyams-pa Dri-med ʼod-zer and Herbert Guenther. In e Tibet Journal 22/3, 1997: 116–119. Consecration of Images and Stūpas in Indo-Tibetan Tantric Buddhism, by Yael Bentor. In e Tibet Journal 23/3, 1998: 129–132. Natural Liberation: Padmasambhavaʼs Teachings on the Six Bardos, by Gyatrul Rinpoche and B. Alan Wallace. In e Tibet Journal 24/4, 1999: 68–71. sDe-dpon sum-cu: Ritual und Ikonographie der “Dreißig Schutzgoheiten der Welt”, by Namgyal Ronge, Utz Poley, Rudolf Kaschewsky and Pema Tsering. In e Tibet Journal 25/2, 2000: 60–62. e Dating of the Historical Buddha / Die Datierung des historischen Buddha, Part , by Heinz Bechert. In e Tibet Journal 25/3, 2000: 70–71. e Brief Catalogues to the Narthang and the Lhasa Kanjurs: A Synoptic Edition of the “bKaʼ ʼgyur rin po cheʼi mtshan tho” and the “rGyal baʼi bkaʼ ʼgyur rin po cheʼi chos tsʼan so soʼi mtsʼan byaṅ dkar chag bsdus pa”; e Early Mustang Kanjur Catalogue: A Structured Edition of the mDo sṅags bkaʼ ʼgyur dkar chag and of Ṅor chen kun dgaʼ bzaṅ poʼs bKaʼ ʼgyur ro cog gi dkar chag bstan pa gsal baʼi sgron me, by Helmut Eimer. In Indo-Iranian Journal 44/2, 2001: 174–179. Pèlerins, Lamas et Visonnaires: Sources orales et écrites sur les pèlerinages tibétains, by Katia Buffetrille. In Indo-Iranian Journal 44/3, 2001: 279–285. Himalayan Hermitess: e Life of a Tibetan Buddhist Nun, by Kurtis Schaeffer. In Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 2, 2006: 1–8. Life, Transmission, and Works of A-mes-zhabs Ngag-dbang-kun-dgaʼ-bsod-nams, the Great th Century Sa-skya-pa Bibliophile, by Jan-Ulrich Sobisch. In Indo-Iranian Journal 50/2, 2007: 193–196. A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels: ʼJam mgon A mes zhabsʼs Discussion of sNgags ʼchang Kun dgaʼ rin chenʼs Spiritual Genealogy* Volker Caumanns (Universität Bern) In an article published recently, Franz-Karl Ehrhard presents the interesting case of a Padma bkaʼi thang yig that, contrary to what one would assume, cannot be traced back to an author of the rNying ma school.1 Instead, this Padmasambhava vita was composed, as its colophon reveals, by the 24th hierarch of Sa skya, ʼJam dbyangs bSod nams dbang po (1559–1621; r. 1584–1589). He was assisted by his father, the 23rd Sa skya hierarch sNgags ʼchang Kun dgaʼ rin chen (1517–1584; r. 1533–1584), who provided his son with oral explanations on the biographical tradition of Padmasambhava.2 In order to shed light on the religious and political environments in which this Padmasambhava vita was composed, Ehrhard summarises the Tibetan rnam thars of Kun dgaʼ rin chen and bSod nams dbang po, paying particular attention to the close ties to the rNying ma milieu that these two Sa skya hierarchs cultivated throughout their lives. In so doing, Ehrhard addresses the Padmasambhava cult, to which they were devoted, depicts their various sojourns at bSam yas Monastery, and touches upon their contacts with treasure discoverers such as Rig ʼdzin Zhig po gling pa (1524–1583) and ʼPhrang sgo gTer ston Shes rab ʼod zer (1517–1584).3 * It is a great pleasure to dedicate this modest contribution to my Doktorvater Franz-Karl Ehrhard as a token of my sincere gratitude. From 2006 to 2012, I had the good fortune to work door-to-door with him at the Institute for Indology and Tibetan Studies at the lmu Munich. At that time, I came to know Franz-Karl not only as a meticulous and enthusiastic scholar, but also as a warm-hearted and humorous person, whose amazing lack of intellectual vanity has impressed me deeply to this day. I am indebted to Kazuo Kano (Komazawa University) and Orna Almogi (University of Hamburg), who kindly explained to me the Indian background of some of the issues addressed in this contribution. Moreover, I would like to thank Tsering Lama (Lumbini International Research Institute) for sharing with me his understanding of some of the more obscure Tibetan phrases in one of the prophecies translated below. Last but not least, I am grateful to September Cowley for carefully proofreading my English. 1 See Ehrhard 2015a. 2 For a transliteration of the colophon along with an English translation, see Ehrhard 2015a: 166– 175. 3 See Ehrhard 2015a: 143–160, whose summary is based on the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar and the bSod nams dbang poʼi rnam thar. 52 Volker Caumanns In my contribution to this Festschrift, I would like to loosely build on Ehrhardʼs article and present another example that demonstrates the importance of the ‘rNying ma connection’ for the Sa skya hierarchs of the 16th and 17th centuries. In particular, I will focus on a brief Tibetan account dealing with the spiritual genealogy of the aforementioned sNgags ʼchang Kun dgaʼ rin chen. This account—which found its way into some of the writings of Kun dgaʼ rin chenʼs grandson, the 27th Sa skya hierarch ʼJam mgon A mes zhabs (1597–1659; r. 1620–1659)—bears witness to the traces left in the self-representation of members of Sa skyaʼs ʼKhon elite by their collaboration with proponents of the gter ma tradition. My contribution opens with a few introductory remarks that contextualise A mes zhabsʼs account (Section 1). This is followed by an English translation of the account (Section 2) and an edition of the Tibetan text (Section 3). The contribution closes with an appendix providing editions of additional textual materials that are related to A mes zhabs’s discussion. 1. Introductory Remarks sNgags ʼchang Kun dgaʼ rin chen played a decisive role in the history of Sa skya Monastery. Tibetan religious historiography portrays him as a reviver of Sa skya and its traditions after a prolonged period of decline that had begun with the collapse of the Yüan Sa skya supremacy in the middle of the 14th century.4 A mes zhabs, who was undoubtedly one of the most influential chroniclers of Sa skya history, credits his grandfather Kun dgaʼ rin chen with the feat of “rekindling the dying embers of the [Buddhaʼs] teachings,” which is understood to have included the revitalisation of the monasteryʼs religious community, the Sa skya teachings and the ʼKhon family lineage.5 Thus, according to A mes zhabs’s interpretation of events, Sa skya Monastery underwent a period of revival in the 16th century, 4 See, for instance, the Sa skyaʼi dkar chag (fols. 4a.3–6a.1), reproduced in Venturi 2013: 290– 293 (Tibetan text), 449–452 (English translation); the Sa skya chos ’byung (p. 43) and its English translation in Chogay Trichen Rinpoche 1983: 22; the Sa skya lo rgyus, reproduced in Schoening 1983: 145–148 (English Translation), 295–297 (Tibetan Text). For a reproduction of a portrait thangka of Kun dga’ rin chen in a recent Chinese publication, see Dramdul and DeJi DroMa 2008: 202. In the explanatory caption accompanying this illustration, it is said that Kun dgaʼ rin chen “was engaged in an overall rehabilitation of Sakya Monastery and rejuvenation of Sakya sect and its reign. [… H]is lifetime contribution was only after that of five forefathers of Sakya sect.” 5 This phrase is a kind of leitmotif that runs through a number of A mes zhabsʼs writings; see, for instance, the Grags pa blo gros kyi rnam thar (p. 60.1–2): sngags ʼchang chos kyi rgyal po ngag dbang kun dgaʼ rin chen gyis dpal sa skyaʼi sde bstan pa gdung brgyud dang bcas paʼi bstan paʼi me ro gso bar mdzad (…). For further examples, see the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 3.3, 69.3, 70.3). The phrase bstan paʼi me ro gso ba is, of course, a conspicuous allusion to the initial stage of the “later spread of the doctrine” (bstan pa phyi dar). A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels 53 which seems to have lasted until around the middle of the 17th century. The most salient feature of this revival evidently consisted of large-scale renovation and construction projects that were initiated by Kun dga’ rin chen and continued by his sons bSod nams dbang po and Grags pa blo gros (1563–1617; r. 1589–1617). It was during this time period that the Monastery of Sa skya acquired the form it was to have for several centuries, until the destructions of the Cultural Revolution.6 Furthermore, as the gsung ʼbums of Kun dgaʼ rin chen, his sons, and especially A mes zhabs show, the text production of the Sa skya hierarchs of this revival period reached remarkable proportions.7 Apparently, these literary activities bear testimony to the hierachs’ efforts to preserve the received religious traditions, and to adapt them to the needs of their time.8 A mes zhabs’s account of Kun dga’ rin chen’s spiritual genealogy, which was composed during this period of revival, has been preserved in at least two different versions. The first version is embedded in an extensive biography of Kun dga’ rin chen, i. e., the Ocean of Marvels, which A mes zhabs completed in the year 1628.9 (Ehrhard made extensive use of this rnam thar in the article mentioned above.) In the Ocean of Marvels, we encounter A mes zhabs’s discussion in the 6 Giuseppe Tucci, who had visited Sa skya in 1939, has already addressed the renovation of the monastic complex by Kun dgaʼ rin chen, i. e., “the Sa skya pa lama, who is remembered in history as the reconstructor of the Sa skya pa temples and monasteries damaged by warfare or crumbling with age” (Tucci 1949: 56). See also ibid.: 172, where Tucci laments the scale of the renovations: “If time and warfare had spared Sa skya and if Kun dgaʼ rin cʼen had not reconstructed it in the xvith century, or if his repairs had not been continued by his successors, many important documents of the Mongol period would have come down to us. We would have seen the art of India and that of Yüan China coexisting, as was to be expected in a place where the two cultures met.” 7 This phase of literary productivity had already started some decades before the renovations and structural extensions initiated by Kun dgaʼ rin chen, namely with his uncle and predecessor Sa skya Lo tsā ba Kun dga’ bsod nams (1485–1533; r. 1496–1533). The tenure of Sa skya Lo tsā ba marks the beginning of the sole rule of the ʼKhon clanʼs Dus mchod branch over Sa skya. The other branches—i. e., gZhi thog, Rin chen sgang and lHa khang—had broken off by the end of the 15th century, something which also brought to an end the power struggles within the clan that had weakened Sa skya politically since the 14th century. It could be argued that this new situation at the turn of the 16th century, among other developments, lay the ground for the later institutional revival of Sa skya initiated by Kun dgaʼ rin chen. For title lists of the collected writings of Sa skya Lo tsā ba (tbrc w00kg02531; 1 vol.; ca. 1,300 pages), Kun dga’ rin chen (tbrc w00kg02358; 3 vols., only vol. 2 available; ca. 930 pages), bSod nams dbang po (2 vols.; not available) and Grags pa blo gros (1 vol.; not available), see Sobisch 2008: 196–202, 208–210, 213–215. A comprehensive catalogue of the collected writings of A mes zhabs (tbrc w29307; 29 vols.; more than 22,000 pages) is provided by Sobisch 2007: 139–528. 