Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies (2017, 30: 33–88)
New Taipei: Chung-Hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies
33–88
ISSN: 2313-2000 e-ISSN: 2313-2019
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in
Tang China:
Near Eastern and Indian Icons in Chinese Buddhism
Jeffrey Kotyk
PhD Candidate , Leiden University, Netherlands
Abstract
This study examines the planetary icons found in East Asian art, arguing that
they should be divided into three sets: Indian, zoomorphic and IranianMesopotamian. It is demonstrated that the Indian icons are earlier
representations of the navagraha directly from India. The latter two are
identified as coming from an Iranian source. The Iranian-Mesopotamian icons
are further discussed in relation to parallels found in the Picatrix, the Latin
translation of an Arabic manual of astral magic. The roles of these icons
within the magical traditions of Buddhism and Daoism are identified. It is
proven that such astral magic was also imported from Near Eastern sources.
The evolution of the icons of R hu, Ketu, Yuebei
and Ziqi
, i.e.,
the set of four pseudo-planets
in East Asian astrology is also discussed.
It is argued that it was most likely Sogdian Nestorian Christians who
transmitted the Iranian icons into China.
Keywords:
Tang Dynasty, planets, astrology, navagraha, Iran, Tejaprabha
I must thank Jonathan Silk, Joseph P. Elacqua, and Cody Bahir for reading the
manuscript of this paper and offering their comments. Much of this research
was carried out while receiving the Robert H. N. Ho Family Foundation
Buddhist Studies Fellowship, for which I am deeply grateful.
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Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
navagraha
Picatrix
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
35
Introduction
An intriguing painting from Dunhuang, entitled “Tejaprabh Buddha and the
Five Planets”
and painted by Zhang Huaixing
(d.u.) in year 4 of reign era Qianning
(897), 1 depicts five human
figures with associated animals surrounding a luminous Tejaprabh Buddha.
These figures, which are indicated as the five visible planets, are also
described and depicted in Buddhist texts dealing with astral magic. The
origins and function of these icons have prompted investigations by scholars.
Some suggest an Indian origin, 2 while others speculate that these icons are
products of a Chinese imagination. 3 The latter theory is immediately
problematic because very similar iconography is found in Islamic art. 4
So, are we to conclude that these icons are of an Indian origin? When we
look to the Indian representations of the planets found within the original
*Garbhadh tu-ma ala
from Esoteric Buddhism in China,
we find a very different set of icons from that found in the Tejaprabh
painting from Dunhuang. The aim of this paper is to prove that the icons seen
in the Dunhuang painting, as well as in Chinese texts dealing with astral
magic, are actually Iranian in origin. I will propose in this study that there are
basically three sets of representations of the planetary deities in Chinese
Buddhism: “Indian,” “zoomorphic,” and “Iranian-Mesopotamian.” I will
furthermore discuss the function of these icons within Buddhist ritual, proving
that the planets were believed to be sentient deities that strongly influence
human fate. These planetary deities represent elements of Mesopotamian
1
2
3
4
Stein no. Ch.liv.007, British Museum 1919,0101,0.31.
Lilla Russell-Smith is correct in suggesting that anthropomorphic
representations of the planets “became popular only after the arrival of
Buddhism.” However, the icons she studied are not of Indian origin. RussellSmith, “Stars and Planets in Chinese and Central Asian Buddhist Art from the
Ninth to the Fifteenth Centuries,” 99. See also Birnbaum, “Introduction to the
Study of T’ang Buddhist Astrology,” 5–19.
Takeda, in his study on the “star ma alas”
of medieval Japan, also
examined these icons from China and concluded that this iconography was a
unique innovation in China. Takeda Kazuaki
, Hoshi mandara no
kenky
, 191.
In Islamic astrological art, Jupiter is a judge or sage, Venus is a female
musician, Mercury is depicted as a young male scribe writing on a scroll, Mars
is an armed fighter, and Saturn is often a scantily clothed old man with a pickax.
There are, however, variations on these representations. See Carboni, Following
the Stars, 6. See plate 13 below.
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Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
beliefs that were absorbed into Chinese Buddhism, mostly through the practice
of foreign astrology.
During the Tang dynasty, there was considerable translation and
production of literature dealing with occidental astrology from Indian, Iranian,
and Hellenistic traditions. Here, “occidental astrology” refers to traditions of
astrology from west of China that have their origins in Mesopotamia and/or
India. 5 This stands in contrast to China’s own native practices of astrology
that initially emerged independent of occidental influences. 6
The most notable texts dealing with occidental astrology in China from the
Tang period include the Xiuyao jing
(T 1299; *Nak atra-grahatra), Qiyao rangzai jue
(T 1308; Secrets of Seven-Planet
Apotropaism), 7 Duli yusi jing
(*Dorotheus), 8 and the Lingtai
jing
(DZ 288; Scripture of the Spiritual Terrace). 9
The first two are Buddhist astrological manuals. Although monastic
regulations technically forbid monks from professionally practicing astrology
and calendrical science, such prohibitions never arrested Chinese Buddhist
5
6
7
8
9
The history of astrology in Asia is quite complex. Indian astrology, for example,
initially emerged free of Mesopotamian influences, but later in the early CE it
absorbed Hellenistic astrology, which itself was comprised of Egyptian, Greek
and Mesopotamian influences. “Occidental astrology,” therefore, is used to
distinguish these traditions from the native Chinese system. I prefer this term to
“Western astrology,” which generally refers to the European tradition that
developed throughout the Middle Ages and Renaissance.
For a recent comprehensive study of native Chinese astrology, see Pankenier,
Astrology and Cosmology in Early China.
The Xiuyao jing and Qiyao rangzai jue deal with primarily Indian and Iranian
astrology, lacking advanced features of Hellenistic astrology. See Yano Michio
, Mikky senseijutsu
. I discuss the latter in Jeffrey Kotyk,
“Iranian Elements in Late-Tang Buddhist Astrology,” Asia Major 30, no. 1
(2017): 25–58.
According to Mak, the Duli yusi jing, which is extant in fragments and as a
versified version, was a translation of an astrological treatise of Dorotheus of
Sidon (c. 75), who was an eminent Hellenistic astrologer. See Mak, “Yusi Jing,”
105–69. My research of other hitherto unidentified fragments, which I will
publish in the future, confirms Mak’s thesis.
A fragmentary manual of horoscopic astrology included in the Daoist canon. It
draws on material from the Duli yusi jing and likely dates to the mid-ninth
century. For some relevant remarks see Kotyk, “Kanjiken no bungaku ni okeru
saih -senseijutsu no y so: t zai bunka k ry ni okeru Bukky no yakuwari”
, 107–108.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
37
interest in astrology. 10 It is within this context of popular interest in foreign
astrology that we must understand the evolution of astrological iconography in
China.
Tejaprabh Buddha
We should first discuss the emergence of Tejaprabh Buddha
, the
Tath gata in the Dunhuang painting. 11 Although this deity possesses a
Sanskrit name, there is no extant evidence of him being worshipped in India.
In East Asian art, Tejaprabh is generally depicted alongside astral deities, in
particular the planets depicted in anthropomorphic forms.
As to the origins of the Tejaprabh cult in China, one key work is the Da
sheng miaojixiang pusa shuo chuzai jiaoling falun
(T 966; Disaster Eliminating Edifying Dharma-Wheel as Taught by
the Great and Holy Excellent Auspicious Bodhisattva). Its alternate title is
Chishengguang foding
(*Tejaprabh -buddh
a). The
colophon states that this text was extracted from a certain Wenshu dajihui jing
( tra of Mañju ’s Great Gathering), which has not been
identified. Details from the colophon indicate that it was translated in 796. 12
Although this text appears to be a translation of a manual describing a
ma ala and set of mantras, an anomalous feature is that it mentions texts that
had been earlier translated into Chinese. It states, “The Tath gata has already
explained [such matters] in s tras such as the
ryagarbha-parivarta and
Candragarbha-parivarta in the Mah sa nipata-s tra.” 13 It also states, “It is
finest to write the name in Sanskrit if possible. If one does not understand
10
11
12
For a relevant study see Kotyk, “Can Monks Practice Astrology?” 497–511.
Academic literature renders chishengguang
as tejaprabh , but it is
uncertain from where this Sanskrit rendering is derived. For attested Sanskrit
terms see Hirakawa Akira, Buddhist Chinese-Sanskrit Dictionary, 797.
T 966, 19: 342b12–13. The colophon does not indicate the translator, but an
editorial note in the Taish text states that appended written remarks (okugaki
) provide the following details: “Translated by the Indian monk from
Mah
landa Sa gh ma in Central India, Tripi aka Master labhadra, at the
Xingyuan-fu, with monk Huilin as scribe, in year 12 of Zhenyuan [796].”
.
13
. T 966, 19:
342c11–12.
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Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
Sanskrit letters, it is also possible for the titles to follow the local script.” 14
This suggests that the extant version of the work was modified in China, or
perhaps that it was even composed in China. 15 The principal figure one is to
draw in the ma ala is the *Tejaprabh -buddh
a
. This is not
strictly one of the thirty-two marks of a buddha, since the accompanying
description mentions that “the many pores of the body emit great light.” 16
From this terse Chinese, the reader might understand that the *Tejaprabh buddh
a is to be depicted as a fully represented Tath gata, rather than as
just the
a. In addition to various bodhisattva and deity figures,
astrological figures such as the navagraha and zodiac signs are also to be
painted. The ritual for which the painting is produced is to be carried out when
astronomically anomalous events occur. 17
The translation date of 796 is significant because this was a period when
horoscopic astrology was first introduced into China. 18 This appears to be the
point in time from which the Tejaprabh cult emerged in China. 19 The
14
15
16
17
18
19
. T 966, 19:
343a21–23.
My present reading would suggest that an original text was translated from
Sanskrit into Chinese, and then modified slightly. When listing the navagraha,
it translates R hu and Ketu as “eclipse deity”
and “comet”
respectively (T 966, 19: 343c7), which is an Indian definition, in contrast to
later developments seen in China, in which Ketu is defined as the tail of R hu
(see below). It therefore seems likely that the text was written by an Indian.
. T 966, 19: 343a26.
“If the nation [experiences] a solar or lunar eclipse, or the five planets fall out
of order, their forms and colors becoming strange, or if ominous comets infringe
upon the natal nak atras of the ruler or important people, or if the Sun and
Moon harm one’s natal zodiac sign, then the apotropaic homa of this teaching
should be performed.”
. T
966, 19: 342c13–16.
For example, the Duli yusi jing was translated around this period. The Xin Tang
shu
has the following account in its catalog of texts: “Duli yusi jing. 2
fascicles. In the Zhenyuan period [785–805] the duli diviner Li Miqian
transmitted it from Western India. There was someone [named] Qu Gong who
translated the text.”
