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Buddhist Death Practices

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Abstract


The present chapter examines what is done in a Buddhist culture when there is a death, focusing on Tibetan Buddhist practice. The rich complexity of the many ritual structures is explored, with reference where possible to similarities in other traditions of Buddhism. A trajectory is traced from the moment death is assumed to be certain, through preparation for death, concerns immediately after death, disposal of the corpse, and continuing rituals thereafter. The parallel goals of benefiting the deceased by promoting their fortunate birth in the next life, and of protecting the survivors from the negative effects of the death, are located on this trajectory. The chapter concludes with an enumeration of the many aspects of death practices that remain to be explored in Tibetan Buddhism, and by extension in other traditions as well.


Keywords: Tibet, death, ritual, funeral, mortuary, Buddhism, Tibetan Buddhism


Subject Buddhism Religion


Series Oxford Handbooks


DEATH is an important event for a Buddhist. It is not just the conclusion of one life, but also the prelude to birth in the next life cycle. At this point, the karmic balance accrued during one’s life—and past lives—comes into play; and one’s past actions will now influence one’s future birth for good or ill. Someone who has not lived a virtuous life may still be able to improve their prospects of a fortunate rebirth (into one of the three higher realms of samsara—human, titan, or god—where it is possible to make further progress toward the ultimate goal of enlightenment) by dying in a calm and composed state with their mind settled on the Buddha and the Dharma (a “good” death).

Indeed, for someone who achieves the necessary focus, it is possible to attain enlightenment at the very moment of death. Conversely, a person can negate the accumulated good karma of a life lived in accordance with the Buddha’s teachings by dying in a state of confusion or anger. A “bad” death, where one dies suddenly without the opportunity to prepare oneself, is one of the most feared possibilities; bad deaths are usually those that occur by accident or disease, by violence, or in childbirth. The undesirable consequence of a bad death is rebirth in one of the lower realms—as an animal, a hungry ghost, or a hell being—and the consequent loss of opportunity to progress toward enlightenment.


The critical importance of death is recognized in all traditions of Buddhism, and a basic structure underlies practices otherwise differentiated by doctrinal or cultural considerations. These death practices (also referred to herein as funeral or funerary rites/rituals/practices) relate not solely to the disposal of the body, but to a more extensive sequence of activities which commence before death and continue after the body is no longer present. Broadly speaking, these include preparing for death, taking proper care of the body after death, some form of religious ritual, and dedicating the merit of the ritual to the benefit of the deceased.

It must be acknowledged that historically the field of Buddhist studies has for the most part failed to pay adequate attention to the richness and complexity of Buddhist death practices. Much emphasis has been placed on the study of texts, with little or no recognition of differences arising from regional, social, and cultural factors, as well as from variations between traditions.1

The focus of this chapter will be on traditional Tibetan Buddhist death practices.2 In an effort to give a useful overview, these will be described as if there is a standard form of funeral which flows as one coherent whole. In fact, this is far from the truth: existing data indicate a very wide variety of practices throughout Tibetan cultural areas. This account is an amalgam based on written accounts drawn from both ethnographic studies and travelers’ descriptions, as well as selected Tibetan Buddhist texts describing mortuary rituals; and the extent of variations will be pointed out where relevant. Similarities with and differences from other traditions will also be noted, but space does not permit much detail in this respect.3

Death is the single most important life event for a Tibetan Buddhist: there are few if any other life events attended by such a degree of attention and ritualization. The death rituals start before the person is even dead, but only once it has been determined that death is inevitable. At this point, healing and life-extending practices will be abandoned and the dying person must turn their thoughts to achieving a “good” death.

They might be advised to arrange for the distribution of their possessions, to resolve any outstanding disputes, and to reconcile with any estranged family members or neighbors. The concern is to free them from any kind of attachment to the life they are about to leave. To this end also, noisy displays of grief are discouraged, and indeed loved ones may be excluded entirely from the death chamber in case their presence causes thoughts of human love, and therefore worldly attachment, to cloud the sufferer’s mind.

Religious pictures or other objects may be placed where the dying person can see them, and there may be continuous recitation of prayers and mantras. Friends may visit and recall religious empowerments they received together, or recount memories of religious teachers they have known. They may also recall particularly meritorious actions performed by the dying person, in order to keep their mind on the positive aspects of their life and thereby increase the likelihood of a good rebirth. The sufferer may be encouraged to repeat their refuge vows and to recite mantras, if they are able. Some accounts indicate the dying person may be given a consecrated substance, in particular a bit of sacred relic, to eat.4

The emphasis on creating a serene atmosphere allowing a focus on the spiritual importance of dying is found throughout all Buddhist traditions.5 While the elements vary, deathbed practices usually include religious chanting and the presence of religious objects, both of which help keep the mind properly attuned to the karmic significance of the moment.6

The Tibetan concept of when death occurs is complex, but a basic understanding is necessary in order to grasp the significance of the after-death rituals. Three different words are used to describe the elements that together constitute “being alive.” The srog is the principle that sustains physical life in the body. It ceases to exist when death occurs.