8 See Sobisch 2007: 10, who states, with regard to A mes zhabs, that “his main contribution […] was to preserve, reestablish, and edit, as much as possible of the precious contributions of his forefathers.” This statement can be applied as well to the œuvre of the other Sa skya hierarchs mentioned above. 9 See the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 3.1–8.5). 54 Volker Caumanns opening chapter, which is titled “An Account of the Succession of [sNgags ’chang Kun dga’ rin chen’s] Previous Lives, Connected with Authoritative Statements.”10 The second version is available to us in two sources and is included in A mes zhabs’s Great Sa skya Genealogy and in his Kālacakra History dating from 1629 and 1635–1636, respectively. In both of these sources, the account directly precedes a biography of Kun dga’ rin chen: In the case of the first source (the Great Sa skya Genealogy), this is a medium-length biography, which is part of a clan chronicle; in the second case (the Kālacakra History), it is a short biography, given as part of a tantric lineage history.11 The two versions of the account are almost identical, with the exception that, besides having different concluding stanzas, the second version contains two additions that are not included in the first.12 It is unclear whether the first version is the original one and was composed specifically for the Ocean of Marvels (and thus served as the template for the second version), or whether A mes zhabs took the account from an even earlier source unknown to us.13 However it may be, the fact that we find A mes zhabsʼs account on Kun dgaʼ rin chenʼs spiritual genealogy in at least three independent sources suggests that it might have been comparatively well-known among educated scholars in Sa skya at the time.14 10 See the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 9.6–10.1): sngon gyi skyes rabs lung dang sbyar te bshad paʼi rab tu byed pa ste dang po. 11 See the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (fols. 193b.6–196a.4 [Sa skya par ma]; fols. 248a.5–251a.6 [sDe dge par ma]) and the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (fols. 189b.1–192b.2). Further sources may contain excerpts from A mes zhabsʼs account; see, for instance, the ub pa dgongs gsal gyi ʼchad thabs (pp. 66.3–67.3). 12 For the concluding stanzas of the first version, see the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 8.5– 9.6). The concluding stanzas of the second version can be found in the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (fol. 196a.4–5 [Sa skya par ma]; fol. 251a.6–b.1 [sDe dge par ma]) and the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (fol. 192b.2–3). For the additions in the second version, see the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (fols. 194b.4, 194b.7–195a.2 [Sa skya par ma]; fols. 249a.6–b.1, 249b.4–6 [sDe dge par ma]) and the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (fols. 190b.2, 190b.6–191a.1). 13 It cannot be unequivocally ascertained to what extent A mes zhabs is the actual ‘author’ of our account. Because of the intertextual character of much of Tibetan literature, “the authorial act is mainly”—as Sernesi 2015: 459–460 has put it—“an act of com-pilation or con-junction, of manipulating, combining, and bringing together existing blocks of content-related elements.” It is this form of authorship that I have in mind, when I speak of “A mes zhabs’s account” in the following. On the problem of authorship in the Tibetan context, see Cabezón 2001; Sernesi 2015. See also n. 27 below. 14 We unfortunately know very little about the reception history of these works. At least with regard to the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo, however, we can assume that this work, of which we have two block print editions, had a wide distribution in pre-modern Tibet. See Tucci 1949: 154 who mentions one of the “Sa skya pa chronicles” accessible to him (i. e., the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo), “which being printed in Sa skya is destined to a wide distribution.” He goes on to explain “that the blocks of the woodcuts are now worn out to the point that it is not possible to print legible copies from them,” which suggests that a larger number of copies had been printed from the woodblocks. A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels 55 As far as structure is concerned, the account can be divided into two parts, in which A mes zhabs develops the topic in an argumentative manner. The first part briefly introduces the topic by listing Kun dga’ rin chen’s previous lives, namely Vajrapāṇi, Samantabhadra and Ānanda (these three are characterised as the “compilers” of the tantras, the Mahāyāna teachings and the sūtras, respectively), followed by Lo tsā ba Bai ro tsa na (8th cent.), Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dgaʼ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251) and the tathāgata Dri ma med paʼi dpal (*Śrīvimala).15 The second part of the account opens with the claim that these “emanational embodiments exist as the essence of one buddha gnosis,”16 something which A mes zhabs thereupon sets about substantiating with the aid of authoritative statements (lung).17 What is of particular interest to us in this context is A mes zhabs’s choice of sources from which he extracted these statements. Besides canonical texts like Padmavajraʼs Śrī-guhya-siddhi and the Vajra-śrī-parama-mahā-kalpa-ādi, as well as a prophecy attributed to rJe btsun Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1147–1216), A mes zhabs quotes from no less than five gter ma texts, namely O rgyan gling pa’s (1329– 1367) Padma thang yig, Sangs rgyas gling pa’s (1340–1390) Bla ma dgongs pa ’dus pa, the gSang baʼi lung bstan gab rgya can (not identified) as well as two gter mas ascribed to Rig ʼdzin Zhig po gling pa, i. e., the ugs rje chen po ʼkhor ba las sgrol gyi chos ’khor and the Dam ʼdzin lha sras kyi skye rgyud.18 At first glance, the predominance of gter ma texts in A mes zhabs’s account may seem surprising. However, in the light of what we know from Ehrhardʼs article (and of what can be read in detail in the rnam thars of Kun dgaʼ rin chen and his two sons), this choice has a certain plausibility, and can be read as a textual echo of Kun dga’ rin Evidently, Tucci refers to the Sa skya par ma (and not the sDe dge par ma) of the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (see his remark that this “Sa skya pa chronicle” was “a bulky work in 265 pages” [=folios]). 15 See the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 3.1–5.1), the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (fols. 193b.6– 194b.2 [Sa skya par ma]; fols. 248a.5–249a.4 [sDe dge par ma]) and the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (fols. 189b.1–190a.6). This first part of the account is framed by the full name of A mes zhabsʼs grandfather, i. e., dpal sa skya pa chen po sngags ʼchang ngag gi dbang po kun dgaʼ rin chen bkra shis grags pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po. Whether this is coincidence or a deliberately used rhetorical device, I cannot say. 16 See the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (p. 5.1–2), the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (fol. 194b.2 [Sa skya par ma]; fol. 249a.4 [sDe dge par ma]) and the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (fol. 190a.6–7): de lta buʼi sprul paʼi skuʼi snang ba de dag sangs rgyas kyi ye shes gcig gi ngo bor grub. For a discussion of different conceptions of “buddha gnosis” (sangs rgyas kyi ye shes), see Almogi 2009. 17 See the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 5.1–8.5), the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (fols. 194b.2–196a.4 [Sa skya par ma]; fols. 249a.4–251a.6 [sDe dge par ma]) and the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (fols. 190a.6–192b.2). Interestingly, A mes zhabsʼs account anticipates a type of thematic exposition that, in a modern text linguistic perspective, is referred to as “argumentative thematic exposition” (“argumentative Themenentfaltung“), the other types being narrative, descriptive and expository thematic exposition; see Brinker, Cölfen and Pappert 2018: 60–80. 18 The second version of A mes zhabsʼs account also contains quotations from the Hevajratantra and Ngor chen dKon mchog lhun grub’s (1497–1557) Tshul gsum gsal rgyan. 56 Volker Caumanns chen’s contacts with proponents of the gter ma tradition, in particular Rig ʼdzin Zhig po gling pa and ʼPhrang sgo gTer ston Shes rab ʼod zer.19 These contacts were undoubtedly of religious significance for all involved, but inevitably had also a political dimension (at least in the case of Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa). Suffice it to say in the context of this brief introduction that both Kun dga’ rin chen and Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa—the latter being a scion of the powerful sNang rtse sde pa nobles of sTod lung—were high religious dignitaries “representing the powerful coalition of interests opposed to the political aspirations of the lHa sa aristocracy and the dGe lugs pa school.”20 This coalition, dominated from 1565 onwards by the so-called gTsang kings, bolstered its claim, not least with a proto-nationalist discourse, in which the greatness of the lost Tibetan empire was conjured up and which was used by various players on the religio-political stage for their different purposes.21 The fact that Kun dga’ rin chen and his sons maintained close contact with a certain stratum of the gter ma milieu and so strongly (and frequently coram publico) engaged in the cult of Padmasambhava, the ‘Precious Guru,’ indicates 19 For these contacts, see Ehrhard 2015a: 143, 146. Different aspects of Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa’s life are depicted in Akester 2001a; 2001b; Ehrhard 2005. For a biographical sketch of ’Phrang sgo gTer ston Shes rab ’od zer, see Deroche 2009: 322–326. 