. Xin Tang shu, Zhonghua shuju edn., fasc. 59, vol. 5,
1548.
Sørensen, however, states that Tejaprabh was worshipped by Amoghavajra at
an earlier time. He cites the Song gaoseng zhuan
(T 2061; Song
Dynasty Biographies of High Monks). He states that “the
rya was called
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
39
Tejaprabh ritual includes a dh ra to be recited when facing astrologically
unfavorable circumstances, which is why the cult likely also played a role in
facilitating interest in other astral deities. This role of Tejaprabh , I argue,
points to a fear of astral deities, which itself was a result of widespread belief
in astrology among Buddhists. 20
Descriptions and Depictions of Planetary Deities
There are basically three sets of representations of the planets as deities in
Chinese Buddhism. These will be labelled as “Indian,” “zoomorphic,” and
“Iranian-Mesopotamian.” These sets will be discussed separately, followed by
a discussion of the evolution of the four “hidden planets.”
Table 1: Chinese Buddhist texts with planetary iconography.
Chinese Title
Qiyao rangzai jue
Canon
T 1308
Title Translation
Secrets of Seven-Planet Apotropaism
21
20
21
upon by the Chinese emperor to worship Tejaprabh and the astral gods on Mt.
Wutai
in order to dispel the evil omen caused by a comet.” Sørensen,
“Astrology and the Worship of Planets in Esoteric Buddhism of the Tang,” 240.
However, the text in question does not mention Tejaprabh or astral gods: “In
the summer of year 5 [770] there was an imperial order. Amoghavajra was
asked to go to Mt. Wutai to cultivate merit. At that time a comet had appeared.
The comet subsequently vanished as the rites were announced as finished.”
. T
2061, 50: 713a17–19. The translation of the Chishengguang daweide xiaozai
jixiang tuoluoni jing
(T 963; Great
Venerable Disaster Eliminating Auspicious Dh ra S tra of Tejaprabh ) is
attributed to Amoghavajra
(705–774), but as Liao Yang points out, it
does not appear in Tang-era catalogs. See Liao Yang
, “Chishengguang Fo
zaikao”
, 329.
The Tejaprabh cult was, it seems, unique to China before spreading elsewhere,
such as Japan, Korea and Tangut Xixia. Despite a possible Indian connection
stemming from labhadra, Tejaprabh is unknown in Indian sources, marking
this deity as a uniquely East Asian figure.
Compiled sometime between 806 when its ephemeris for R hu commences and
865 when Sh ei
brought it to Japan. It appears in his catalog of items
brought back from China:
. See Shin shosha sh rai h mon t
mokuroku
(T 2174A, 55: 1111b21). A handwritten
40
Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
Fantian huoluo jiuyao
T 1311
*Brahmadeva-hora-navagraha
T 1796
Commentary on the Mah vairocanatra
22
Dari jing shu
23
*Brahmadeva-saptagraha-s tra
Fantian qiyao jing
Huatu
Taiz zuz
24
Taiz kuzuy
25
Kuy hiryaku
26
22
23
24
25
26
TZ vol. 2,
191–328
“Painting”
Icons of the Garbhadh tu
TZ vol. 2,
477–566
Old Icons of the Garbhadh tu
TZ vol. 7
769–773
Secret Calendar of the Navagraha
manuscript of this text is in the Shimoura Collection
(13–471),
ky University of Science
.
The Taish version is missing some lines quoted in the aforementioned Gy rin
sh , and the images for the Sun and Moon are reversed. The first reference to
the text in Japan is from between 890–953. See Takeda Kazuaki
,
“T -ji h bodai-in ky
hoshi mandara to zanketsu ni tsuite”
, 12. Although attributed to Yixing
(683–
727), the colophon indicates a composition date around 874.
The revised recension of this commentary is X 438. The original version was
compiled by Yixing sometime before his death in 727.
This document depicts the deities of the *Garbhadh tu-ma ala
.
These icons are based on those brought to Japan from China by Enchin
(814–891), who copied them in 855 in Chang’an at Qinglong-si
. It is
said these icons were first drawn by ubhakarasi ha
(637–735), the
Indian translator of the Mah vairocana-s tra (Dari jing
; T 848). The
TZ copy is from 1194.
Also a collection of icons from the *Garbhadh tu-ma ala brought to Japan by
Enchin. The original document is lost, but a copy from 1193 in the Mut
collection is reproduced in the TZ. These icons are thought to be those of the
tradition of Vajrabodhi
(671–741) and Amoghavajra
(705–774).
This illuminated work in one fascicle is comprised of text detailing the
astrological features of each day of the seven-day week, plus accompanying
mantras for each planet, and illustrations of the planetary deities. The material
is drawn from Tang-era Buddhist texts. The manuscript copied by S kan
in year 2 of Tenji
(1125) was based on an earlier copy from year 3 of
Tengy
(940), thus it was composed sometime before 940 (see New York
Metropolitan Museum of Art #1975.268.4). It is uncertain whether it was
produced in China or Japan. The anthropomorphic depictions wear Chinese
attire; thus, the depictions are of an East Asian imagination, and not based on an
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
41
The Japanese Gy rin sh
(T 2409; Summary of the Forest of
Practices), a compendium of Buddhist lore and rituals by the Hieizan
monk J nen
in 1154, cites several Chinese Buddhist texts that describe
the iconography of the planetary deities. This is especially valuable since two
of the cited texts are not found in any extant canon. The Fantian qiyao jing
[*Brahmadeva-saptagraha-s tra] was purportedly a translation of
an “Indian text.” It is referred to in the Gy rin sh as “the Indian edition” (
), but as we will see below, its icons are Iranian-Mesopotamian. The
Huatu
, or “painting,” appears to be text describing painted figures. We
might add to J nen’s list three other relevant texts from Mantray na (see table
1).
Indian Planetary Deities
The Indian set includes the earliest known representations of the navagraha in
China. These icons are Indian in origin. They are depicted in the Taiz zuz
and Taiz kuzuy . The planets are all depicted in anthropomorphic male forms,
in contrast to the later sets which include female forms. In the Taiz zuz , the
Sun, identified as ditya, rides in a seven-horse chariot, and the Moon,
identified as Candra, rides in a chariot pulled by seven geese (see plates 1 &
2). The twenty-seven nak atras and twelve zodiac signs are also depicted. 27
These icons were transmitted via the system of Buddhist practice based on
the Mah vairocana-s tra translated in 724, which is comprised of the s tra,
27
earlier visual representation from the West. For relevant studies see Nakano
Sangen
, “Kanchiin shoz Kuy hireki ni tsuite”
, 13–24. Manabe Shunsh
, “Karazu no zuz to seiritsu”
, 324–29.
The nak atras are autochthonous constellations along the ecliptic which
function as “lunar stations” through which the Moon transits over the course of
around twenty-eight days. The zodiac signs were originally a Mesopotamian
concept that was transmitted to the Hellenistic world. The signs were
transmitted to India via the transmission of Hellenistic astrology in the early
centuries of the first millennium. See Gansten, “Astrology and Astronomy
(Jyoti a),” 281–94. The commentary to the Mah vairocana-s tra clearly
understands both of these as astral deities: “South of the west gate, place the
lunar deity opposite the solar deity. He rides in a chariot [pulled by] white geese.
To his left and right are the deities of the twenty-seven nak atras and twelve
[zodiac] palaces.”
(T 1796, 39: 634c12–13). The deification of the
zodiac signs was an Indian, not Hellenistic, development.
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Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
the commentary and the visual ma ala. Although minor deities on the
outskirts of the ma ala, the planetary deities within this system are still
conceived of as sentient deities from whom spiritual blessings may be gained,
in particular through the recitation of their respective mantras. 28 This
represents the first systematic example of Buddhist astral magic in China. This
Indian system, however, did not become an independent system like the later
Iranian tradition, to be discussed shortly.
One peculiar feature of this set of navagraha icons is the inclusion of
Kampa, the deity of earthquakes, as one of the grahas. It is unclear why he is
designated as a graha, a term normally reserved for the planets, though we
might speculate it was to fill in all eight directions. The commentary states the
following:
Place the planets as the retainers of the solar deity: A
raka [Mars] in
the west, ukra [Venus] in the east, Budha [Mercury] in the south,
haspati [Jupiter] in the north, anai cara 29 [Saturn] in the southeast,
hu in the southwest, Kampa in the northwest, and Ketu in the
northeast. 30
In later developments in China, however, Kampa, the earthquake deity (in
Chinese also known as zhendong shen
) plays no role, and therefore
was not a significant deity, despite his association here with the navagraha.
28
The commentary states, “Furthermore, such graha are a gateway to virtuous
friends within the ma ala. Those worthies [of the ma ala] can create the
means for empowerment [adhi
na] in accord with worldly activities. As the
rya skillfully selects an auspicious time, it will naturally align with their
[the deities’] mantras and root vows, producing empowerment, and freedom
from obstacles.”
(T 1796, 39: 618b9–13).
29
30
Read mei
as she
.
T 1796, 39: 634b20–23.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
43
Zoomorphic Planetary Deities
The “zoomorphic” set is a less well-known group of planetary deities
comprised of figures depicted, with one exception, as animals or including
animalistic features. These are described in the first fascicle of the Qiyao
rangzai jue and depicted in the illuminated Kuy hiryaku. This set of deities
includes a few icons strongly suggestive of an Egyptian origin. The existence
of Egyptian icons in East Asian astrological art would not necessarily be
surprising in light of the presence of Egyptian asterisms (the decans 31 and
horas) in the Sanskrit Yavanaj taka, 32 which was studied by David Pingree. 33
The most prominent figure of this set suggesting an Egyptian origin is the
solar deity (see plate 1). The Qiyao rangzai jue describes the deity as
possessing “a form like a man, but a head like a lion and a human body.
Wearing a heavenly garment. The hand is holding a jeweled vase black in
color.” 34 Such a solar deity has no apparent parallel in Chinese or Indian
iconographies. One Chinese symbol for the Sun is the three-legged crow
. 35 The Indian solar deity S rya is represented in a purely anthropomorphic
form. The solar deity in Vedic literature rides in a chariot drawn by horses. 36
A lion-headed deity associated with the Sun does, however, exist in
Egyptian mythology: Sekhmet, known as the Eye of Ra (Ra the Sun god). The
eye of the creator could be identified with the Sun disc. 37 Even if this is not
Sekhmet specifically, there are many examples of lion-headed figures among
the figures personifying stars, decans, planets, and so on, depicted on the
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
Decans are thirty-six Egyptian constellations that were eventually merged with
the twelve zodiac signs.
The Yavanaj taka is a Sanskrit manual of Hellenistic astrology. See his study
and translation: Pingree, The Yavanaj taka of Sphujidhvaja. Pingree dated it to
269–270, but Bill M. Mak contests this based on new manuscript evidence. He
suggests it “is dated sometime after 22 CE and could be as late as the early
seventh century …” Mak, “The Transmission of Greek Astral Science Into India
Reconsidered,” 17.