The rnam shes is consciousness, or the “consciousness principle”; it alone will experience the transition through the bardo (the intermediate state between death and rebirth) to a new birth. The third element, the bla, is often translated as “soul” or “spirit” in Western language; it appears to be a pre-Buddhist term that coexists uneasily with the very Buddhist concept of rnam shes. The bla is believed to survive death by up to nine years, but is tied to the place death occurred. It must be kept happy, otherwise it can manifest as a harmful influence on the family of the deceased.

For a Tibetan Buddhist, death does not occur at the cessation of physical (visible, “outer”) breathing. Even after heart and lungs have ceased to function, “inner” breathing may continue, and as long as it does, the person is not really dead. However, for most people, the cessation of outer breathing and the dissipation of the life force will be almost simultaneous. In order to be certain that the person really is dead, an attempt may be made (by “calling the soul”7) to see whether their soul has simply temporarily absented itself, giving the appearance of death. If the soul does not return when called, death is confirmed; and at this point often a white cloth is placed over the face of the corpse.

Ritual activity after death focuses on two important aims, which run in parallel. One sequence of activities is designed to promote the spiritual well-being of the deceased person by assisting them to achieve the best possible rebirth. An equally important sequence operates to protect the deceased person and those around them from the nefarious effects of evil spirits. The two goals often overlap, and frequently one ritual or ritual series will work to accomplish both ends.

One of the first and most important activities undertaken immediately after death is casting the death horoscope. Horoscopes play a central role in Tibetan Buddhist life; the death horoscope will be drawn up according to the time and place of the death, in conjunction with the deceased’s birth horoscope data.8 It is important for determining the cause of death (i.e., what malevolent spiritual entity the survivors need to be protected against), and even more vitally, where the deceased will be reborn. If the foreseen rebirth will be “unfortunate” (in one of the three lower realms of rebirth), the horoscope might also indicate what steps may be taken by the survivors to counteract this and achieve a more fortunate rebirth. In many cases, it appears the horoscope is also used to determine how, where, and when the body should be disposed.

A ritual that may be performed before or after death is ’pho ba. As with so many elements of the Tibetan Buddhist funeral rites, it appears to be usually but not invariably performed, and in some cultural settings it will not be performed at all until after the corpse has been disposed of. By means of prayers coupled with a series of special vocalized sounds, the consciousness (rnams shes) of the dying or deceased person is expelled through the crown aperture in their skull and sent directly to a pure land, usually that of Amitābha.9

If this occurs sometime after death but before disposal, the consciousness of the deceased may first be recalled into the body to ensure it is properly directed to the pure land by the ’pho ba. If the body is no longer present, an effigy may be used (see later discussion). Even if a religious professional10 declares that the ’pho ba has been successful, the funeral rites proceed as if it were not. Although there are numerous examples in other Buddhist traditions of practices designed to assist the deceased in reaching the desired pure land,11 the mechanism of ’pho ba appears to be unique to Tibetan Buddhism.

The element of Tibetan death practices with which Western Buddhists are most familiar is the guidance of the deceased’s consciousness (rnam shes) through the intermediate state between death and rebirth (the bardo). Indeed, it sometimes appears as if this is thought to be the only death practice. This confusion perhaps arose with the publication in 1927 of a translation of a group of texts touted by its editor, W. Y. Evans-Wentz, as “a mystic manual for guidance through the Otherworld of any illusions and realms, whose frontiers are birth and death.”12 Apparently seeking to capitalize on the contemporary popularity of E. Wallis Budge’s translation of Egyptian funerary documents, Evans-Wentz rather unfortunately, and certainly inaccurately, entitled it “The Tibetan Book of the Dead.” In fact it is a “Tibetan Book of the Dead”; there are many different such “guidebooks,” with different portrayals of the bardo stages.

Nevertheless, the practice of giving guidance—of some kind—to the deceased’s consciousness is consistently found in Tibetan death practices, although there are many variations in the text read, when it is read, how it is read, and the length of time for which it is read. One of the first and most important elements of guidance is simply telling the deceased that they are dead, and assuaging any fear they may experience when they find they are unable to communicate with those around them. This is essentially a continuation of the pre-death efforts to ensure that the person stays calm and aware of what is happening, and now, newly dead, focuses on the important and challenging task of navigating the bardo to a fortunate rebirth, rather than continuing to be preoccupied by matters pertaining to their former life.