20 This quote from Akester 2001b: 30 originally refers only to Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa, but can easily be extended to Kun dga’ rin chen, who had at an early stage already established close ties with sDe pa Zhing gshag(s) pa Tshe brtan rdo rje (d. 1599), the first of the so-called gTsang kings. This alliance was continued for two generations by Kun dga’ rin chen’s successors until the defeat of the short-lived rule of this dynasty in 1642; see Ehrhard 2015a: 144–145, 156–157, 159–160, 164–166. For Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa’s involvement in the politics of his time, see Akester 2001a: 3–10; 2001b: 28–31; Sørensen 2004: 121–125. Because of these activities, which were particularly directed against the dGe lugs pa, the Fifth Dalai Lama later had no friendly feelings for Kun dga’ rin chen and Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa. Thus, in a passage of his dkar chag of the lHa sa gTsug lag khang (translated in Akester 2001b: 29), the Dalai Lama denounces “the demonically inspired activities of the one from sNang rtse” (i. e., Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa), whom he calls a “charlatan.” And with regard to the “Sakya Dagchen” (i. e., Kun dgaʼ rin chen), the following caustic remarks can be found in the Dalai Lama’s autobiography (translated in Karmay 2014: 413): “[…] Sakya Dagchen, the great Tantrika, and Pema Karpo of the Drugpa school, caused conflict again and again. They were said to be emanations of Bairo and Naropa respectively, so there were periods when people said: ‘These two corpses have brought the downfall of the country!’” 21 See Ehrhard 2015a: 164 who mentions the gTsang kingsʼ “attempt to create a unified Tibet on the basis of a strong sense of nationalism rooted in the glorious past of the Yarlung dynasty.” And referring to the preamble of the law code of the gTsang kings, Ehrhard 2015b: 114, n. 8 points out that their rule was assumed to be “the beginning of a new religious era with its own legal system— equivalent to and a continuation of Tibet’s dynastic period.” See also Dreyfus 1994: 207 who forges a link between Tibetan proto-nationalism and the gter ma literature: “[p]roto-nationalism arose as an aspiration to recapture the lost might of the Tibetan empire. It came from the memory of the lost past contrasted with the decay of the present, together with the realization that the present situation could be redeemed by recollecting the past. The importance of the recollection of the glorious empire in creating a sense of Tibetan identity can be seen in the appearance of a type of religious literature, the ‘Treasures’ (gter ma).” A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels 57 that the Sa skya hierarchs of the 16th and 17th centuries also participated in this discourse. If we take a closer look at A mes zhabs’s list of Kun dga’ rin chen’s previous lives we will notice that apparently it was only meant to illuminate a small part of a larger spectrum. There are, for instance, gaps of several centuries between the lives of Ānanda, Lo tsā ba Bai ro tsa na and Sa skya Paṇḍita. The fact that the list, as given in the account, is not considered to be a complete one, is also (and on a more general level) indicated by A mes zhabs’s assertion that his grandfather’s previous lives had appeared “uninterruptedly in the three times [and] in all realms in different embodiments [and] under a variety of names.”22 According to this logic, the actual number of Kun dgaʼ rin chenʼs previous lives should outnumber by far the six existences mentioned in A mes zhabs’s account. Interestingly, when we expand our focus beyond this account, we discover that elsewhere, Kun dga’ rin chen’s name is associated with further eminent figures of the past. Thus, in another passage in the Ocean of Marvels, A mes zhabs reports that his grandfather was perceived to be an “emanation” (rnam par sprul pa) of Padmasambhava.23 Moreover, in the Account of the Holy Place of Sa skya, A mes zhabs’s uncle bSod nams dbang po ‘proves’ that Kun dga’ rin chen and rJe btsun Grags pa rgyal mtshan were of “the same mind stream” (thugs rgyud gcig pa) and that Kun dga’ rin chen was the “rebirth” (sku yi skye ba) of the latter.24 Finally, it should be remembered that, in general, the Sa skya hierarchs were considered to be emanational embodiments of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, as stated, for instance, in A mes zhabs’s Great Sa skya Genealogy.25 For reasons unknown to us, A mes zhabs did not include these names in his account on Kun dga’ rin chen’s spiritual genealogy. One could speculate that A mes zhabs might have wanted to avoid overlaps 22 See the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 3.4–4.1), the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (fol. 194a.1– 2 [Sa skya par ma]; fol. 248b.2 [sDe dge par ma]) and the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (fol. 189b.3–4): dus gsum rgyun mi ʼchad par zhing khams ji snyed par […] sku dang mtshan gyi rnam pa tha dad du bstan. 23 See the Kun dga’ rin chen gyi rnam thar (p. 252): bsam yas kyi skya ser thams cad kyang sngags ’chang nyid la slob dpon rin po che padma ’byung gnas kyi rnam par sprul par gdon mi za’o zhes mgrin gcig tu gleng bar gyur. 24 See the Sa skya’i gnas bshad (p. 23): /des na rje btsun grags pa rgyal mtshan dang/ /sngags ’chang chen po thugs rgyud gcig pa’am/ /sku yi skye ba yin pa the tshom med/ . For the full episode, at the end of which this statemant is made, see the Sa skya’i gnas bshad (pp. 20–23). See also Caumanns 2018: 50–51 for a German translation of this episode. As we learn from the colophon of the Sa skyaʼi gnas bshad (pp. 88–89), this work is a compilation of miscellaneous textual materials (gsung rtsom gnang ʼphro thor bu bzhugs pa rnams) left behind by bSod nams dbang po. Later, the latterʼs nephew A mes zhabs edited these materials, following instructions bSod nams dbang po had given to him. 25 See the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (fol. 3a.7 [Sa skya par ma]; fol. 3b.4 [sDe dge par ma]): rgyal ba thams cad kyi ye shes gcig tu bsdus pa rje btsun ’jam pa’i dbyangs nyid ’khon gyi gdung brgyud kyi tshul bzung. 58 Volker Caumanns in his list, since Padmasambhava and Bai ro tsa na lived at the same time, as did rJe btsun Grags pa rgyal mtshan and Sa skya Paṇḍita.26 Another reason—which I think is more likely—could be that our account had originally been an independent text that predated the Ocean of Marvels and which A mes zhabs inserted into his grandfather’s biography.27 Analysing the terminology that A mes zhabs employs in his account, it becomes apparent that his discussion is built upon two distinct concepts. With respect to the first concept, as the title element sngon gyi skyes rabs indicates, he addresses the actual succession of his grandfatherʼs previous lives. Thus, he draws on the concept of rebirth (skye ba), that is, the idea that a “conscious continuum (saṃtāna)” is transferred “from one impermanent mental and physical foundation to the next,”28 something which is supposed to be done deliberately in the case of realised masters. With respect to the second concept, A mes zhabs is concerned with proving that Kun dgaʼ rin chen and his previous incarnations were “emanational embodiments” that “exist(ed) as the essence of one buddha gnosis.” In 26 Such overlaps, however, are occasionally found in Tibetan accounts dealing with previous lives of Buddhist masters and were apparently not perceived as contradictory. According to one explanation, which is often mentioned when discussing this topic, these overlapping links must considered to be “of one mind stream” (thugs rgyud gcig pa); see, for instance, Caumanns 2015: 39–40 n. 3; Kellner 2016: 220–225, 228. As we learn from van der Kuijp 2016: 220, n. 45, and Kellner 2016: 211, 227, 228, these multiple embodiments are sometimes likened to the numberless simultaneous reflections of the moon that can be seen on the surface of water. One canonical source that is explicitely quoted at times to justify the possibility of multiple embodiments appearing simultaneously—for instance in the Shākya mchog ldan gyi rnam thar (p. 6.2–3) and the Glo bo mkhan chen gyi rnam thar (p. 482.5–6)—is Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra X.51; for an edition of the Sanskrit text and a French translation of this stanza, see Lévi 1907, vol. 1: 43, vol. 2: 84. For an English translation, see Dharmachakra Translation Committee 2014: 227: “All at once, a buddha will in some place display the turning of the Dharma wheel through hundreds of means, // While elsewhere showing birth and nonmanifestation, the manifold deeds of the lives, // Enlightenment, and the transcendence of suffering. // Yet all of this a buddha does without wavering from the abode.” See also the brief discussion in the next paragraph of this article. 27 As already indicated in n. 13 above, this is a common mode of textual composition, to which Tibetan authors often reverted. See in this context the colophon of the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 405.2–407.3), where A mes zhabs provides us with a(n incomplete) list of texts that were at his disposal when composing the rnam thar. Some of these texts—such as notes (rnam thar gyi zin tho) and oral versions of Kun dgaʼ rin chenʼs biography—may have served him as general sources, others—such as registers of temples (gtsug lag khang so soʼi dkar chag) and official letters for alms collectors (ʼbul sdud la gnang baʼi spyi ʼgro)—were incorporated (more or less) verbatim into the rnam thar. For the transcripts of two lam yigs that Kun dgaʼ rin chen issued for alms collectors, see the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 168.2–175.6, 208.1–213.4). The previously noted dkar chags of [Sa skya] temples were obviously incorporated into the rnam thar starting on p. 102. Moreover, in the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (pp. 136.1–157.2), A mes zhabs reproduced the entire text of a monastic constitution (bcaʼ yig), which his grandfather had composed for Sa skyaʼs Thub chen lHa chen college. 