Pingree, “The Indian Iconography of the Decans and Horas,” 223–54.
. T 1308, 21: 426c11–12.
For instance, Wang Chong
(27–97) in the Shuori
chapter of the
Lunheng
: “The Ru say, ‘In the Sun there is a three-legged crow. In the
Moon there is a rabbit and toad.’”
(cited from http://ctext.org/lunheng/).
Witzel, “Vedic Gods (Indra, Agni, Rudra, Varu a, etc.).”
Pinch, Handbook of Egyptian Mythology, 128–31.
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Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
ceiling of the Temple of Hathor at Dendera in Egypt (Greco-Roman period).
The Sun god Ra is also depicted with a lion’s head and sun disc at Dendera
(plate 9). In Hellenistic astrology, which itself is a product of Alexandrian
culture, the Sun is the ruler of Leo. It was in this late period in Ancient
Egyptian history that Hellenistic astrology was produced, a tradition which
spread to Iran and India. It would therefore be plausible that a related icon
such as this could have been transmitted via texts dealing with astrology. We
know that astrology was extensively studied in Sasanian Iran (224–650), and
that Sasanian rulers hosted Greek, or Greco-Syrian, and Indian scholars within
their realm. 38 This middle culture between Alexandria and China was an
intermediary of astrological knowledge, so it is quite plausible to suggest that
Iranian sources could have also transmitted some originally Egyptian
astrological icons.
Venus (plate 6) in this zoomorphic set is described as possessing “a form
like a heavenly lady, holding a seal in her hand, and riding a white fowl.” 39
According to Neugebauer and Parker, Venus was earlier depicted as a heron,
but later other representations developed. 40 Mercury (plate 4) is described as
possessing “a form like a black snake, having four legs and eating a crab. 41
As with the lion-headed figure above, there are also many examples of
serpents personifying decans and so forth on the astronomical ceiling at
Dendera, including some with human limbs (see plate 9). According to Parker,
Mercury was identified with animal-headed Seth. 42 Seth was also sometimes
identified with the chaos serpent Apophis. 43 However, the closest example to
Mercury portrayed as a serpent is found in the “Athribis Zodiac A,” in which
Mercury is depicted as a “falcon with serpent tail and head of Seth.” 44 This is
admittedly speculation, but the parallels are noteworthy, and given the lionheaded Sun deity above, it seems plausible to suggest an Egyptian origin for
this icon.
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
Pingree, From Astral Omens to Astrology From Babylon to B ner, 39.
. T 1308, 21: 427b4–5. In the visual
representations, her right hand is seemingly displaying a mudr rather than
holding a seal.
Neugebauer and Parker, Egyptian Astronomical Texts III, 180–81. See also
Parker, “Ancient Egyptian Astronomy,” 60.
. T 1308, 21: 427b14.
Parker, “Ancient Egyptian Astronomy,” 59–61.
Wilkinson, The Complete Gods and Goddesses of Ancient Egypt, 198.
Neugebauer and Parker, Egyptian Astronomical Texts III, 180.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
45
The lunar deity is described as possessing “a form like a heavenly lady
wearing a blue garment holding a jeweled sword.” 45 This description is too
vague to suggest any identifications, though it should be noted that the Indian
lunar deity Candra is always male. Mars is described as possessing “a form
like an elephant, black in color, crying out to the sky.” 46 Jupiter is described
as possessing “a form like a man; a man’s body and dragon’s head, wearing a
heavenly garment. The color changes according to the four seasons.” 47 Again,
the origin of these representations is unknown. Finally, the icon of Saturn is
described as possessing “a form like a Brahmin, riding a black ox.” 48 This is
identical to what is found among the Iranian-Mesopotamian icons and will be
discussed in detail below.
The Qiyao rangzai jue states that these images are to be drawn, carried
and destroyed through various means (fire, water or being discarded down a
well) as a way of escaping undesirable events brought on by the planets. The
fact that Jupiter, Venus and the Moon are treated as malefic planets in this
fashion is strongly suggestive of an Iranian context. In Hellenistic astrology,
these three planets are always regarded as benefic, in contrast to Saturn and
Mars, which are always malefic. Iranian astral lore, however, came to regard
all the planets as demonic and dangerous. 49 Furthermore, the practice of
drawing figures on paper as a means of warding off various evils is attested in
Persia and Zoroastrianism. 50 These points all indicate an immediate Iranian
source for these zoomorphic icons, though their earlier development clearly
drew on earlier traditions.
45
46
47
48
49
50
. T 1308, 21: 426c20–21.
. T 1308, 21: 427a11–12.
. T 1308, 21: 426c29–427a1.
. T 1308, 21: 427a22.
“The planets, when referred to as demons, were called ab xtar ‘retrograde’ or
axtar ‘non-star,’ but they were sometimes also called g ‘robbers, bandits’
in opposition to the stars, the ‘givers’ (bag n) par excellence.” See Panaino,
“Cosmologies and Astrology,” 253–54.
Zoroastrianism had a magical practice of rangs (incantations or charms) that
were connected to the invocation of stars and planets. See Panaino, “Two
Zoroastrian N rangs and the Invocation of the Stars and the Planets,” 196–218.
Al-B
(973–c.1052), a Muslim author on astronomy and astrology, reports
on a Persian practice of writing on papers to ward off scorpion stings on
specific days, which were then attached to doors in the evening, although he
notes this was not originally a Persian custom. See Al-B
, The Book of
Instruction in the Elements of the Art of Astrology, 182.
46
Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
Although these “zoomorphic” icons were known within Chinese
Mantray na in the ninth century, they never became widespread.
Iranian-Mesopotamian Planetary Deities
This “Iranian-Mesopotamian” set of icons under discussion here excludes the
Sun and the Moon. This set was utilized by both Buddhists and Daoists,
becoming the mainstream representations of the planetary deities in East Asia.
These icons were introduced through a Sogdian intermediary. In Tang
Buddhist texts, the planets can be referred to using their native Chinese names,
but from at least the mid-eighth century, when Amoghavajra compiled his
astrology manual—the Xiuyao jing 51 —they were also known by their
Sogdian 52 names in Chinese transliteration. 53 However, the Xiuyao jing does
not discuss any iconography or magic. These Sogdian names are found in
other Chinese texts, such as the Daoist Chengxing lingtai biyao jing
(DZ 289; Scripture of the Secret Essentials of the Compass
Spiritual Terrace), a fragmentary manual of apotropaic rites designed to
negate harmful planetary influences, which was written within a few decades
after 894–898 (the Qianning
era). 54 These Sogdian names are
transcriptions of the names of planets in Middle Persian. 55 The planets in Iran
51
52
53
54
55
The first version of the Xiuyao jing was compiled with the assistance of Shi Yao
and completed in 759. It was said to be problematic for Chinese
readership and subsequently revised with the aid of Yang Jingfeng
in
764. See Yano Michio, Mikky senseijutsu, 226–64
The Sogdians were prominent caravan merchants in Central Asia from the fifth
to the eighth or ninth century. They were also a prominent ethnic community in
Tang China. They spoke an Eastern Iranian language. For a comprehensive
study see Vaissière, Sogdian Traders.
See Yano Michio, Mikky senseijutsu, 110. Although Sogdians were active in
China earlier than this period, there is no evidence of their vocabulary for the
planetary names being used by Han Chinese.
Kalinowski, “Chengxing lingtai biyao jing”
, 337–38.
Chengxing
(“scale & star”) here seems to refer to a dingpan-xing
,
which is a flat circular or square plate on which marks of graduation are
indicated (xing
), i.e., a compass. Chengxing therefore likely refers to a plate
representing the ecliptic or equator with the degrees marked. As a metaphor, the
term refers to a standard for something. See Foguang dacidian
,
3184.
Nicholas Sims-Williams of SOAS pointed this out to me.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
47
were named after major deities in the Zoroastrian pantheon, a custom which
was originally Mesopotamian, and one that also spread to Greek and Latin
speaking cultures. The renaming of the planets in Iran after Mesopotamian
equivalents dates back to the Achaemenid era. 56 The correspondences are
given in table 2. The concept of deities presiding over the planets does have a
Chinese precedent, though this is entirely different from the present
iconography in question. 57
Table 2: Planetary Deities—Correspondences 58
Planet
Greek
Akkadian
Mars
Mercury
Jupiter
Venus
Saturn
Ares
Hermes
Zeus
Aphrodite
Kronos
Nergal
Nabû
Marduk
Ištar
Kajam nu
Middle
Persian
Wahr m
r
Ohrmazd
An d
n
Sogdian
Sogdian
(Chinese) 59
Unx n
r
Urmazt
xid
n
This set of icons and its associated magical rituals share a number of parallels
with the Gh yat al- ak m (The Aim of the Sage), a medieval Arabic manual of
astral magic. 60 This work also relies to some extent on Iranian lore, even
56
57
58
59
60
Gnoli, “BABYLONIA ii.”
The Wuxing dayi
(Great Meaning of the Five Elements) by Xiao Ji
(c. 530–610), a compendium of native Chinese metaphysics dating to the
Sui dynasty (581–618), states that the planets are the respective children of the
Five Heavenly Emperors
. These figures and their features (such as
Saturn as a female ruler presiding over the planets) are completely different
from the occidental traditions. For text and translation see Nakamura Sh hachi
and Shimizu Hiroko
, Gogy taigi
, 41–47. The
planets as children of the Five Heavenly Emperors is also described in the
Buddhist Qiyao rangzai jue: T 1308, 21: 426c6–427b17.
Table adapted from Panaino, “Cosmologies and Astrology,” 253.
These transliterations are taken from the Qiyao rangzai jue (T 1308). The
characters used to transliterate the names vary in other texts.
Pingree suggests a composition in Spain sometime in the mid-eleventh century.
He notes that “the unknown compiler of the Gh yat had available for his use in
Spain in the middle of the eleventh century much of the Arabic literature on the
esoteric sciences that had been produced in Syria and Mesopotamia, but nothing
that had been written after the year 1000.” Pingree, “Some of the Sources of the
Gh yat al-Hak m,” 2.
48
Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
citing the names of the planets in Persian. 61 The Gh yat al- ak m was
translated into Spanish, albeit with some issues of mistranslation, between
1256 and 1258 at the court of Alfonso the Wise (1221–1284), and sometime
shortly thereafter a Latin translation of the Spanish was produced. 62 The
parallels between the Picatrix and the Chinese material at hand, which will be
documented below, not only provide further proof that these icons originated
in the Near East, but also demonstrate that the associated practice of astral
magic that we find in China also has its origins in the Near East or, more
specifically, the general region of Syria. This further demonstrates that the
Chinese Buddhist practice of astral magic was effectively an extension of
global interest in such things.