28 See Buswell and Lopez 2014, s. v. rebirth. A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels 59 this regard, A mes zhabs makes use of the concept of “emanational embodiment” (sprul paʼi sku, sprul pa), that is, the notion that a buddha or bodhisattva emanates himself or herself as a living being, thus manifesting “one or another aspect of buddhahood”29 in physical form. As is often the case in such discussions (and the account presented here is no exception), A mes zhabs combines the concepts of rebirth and emanational embodiment, and blends them together.30 From a historical perspective,31 these two concepts—which first arose in the milieu of the early bKaʼ gdams pa in the 11th and 12th centuries—were brought together and further developed in the 13th and 14th centuries, especially in the various bKa’ brgyud schools. During the 15th and 16th centuries, sprul sku lineages— in which the two concepts were combined and institutionalised—gained in importance “as an effective strategy for the succession of spiritual and clerical power, accompanied by the right to leave accumulated material property within the line.”32 From the middle of the 16th century onwards, the sprul sku institution was firmly established, with the dGe lugs tradition making particular use of it in the struggle for political power and religious supremacy. As a result of these developments, sprul sku lineages increasingly displaced the older “clan temple” institution “as the model for inheritance, for the transmission of authority, and for the development of family-based spirituality.”33 It is certainly no coincidence that A mes zhabs’s account of Kun dga’ rin chen’s spiritual genealogy came into being at a time, in which institutionalised sprul sku lineages—and their textual representations—had become more and more important.34 The ’Khon clan of Sa skya, however, succeeded in retaining the old “clan temple” model, and thus the institution of the Sa skya hierarch did not depend on a sprul sku lineage for regulating the succession to office, but remained hereditary within the clan. Therefore, the fact that the ’Khon elite of the 16th and 17th centuries employed the rebirth-cum-emanation concept, 29 For this quote, see Kellner 2016: 2006. For a brief analysis of these two concepts, see Samuel 1993: 281–283, 493–498. See also Kellner 2016 who has aptly shown how these two concepts intermingle in the case of the spiritual genealogy of the Fifth Dalai Lama Ngag dbang Blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682). 31 The following is a condensed summary of Schwieger 2015: 17–49. Schwieger’s presentation of “the historical development of the trülku position” is mainly based on textual sources, in particular social and diplomatic documents. Another approach is pursued by Tuttle 2017, who compiled data of several hundred incarnation series. Despite some differences, which are due to the use of diverging source materials, Tuttle basically comes to similar results as Schwieger. 32 See Schwieger 2015: 23. 33 See Davidson 2005: 274 (also quoted in Schwieger 2015: 31). 34 Cabezón 2017: 13 points out that “[m]ost developed kutrengs [=sku ʼphreng] or trungraps [=ʼkhrungs rabs]—which is to say ones that attempt to provide extended, quasi-historical accounts of the past rebirth of lamas—probably begin only in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.” This is in line with Schwiegerʼs and Tuttleʼs findings mentioned above in n. 31. 30 60 Volker Caumanns even if only to increase their own religious prestige, is all the more remarkable and deserves more attention than it has received so far.35 This brief introduction could only touch on some of the more important points, with the aim of placing A mes zhabsʼs account in its historical context and thus making it more readily accessible to the modern reader. What I hope to have succeeded in is to show that this account—even if it is only a little piece of a greater puzzle—is a telling document that allows us a brief glimpse into a period of Tibetan history that has not yet been adequately explored. In conclusion, it can be stated that A mes zhabsʼs account bears testimony to the impact of the gter ma milieu on members of Sa skya’s ’Khon elite in the 16th and 17th centuries. Moreover, it gives evidence of the development of the sprul sku concept and mirrors institutional changes in the regulation of religio-political succession. And finally (and maybe most interestingly), it sheds light on the way these developments had a bearing on the modes of self-representation of Sa skya’s ’Khon elite. 2. Translation36 The Glorious Great Sa skya pa, whose name sNgags ʼchang Ngag gi dbang po Kun dgaʼ rin chen bkra shis grags pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po is widely known—the Dharma king of the three realms, (3.2) the Buddha of the three times, [and] the noble supreme guide of the triple world—, (3.3) intentionally took [re]birth to rekindle the 35 It seems that this concept was systematically employed only in the biographies of Kun dga’ rin chen and A mes zhabs, in which separate chapters discussing the spiritual genealogy of these masters can be found. For an extensive account of A mes zhabs’s former lives, which number almost twenty, see the A mes zhabs kyi rnam thar (pp. 138.5–209.6). See also A mes zhabsʼs sNgon gyi skyes rabs  and sNgon gyi skyes rabs , which are said to be based on predictions of the bSam yas protector Tseʼu dmar po. Sobisch 2007: 532–534 provides an overview of A mes zhabs’s previous lives based on miniatures in the latterʼs gsung ʼbum and on two dkar chags dealing with murals (in the lHa khang chen mo) of his ʼkhrungs rabs. A glance at the biographies of Kun dgaʼ rin chenʼs two sons shows that discussions of spiritual genealogy take up much less space there, though, interestingly enough, the rNying ma influence is also noticeable. Thus, according to the bSod nams dbang poʼi rnam thar (p. 96.1), bSod nams dbang po was, in his essence, not different from Padmasambhava. In the case of his younger brother, a letter (zhu yig) of a certain gTer ston chen po Chos kyi ʼod zer is quoted, according to which Grags pa blo gros was Vajrapāṇi in the Mahā-Saṃbhogakāya realm, mKhan chen Bodhisattva (i. e., Śāntarakṣita) in India, and Bla ma dam pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1312–1375) in Tibet; see the Grags pa blo gros kyi rnam thar (p. 48.2–5). More research is needed on this topic. 36 The following translation is based on the first version of A mes zhabs’s account of Kun dga’ rin chen’s spiritual genealogy as included in the Kun dga’ rin chen gyi rnam thar (i. e., the Ocean of Marvels). The two addenda of the second version, which are found in the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo and the Dus ’khor chos ’byung, are inserted into the translation in a smaller font size and framed by asterisks. A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels 61 dying embers of the teachings of the venerable Sa skya masters. Prior to his present life, [he] showed [himself] in [the form of] many emanational embodiments (sprul pa’i sku) that were skilled in means, thus working for the benefit of [all] limitless sentient beings. (3.4) If [I am to] expound briefly the way [he pursued this], [I would give the following account]: This very sNgags ʼchang Lama—the sun of the teachings [and] the great lord of the siddhas—showed [himself] uninterruptedly in the three times [and] in all realms in different embodiments [and] under a variety of names that were suitable to the karmic lot of each individual being to be tamed (gdul bya; vineya). (4.1) Then [he] gathered those living beings to be tamed who had not yet been gathered as [his] retinue. Those [he had] gathered [he led to] ripening. Those [he had led to] ripening [he led to] liberation. Those [he had led to] liberation [he] established on the path of completion (mthar phyin paʼi lam; niṣṭhāmārga). (4.2) First of all, from the perspective of fortunate beings who have entered the secret mantra path, this sNgags ʼchang, king of Dharma, is known as Vajrapāṇi, the lord of secrets, who is the supreme compiler of the entire tantra section of the secret mantra. From the perspective of beings possessing the spiritual disposition (rigs can; gotraka) of the great vehicle, (4.3) [he] is known as Samantabhadra, the compiler of all the pronouncements of the great vehicle. And from the perspective of the śrāvakas needing to be tamed, [he] is known as the Arhat Ānanda, the compiler of the sūtra section. Moreover, here in Tibet, amidst snow covered mountains, [he] is known as the great translator Bai ro tsa na who was without equal in increasing the great ocean of sūtra and tantra. (4.4) Furthermore, [he] is known as the venerable Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dgaʼ rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po who taught properly the systematic presentation of what is to be accepted and what is to be rejected (blang dor gyi rnam gzhag). Hence, [Sa skya Paṇḍita] established in the noble Dharma the fortunate beings needing to be tamed in the three [countries of] China, Tibet, and Mongolia. (4.5) After that [he] became the supreme emanational embodiment called the tathāgata Dri ma med paʼi dpal in the realm of Abhirati [situated] in the east, thus establishing in benefit and happiness [the beings] of that realm who were needing to be tamed. (4.6) [He] displayed all these appearances of emanational embodiments just as explained, [and] after having condensed their excellent and wondrous deeds into one, [he] emanated [himself] as an embodiment embellished by white robes [and] braided hair. Then [he] took care of the wicked people of [our] age of degeneration by means of the four kinds of salvific activities, [that is], pacifying, augmenting, controlling, and destroying. (5.1) [He] is no one else but the Great Glorious Sa skya pa whose name sNgags ʼchang Ngag gi dbang po Kun dgaʼ rin chen bkra shis grags pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po is widely known. 62 Volker Caumanns (5.2) If [I am to] link [issues] such as the manner in which the appearances of such emanational embodiments exist as the essence of one buddha gnosis with the Conqueror’s valid scriptures (lung tshad ma), [I would state the following]: As for [their] essence, Vajrapāṇi, the Conquerorʼs son Samantabhadra, and the mahāśrāvaka Ānanda—the compilers of the teachings of the sūtras and tantras— (5.3) are inseparable from [our] teacher, the saṃbuddha. How [is that]? It is said in the gSang ba grub paʼi rgyud:37 “Only we say: ‘There is no other compiler of this [teaching].’ [He who] compiles is [the Lord] [Bodhi]cittavajra.” *And also in the root tantra, the Dvikalpa (i. e., the Hevajratantra), it is said: “I am the teacher. I am also the Dharma. Endowed with my excellent group [of disciples], I am the one who listens.”*38 (5.4) proved.39 Thus it is In particular, Samantabhadra and Ānanda are, in [their] essence, inseparable. It is said in the gNyis med rnam rgyal gyi rgyud:40 “Now [I] will set forth the excellent retinue of the Omniscient One. It is like this: Mañjuśrī (5.5) became the great king Śuddhodana. Lokeśvara became Mahādevī Māyā. Śrīdevī became Yaśodharā. Vajrasattva became Rāhula. Sarvanīvaraṇaviṣkambhin became Śāriputra. Samantabhadra became (5.6) the sthavira Ānanda. Śakra, the king of gods, became the sthavira Devadatta. Mahāvairocana became the samyaksaṃbuddha Śākyamuni.” Thus it is proved. *After considering these issues, the lord of scholars, dKon 37 The following is an abbreviated and slightly modified quotation from Padmavajraʼs Śrī-guhyasiddhi. The original Sanskrit along with its canonical Tibetan translation is provided in the appendix (excerpt A). For an English translation from the Sanskrit, see Davidson 2002: 256: “But, based on devotion at the feet of the teacher, only we maintain that in the Śrīsamāja there is no other collector and canter (4) Than the author of the tantra, Hṛdvajra [=Bodhicittavajra]. He alone is the speaker and the teacher. Thus there is none other if we were to eliminate this [person of] Great Bliss. (5)” Note that in the Guhyasamāja system, the tathāgata Bodhicittavajra is considered to be the Buddha who proclaimed this tantra. 38 For the corresponding Sanskrit passage from the Hevajratantra and its canonical Tibetan translation, see the appendix (excerpt B). English translations of this passage are provided by Snellgrove 1959, vol. 1: 92; Farrow and Menton 1992: 167–168 (in tandem with the elucidation from the Yogaratnamālā by Kāṇha / Kṛṣṇa). 39 These excerpts from the Śrī-guhya-siddhi, the Hevajratantra and the Vajra-śrī-parama-mahākalpa ādi (see below) are also occasionally quoted in scholastic treatises that contain sections discussing the compilation of the corpus of Tantric scriptures; see, for instance, the rGyud sde spyiʼi rnam gzhag (pp. 111.6–114.2); the brTag gnyis tshig ʼgrel rgyud bshad (pp. 132.1–136.4). 40 The title, as reproduced by A mes zhabs (i. e., gNyis med rnam rgyal gyi rgyud), refers to the dPal de bzhin gshegs pa thams cad kyi gsang ba rnal byor chen po rnam par rgyal ba zhes bya ba mnyam pa nyid gnyis su med pa’i rgyud kyi rgyal po rdo rje dpal mchog chen po brtag pa dang po (short title: rDo rje dpal mchog) (Śrī-sarva-tathāgata-guhya-tantra-yoga-mahā-rājādvaya-samatā Vijaya nāma Vajra-śrī-parama-mahā-kalpa ādi), and not, as one might assume, to the gNyis su med pa mnyam pa nyid rnam par rgyal ba’i rtog pa’i rgyal po (Advaya-samanta-vijayākhya-kalpa). Both tantras are found in vol. 82 of the sDe dge bKa’ ’gyur. For the canonical Tibetan version of A mes zhabs’s quotation, see the appendix (excerpt C). A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels 63 mchog lhun grub, said in the Tshul gsum gsal rgyan, [which is] a synopsis of the venerable Sa skya masters’ scriptures:41 “In particular, the chiefs of [their respective] retinues, [i. e.,] the compilers [of the teachings], are the bodhisavas who, from the perspective of others, have emanated from the non-dual gnosis of [our] teacher. [In] the realm of Akaniṣṭha, [in] Kusuma-tala-garbhavyūhālaṃkāra, Saha-loka-dhātu and especially from the perspective of human beings, [they] are known as Vajrasattva, Samantabhadra, Guhyapati and Ānanda, respectively.”*42 Bai ro tsa na and Ānanda are of one mental continuum (thugs rgyud gcig pa). It is said in the Padma thang yig: (6.1) “Having passed away in India, in the monastery of Vajrāsana, Ānanda, the attendant of [the Buddha] Śākyamuni, wandered many Sambhoga[kāya] realms. Thereafter, [as] the last of seven [re]births [in the form of] human beings attached to the Dharma, [he is born] on an estate in gTsang called sNye mo Bye mkhar in a nine-eyed house (brang khang dmig dgu). (6.2) [He is] the son of a father with the name dPa’ gor he ’dod and of a mother named Bran ka bza’ sgron skyid. [He] is called Gan phyag thang tha. Because the eight-yearold [boy] will be given the [appropriate] training, [he] will become an undisputed translator.”43 Thus it is proved. Sa skya Paṇ chen and Bai ro are not different [from each other]. (6.3) It is said in the Lung bstan bka’ rgya’i las can nyi shu rtsa gcig gi lung bstan of the Bla ma dgongs pa ’dus pa, a gter ma that gTer ston Sangs rgyas gling pa took out of Phu ri Phug mo che [in] Kong po: “Lo tsā dPa’ gor Bai ro tsa na! Your succession of lives will be of benefit in the present period [of this] fortunate aeon (bskal bzang).44 (6.4) Accordingly, in [your] final [life] in the future, [you] will guide living beings gradually and protect the teachings. In particular, at the time when [you] will be entrusted to spearhead those taming the savage ones, in a realm of [the Buddha] Shākya[muni] named Sa,45 [you will be] a translator, a courageous paṇḍi[ta], acting as the preceptor of an earth-ruling king. (6.5) In so doing, [you] will suppress the savage ones, [and] benefit will arise for living beings. Many [descendants of 41 Note that the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (p. 190b.6) reads gdung rabs (“genealogy”) instead of gsung rabs (“scriptures”). 42 For this quote from the Tshul gsum gsal rgyan, see also the appendix (excerpt D). 43 For the original passage from the Padma thang yig, which slightly differs from A mes zhabsʼs quotation, see the appendix (excerpt E). Cf. the English translation in Douglas and Bays 1978, vol. 2: 409. 44 Reading the variant skal bzang (B1, C) instead of bskal bzang (A, B2), one could also translate: “Your succession of lives will be of benefit to the fortunate ones [living] in the present period;” or alternatively: “Your fortunate succession of lives will be of benefit in the present period.” 45 In the context of A mes zhabs’s account, this “realm […] named Sa” is obviously to be understood as Sa skya Monastery. 64 Volker Caumanns your] lineage [will] successively [appear] in that way. [This is] inconceivable!”46 Thus it is proved. The tathāgata Dri ma med pa’i dpal is, in [his] essence, identical to rJe Sa paṇ. Once upon a time, when rJe btsun Rin po che Grags pa rgyal mtshan (6.6) had dissolved [his] material body into the sphere of ultimate reality, [he] personally displayed to rJe Sa paṇ bodily appearances of rJe btsun Rin po che (i. e., Grags pa rgyal mtshan), the lord of yogins Virūpa, and the mahāsiddha Nag po pa. rJe btsun Rin po che said: (7.1) “After this birth, you will become a vidyādhara dwelling in the sky. Thereafter, [you] will traverse for the most part the realisations of the [ten] grounds and [five] paths. Then, in the realm of Mu mu ni in the eastern part of India,47 [you] will become the son of the king Nyi ma stobs ’phel and, (7.2) having the attire of a cakravartin, [you] will completely purify the Buddha realms. After that, in your fourth rebirth, [you] will become a samyaksaṃbuddha in the realm of Abhirati as the tathāgata called Dri ma med pa’i dpal.”48 Thus (7.3) it is proved by this prophecy. In that way, all these appearances of embodiments of buddhas and bodhisavas are of one mental continuum with Bai ro tsa na. That they are not different from the sNgags ’chang, the Dharma king, is said in the gSang ba’i lung bstan gab rgya can:49 (7.4) “[According to] definitive meaning, you, Bai ro tsa na, translator of [our] present time, are known as Vairocana Gangs chen mtsho. [In the form of] many saṃbhoga- [and] nirmāṇa[kāya] bodhisavas, [you] guide the living beings. [Your] speech emanation [will be], [according to] provisional meaning, the last one of thirteen [rebirths], [having] the name known as ‘[the man from] the ’Khon clan.’ When faced with demons, (7.5) [you] protect the secret mantra teachings. Whoever comes to meet [you]—a very fierce bodhisava, whose mode of appear46 Tib.: brgyud mang rim bzhin de bzhin bsam mi khyab/ . Note that this last line of the prophecy as quoted by A mes zhabs departs from the original passage from the Bla ma dgongs ’dus; the latter reads: brgyud mar rim bzhin de sogs bsam mi khyab/ . See also the appendix (excerpt F) 47 In the Hevajratantra (part 1, chapter 7), Mu mu ni, or Munmuni, is the name of one of the sacred meeting places of the male and female initiates; see Snellgrove 1959, vol. 1: 70. 48 Grags pa rgyal mtshanʼs prophecy is already found in the earliest layer of the biographies of Sa skya Paṇḍita. For one specimen (i. e., the version from Chos rgyal ʼPhags paʼs Chos rje paʼi rnam thar bsdus pa), see the appendix (excerpt G). 