Iranian-Mesopotamian Mars
Mars (see plate 3) in the second fascicle of the Qiyao rangzai jue is described
as a deity “of a red mineral color, wearing a donkey hat of a furious red color,
and a leopard skin skirt. Four arms: one hand holds a bow, one hand holds an
arrow, and one hand holds a blade.” 63 The Fantian huoluo jiuyao states, “The
figure of the deity is like that of the heterodox, wearing a donkey hat atop the
head with his four hands holding weapons and blades.” 64 The *Brahmadevasaptagraha-s tra states that “the figure is like that of a strong young man. His
face is angry. He wears a leopard skin garment. His right hand holds a blade.
His left hand [displays] wrathful five fingers [mudr ?]. His hair and beard are
kempt. His body is red in color. He wears atop the head a gold headpiece. The
image of Mars.” 65
61
62
Panaino notes their names appear in corrupted Arabic spelling: K
n, Hurmuz,
Bahr m, Mihr, An d, T r, M h. In Latin they read as Kayhven, Harmiz,
Baharam, Maher, Anyhyt, Tyr, Mehe. See Panaino, “Cosmologies and
Astrology,” 254.
Pingree, “Between the Gh ya and Picatrix I: The Spanish Version,” 27–56. For
the Latin edition see Pingree, Picatrix: The Latin Version of the Gh yat Alak m.
63
. T 1308, 21: 449a24–26.
64
. T 1311, 21: 460c26–27.
65
. T 2409, 76: 464c06–09.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
49
As noted above, the Sogdian Unx n
(also rendered
) is
Wahr m in Middle Persian, which corresponds to the Mesopotamian Nergal,
the war god. 66 The armaments described here unsurprisingly reflect the
original Mesopotamian conception of a war god. The associations with a
donkey and the color red are also found in the aforementioned Daoist
Chengxing lingtai biyao jing. In the section in which this information is
provided, a text entitled *Navagraha-s tra
is cited, which appears to
be a source text upon which Buddhists also drew. 67 The following apotropaic
ritual is prescribed against Mars:
It is greatly auspicious to fill a crimson bag with seven pellets of red
sesame, five pellets of red rice, three pellets of red little beans, seven
red donkey tails, and a small amount of red copper bits, and then attach
it to one’s arm with a crimson string. It is also auspicious to paint its
[Mars’] image and make offerings. Also, on days of Unx n [Tuesdays],
recite the Liberating Men Scripture and Eliminating Calamaties
Scripture, 68 and wear crimson plus cinnabar [coloring] in one’s hair
and beard. The Jeweled Fate Scripture 69 states, “Ride a red horse, and
wear red clothing. On the body one must pierce seven places and
extract blood. Also, pierce and extract the blood from a red donkey.
66
67
68
69
Leick, A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology, 127–128.
The navagraha are originally an Indian concept, but they, along with the
nak atras, were also adopted into Iranian astrology. Much of the “Indian
astrology” in Chinese is actually from Iranian sources.
This is perhaps referring to the Taishang Laojunshuo xiaozai jing
(DZ 631), which is of unknown authorship. The text is said to halt
calamities if recited. See Hu Fuchen
, Zhonghua Daojiao dacidian
, 286.
The identity of this text is uncertain.
50
Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
When there is a calamity on a day when Mars appears, build an
octagonal altar. Attach arrows [pointing to] the four directions at the
four corners on four sides. Atop the arrows attach the colors of the four
directions. At 20:00, 70 blend together one’s own blood and the blood
of the red donkey with powdered sandalwood incense, and drip it atop
the altar. Also, place oil lamps of red sesame oil at the five directions.
The five lamp supports all must be red. As employed earlier, it is
auspicious to [prepare] a bag, using crimson string to attach it to the
arm while wearing [red cinnabar coloring] in one’s hair and beard.”
Also, the *Navagraha S tra states, “Together with the earlier practices,
take throughout the year the five fruits [peaches, pears, apricots,
chestnuts and jujubes], 71 firewood and two bundles of sweet grass, 72
and burn them. Attach to the arm a red copper bracelet. Under the
southern altar place one jar of water. Raise a red banner in the southern
direction. Bury six catties of red charcoal.” 73
Mars is associated with Tuesday in the seven-day week. This association
between Mars and the color red is present in both Chinese and foreign sources,
which is likely due to its visible appearance in the sky. In the Picatrix, Mars is
associated with red (rubeum) metals (i.e., red bronze or copper) and red
sandalwood (sandalum rubeum). 74 Similar substances are found in the above
passage. The Qiyao rangzai jue, clearly drawing on the same foreign sources
as the Daoist text, gives “purple sandalwood incense” (
) for Mars. 75As
to the donkey, Gideon Bohak explains that “the extensive use of donkey parts
in aggressive magic (since the donkey was associated with Seth-Typhon) are
all Egyptian in origin, and their pervasiveness in the Greek Magical Papyri
certainly could be used as evidence for a strong Egyptian influence on their
magical rituals.” 76 This likely indicates an association between Seth (a god of
war) and the planet Mars here.
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
Reading xu shi
as xu shi
, as the former is likely a scribal error.
These fruits are all reddish in color.
This likely refers to licorice plant.
DZ, vol. 5, 30b1–14.
Greer and Warnock, The Picatrix, 134–35. For Latin see Pingree, Picatrix, 92–
93.
T 1308, 21: 449a29.
See Bohak, “The Diffusion of the Greco-Egyptian Magical Tradition in Late
Antiquity,” 365.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
51
Although the Qiyao rangzai jue describes the icon of Mars, and prescribes
flavors and types of incense for Tuesdays, it does not describe any of the
blood magic that we find in the Daoist description of the ritual. Extracting
blood from an animal might have been considered unethical for a Buddhist,
whereas within Daoism this was perhaps less ethically problematic.
Iranian-Mesopotamian Mercury
Mercury (see plate 4) in the Qiyao rangzai jue is described as “a lady wearing
a blue garment and monkey hat with a scroll held in hand.” 77 The Fantian
huoluo jiuyao states, “The deity’s form is that of a lady. Atop her head she
wears a monkey hat. In her hand she holds a paper and brush. 78 Similarly, the
Huatu “Painting” states, “In the right hand holding a brush. In the left hand
holding paper. Standing with both hands spread apart.” 79
Sogdian T r
corresponds to the Mesopotamian Nabû, the god of
scribes and writing. 80 As Panaino notes, “The god of the planet Mercury,
riya in western Iran, a protector of the scribes, as in the parallel cases of
Thoth-Mercury in Egypt and Nabû-Mercury in Babylon, probably was
associated with Tištrya, but after the (later) demonization of the planets he
became a demon.” 81 The correspondence here with the Egyptian Thoth is
highly significant and actually explains the “monkey hat.” As my colleague,
Joseph P. Elacqua, pointed out to me, one of the animals closely associated
with Thoth is the baboon. Thoth was a god of scribes and “according to one
hymn to Thoth, the eye of the baboon watched out for scribes who abused
their skill by applying it to illicit self-gain.” 82 It is clear that the Chinese icon
is a union of Iranian, Egyptian and Hellenistic features, but its female gender
is anomalous. This female representation is perhaps related to the fact that in
astrology Mercury is regarded as both male and female. 83
77
. T 1308, 21: 449a18. Reading
huo guan
78
79
80
81
82
83
as yuan guan
.
. T 1311, 21: 460a25–26.
. T 2409, 76: 464c21.
Leick, A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology, 123–24. Yu Xin
points out the Iranian precedent behind this icon of Mercury. “Personal
Fate and the Planets,” 186.
Panaino, “TIŠTRYA.”
Hart, The Routledge Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddesses, 158.
Reiner, Astral Magic in Babylonia, 6.
52
Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
The *Brahmadeva-saptagraha-s tra describes Mercury as possessing “a
form like a student-child wearing a blue garment and riding a blue piebald
horse. He is adorned in heavenly garments and precious stones. The image of
Mercury.” 84 This representation as a “student-child” (
) seems to
point to the association between Mercury and the sciences. Mercury in the
Picatrix is associated with “blue and mixed colors” (et ex coloribus blavium et
misculum), and rulership over the sciences. 85 The horse here possibly alludes
to Tištrya’s form as a horse in some stories of Avestan mythology. 86
Iranian-Mesopotamian Jupiter
The Sogdian Urmazt
is the Middle Persian Ohrmazd, which
corresponds to the Mesopotamian Marduk, the principal deity of Babylon.
Jupiter in the Qiyao rangzai jue is described as “a deity like an elderly man,
wearing a blue garment and a swine hat with a dignified appearance.” 87
Similarly, the Fantian huoluo jiuyao describes him as possessing “the form of
the deity is like that of a minister. He wears a blue garment and a boar hat. In
his hand(s) he holds flowers and fruits.” 88 The *Brahmadeva-saptagrahatra states, “His form is like that of a chief lord, wearing formal attire and
cap, while riding a black pig. His face is noble like state ministers or the lords
of the right.” 89 The Huatu “Painting” states, “Both hands parallel at the chest.
Standing holding a cup full of flowers.” 90 (See plate 5 below.) The ritual
against Jupiter (
) in the Chengxing lingtai biyao jing also mentions
swine, but the predominant color is white.
84
85
86
87
88
. T 2409,
76: 464c17–18. Reading cong ma
as cong ma
.
Greer and Warnock, The Picatrix, 136. Pingree, Picatrix, 94.
Panaino, “TIŠTRYA.”
. T 1308, 21: 449a12.
. T 1311, 21: 461c6–7.
89
. T 2409, 76: 464c25–27.
90
. T 2409, 76: 465a02. Reading huai
.
as bei
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
53
Fill a white bag with seven bundles of hair from a white boar, and tie it
to one’s left arm. It is taboo to eat pork. One must not take life. Also,
cast a true image with one tael of white silver. Make offerings and read
scriptures. One must not enter temples, ritually mourn the dead, or
visit the ill. It is auspicious to make offerings to all Daoists. 91
Vettius Valens (2 nd cent. CE), a Hellenistic astrologer, gives “grey verging on
white” for Jupiter. 92 In the Picatrix, Jupiter is associated with white clothes
(pannis albos), emerald (smaragdum), white and yellow stones (lapides albos
et croceos), and crystal (cristallum). The association with white substances is
also found in the Qiyao rangzai jue, in which one is to wear pearls and silver
(
), and sit atop white felt (
) as a means of alleviating
influences caused by Jupiter. This text also associates “fragrant and delicious
fruits, and fresh ginger (
)” with Jupiter. 93 In the Picatrix,
Jupiter is similarly associated with a sweet flavor (et ex saporibus dulcia). 94
As to the swine image, I am unable to identify its source. The taboo
against pork constitutes a means of avoiding the animal associated with the
planet. In the Picatrix, the animals associated with Jupiter are “all animals
that are beautiful and valued for their appearance, those which are sacrificed,
and all inoffensive, clean, and precious animals.” 95 It does not list pigs
among these. From an Islamic perspective, any sort of swine would be
considered unclean especially in a dietary context, 96 but in older cultures
such as Zoroastrianism this was not the case. 97 In the Chinese above, it seems
that the proscription against killing, which in this context likely refers to
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
DZ, vol. 5, 30c11–15.
Valens, Anthologies, 1.
T 1308, 21: 449a14–17.
Greer and Warnock, The Picatrix, 134. Pingree, Picatrix, 92. T 1308, 21:
449a16. Elsewhere in the text Jupiter is specifically associated with sweetness:
. Here gao
is an error for gan
. T 1308, 21: 428a1.
Greer and Warnock, The Picatrix, 134. The Latin reads, “et ex animalibus
omnia animalia formosa et in eorum formis posita, ex quibus sacrificia fieri
solebant, et omnia animalia non offendencia, limpida et nitida …” Pingree,
Picatrix, 92.
Foltz, Animals in Islamic Tradition and Muslim Cultures, 25, 131.
Foltz states with respect to pigs in Zoroastrianism that “[t]he status of the pig is
unclear; in the N rangest n section of the Avesta, pigs are among the animals
listed for sacrifice, while some later texts proscribe this, perhaps reflecting the
encroaching influence of Semitic cultures.” See Foltz, “Zoroastrian Attitudes
toward Animals,” 374.
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Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
animal sacrifice, is the opposite of a normal activity associated with Jupiter.
Jupiter is associated with Thursday, an auspicious day, so presumably
sacrifices are best carried out under the influence of this planet. In other words,
normally animal sacrifices were associated with Jupiter, but in this apotropaic
ritual, one is to avoid such things to ward off undesirable influences. The
Buddhist version repeats the injunction against killing and the consumption of
pork. 98 This proscription would have been agreeable in a Chinese Buddhist
context, but, in actuality, refraining from killing in this context was originally
unrelated to compassion or vegetarianism.
Iranian-Mesopotamian Venus
Venus (plate 6) in this set is similar to the aforementioned “zoomorphic” icon.
The Qiyao rangzai jue states, “The deity is a lady wearing a yellow garment
and fowl hat on her head, with a pipa being played in her hands.” 99 Similarly,
the Fantian huoluo jiuyao describes her as possessing “a form is like that of a
lady. Atop the head she wears a fowl hat. White silk garment. Plucking
strings.” 100 Also the Huatu “Painting” states, “Left hand holding the head of
a pipa and right hand plucking strings.” 101
Sogdian N xid
corresponds to Ištar, a Mesopotamian goddess of
war, but also of procreation and sex, being helpful and spreading happiness
and joy.102 The Picatrix associates Venus with “playing instruments that are
good to listen to” (et pulsare instrumenta boni auditus), “making stringed
instruments” (cordas instrumentorum facere), as well the colors “sky blue and
gold tending a little to green” (colorem celestinum et colorem auri
declinantem aliquantulum ad viridem). 103 As a way of avoiding her influence,
the Qiyao rangzai jue prescribes wearing “yellow clothing, and treasures such
as gold and jade,” while avoiding communication with ladyfolk for the
possibility of disasters arising from jealousy and speech. 104
98
99
T 1308, 21: 449a14–15.
. T 1308, 21: 449a3.
. T 1311, 21: 460b19–20. Read shou
100
as you
101
102
103
104
.
. T 2409, 76: 465a10. Read chan
as tan
Leick, A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology, 96–97.
Greer and Warnock, The Picatrix, 135–36. Pingree, Picatrix, 93–94.
T 1308, 21: 449a7–8.
.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
55
The *Brahmadeva-saptagraha-s tra states that her “form is like that of a
lady wearing a variegated garment with a slight smiling expression. She rides
a white lion. The image of Venus.” 105 The lion mount is significant because
Ištar is often pictured with a lion in Mesopotamia. 106 In light of this, the
other associated animal (the fowl) is likely of a non-Mesopotamian origin.
Iranian-Mesopotamian Saturn
The descriptions of Saturn (see plates 7 & 8), including that of the
“zoomorphic” set above, are all quite similar. The Qiyao rangzai jue states,
“The deity is like a Brahmin, black in color. On his head he wears an ox hat.
One hand grasps a cane, while one hand points forward. His back seems
slightly bent.” 107 The Fantian huoluo jiuyao states he possesses “a form like
a Brahmin. Ox cap on the head. His hand holding a monk’s staff.” 108 The
Huatu “Painting” states, “His right hand holding a staff and his left hand
extended outward. He drives and rides an ox.” 109 Finally, the *Brahmadevasaptagraha-s tra states, “A form like an old Brahmin master. In his hand he
holds a monk’s staff. He wears a black
ya and rides a black ox. His robe
is decorated with gold and silver. The image of Saturn.” 110
The iconographical integrity of Saturn across all these texts is curious. We
also find this specific icon in India in later centuries, such as in the
Lagnacandrik , a Hindu astrological work composed by K in tha in the first
half of the sixteenth century in northern India. 111 The lack of iconographical
variance seems to indicate a widespread interest in this planetary deity
105
106
107
108
109
. T 2409, 76:
465a05–06.
Encyclopædia Britannica Online, s. v. “Ishtar,” accessed January 3, 2016,
http://www.britannica.com/topic/Ishtar-Mesopotamian-goddess.
. T
1308, 21: 449b1–2.
. T 1311, 21: 460a1–2.
. T 2409, 76: 465a19–20.
110
111
. T 2409, 76: 465a13–15.
See appended plate 5b in Pingree, “Indian Planetary Images and the Tradition of
Astral Magic.” As to the bull in the Lagnacandrik , as Pingree notes, this is
neither the white-humped bull Nand , the mount or
hana of iva, nor the
buffalo of Yama. Ibid., 13.
56
Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
specifically, perhaps due to the status of Saturn as the supreme malefic planet,
and thus the most powerful.
This figure is none other than the Greek god Kronos. 112 As James Evans
has explored, there was a Greco-Egyptian tradition of magical stones, in
which images of deities were engraved on specific types of stones. One
engraving of Kronos (i.e., Saturn) shows him as a hunched over man, reaping
wheat with the sickle which he used to castrate his father Ouranos (see plate
8). 113 The descriptions and depictions of the deity Saturn in the Chinese
sources possess many of the same features, though having gone through some
transformations. The monk’s staff is perhaps a misunderstanding of the
original sickle. In the Picatrix the “image of Saturn is the image of a black
man, wrapped in a green cloak, with the head of a dog and holding a sickle in
his hand.” 114
A longer apotropaic ritual against him is found with minor variations in
the Qiyao rangzai jue, Chengxing lingtai biyao jing and the Kuy hiryaku.
Here the deity is named as K
n
. One is to wear black clothing, offer
black sesame oil, and burn Persian incense (anxi xiang
) to please
Saturn. His image is to be made from “plow iron.” 115 Saturn in non-Chinese
astral magical literature is universally associated with black or a very dark
color such as “burned wool” (lana combusta), as in the Picatrix. 116 This is
different from Chinese lore, in which Saturn is associated with the color
yellow. 117 The Picatrix similarly associates black clothing with Saturn
(omnes pannos nigros). 118 Furthermore, “plow iron” is likely connected to
the association between Kronos and agriculture. The Picatrix states that
Saturn rules over “those that work with the earth, plowing, digging, extracting
minerals, …” and among metals he rules over “lead, iron and all metals that
112
113
114
115
116
117
118
The cult of Kronos flourished in Alexandria throughout antiquity, the heartland
of astrology. See Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, 83.
Evans, “The Astrologer’s Apparatus,” 17–18.
Greer and Warnock, The Picatrix, 140. “Et forma Saturni est forma hominis
nigri, mantello viridi involuti et caput canosum habentis et in eius manu falcem
tenentis.” Pingree, Picatrix, 97.
T 1308, 21: 449b2–12 & DZ, vol. 5, 30c2–10.
Greer and Warnock, The Picatrix, 140. Pingree, Picatrix, 97.
Saturn is associated with the Yellow Emperor
. See also T 1308, 21:
427a15.
Pingree, Picatrix, 91.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
57
are black and smell bad.” 119 The prescribed “Persian incense” is identified by
Cullen and Lo as styrax benzoin. 120 Styrax is also the prescribed incense for
Saturn given in a Greco-Egyptian papyrus (PGM XIII. 17–22): “the proper
incense of Kronos is styrax, for it is heavy and fragrant.” 121 This is also in
the Picatrix, which prescribes “strong cassia and storax” (fortiter cassiam et
storacem). 122
As to the bull in this icon, Parker’s study notes that throughout Egyptian
history, Saturn was always known as “Horus bull of the sky” or “Horus the
bull.” 123 In late-period texts he is often depicted as a bull-headed god. 124 In
light of the above connections to the Greco-Egyptian tradition, and the
monkey of Mercury being likely connected to the baboon of Thoth, I would
propose that Saturn’s bull here is Horus the Bull as a representation of
Saturn. 125 Again, we have a Greco-Egyptian icon that was transmitted
through an Iranian intermediary into China.
The cult of Saturn seems to have been especially influential within
Chinese Mantray na based on the fact that the figure of Saturn in the Japanese
Genzu mandara
version of the *Garbhadh tu-ma ala is of the
Iranian-Mesopotamian type (see plate 8). 126 This version of the ma ala is to
likely be traced back to Huiguo
(746–806), who was the teacher of
kai
(774–835) in Chang’an. In other words, this is not the original
ma ala that ubhakarasi ha prescribed in the 720s, but rather a form that
119
120
121
122
123
124
125
126
Greer and Warnock, The Picatrix, 133. The Latin reads, “et ex magisteriis
laborare terram, arare, fodere, extrahere mineras ... et ex metallis plumbum,
ferrum et omnia nigra et fetida.” Pingree, Picatrix, 91.
See appendix 1 in Cullen and Lo, Medieval Chinese Medicine.
Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, 172.
Greer and Warnock, The Picatrix, 134. Pingree, Picatrix, 91.
Parker, “Ancient Egyptian Astronomy,” 60.
Neugebauer and Parker, Egyptian Astronomical Texts III, 178–79.
One complicating factor in this hypothesis is that “in Egypt Kronos had been
identified with Geb, the Egyptian god of the earth.” See Bremmer, Greek
Religion and Culture, 83.
Somekawa’s encyclopedia of the Genzu mandara icons also depicts this icon of
Saturn, though he does not note its non-Indian origin. The other planetary icons
mostly appear to be of the Indian type, although the hand gestures of the Venus
icon seemingly appear to play an instrument, but without any instrument
actually depicted, which possibly indicates influence from the IranianMesopotamian icon. See Somekawa Eisuke
, Mandara zuten
, 211, 237.