49 My translation of the following quotation from the gSang ba’i lung bstan gab rgya can remains tentative. The origin of this “sealed prophecy of the secret(s)” could not be clarified. According to Tsering Lama (liri), it hails from the Bla ma dgongs ʼdus; however, I was not able to locate it. It is interesting to note in this context that the Fifth Dalai Lama mentions in his ʼchams yig a prophecy attributed to ʼPhrang sgo gTer ston Shes rab ʼod zer, according to which Kun dga’ rin chen was an emanation of Bai ro tsa na; see de Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1976: 240, 241. Therefore, there might be the possibility that the prophecy quoted above can be found in one of the gter ma scriptures of ’Phrang sgo gTer ston. I am indebted to Tsering Lama who explained to me some of the more difficult Tibetan formulations in this prophecy. A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels 65 ance is uncertain—will be liberated after three [re]births. The gates to [re]births [in] the lower realms will be closed [for] all those who will have consumed [your] two smells [and] will be touched by [your] hand.50 [These] are [truthful] words [of] definite [meaning].51 Whether [there will be] obstacles of a demoness (7.6) or the Māra of the son of gods [coming] from the region of China; [you], the one with the karmic lot, be careful! If [you] encounter the noble unstained mind emanation [of Bai ro tsa na?] at that time, immeasurable benefit will occur for living beings. [You] will live [your] life to its [natural] end and be victorious over the host of obstacles. In particular, [you] will overpower the upper Hor [who are] emanations of Māra. Due to [this speech] emanation [as sNgags ʼchang Kun dgaʼ rin chen], there will be no obscurations as to the welfare of sentient beings. (8.1) [When you dwell] in the limitless Mahā-Saṃbhogakāya realm, by all means, keep [this] in [your] heart! Samaya!” Moreover, it is said in the Chos kyi lo rgyus lung byang gsal baʼi sgron me [of the] ugs rje chen po ʼkhor ba las sgrol [gyi chos skor], [a text that] sNang rtse gTer ston (i. e., Zhig po gling pa) took out of a treasure [hidden] in the back of the statues of the seven successive Buddhas in Chos ʼkhor lHa sa: (8.2) “A [re]birth of Bai ro, having the name known [as] ‘the man from the ʼKhon clan [born in] the ox year,’ will appear, a human being [who will be] the lord of [this] doctrine. Since [this doctrine] is conferred to him, the Buddhaʼs teachings will spread.”52 Furthermore, (8.3) it is said in the Dam ʼdzin lha sras kyi skye brgyud, [a treasure text that] sPrul sku sNang rtse ba took out of Padma bcud phud at Khyung tshang brag (“Garuḍa Nest Rock”): “You, Bai ro tsa na, translator of [our] present time, will bear the name known as ‘[the man from] the ʼKhon clan.’ If [you] encounter this profound doctrine, [you] will live [your] life to [its natural] end. (8.4) [You] will spread [these] teachings in the whole region of dBus.”53 Thus it is proved by these prophecies. 50 According to Tsering Lama, these are instances of “liberation through taste” (myong grol) and “liberation through touch” (reg grol). As Tsering Lama explained to me, the “two smells” (dri gnyis) refer to “faeces and urine” (dri chen dang dri chu). 51 Tib.: nges tshig yin, which Tsering Lama paraphrased as nges don gyi bden tshig yin. 52 For the original Tibetan passage from the ugs rje chen po ’khor ba las sgrol gyi chos skor, see the appendix (excerpt H). On the discovery and transmission of this gter ma, see Ehrhard 2005: 23. 53 I was not able to identify the Dam ʼdzin lha sras kyi skye brgyud, which, by its title, should be a document dealing with the “line of rebirths of Dam ’dzin lha sras” (i. e., Khri srong lde btsan’s middle son Mu rub btsan po). Although Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa was considered to be a rebirth of Mu rub btsan po (see Ehrhard 2005: 15–16), the prophecy quoted above could not be found in the list of this gter ston’s former lives as contained in the Chos kyi lo rgyus (pp. 8.4–20.1). On the “Garuḍa Nest Rock,” see Akester 2001b. 66 Volker Caumanns These [statements] are dissimilar from the [deceptive] ways of a blind man with a walking stick (long ba ’khar ’dzugs), [who]—by fraudulently [declaring]54 about some individuals: ‟[They] are emanations of ‘this [or that] noble being’”— engages in deeds [leading to] the downfall of himself and others. (8.5) [To the contrary], this [account of mine], being proved by stainless valid scriptures, is a liberation story that is unique and extraordinary. 3. Edition of the Tibetan Text The following edition of A mes zhabsʼs account of Kun dgaʼ rin chenʼs spiritual genealogy reproduces the Tibetan text as given in the Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (i. e., version i; textual witness A). Variant readings found in the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo and the Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (i. e., version ii; textual witnesses B1, B2 and C) as well as my own emendations are recorded in the footnotes. The two additional passages from version ii are inserted into the edition in a smaller font size and framed by asterisks. In these passages, the edition reproduces the text of the sDe dge print of the Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (textual witness B2). The following sigla, abbreviations and signs are used in the text edition: A B1 B2 C Kun dgaʼ rin chen gyi rnam thar (1628), Dhongthog, pp. 3.1–8.5 Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo (1629), Sa skya blockprint, fols. 193b.6–196a.4 Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo, sDe dge blockprint, fols. 248a.5–251a.6 Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung (1635–1636), dbu med manuscript, fols. 189b.1–192b.2 add. em. om. addidit, added emendavit, emended omisit, omitted page reference in A folio reference in B1 folio reference in B2 folio reference in C unclear reading (3.2) [194a] {248b} ⟨190a⟩ gzhag 54 Tib.: zog brdzus can dag gi (=gis?); lit.: ‟through fraudulent [claims]”? A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels 67 de la ʼdir55 khams gsum chos kyi rgyal po56 / (3.2) dus gsum gyi sangs rgyas/ srid pa gsum gyi ʼdren mchog dam pa/ dpal sa skya pa chen po sngags ʼchang ngag gi dbang po kun dgaʼ rin chen bkra shis grags pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po zhes mtshan (3.3) yongs su grags pa57 rje btsun sa skya paʼi {248b} bstan paʼi me ro gso58 ba la bsams59 bzhin du sku skye ba bzhes pa de nyid kyi60 sku tshe ʼdiʼi [194a] sngon rol du61 thabs la mkhas paʼi sprul paʼi sku du mar bstan te/ mthaʼ yas paʼi sems (3.4) can gyi don mdzad paʼi tshul mdo tsam zhig brjod na/ sngags ʼchang bla ma bstan paʼi nyi ma grub paʼi dbang phyug chen po ʼdi nyid ni dus gsum rgyun mi ʼchad62 par zhing khams ji snyed par gdul bya so soʼi skal ba dang ʼtshams (4.1) paʼi sku dang mtshan gyi rnam pa tha dad du bstan nas/ gdul byaʼi ʼgro ba ʼkhor du ma ʼdus pa rnams bsdus63 / bsdus pa rnams smin/ smin pa rnams grol/ grol ba rnams mthar phyin paʼi lam la ʼgod par mdzad pa yin te64 de yang sngags ʼchang chos (4.2) kyi rgyal po ʼdi65 nyid thog mar sngags kyi lam du bzhugs66 paʼi skal ldan rnams kyi ngor gsang sngags kyi rgyud sde mthaʼ dag sdud paʼi byed pa po67 mchog tu gyur pa gsang baʼi bdag po phyag na rdo rje zhes bya bar grags shing/ theg pa chen poʼi rigs can rnams kyi ngor theg (4.3) pa chen poʼi bkaʼ mthaʼ dag68 sdud69 pa po kun tu70 bzang po zhes bya bar grags la/ gdul bya nyan thos pa rnams kyi ngor/ mdo sdeʼi sde snod sdud71 pa po dgra bcom pa kun dgaʼ bo72 zhes bya bar grags shing/ yang bod gangs riʼi ⟨190a⟩ khrod ʼdir mdo rgyud kyi chu gter chen po (4.4) spel ba la mtshungs pa dang bral baʼi lo tsā73 ba chen po74 bai ro tsa na zhes grags shing/ slar yang blang dor gyi rnam gzhag75 tshul bzhin du ston paʼi rje btsun sa skya paṇḍi ta kun dgaʼ rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po zhes bya bar grags pas rgya bod {249a} hor gsum76 gyi gdul bya skal ldan (4.5) rnams dam paʼi chos la ʼgod par mdzad nas shar phyogs mngon par dgaʼ baʼi zhing du de bzhin gshegs pa dri ma med paʼi dpal zhes bya baʼi mchog gi sprul skur gyur te77 / zhing deʼi78 gdul bya rnams phan bde la ʼgod par mdzad pa yin la/ de ltar bshad (4.6) ma thag paʼi sprul paʼi skuʼi snang ba ji snyed cig79 bstan pa de dag gi80 ngo mtshar baʼi mdzad pa bzang po phyogs gcig81 tu bsdus nas gos dkar lcang los mdzes [194b] paʼi skur sprul te/ snyigs dus kyi skye bo gdug pa can rnams zhi rgyas dbang drag gi ʼphrin las rnam pa82 (5.1) bzhiʼi sgo nas rjes su ʼdzin par mdzad pa ni/ dpal sa skya pa chen po 55 de la ʼdir] B1, B2 deʼi gcung ʼgran zla dang bral baʼi skyes chen dam pa; C de nyid kyi gcung rgyal baʼi bstan pa la rgyal ba 2 ⟨189b⟩ pa ltar gyur pa ni| 56 khams gsum chos kyi rgyal po] C om. 57 pa] B1, B2, C paʼi 58 gso] B1 bso 59 bsams] B1, C bsam; em. bsam 60 kyi] B2 kyis; em. kyis 61 du] B1 tu 62 ʼchad] B1, C chad; em. chad 63 bsdus] C add. pa 64 te] C no 65 ʼdi] C de 66 bzhugs] B1, B2, C zhugs; em. zhugs 67 sdud paʼi byed pa po] B1 bsdud paʼi byed pa po; C bsdud pa po 68 mthaʼ dag] C dag 69 sdud] B1, C bsdud 70 tu] B2, C du 71 sdud] B1, C bsdud 72 bo] C bor 73 tsā] C tsa 74 chen po] B1, B2, C om. 75 gzhag] B1 gzhag 76 gsum] C 3 77 te] B1 te 78 zhing deʼi] B1 deʼi; B2 des 79 ji snyed cig] B1, B2 ji snyed pa gcig; C ji snyed 1 80 gi] B2 gis 81 gcig] B1 cig; C 1 82 rnam pa] B1 rnams 68 Volker Caumanns sngags ʼchang ngag gi dbang po kun dgaʼ rin chen bkra shis grags pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po zhes mtshan yongs su grags pa ʼdi nyid yin la/ de lta buʼi (5.2) sprul paʼi skuʼi snang ba de dag sangs rgyas kyi ye shes gcig83 gi ngo bor grub paʼi tshul sogs rgyal baʼi lung tshad ma dang sbyar na/ phyag na rdo rje/ rgyal baʼi sras po kun tu84 bzang po/ nyan thos chen po kun dgaʼ bo ⟨190b⟩ ste mdo sngags kyi bstan pa85 sdud86 pa po rnams (5.3) ston pa po87 rdzogs paʼi sangs rgyas dang ngo bo88 dbyer med yin paʼi tshul ni/ gsang ba grub paʼi rgyud las/ ʼdi yi sdud89 par byed pa po/ /gzhan dag yod pa ma yin ces/ /bdag nyid ʼbaʼ zhig smra bar byed/ /sdud90 mdzad pa ni thugs rdo rje// *zhes dang/ rtsa rgyud brtag gnyis las kyang/ ʼchad pa po nga chos kyang nga/ /rang gi tshogs {249b} ldan nyan pa nga/* /zhes 91 (5.4) gsungs pa ʼdis grub/ khyad par kun tu92 bzang po dang kun dgaʼ bo gnyis93 ngo bo dbyer med yin pa ni/ gnyis94 med rnam rgyal gyi rgyud las/ de nas thams cad mkhyen paʼi ʼkhor phun sum tshogs pa95 bshad par byaʼo/ /ʼdi lta ste/ ʼjam dpal ni (5.5) rgyal po chen po96 zas gtsang mar gyur to/ /ʼjig rten dbang phyug ni lha mo chen mo97 sgyu ʼphrul du gyur to/ /dpal lha mo ni grags ʼdzin no/ /rdo rje sems dpaʼ ni sgra gcan ʼdzin no/ /sgrib pa thams cad rnam par sel ba ni shā riʼi buʼo/ /kun tu98 bzang po ni gnas (5.6) brtan99 kun dgaʼ bor gyur to/ /lhaʼi dbang po brgya byin ni gnas brtan lha sbyin no/ /rnam par snang mdzad chen po ni yang dag paʼi100 sangs rgyas shākya thub par gyur to/ /zhes gsungs pa ʼdis101 grub/ *don de dag la dgongs nas mkhas paʼi dbang po dkon mchog lhun grub kyis102 / rje btsun sa skya paʼi gsung rabs103 kyi don bsdus tshul [195a] gsum rgyan104 las/ khyad par ʼkhor gyi105 gtso bo sdud106 pa po/ ston paʼi gnyis107 su med paʼi ye shes las/ gzhan ngor sprul paʼi byang chub sems dpaʼ che108 / ʼog min gnas dang me tog rgyan gyis109 brgyan/ /mi mjed ⟨191a⟩ zhing dang khyad par mi yi ngor/ /rim110 bzhin rdo rje sems dpaʼ kun du111 bzang/ /gsang baʼi bdag po kun dgaʼ bo zhes grags/ zhes gsungs pa yin no/* bai ro tsa na dang kun dgaʼ bo thugs rgyud gcig112 pa ni/ padma thang yig (6.1) las/ rgya gar rdo rje gdan gyi chos grwa nas/ /shākya thub paʼi nye gnas kun dgaʼ bo/ /tshe ʼphos {250a} longs skuʼi zhing khams mang nyul nas/ /mi lus chos ldan skye ba bdun gyi mthaʼ/ /gtsang gi snye mo bye mkhar zhes bya yi/ /gnas gzhis113 cig114 gi brang (6.2) khang mig dgu na/ /pha ming dpaʼ gor he ʼdod ces115 bya dang/ /ma 83 gcig] C 1 84 tu] B2, C du 85 pa] B1, B2, C paʼi 86 sdud] B1, C bsdud 87 pa po] B1, B2, C pa; em. pa 88 ngo bo] C om. 89 sdud] B1, C bsdud 90 sdud] B1, C bsdud 91 ʼdis] B1 ʼdiʼi 92 tu] B2, C du 93 gnyis] C 2 94 gnyis] C 2 95 pa] C par 96 chen po] B1, B2 om. 97 chen mo] B1, B2 om. 98 tu] B2, C du 99 gnas brtan] B1, B2, C om. 100 yang dag paʼi] B1, B2, C yang dag par rdzogs paʼi; em. yang dag par rdzogs paʼi 101 ʼdis] B1 ʼdiʼi 102 kyis] B1 gyi 103 gsung rabs] C gdung rabs 104 tshul gsum rgyan] C tshul gsum gsal rgyan; em. tshul gsum gsal rgyan 105 gyi] B1 gyis 106 sdud] B1, C bsdud 107 gnyis] C 2 108 che] C ste 109 gyis] B1, C gyi 110 rim] B1 rims 111 du] B1 tu; em. tu 112 gcig] B1 cig; C 1 113 gzhis] B1, B2, C gzhi; em. gzhi 114 cig] B2, C gcig 115 ces] B1, C zhes A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels 69 ming bran ka bzaʼ sgron skyid kyi bu/ /gan phyag thang tha116 zhes bya lo brgyad pa/ /de la bslabs117 pas rtsod me lo tsā118 ʼbyung/ /zhes gsungs pa ʼdis grub/ sa skya paṇ chen dang/ bai ro119 tha dad (6.3) med pa ni/ gter ston sangs rgyas gling paʼi gter ma kong po phu120 ri phug mo che nas spyan drangs paʼi bla ma dgongs pa ʼdus paʼi lung bstan bkaʼ rgyaʼi las can nyi shu rtsa gcig121 gi lung bstan las/ lo tsā122 dpaʼ gor bai ro tsa na khyod/ /tshe rabs123 bskal124 bzang da dus (6.4) tshigs la phan/ /de bzhin ma ʼongs125 dus kyi mthar thug126 pa/ /rim127 bzhin ʼgro rnams ʼdren dang bstan pa skyong/ /khyad par dmu rgod ʼdul mgo ʼchol baʼi tshe/ /sa zhes bya ba shākyaʼi zhing khams su/ /sgra bsgyur lo tsā128 paṇḍi blo stobs can/ /sa skyong rgyal (6.5) poʼi mchod gnas byed pa ste/ /dmu rgod kha gnon ʼgro la phan pa129 ⟨191b⟩ ʼbyung130 / /brgyud131 mang rim132 bzhin de bzhin bsam mi khyab/ /ces133 lung bstan pa ʼdis grub/ de bzhin gshegs pa dri ma med paʼi dpal rje sa paṇ dang ngo bo gcig134 pa ni/ sngon rje btsun rin po che (6.6) grags pa rgyal mtshan gzugs sku chos dbyings su bsdus zin paʼi dus re zhig gi tshe na/ rje sa paṇ la rje btsun rin po che dang/ rnal ʼbyor gyi dbang phyug birwa pa [195b] dang/ grub chen {250b} nag po pa gsum135 gyis136 skuʼi snang ba dngos su bstan zhing/ rje btsun chen poʼi137 zhal (7.1) nas/ khyod skye ba ʼdiʼi ʼog rol du138 mkhaʼ la gnas paʼi rig pa ʼdzin par gyur nas/ sa lam gyi rtogs pa phal cher bgrod139 / de nas rgya gar shar phyogs mu mu niʼi140 zhing khams su rgyal po nyi maʼi stobs ʼphel gyi bur gyur te141 / (7.2) ʼkhor los sgyur142 baʼi cha byad can gyis143 sangs rgyas kyi zhing rnams144 yongs su145 sbyong bar146 byed cing/ de nas skye ba bzhi pa la mngon par dgaʼ baʼi zhing du de bzhin gshegs pa dri ma med paʼi dpal zhes bya bar mngon par rdzogs par147 sangs rgya bar ʼgyur ro148 zhes lung (7.3) bstan pa ʼdis grub149 / de ltar na sangs rgyas dang byang chub sems dpaʼi skuʼi snang ba ji snyed pa de dag bai ro tsa na dang thugs rgyud gcig150 pa151 yin zhing/ de dang sngags ʼchang chos kyi rgyal po nyid tha dad med pa ni/ gsang baʼi lung bstan gab rgya can las/ 152 bai ro tsa na khyod/ /nges don rnam snang gang chen153 mtsho (7.4) da ltaʼi lo tsā zhes grags/ /longs sprul byang sems du mas ʼgro ba ʼdren/ /gsung gi sprul pa drang don bcu gsum gyis154 / /mthaʼ155 ma ʼkhon gyi rigs la grags paʼi mtshan/ /bdud kyi 116 gan phyag thang tha] B1, B2 gan jag thang mthaʼ; C gan byag thang tha 117 bslabs] B1, C bslab rtsod me lo tsā] B1, B2 lo tsā rtsod med; C lo tsa rtsod med 119 bai ro] B1 add. tsa; B2 add. tsa na 120 phu] B1, B2 pu; C spu; em. spu, pu 121 gcig] C 1 122 tsā] C tsa 123 rabs] C rab 124 bskal] B1, C skal 125 ʼongs] B1 ʼong 126 thug] B1 thugs 127 rim] B1 rims 128 tsā] B1, C tsa 129 pa] C pa pa 130 ʼbyung] B1 byung 131 brgyud] B1, B2 rgyud 132 rim] B1 rims 133 ces] B1, C zhes 134 gcig] C 1 135 gsum] C 3 136 gyis] B1, B2 gyi; em. gyi 137 chen poʼi] B1, B2 rin po cheʼi 138 du] B1 tu 139 bgrod] B1 add. te; B2 add. de 140 niʼi] B2 neʼi; C naʼi 141 te] B1 ste 142 sgyur] B1, C bsgyur 143 gyis] B1 gyi; C kyis 144 rnams] C khams 145 su] B1 om. 146 sbyong bar] B1, C sbyongs par 147 par] B1, B2, C pa 148 rgya bar ʼgyur ro] B1 rgyas par gyur to; B2 rgyas par ʼgyur ro 149 grub] C ʼgrub 150 gcig] C 1 151 pa] B1, B2, C om. 152 tsā] C tsa 153 gang chen] B1, C gangs can; em. gangs chen 154 gyis] C gyi; em. gyi 155 mthaʼ] B1, B2, C tha; em. tha 118 70 Volker Caumanns nye tsam156 ⟨192a⟩ gsang (7.5) sngags bstan pa skyong/ /byang sems drag gtum ma nges snang tshul can/ /de dang ʼbrel tshad skye ba gsum157 nas grol/ /dri gnyis ltor song158 lag gis159 gang reg pa/ /ngan song skye sgo chod de nges tshig yin/ /las can160 de la bdud moʼi bar chad dam/ /rgya nag (7.6) khams nas lha buʼi bdud la 161 {251a} gzobs / /de dus thugs sprul zag med dam pa dang/ /ʼphrad na ʼgro la phan pa dpag med ʼbyung/ /tshe mthar phyin cing162 bar chad tshogs las rgyal/ /khyad par stod hor bdud sprul zil gyis163 gnon/ /sprul pas sems can don (8.1) la sgrib g.yogs med/ /mthaʼ yas longs sku chen poʼi zhing khams su/ /nges par snying la tshongs shig164 sa ma ya/ /zhes165 dang/ snang rtse gter ston166 pas chos ʼkhor lha saʼi [196a] sangs rgyas rabs167 bdun gyi sku rgyab kyi168 gter nas spyan drangs paʼi thugs (8.2) rje chen po ʼkhor ba las sgrol169 gyi chos kyi lo rgyus/ lung byang gsal baʼi sgron me las/ bai roʼi skye ba ʼkhon170 rigs glang lo pa/ /grags paʼi ming can chos bdag skyes bu ʼbyung/ /de la gtad pas sangs rgyas bstan pa ʼphel/ ces171 dang/ yang (8.3) sprul sku snang rtse pas khyung tshang172 brag gi padma bcud phud nas gdan drangs paʼi dam ʼdzin lha sras kyi173 skye rgyud174 las175 / da ltaʼi lo tsā176 bai ro tsa na khyod/ /ʼkhon gyi rigs la grags paʼi ming ʼchang ste/ /zab chos ʼdi dang ʼphrad na tshe mthar phyin/ /bstan (8.4) pa dbus khams yongs la spel bar byed/ /ces lung bstan pa ʼdis grub pa ⟨192b⟩ yin no/ ʼdi dag ni gang zag ʼgaʼ zhig la skyes bu dam pa ʼdi zhes bya baʼi rnam par sprul paʼo zhes zog brdzus177 can dag gi178 long ba ʼkhar ʼdzugs kyis179 rang gzhan gnyis180 (8.5) phung gi181 las la sbyor baʼi tshul dang mi ʼdra baʼi dri ma med paʼi lung tshad mas182 grub pa ʼdi ni kun dang thun mong183 ma yin paʼi rnam par thar paʼo// 156 tsam] B1, C ʼtshams; B2 mtshams; em. mtshams 157 gsum] C 3 158 dri gnyis ltor song] B1, B2, C dri snying rta sogs 159 gis] B1, C gi 160 las can] B1, B2 las ldan; C legs ldan 161 gzobs] B1, C zob 162 cing] C zhing; em. zhing 163 gyis] C gyi 164 tshongs shig] B1 ʼtshong cig; C ʼchang zhig 165 zhes] B1, C ces 166 ston] B1, C bton 167 rabs] B1 rab 168 kyi] B1, B2 nas 169 sgrol] B1, B2 grol 170 ʼkhon] C mkhon 171 ces] B2 zhes 172 tshang] B1 tshangs 173 kyi] C om. 174 rgyud] em. brgyud 175 las] B1, B2 la 176 tsā] C tsa 177 brdzus] C rdzus 178 gi] em. gis 179 kyis] B1, C kyi 180 gnyis] C 2 181 gi] C om. 182 mas] C maʼi 183 mong] B1, C mongs A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels 71 Appendix As we have seen, authoritative statements from canonical scriptures, gter mas and other texts—which are intended to prove that Kun dga’ rin chen and his previous existences were “emanational embodiments” that “exist(ed) as the essence of one buddha gnosis”—play a crucial role in A mes zhabs’s account. Some of these statements, as quoted by A mes zhabs, deviate to some extent from their original wording. This appendix provides text editions of these statements, as they are found in their original sources.184 [A] Excerpt from Padmavajraʼs Śrīguhyasiddhi (ch. 2, v. 4–5); in Samdhong Rinpoche and Vrajvallabh Dwivedi (eds.). Guhyādi-Aṣṭasiddhi-Saṅgraha. Sarnath, Varanasi: Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, 1987, p. 12 [part 1 (= Sanskrit text)], p. 16 [part 2 (= Tibetan text)]185 vayaṃ tu kevalaṃ brūmo gurupādaprasādataḥ | abhāvaḥ śrīsamājasya anyasaṃgītikārakaḥᵃ || 4 || sraṣṭā tantrasya hṛdvajroᵇ vaktā sa eva deśakaḥ | abhāvastāvadanyasya varjayitvāᶜ mahāsukhaṃ || 5 || /bla maʼi zhabs kyi bkaʼ ʼdrin gyis/ /dpal ldan ʼdus paʼi sdud pa po/ /gzhan dag yod pa ma yin zhes/ /bdag nyid ʼbaʼ zhig smra bar byed/ 4 /rgyud mdzad pa ni thugs rje cheᵈ/ /gsung ba po de brjod paʼang de/ /de las gzhan dag yod min pas/ /bde chen las gzhan gsungs pa med/ 5 / variants (as given by the editors): ᵃ -kam ᵇ hevajro ᶜ vaktumuktā, vajramuktā ᵈ thugs rdo rje [B] Excerpt from the Hevajratantra (pt. 2, ch. 2, v. 39); in Snellgrove 1959, vol. 2: 48, 49186 vyākhyātāham ahaṃ dharmaḥ | śrotāhaṃ sugaṇair yutaḥ || / ʼchad pa po nga chos kyang nga/ /rang gi tshogs ldan nyan pa nga/ [C] Excerpt from the Śrī-sarva-tathāgata-guhya-tantra-yoga-mahā-rājādvayasamatā Vijaya nāma Vajra-śrī-parama-mahā-kalpa ādi (dPal de bzhin gshegs pa thams cad kyi gsang ba rnal ʼbyor chen po rnam par rgyal ba zhes bya ba mnyam 184 The text excerpts edited in this appendix are merely intended to convey a certain spectrum of variants that can be found in some of the relevant textual witnesses (if more than one witness has been available). Reliable (diplomatic or critical) text editions are still a desideratum in the field of Tibetan studies. 185 For the Tibetan text, see also the bsTan ʼgyur dpe bsdur ma. 120 vols. Pe cin: Krung go’i bod rig pa’i dpe skrun khang, 1994–2008, vol. 26, p. 12. 186 For the Tibetan text see also bKa’ ’gyur dpe bsdur ma. 109 vols. Pe cin: Krung go’i bod rig pa’i dpe skrun khang, 2006–2009, vol. 80, p. 38. 