58
Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
developed in later decades. 127 Further evidence of the influence of foreign
astrology in this form of the ma ala is suggested by the name “White Ram”
(baiyang gong
) for the zodiac sign Aries. 128
Hellenistic Precedents
We should also note here that the practice of worshipping planetary deities, as
seen above, can be traced even earlier back to the Hellenistic tradition of
magic. There are similarities between the colors of the deities described above
and the stones used to represent the planetary deities in the Greco-Egyptian
tradition of astrology. As Evans’ study explains, astrologers in Alexandria
represented the planets using specific types of stones on a “horoscope
board.”129 A Greek papyrus (PGM CX 1–12) text, translated by Betz, lists the
prescribed stones as follows:
Make the Sun gold, the Moon silver, Kronos [Saturn] of obsidian, Ares
[Mars] of yellow-green onyx, 130 Aphrodite [Venus] of lapis-lazuli
streaked with gold, Hermes [Mercury] of turquoise; make Zeus [Jupiter]
of a [dark blue] stone, but underneath of crystal. 131
The colors of the stones for Saturn, Mars, Mercury and possibly Jupiter
correspond to the prescribed colors of the icons above. Similar color
assignments are also found in Indian literature, specifically the Yavanaj taka,
which Pingree notes were “fairly standard in Greek astrology: the Sun with
coppery red, the Moon with silver, Mars with red, Mercury with green, Jupiter
with yellow, Venus with white, and Saturn with black.” 132
127
128
129
130
131
132
See Nakano Gish
, “Genzu Taiz mandara saigai-in no k
”
, 6.
It can be inferred that the term “white ram”
for Aries is derived from
the Duli yusi jing (translated between 785–805) as it appears in the Xitian yusi
jing
, a versified version of the Duli yusi jing, but not in earlier
extant materials. See Wan Minying
, Xingxue dacheng
(fasc.
7), 436. In the Taiz zuz and Taiz kuzuy (TZ, vol. 2, 284 & 559), Aries is
yang gong
(the Ram). See also Somekawa, Mandara zuten, 183.
Evans, “The Astrologer’s Apparatus,” 1–44.
Evans gives “reddish onyx” for Ares. See Evans, “The Astrologer’s Apparatus,”
4.
Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, 312.
Pingree, “Indian Planetary Images,” 3.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
59
hu and Ketu
The evolution of the icons of R hu and Ketu within Chinese Buddhism were
also transformed under Iranian influences. The commentary on the
Mah vairocana-s tra (produced between 724–727) states, “R hu is the nodal
eclipse deity. Ketu is directly translated as ‘banner.’ The banner star is a
comet.” 133 In other documents, such as in the Taiz zuz , R hu and Ketu are
depicted in their original Indian forms. R hu is a disembodied head with two
hands with which to grasp the Sun and Moon, while Ketu seemingly bursts out
of a cloud of smoke (see plate 10). There is a parallel in aivaite literature: in
the ivadharma stra, a text of aivism which Peter Bisschop dates to the 6 th
or 7 th century, Ketu is said to be “shaped like smoke” (dh
ro) and
“appearing like smoke from straw” (pal ladh masa
o). He is positioned
in the northeast. 134 In the Qiyao rangzai jue from the ninth century, however,
hu and Ketu are respectively designated as the head and tail of an eclipse
deity (
,
). 135 This appears to be an Iranian concept, as there
exists a parallel in the ninth-century Pahlavi Bundahišn, which is primarily a
cosmography based on Zoroastrian scriptures. 136 In the Kuy hiryaku, Ketu is
clearly indicated by name and depicted seated atop a dragon. 137 In the
Fantian huoluo jiuyao, R hu and Ketu are both depicted with serpents. These
transitions in forms reflects the shift from Indian to Iranian sources of
astrology in the late Tang.
The Chengxing lingtai biyao jing also includes a ritual against the hidden
planets, which in this case refers to R hu and Ketu. This ritual is not included
in the Qiyao rangzai jue, though in light of the foregoing discussion, Buddhist
authors were likely aware of it. Although it does not specifically name R hu
and Ketu, it can be inferred that this ritual is directed against them.
133
134
135
136
137
. T 1796, 39: 618a15–16.
See Peter Bisschop, ivadharma stra (forthcoming). The Mah vairocana-s tra
commentary also positions Ketu in the northeast (
). See T 1796, 39:
634b22–23. See Ketu in plate 10 below and Taiz kuzuy (TZ, vol. 2, 556).
T 1308, 21: 442b3 & 446b1.
MacKenzie, “Zoroastrian Astrology in the Bundahišn,” 515.
In this document, however, R hu is depicted seated atop a bull.
60
Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
The scripture states, “Craft a bracelet from the iron of a butcher, like a
snake with its mouth swallowing the tail. Wear it on the left arm. Wear
crimson garments. It is taboo to eat at night, and travel to black places.
It is greatly auspicious to take one peck of soil from a high ridge and
place it beneath [one’s] bed, while separately taking one peck of
yellow soil and boiling it, before feeding it to long-lived
waterfowl.” 138
The image of a snake is alluding to R hu and Ketu, conceived of as the head
and tail of a serpent or dragon. One name for R hu in two Chinese Buddhist
sources is “yellow banner”
. 139 However, this is likely a mistake as one
earlier meaning of ketu is “banner.” “R hu” does not possess this meaning. In
the
ivadharma stra, R hu is described as “like black collyrium”
(
ñjananibha ). 140 This of course indicates an ultimately Indian origin for
anything related to R hu and Ketu, but in the case of this astral magic in
Chinese, its source is actually Iranian.
Yuebei and Ziqi
Yuebei
(“lunar comet”) 141 and Ziqi
/
(“purple mist”) are,
like R hu and Ketu, treated as planets, although in reality they are not
physical astronomical bodies. Together with the navagraha, they comprise the
“eleven planets.” Song Lian
(1310–1381) writes that “early in the
Zhenyuan reign era [785–805] of the Tang, Li Biqian first calculated
ephemerides for the eleven planets.” 142 The Xin Tang shu
(New
Book of Tang), compiled by Ouyang Xiu
and Song Qi
, records
that Li Miqian—this same “Li Biqian”—transmitted the Duli yusi jing
(*Dorotheus) also in the Zhenyuan period from “Western India.” 143 Based on
138
139
140
141
142
143
DZ, vol. 5, 30c11–15.
T 1308, 21: 442b3 and T 1311, 21: 459b27.
Peter Bisschop, ivadharma stra (forthcoming).
Bei
originally meant comet.
. Ren Jiyu
, Zhonghua chuanshi
wenxuan Ming wen heng
, 151.
. Xin Tang shu, Zhonghua shuju edn.,
fasc. 59, vol. 5, 1548. Other ethnically Persian men in this period used the
surname Li in China, such as the court astronomer Li Su
(743–817).
Persia in this period was under the control of the Arab Abbasid Caliphate. This
leads me to think that Li Miqian did not want to identify as an Arab. If, in fact,
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
61
the surname Li
, and the fact that the Duli yusi jing was a translation of
Dorotheus, we can infer that this man was ethnically Iranian, rather than
Indian. Dorotheus’ work is known to have been translated into Middle Persian,
but not Sanskrit. 144 “Western India” here therefore likely refers to the Persian
or Sogdian cultural sphere. The mathematical parameters for these two planets
provided by Liu Dingzhi
(1409–1469) in his notes on astronomy
show that Yuebei is the lunar apogee. Ziqi is a moving point used to keep
track of intercalary months. These appear to be Western rather than Chinese
parameters. 145 A later work by Xing Yunlu
(fl. 1580) also associates
these two planets, plus R hu and Ketu, with an Astronomical Scripture of the
Western Regions (
). 146 In light of this, although the Chinese terms
yuebei and ziqi do, in fact, appear in earlier Chinese literature (but without the
same astronomical meanings), we might also look to icons associated with
these two planets to further establish their foreign origins.
First, with respect to chronology, Yuebei and Ziqi appear in Daoist and
secular literature from the late ninth century, in particular in some writings of
144
145
146
he really was from Western India, then we have evidence of a practitioner of
Hellenistic astrology active in India in the late eighth century.
Dorotheus’ work was first translated into Pahlav (Middle Persian) from Greek
under the Sassanians between 222–267, and later expanded between 531–578.
Around the year 800, this recension was translated into Arabic. Pingree,
“Classical and Byzantine Astrology in Sassanian Persia,” 229.
The lunar apogee is the point on the Moon’s elliptical orbit that is farthest from
the earth. The perigee is the point closest to the earth. Liu Dingzhi states, “The
bei is produced from the Moon. There are constants for the velocity of the
Moon’s movement. The slowest point is the bei, which is why it is called the
lunar bei. The bei has 7 rotations in a 62 year period.”
. 62 ÷ 7 =
8.85 years, i.e., the lunar apsidal precession. He also states, “The qi is produced
from intercalation. In 28 years there are ten intercalary months, and the qi
moves around the ecliptic once.”
.
For Chinese text see Ren Jiyu, Zhonghua chuanshi wenxuan Ming wen heng,
557. As I pointed out in an earlier study, Ziqi’s parameters seem to work best
with a 360 degree ecliptic (the Western system), rather than the Chinese system
of 365.25 degrees. See Kotyk, “Kanjiken no bungaku ni okeru saih -senseijutsu
no y so,” 107.
This could also be read as “Astronomical Scriptures of the Western Regions,”
i.e., as a genre of such texts on foreign astronomy. Xing Yunlu
, Gujin
lü likao
, 327b7. Elsewhere it is stated that Li Chunfeng
(602–670) first calculated yuebei (681b13). Xing Yunlu, however, conflates the
lunar apogee with comets (682a10–13).
62
Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
the Daoist master Du Guangting
(850–933). 147 Although these two
planets do not appear to have been astrologically or iconographically
significant within Buddhism during the Tang dynasty, they became popular in
the Song period. As Liao Yang points out, Tejaprabh came to be depicted
with them during the Northern Song period. 148
Yuebei in the Kuy
zuz
(Navagraha Images), 149 and in
specimens from Tangut Khara Koto, 150 is depicted as either a man or woman
carrying a sword and a severed head (in the Kuy
zuz representation, the
head is placed within a pan). This mostly corresponds to the description of
Yuebei found in the Yuanhuang Yuebei mifa
(Secret Practice
of the Primordial Lord Yuebei), which is included in the Daofa huiyuan
collection (fasc. 215). 151
Surnamed Zhu [Vermillion] with the honorific title of Guang
[Luminous]. In the form of a celestial human, their hair is let down
over their naked body. Their mass of black hair covers the navel. Red
sandals. Their left hand holds the head of a drought demon. Their right
hand holds a blade. They ride a jade dragon. In their modified form,
[they display] a blue face with long fangs, a crimson garment and
blade, while driving a bear. 152
Such imagery as this is more likely to stem from an Indian or Near Eastern
tradition than a native Chinese imagination, especially when we consider that
this “planet” was said to have been introduced into China by a foreigner.
147
148
149
150
151
152
For some discussion of this see Niu Weixing
, “Tang-Song zhi ji
Daojiao shiyi yaoxingshen chongbai de qiyuan he liuxing”
, 89–95.
See Liao Yang
, “Chishengguang Fo goutu zhong xingyao de yanbian”
, 72–74.
TZ vol. 7, 739–748. A collection of line drawings of astral deities kept at T -ji
in Ky to (see plate 11). Produced in year 2 of Japanese reign era Ch kan
(1164).
The State Hermitage Museum of St. Petersburg. Item#
-2424, XX-2450 &
XX-2454.
Unknown compiler. Dates approximately to the late Yuan, early Ming (14th
century). See Hu Fuchen, Zhonghua Daojiao dacidian, 416–17.
DZ, vol. 30, 335c.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
63
Other descriptions of Yuebei, however, associate this deity with the native
Chinese astral deity of Taiyi
, and moreover describe the icon in an
153
entirely Chinese fashion.
This points to the sinicization of this figure,
which suggests that the icon of Yuebei as a naked wielder of a sword is the
earlier icon. In the Ming period novel Yang Jiajiang yanyi
(Drama of Yang Jiajiang) by Xiong Damu
(c.1506–1578), Yuebei,
curiously identified with Xixia
(the Tangut kingdom) is described as
having a “naked red body” (
) and “holding in her hand a skeleton”
(
). 154 In the Chinese imagination, this icon was perhaps
associated with Xixia. At least one specimen from Khara-Khoto depicts
Yuebei in a form close to this. 155
A strong case can be made that this is a form of the Iranian l or Semitic
Lilith, a demon common throughout the Near East, associated with illness, and
the deaths of mothers and infants. The name l “apparently derives from
Iranian l ‘red.’” A related figure in the Jewish tradition is Lilith, a demon
thought to kill children. 156 As James A. Montgomery explains, “The genus
appears in the Babylonian incantations, as masculine and feminine, lilu and
lilit, along with an ardat lili.” 157 With respect to the depiction of the deity he
notes, “Nakedness and disheveled hair are standing descriptions of the Lilith,
witch, etc.” 158 The nudity of Yuebei seems to be associated with sexuality,
since, according to Xing Yunlu, Chinese astrologers “call this [Yuebei] the
153
154
155
156
157
158
See Dongyuan ji
by Zhang Quanzi
(fl. early 13 th cent.). DZ,
vol. 23, 849b. As Liao Yang points out, the eleven planetary deities here are
largely identical in description apart from the colors of their hats. Liao Yang,
“Chushengguang Fo goutu zhong xingyao de yanbian,” 76.
Xiong Damu
, Yang Jiajiang yanyi
, 174.
Item #
-2424 at the State Hermitage Museum shows Yuebei with a normal
skin tone. Her red garment is beneath exposed breasts. Her long hair is draped
down the back. She appears to be holding a sword.
A. Š ml , “Al,” Encyclopædia Iranica, online edition, 2011, available at
http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/al-folkloric-being-that-personifiespuerperal-fever.
In the Buddhist Qiyao rangzai jue, Ketu is uniquely the lunar apogee, a fact
pointed out by Yano Michio, rather than the descending node of the Moon
(Mikky senseijutsu, 186). Another name given in this text is yue bo li
(T 1308, 21: 446b1–2). We might suspect that the li is an approximate
transcription of a name similar to “Lilith” or “ l.” Alternatively, I have
speculated that this is perhaps a rough transliteration of apógeion (apogee). See
Kotyk, “Kanjiken no bungaku ni okeru saih -senseijutsu no y so,” 107.
Montgomery, Aramaic Incantation Texts from Nippur, 74, 158.
64
Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
place [in the horoscope] where sexual energy manifests.” 159 In medieval
Jewish mysticism, Lilith’s mount is the Tanin’iver, the “blind serpent.” 160 In
the Zohar (1:19b), the medieval classic of the Kabbalah, Lilith is said to seek
out infants and kill them “when the Moon is on the wane, as the light
diminishes.” 161 Although the Chinese Daoist text in question does not
mention children, one of the magical practices described therein requires an ill
person to cough on an inscribed letter. 162 It would therefore seem that Yuebei
is associated with both the Moon and disease. These points all indicate that
this icon can be traced back to a figure very close to the Iranian l or Semitic
Lilith. If this Yuebei is indeed Lilith or a closely related deity, then it also
very likely means that the astrological lore associated with the lunar apogee in
Chinese translation is also of a foreign origin. 163
Ziqi is depicted as male in courtly Chinese attire (see plate 11). I have not
found any descriptions of his icon that would be suggestive of foreign
influences. The Shangqing shiyi dayao dengyi
(High and
Pure Lamp Ceremony of the Eleven Great Planets), which dates to the Yuan
or early Ming period,164 simply describes Ziqi in courtly Chinese attire with a
solemn expression. 165 However, based on the fact that many of the icons
surveyed above are Iranian in origin, and that the historical record states Ziqi
was introduced from abroad, we can assume that Ziqi also likely included an
icon when it was introduced.
Source of the Iranian Icons
In light of the above findings, we are left with the question of who transmitted
these icons and their associated lore into China. Although no definite answer
can be provided based on available evidence, in all likelihood it was Nestorian
(i.e., East Syriac) Christians who not only carried out the necessary translation
159
160
161
162
163
164
165
. See Xing Yunlu, Gujin lü likao, 682a11–12.
Dennis, The Encyclopedia of Jewish Myth, Magic and Mysticism, 154. See also
Dan, The Early Kabbalah, 180.
Tishyby, The Wisdom of the Zohar, vol. 2, 540–41. See also Matt, The Zohar,
vol. 1, 148–49.
DZ, vol. 30, 336a.
In modern Western astrology, the lunar apogee is also called Lilith, but I am
uncertain from where and when this association arose.
Hu Fuchen, Zhonghua Daojiao dacidian, 309.
DZ, vol. 3, 564b.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
65
work, but also could have realistically acted as a conduit between the Levant
and China. 166
The primary reason to suspect Christian involvement in this respect is
their interest in translating Hellenistic astrology into Chinese, which has been
investigated by Mak. 167 We also know that a certain Nestorian clergyman
named Adam
(d.u.), who composed the inscription of the Nestorian
stele of 781 (Daqin Jingjiao liuxing Zhongguo beisong
; T 2144), 168 interacted with Buddhists, and even translated Buddhist
literature. 169 The Zhenyuan xinding shijiao mulu
(T
2157; Zhenyan Revised Catalog of Buddhist Scriptures) by Yuanzhao
(d.u.), compiled in the year 800, provides the following account:
……
They requested that he [Prajñ ] translate Buddhist scriptures. Together
with the Persian monk Adam of Daqin-si, 170 he translated the
*[Mah
na-naya-] -p ramit -s tra in seven fascicles based on a
Sogdian edition. At the time Prajñ did not understand Sogdian or
Chinese, while Adam understood neither Sanskrit nor Buddhism.
Although they were said to have translated it, they had yet to obtain
the half-pearls [i.e., convey the correct meaning]. ... Upon
investigating what had been translated, the reasoning was found to be
unclear and the vocabulary off. The Buddhist monastery and Daqin
166
167
168
169
170
Syriac Christianity had a significant presence across Central Asia. For a
relevant survey see Hunter, “Syriac Christianity in Central Asia,” 362–68.
Mak concludes that “the Greek astral science exemplified by the Yusi jing” was
imported into China by the East-Syrian (i.e., Nestorian) Christians. Mak, “Yusi
Jing,” 130. See also Mak, “Astral Science of the East Syriac Christians,” 87–92.
T 2144, 54: 1289a5.
For further discussion of interactions between Buddhism and Nestorianism, see
Chen Huaiyu, “The Encounter of Nestorian Christianity with Tantric Buddhism
in Medieval China,” 195–213.
Daqin
in this period refers to the Levant. The 781 stele reads, “The angel
[Gabriel] proclaimed good tidings. The Virgin [Mary] gave birth to the Sage
[Jesus] in Daqin. The luminous asterism indicated a portent. The Persians
witnessed the brilliance and came to pay tribute.”
. T 2144, 54: 1289a19–20.
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Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
monastery were to keep their residences separate, and their practices
entirely apart. Adam should transmit the teachings of the Messiah
[Christ], while Buddhists shall propagate Buddhist scriptures, so as to
keep the doctrines separate, and the communities from excessive
intermingling. 171
In light of the period in which Adam was active, and his proficiency in
Sogdian and Chinese, as well as his interest in esoteric non-Christian subjects,
we might speculate that it was Adam himself who first translated astral magic
into Chinese. Adam in another Nestorian source is said to have translated
thirty texts. 172 Even if the translator was not Adam, we know that Sogdian
Christian clergymen were active in Luoyang. We can imagine that some of
these men would have possessed the linguistic competency to translate astral
magic.173 One might suspect that Zoroastrians could also have had a role to
play, but they did not translate their literature into Chinese, and there is no
evidence of their involvement in astrology in China. 174
Implications
The discussion above brings to light new evidence that must be considered in
the dating of astrological artwork in China. One key specimen in this respect
is the “Painting of the Deities Forms of the Five Planets and Twenty-Eight
171
172
T 2157, 55: 892a7–15.
This remark about Adam is found in the colophon of the Zunjing
, i.e., the
Diptychs in one fascicle. This is an anonymous work from the early tenth
century. It provides the names of saints such as David, Hosea, Peter, and Paul.
It lists several presently non-extant Biblical texts in Chinese translation
including the Books of Moses
, Zechariah
, Epistles of
Saint Paul
and Revelations
. The Nestorians in China
clearly had access to a number of texts from the Near East. See Jingjiao sanwei
mengdu zan
; T 2143, 54: 1288c23–24. For details on the text
see Foley, Biblical Translation in Chinese and Greek, 7–8.
173 A Christian stele was erected in 814 in Luoyang
. It was unearthed in 2006.
This stele demonstrates that in the early ninth century a Nestorian church was
present in Luoyang and that Sogdian clergymen served there. See Moribe
Yutaka
, “An Introduction to the Luoyang Nestorian Stone Pillar and
Their Value as Historical Resources”
, 351–57.