72 Volker Caumanns pa nyid gnyis su med paʼi rgyud kyi rgyal po rdo rje dpal mchog chen po brtag pa dang po); in bKa’ ’gyur. 103 vols. sDe dge, vol. 82, p. 411.3–6 (fol. 206a.2–6)187 de nas gzhan yang thams cad mkhyen paʼi ʼkhor phun sum tshogs pa bshad par byaʼo/ /ʼdi lta ste ʼphags pa ʼjam dpal ye shes sems dpaʼ ni rgyal po zas gtsang mar gyur to/ /ʼjig rten gyi dbang phyug dbyangs ni lha mo chen mo sgyu ʼphrul zhes bya bar gyur to/ /lha mo dpal gyi lu gu rgyud ma ni grags ʼdzin mar gyur to/ /rdo rje sems dpaʼ ni sgra gcan ʼdzin to/ /byang chub sems dpaʼ sgrib pa kun tu gcod pa ni shā riʼi bur gyur paʼo/ /kun du bzang po ni gnas brtan kun dgaʼ bor gyur to/ /kun du bzang po rnam par rol paʼi sku can ni maud gal gyi bur gyur paʼo/ /lhaʼi dbang po brgya byin ni gnas brtan lha sbyin no/ /tshangs pa chen po ni byang chub sems dpaʼi snang baʼi ʼod du gyur paʼo/ /dpal rnam par snang mdzad chen po ni yang dag par rdzogs paʼi sangs rgyas rgyal ba shākya thub pa nyid du gyur to/ [D] Excerpt from the Tshul gsum gsal rgyan; in Ngor chen dKon mchog lhun grub. Tshul gsum gsal bar byed paʼi rin po cheʼi rgyan. dbu med manuscript (tbrc w2cz7911), p. 15.6–8 ᵃkhyad par ʼkhor gyi gtso bo sdud pa po/ /ston paʼi  su med paʼi ye shes las/ /gzhan ngor sprul paʼi byang chub sems dpaʼ ste/ /ʼog min gnas dang me tog rgyan gyis rgyan/ /mi mjed zhing dang khyad par mi yi ngor/ /rim bzhin rdo rje sems dpaʼ kun tu bzang/ /gsang baʼi bdag po kun dgaʼ bo zhes grags/ ᵃ gloss:  pa ʼkhor gyi gtso bo sdud pa po ji ltar byung tshul ni/ [E] Excerpt from the Padma thang yig; in gTer chen O rgyan gling pa. O rgyan gu ru padma ʼbyung gnas kyi skyes rabs rnam par thar pa rgyas par bkod pa [padma bkaʼi thang yig]; in Padma thang yig; A: dbu can manuscript (tbrc w4cz45306), Mang yul Gung thang (1535), fols. 94b.7–95a2; B: block print (tbrc w4cz74450), rTag brtan phun tshogs gling (1675), fol. 163a.1–3; C: block print (tbrc w1kg16912), Pe cin (1779), fols. 248b.4–249a.2188 rgya gar rdo rje gdan gyi chos grwaᵃ nas : shā kyaᵇ thub paʼi nyeᶜ gnas kun dgaʼ bo : tshe ʼphos longs skuʼi zhing khams mang mnyulᵈ nas : mi lus chos ldan skyeᵉ bdun tha ma ni : gtsang gi snyeᶠ mo bye khar g bya ba yi : gnas gzhiʰ zhigⁱ gi brang khang dmig guʲ na : pha mingᵏ pa gor he ʼdod bya ba laˡ : ma mingᵐ branⁿ ka gzaʼᵒ sgron skyid kyi bu : gan jagᵖ thang ta zhes paq lo brgyad pa : pha mi gnyis la bslangsʳ na ster bar mchiˢ : sprul paʼi lo tsaᵗ rtsodᵘ med grags pa ʼbyung : ᵃ grwa] C gra ᵇ shā kya] A, C shākya ᶜ nye] C nyer ᵈ myul] A nyul ᵉ skye] A skyes ᶠ snye] A gnyeʼ g khar] A, C mkhar; em. mkhar ʰ gzhi] A bzhi ⁱ zhig] A gcig ʲ dmig gu] A dmag gru ᵏ ming] A ni ˡ la] A dang ᵐ ming] A ni ⁿ bran] C phran ᵒ gzaʼ] A za ᵖ jag] A dzag q zhes pa] A zhes bya baʼi ʳ bslangs] A slangs ˢ ster bar mchi] A gter mchis pas ᵗ tsa] A tstsha, C tsā ᵘ rtsod] A rtsad 187 188 See also the bKaʼ ʼgyur dpe bsdur ma, vol. 82, p. 501. The edition reproduces the Tibetan text as given in B. A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels 73 [F] Excerpt from the Ma ʼongs lung bstan; in gTer ston Sangs rgyas gling pa (1340– 1390). Lung bstan bkaʼ rgyaʼi las can nyi shu rtsa gcig gi lung bstan; A: Bla ma dgongs ʼdus. 13 vols., block print, sGa rje bde chen dgon. Gangtok: Sonam Topgay Kazi, 1972, vol. 6, pp. 277.6–278.2; B: Bla ma dgongs ʼdus. 18 vols. dbu can ms., mTshams brag dgon. Paro: Lama Ngodrup and Sherab Drimey, 1981–1984, vol. 6, p. 343.1–3; C: Bla ma dgongs pa ’dus pa las ma ’ongs lung bstan bka’ rgya ma’i skor. dbu med ms., gNam rtse dgon. Gangtok: Sherab Gyaltsen Lama, 1983, p. 235.3–5189 lo tsaᵃ ba ʼgorᵇ bai ro tsa na khyod : tshe rabs skal bzangᶜ daᵈ dus tshigsᵉ la phan : de bzhin ma ʼongs dus kyi mthar thug parᶠ : rimg bzhin ʼgro baʰ ʼdren dang bstan pa skyongsⁱ : khyad par dmuʲ rgod g.yul mgoᵏ tshol baʼiˡ tshe : sa zhes bya ba shākyaʼi yulᵐ khams su : sgra bsgyur lo tsaⁿ paṇ tiᵒ blo stobs can : sa skyongᵖ rgyal poʼi mchod gnas byed pa steq : dmuʳ rgod kha gnonˢ ʼgro la phan pa ʼbyungᵗ : brgyudᵘ mar rimᵛ bzhin de sogs bsam mi khyab : ᵃ tsa] C tstsha ᵇ ba ’gor] B pa gor; C spa gor; em. pa gor ᶜ skal bzang] B bskal bzangs ᵈ da] B nga ᵉ tshigs] B tshig ᶠ mthar thug par] B mtha’ thug par; C mthar thugs pas g rim] B rims ʰ ba] B rnams ⁱ skyongs] B skyong ʲ dmu] B smu ᵏ g.yul mgo] B yul go ˡ tshol ba’i] B ’tshol ba’i; C tshugs pa’i ᵐ yul] B zhing ⁿ tsa] B, C tstsha ᵒ paṇ t] B paṇ tri; C paṇḍi; em. paṇḍi ᵖ skyong] C skyongs q ste] B te ʳ dmu] B smu ˢ gnon] B mnon ᵗ ’byung] C ’gyur ᵘ brgyud] B, C rgyud ᵛ rim] B rims [G] Prophecy by rJe btsun Grags pa rgyal mtshan; in Chos rgyal ’Phags pa Blo gros rgyal mtshan. Chos rje paʼi rnam thar bsdus pa; A: dPal ldan sa skya paʼi bkaʼ ʼbum: e Collected Works of the Founding Masters of Sa-skya. 15 vols. Dehra Dun: Sakya Center, 1992–1993, vol. 13, p. 125.3–6; B: Sa skya bka’ ’bum dpe bsdur ma las ’gro mgon chos rgyal ’phags pa’i gsung pod dang po. Pe cin: Kung go’i bod rig pa’i dpe skrun khang, 2007, p. 135190 gzhan yang sku zhi kar gyur pa la nye baʼi tshe/ rje btsun rin po che dang/ birwa pa dang/ nag po pa gsum gyis khyod skye ba thog ma med pa nas sbyangs shing/ khyad par duʼangᵃ skye ba nyi shu rtsa lngar mi nas mir gyur te/ ʼjam paʼi dbyangs kyis rjes su bzung zhing/ rig paʼi gnas lnga la sbyangs pa yin pas/ ʼdi nyid kyi ʼog tu shar phyogs su ʼjig rten gyi khams du ma brgal baʼi pha rol tuᵇ mkhaʼ la gnas paʼi rig pa ʼdzin par gyur nas/ de bzhin gshegs pa du ma mnyes par byas shing sangs rgyas kyi zhing yongs su dag pa dang/ sems can du ma yongs su smin par byas nas/ sa dang lam rnams phal cher bgrod de/ skye ba gsum pa la ʼdzam buʼi gling ʼdi nyid kyi shar phyogs kyi lho la nye baʼi rgya gar na/ mu mu ni zhes bya bar rgyal po nyi maʼi stobs ʼphel ba zhes bya baʼi sras su gyur nas/ bde bar gshegs paʼi bstan pa rgyas par byas te/ skye ba bzhi pa la mngon par dgaʼ ba zhes bya baʼi zhing du dri ma med paʼi dpal zhes bya bar ʼtshang rgya bar lung bstan zhing dbugs ʼbyungᶜ ba mdzad do/ ᵃ du’ang] B (=Lu phu) om. ᵇ tu] B du ᶜ ’byung] B dbyung 189 190 The edition reproduces the Tibetan text as given in A. The edition reproduces the Tibetan text as given in A. 74 Volker Caumanns [H] Excerpt from the Chos kyi lo rgyus lung byang gsal baʼi sgron me; in Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa. ugs rje chen po ’khor ba las sgrol gyi chos skor: A collection of Lamaist practices focussing upon Mahākāruṇika Avalokiteśvara. Recovered from their place of concealment at the ’Phrul-snaṅ Temple of Lhasa by Źig-po-gliṅ-pa Gargyi-dbaṅ-phyug. 2 vols. Sherab Gyaltsen Lama: Gangtok, 1976, vol. 1, p. 27.2–3 bai roʼi skye ba ʼkhon rigs glang lo pa : grags paʼi ming can chos bdag skyes bu ʼbyung : de la gtad pas sangs rgyas bstan pa ʼphel : Bibliography Tibetan Sources Kun dga’ rin chen gyi rnam thar = A mes zhabs Ngag dbang Kun dga’ bsod nams. Srid pa gsum gyi bla ma dpal sa skya pa chen po sngags ’chang ngag gi dbang po kun dga’ rin chen gyi rnam par thar pa ngo mtshar rgya mtsho. Ra-dzaspur: T. G. Dhongthog Rinpoche, 1980. Grags pa blo gros kyi rnam thar = A mes zhabs Ngag dbang Kun dga’ bsod nams. sNgags ’chang grags pa blo gros kyi rnam par thar pa byin rlabs char ’bebs. In e Biographies of Sa-skya Lo-tstshāba ’Jam-pa’i-rdo-rje (–), sṄags-’chang Grags-pa-blo-gros (–), and ’Jam-dbyangs bSod-nams-dbaṅ-po (–). Dehradun: Sakya Centre, 1984, pp. 39–91. Glo bo mkhan chen gyi rnam thar = rJe btsun Kun dga’ grol mchog. dPal ldan bla ma ’jam pa’i dbyangs kyi rnam par thar pa legs bshad khyad par gsum ldan. In Sa skya pa’i bla ma kha shas kyi rnam par thar pa. [Kathmandu]: Sa skya rgyal yongs gsung rab slob gnyer khang, [2008], pp. 479–649. rGyud sde spyiʼi rnam gzhag = Slob dpon bSod nams rtse mo. rGyud sde spyi’i rnam par gzhag pa. In dPal ldan sa skya pa’i bka’ ’bum: e Collected Works of the Founding Masters of Sa-skya. 15 vols. Dehra Dun: Sakya Center, 1992–1993, vol. 3, pp. 1–147. sNgon gyi skyes rabs  = A mes zhabs Ngag dbang Kun dga’ bsod nams. dPal sa skya pa sngags ’chang ngag dbang kun dga’ bsod nams kyi sngon gyi skyes rabs rnams sa skya pa’i ’phrin las kyi mgon po pu tra dmar pos lung bstan du stsal ba’i gsung shog rim pa gnyis gsal byed kyi yig chung mkhan tshangs pas phul ba dang bcas pa’i yi ge. In A mes zhabs kyi bka’ ’bum, vol. 27, pp. 490.5–498.1. sNgon gyi skyes rabs  = A mes zhabs Ngag dbang Kun dga’ bsod nams. dPal sa skya pa chen po sngags ’chang ngag dbang kun dga’ bsod nams kyi sngon gyi skyes rabs rnams chos skyong yid bzhin nor bus gsung shog du phul ba’i don ’grel. In A mes zhabs kyi bka’ ’bum, vol. 27, pp. 498.2–501.3. Chos kyi lo rgyus = Rig ’dzin Zhig po gling pa. ugs rje chen po ’khor ba las sgrol las chos kyi lo rgyus lung byang gsal ba’i sgron me. In ugs rje chen po ’khor ba las sgrol gyi chos skor: A collection of Lamaist practices focussing upon Mahākāruṇika Avalokiteśvara. Recovered from their place of concealment at the ’Phrul-snaṅ Temple of Lhasa by Źig-po-gliṅ-pa Gar-gyi-dbaṅ-phyug. 2 vols. Sherab Gyaltsen Lama: Gangtok, 1976, vol. 1, pp. 1–41. brTag gnyis tshig ʼgrel rgyud bshad = A mes zhabs Ngag dbang Kun dga’ bsod nams. Tshul bzhi sngon du ’gro ba dang bcas pa’i dpal kyai rdo rje’i rtsa rgyud brtag pa gnyis pa’i tshig ’grel rgyud bshad bstan pa rgyas pa’i nyin byed. In A mes zhabs kyi bka’ ’bum, vol. 20, pp. 1–516. ub pa dgongs gsal gyi ʼchad thabs = A mes zhabs Ngag dbang Kun dga’ bsod nams. ub pa dgongs gsal gyi ’chad thabs rgyal sras bye ba phrag brgya’i chos sgo dang po phye ba. In A mes zhabs kyi bka’ ’bum, vol. 6, pp. 59–69. Dus ʼkhor chos ʼbyung = A mes zhabs Ngag dbang Kun dga’ bsod nams. Dus ’khor chos ’byung legs bshad ngo mtshar dad pa’i shing rta. dbu med manuscript. tbrc w25570. A Drop from the Ocean of Marvels 75 Shākya mchog ldan gyi rnam thar = rJe btsun Kun dga’ grol mchog. Paṇḍi ta chen po shākya mchog ldan gyi rnam par thar pa zhib mo rnam par ’byed pa. In e Complete Works (gSuṅ ’bum) of gSermdog Paṇ-chen Śākya-mchog-ldan. 24 vols. Delhi: Ṅagwang Topgyal, 1995, vol. 16, pp. 1–233. Sa skya chos ’byung = bCo brgyad khri chen Thub bstan legs bshad rgya mtsho. Gangs ljongs mdo sngags kyi bstan pa’i shing rta dpal ldan sa skya pa’i chos ’byung mdor bsdus skal bzang yid kyi dga’ ston. Dharmsala: Shes rig par khang, [1969]. Sa skya gdung rabs chen mo = A mes zhabs Ngag dbang Kun dga’ bsod nams. ’Dzam gling byang phyogs kyi thub pa’i rgyal tshab chen po dpal ldan sa skya pa’i gdung rabs rin po che ji ltar byon pa’i tshul gyi rnam par thar pa ngo mtshar rin po che’i bang mdzod dgos ’dod kun ’byung. A: block print, Sa skya, tbrc w4cz30702; B: block print, sDe dge. Delhi: Tashi Dorji, 1975. Sa skya lo rgyus = dGe bshes Thugs rjeʼi dbang phyug. ʼPhags bod du rgyal bstan spyi dang bye brag dpal ldan sa skya paʼi bstan pa rin po cheʼi lo rgyus ngo mtshar nor buʼi bang mdzod. In Schoening 1983: 240–312. Sa skyaʼi dkar chag = dGe slong Kun dgaʼ rin chen. Yon tan rin po cheʼi du maʼi ʼbyung gnas gdan sa chen po dpal ldan sa skyaʼi gtsug lag khang dang rten gsum gyi dkar chag mdo tsam bkod pa. In Venturi 2013: 284–442. Sa skya’i gnas bshad = ’Jam dbyangs bSod nams dbang po. dPal sa skya’i gnas bshad rje btsun gong ma rnams kyi rnam thar snyan brgyud dang bcas pa phun tshogs rgya mtsho’i gter. In dPal sa skya’i gnas bshad snyan brgyud ma. lHa sa: Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang, 2012, pp. 1–89. bSod nams dbang po’i rnam thar = A mes zhabs Ngag dbang Kun dga’ bsod nams. sNgags ’chang grags pa blo gros kyi rnam par thar pa byin rlabs char ’bebs. 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