174 For a recent survey of Zoroastrianism in East Asia, see Aoki Takeshi,
“Zoroastrianism in the Far East,” 147–56.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
67
Lunar Stations”
, presently in the possession of the
Osaka City Museum of Fine Arts
(plate 12). In this
painting, we see Jupiter as an animal-faced man in a white robe riding a boar,
Mars as a six-armed donkey-faced man riding a red donkey with multiple
weapons in his hands, Saturn as a bearded Indian man of a dark complexion
riding a black bull, Venus as a female figure in a yellow robe riding a phoenix
with a phoenix cap, and Mercury as a scribe in a bluish-green robe wearing a
monkey hat. These icons are of the Iranian-Mesopotamian type. The text
running alongside the icons also explains apotropaic rituals against the planets
in the same manner as we saw in our earlier discussion of the IranianMesopotamian icons. For the sacrifice to Mars, for instance, one will use
bloody meat, a copper vessel for the wine, red silks, weapons and drums when
sacrificing the victim.175 The offerings to the other planets also follow the
Iranian model.
One problem, however, is that this painting, which was originally owned
by the Song court, is attributed to Liang Lingzan
(fl. 727), a
colleague of the astronomer monk Yixing during the 720s. Later this painting
was attributed to the earlier painter Zhang Sengyou
(fl. 502–519). 176
If either of these men were the actual artist behind this piece, we would have
evidence of Iranian icons in China in the sixth or early eighth century, but this
is highly problematic for a number of reasons. First, there is no corresponding
literary evidence within Buddhist or Daoist literature to support the thesis that
these icons were known in China during these periods. This piece is only
mentioned from the Song dynasty. Liang Lingzan, even if he had been familiar
with foreign astrological icons, most certainly would have known the Indian
icons introduced by ubhakarasi ha, under whom Yixing worked. Finally, we
must bear in mind that there was a trend in the late Tang of attributing
astrological works to Yixing, who died in 727, 177 so it seems that astrological
175
176
177
. See Jin
Weinuo
, Zhongguo meishu quanji huihua-bian 2: Sui-Tang Wudai
huihua
2
, 50.
Ibid., 12–13.
The most obvious example of this is the Qiyao xingchen bie xingfa
(T 1309; Special Practices for the Seven Planets and Stars), which is
attributed to Yixing. However, the text includes a story in which Yixing
summons down the spirits of the twenty-eight lunar stations in order to inquire
about the malefic spirits that terrorize and possess people according to an
astrological schedule. This is clearly complete fiction.
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Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
art, such as this piece in question, could similarly be attributed to a credible
past figure such as Yixing’s colleague. 178
The Daoist Taishang sanshiliu bu zun jing
(Scripture
of the Supreme Thirty-Six Venerables; DZ 8), which is presently dated to the
end of the Northern and Southern dynasties
(420–589) 179 also
incorporates elements of the Iranian-Mesopotamian icons:
The stellar lord of Jupiter possesses a rabbit’s head, a pig’s body and a
tiger’s tail. The stellar lord of Mars possesses a horse’s body and a
snake’s tail. The stellar lord of Venus possesses a monkey’s head and
the body of a hen. The stellar lord of Mercury is a black ape holding a
brush and ink stone. The stellar lord of Saturn possesses a ram’s horns,
a dragon’s head, a dog’s ears and the body of an ox. The stellar lord
hu possesses a ram’s horns, a dog’s paws, the tail of an ox and the
body of a dragon. The stellar lord Ketu is a tortoise. The stellar lord
Yuebei is a snake. 180
Based on the evidence presented in this study, these icons would date to the
early ninth century at the earliest. This also further demonstrates the influence
of these foreign icons within Daoism. Astrological iconography described or
depicted in other Daoist texts might also give additional clues to composition
dates of Chinese works.
Conclusion
This study has demonstrated that the icons representing planetary deities in
Chinese Buddhism can be divided into three separate sets: “Indian,”
“zoomorphic,” and “Iranian-Mesopotamian.” The Indian set is mostly found
within ma alas. The zoomorphic set does not appear to have been influential.
The Iranian-Mesopotamian set, which emerges around the year 800, was the
178
179
180
The representations of the lunar stations in this painting are another topic that
requires a separate investigation.
Hu Fuchen, Zhonghua Daojiao dacidian, 330.
DZ, vol. 1, 591b.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
69
most influential, and became the most widely used set in East Asia. The
Iranian influences are also apparent in the evolution of the icons of R hu and
Ketu. I have argued that Yuebei is related to the Near Eastern figure of Lilith.
Similarly, I would infer that Ziqi was also introduced from abroad. 181
The Indian set was used within Mantray na, albeit possessing only a
minor function. The Iranian-Mesopotamian set, however, was transmitted
alongside a type of Iranian astral magic, which itself draws on an earlier
Greco-Egyptian tradition. This type of magic was adopted by both Buddhists
and Daoists, most likely in response to fears of unfavorable astrological
prognostications, and a desire to magically evade unwanted fates. The rituals
cited above clearly indicate that Chinese Buddhists believed that the planetary
deities were, in fact, sentient. Offerings and ceremonies were employed as a
means of quelling their influences. Another apotropaic method in this respect,
which is reflected in the artistic record, was the worship of Tejaprabh
Buddha. In light of how all the planets are regarded as baneful, we should
probably regard depictions of the planetary deities in the presence of
Tejaprabh as tamed and controlled figures, rather than as benevolent
attendants before a buddha.
One implication of these findings is that scholars may have overlooked
other elements within Chinese Buddhism and Daoism that, in actuality, have
their origins in the Near East, rather than India. It is possible that other icons
that emerged in the Tang period—be they Buddhist or Daoist—might also
have their origins in Persia or even further west. We might also consider if
ritual magic in China was also significantly influenced by Iranian traditions.
Other related topics that require further investigation include the twelve
zodiac signs in Chinese Buddhist art and literature, as well as the various
representations of the twenty-eight lunar stations or nak atras. The role of
Christians around the year 800 in transmitting various knowledges is only
beginning to be appreciated, and I anticipate that investigation of possible
Near Eastern influences in various areas, such as Chinese medicine, would
also likely prove fruitful.
181
I disagree with Mak, who claims that Yuebei and Ziqi are “Chinese
pseudoplanets.” Mak, “Yusi Jing,” 109. The various Chinese accounts of their
origins, Yuebei’s iconography, and their respective astronomical parameters all
indicate that they were introduced from abroad. Further research into Iranian
astrology might produce additional evidence.
70
Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
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Plate 1: Sun
Left: Kuy hiryaku. Right: Fantian huoluo jiuyao. Bottom left: Kuy hiryaku.
All Kuy hiryaku images courtesy of ARC Collection, Ritsumeikan University.
Genp
(1333–1398) manuscript. Bottom right: Taiz zuz .
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
77
Plate 2: Moon
Left: Kuy hiryaku. Right: Fantian huoluo jiuyao. Bottom left: Kuy hiryaku.
Bottom right: Taiz zuz .
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Plate 3: Mars
Top left: Kuy hiryaku. Top right: Fantian huoluo jiuyao. Bottom left: Kuy
hiryaku. Bottom right: Stein Ch.liv.007. 182
182 All cropped images from Stein Ch.liv.007 are © Trustees of the British Museum.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities
Deities in Tang China
79
Plate 4: Mercury
Top left: Kuy hiryaku
hiryaku.. Top right: Fantian huoluo jiuyao
jiuyao.. Bottom left: Kuy
hiryaku . Bottom right: Stein Ch.liv.007.
hiryaku.
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Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
(201
Plate 5: Jupiter
Top left: Kuy hiryaku.
hiryaku . Top right: Fantian huoluo jiuyao
jiuyao.. Bottom left: Kuy
hiryaku Bottom right: Stein Ch.liv.007.
hiryaku.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities
Deities in Tang China
81
Plate 6: Venus
Top left: Kuy hiryaku
hiryaku.. Top right: Fantian huoluo jiuyao
jiuyao.. Bottom left: Kuy
hiryaku . Bottom right: Stein Ch.liv.007
hiryaku.
82
Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
(201
Plate 7: Saturn 1/2
Top left: Kuy hiryaku.
hiryaku . Top right: Fantian huoluo jiuyao
jiuyao.. Bottom left: Kuy
hiryaku Bottom right: Stein Ch.liv.007.
hiryaku.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
83
Plate 8: Saturn 2/2
Top: Kronos as reaper. Haematite. Département des Monnaies, Médailles et
Antiques, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris. From Evans, “The
Astrologer’s Apparatus,” 17. Photograph and right to reproduce courtesy of
James Evans. Bottom left: Saturn
in Genzu mandara (TZ, vol, 1, 789).
Bottom right: anai cara
in Taiz zuz (TZ, vol. 2, 278).
84
Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
Plate 9
Top: Dendera ceiling. Bottom: Dendera ceiling (Ra the Sun god second from
left). 183 Photos by Paul Smit (© Paul Smit). Photos used with permission.
183
See plate 41 (figures S 19a–17) in Neugebauer and Parker, Egyptian
Astronomical Texts III. Decans, Planets, Constellations and Zodiacs (Plates).
The bottom image is not included in the plates. I must offer my thanks to Mick
Palarczyk for pointing out Ra in the bottom image (lion-headed figure).
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities
Deities in Tang China
85
Plate 10: R hu and Ketu
Top left and right: R hu and Ketu (TZ,
TZ, vol. 2, 279
279)) in Taiz zuz .184 Bottom
left:
left: hu in Fantian huoluo jiuyao
jiuyao.. Bottom right: Ketu in Kuy hiryaku.
hiryaku .
184
Here zao
“comet
comet”
comet
is a scribal
cribal error for jidu
. Compare w
with
ith the figure (labelled
) beside R hu in Taiz kuzuy (TZ, vol. 2, 556)
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Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
Plate 11: Yuebei and Ziqi
Left: Yuebei. Right: Ziqi. 185
185
TZ vol. 7, 742 & 747.
Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China
87
Plate 12: “Five Planets and Twenty-Eight Lunar Stations”
Wikimedia Commons. Public Domain. Top: Saturn (left) & Jupiter (right).
Middle: Venus. Bottom: Mercury (left) & Mars (right).
88
Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies Volume 30 (2017)
Plate 13: Islamic Icons
Planets of the ‘Aja’ib al-makhluqat (Wonders of Creation).
These are from an illustrated Turkish version of the ‘Aja’ib al-makhluqat
(Wonders of Creation), the first systematic treatise on Islamic cosmography
by Zakariya al-Qazwini (1203–1283), produced in 1717 by Muhammad ibn
Muhammad Shakir Ruzmah-’i Nathani. 186 Looking at these images clockwise,
Jupiter is a stately man holding a document, Mars is a warrior carrying a
severed head, Venus plays a lute, Saturn is a man of a dark complexion with
seven arms holding various items, and Mercury holds parchment over his knee.
Walters manuscript W.659. Images from the Walters Art Museum. Creative
Commons License.
186
See Scott B. Noegel and Brannon M. Wheeler, The A to Z of Prophets in Islam
and Judaism (Lanham: Scarecrow Press, 2010), 271.