In order to assist the deceased in reaching a good rebirth, the harmful effects of their negative karma and mental obscurations (wrong ideas about the nature of reality) must be counteracted. This is usually done by recalling the deceased’s consciousness (rnam shes) into the body and then performing various ’byang chog (purification rituals) to eliminate the possibility of rebirth in the lower realms.

Guidance may be given as part of the purification ritual or following it,14 and either the guidance or the purification ritual (or both) may be followed by ’pho ba. No incongruity seems to be experienced in multiplying the types of ritual—even though they envisage different goals—or in repeating them, sometimes many times over. “More” numerically always appears to be equated with “more effective.”

Making and dedicating merit is the largest and arguably the most important element in the ritual sequence(s). “Making merit” is the primary religious activity of most Tibetan Buddhist laypersons, and the accumulation of merit during one’s life has a direct effect on one’s prospects for obtaining a fortunate rebirth. However, merit made on behalf of the deceased by survivors, and dedicated to their benefit, may also operate to improve their rebirth prospects.

The simplest form of making merit, and the most accessible to laypersons, is any form of generosity; the distribution of food and alms is mentioned frequently in the data. However, any activity that promotes the Dharma is especially meritorious, so in the context of death practices, merit-making activities will include inviting religious professionals to chant texts, and commissioning the creation of religious articles such as texts, paintings, or statues.

Feeding the deceased, and any other spirits that might be in the vicinity, is also a meritorious act; rituals of feeding the dead are found throughout Tibetan Buddhist funerary activities and occur both before and after the disposal of the body. These rituals are not unique to Tibetan Buddhism: for example, Langer provides details of similar activities in the context of Sri Lankan Buddhism, although these appear to take place only after the disposal of the body.15 There are a variety of ways the feeding may occur.

In some cases the food is burned; this appears to be a form of offering known as tsha gsur (or bsur).16 In other settings it may be placed on an altar, to be subsequently removed and either thrown away or eaten by the survivors. The essence of the food is believed to nourish the newly deceased,17 and to strengthen them for the arduous passage through the bardo(s).18 Offerings may also be made to the buddhas, bodhisattvas, and hungry ghosts, in a ritual called tshe. The Tibetan practice appears to be related to an early Chinese Buddhist ritual (which may itself have its foundations in early Indian Buddhism), said to have been introduced into Tibet by a Chinese princess in the eighth century CE.19

A constellation of ritual activities is aimed at protecting the survivors from harm by the malevolent entity which caused the death. Death is rarely assumed to be natural and is frequently attributed to the malign activity of some negative spiritual entity, who must be kept away from the survivors.20 Another potential source of danger to survivors is the spirit (bla) of the newly dead person, which may not recognize they are dead and may try to return to the body. Such spirits are always malevolent; the spirits of children and young people who have died without living a full life span are considered particularly dangerous.

The most feared eventuality is that the corpse may actually be reanimated either by a demon or by the spirit (bla) of the newly deceased. This is the dreaded ro langs, a zombie-like creature that seeks to turn other, living, people into ro langs, and that is very difficult to kill.21 One purpose of the prayers and purification rites is to prevent harmful spirits from invading the fresh corpse, and someone may be delegated to sit by the body at night chanting prayers and mantras to keep such demons at bay. Very commonly the body will be tightly bound in a fetal position, often breaking the back in the process, in order to prevent it from moving if by mischance it is reoccupied. The bodies of those who have died suddenly are considered particularly likely to become ro langs, because they were not able to prepare themselves for death.

There is no consistent formula for preparing the body for disposal. In some cultural settings the procedures may be very elaborate as to the setting, the dressing, and the positioning of the corpse.22 In other contexts there is minimal reference simply to washing and tidying the body. At all times, however, it is clear that the body is treated with dignity and respect. In part this is due to the belief that disturbing the body unnecessarily may distract and upset the newly dead person (who can still hear and see what is going on around their remains) when they should be concentrating on leaving their familiar environment and entering the bardo. There is also the belief that the consciousness (rnams shes) may exit through whatever part of the body is touched prematurely before the proper rituals have been undertaken. If the body is touched below the waist, this will lead to an unfortunate rebirth in the lower realms.

The form of disposal, and where and when it will occur, is usually determined by the death horoscope, which may also indicate who may and may not participate in the procession and/or the disposal itself. It appears that all forms of disposal occur away from inhabited areas, so some form of transportation is required to move the body to the disposal area.23 This must take into account the fact that if the body is put down on the ground at any point in transit, the spirit (bla) will stay there, effectively converting the spot into a cemetery. To avoid this possibility, any time the body must be put down, a temporary bier is constructed, even if it is only a few bits of stone to hold the body above the ground. If the journey to the disposal site is long, resting places may be built ahead of time at one or more locations along the route.24

In some cultural settings, the procession itself may be an elaborate affair, punctuated by rituals, dancing, and even special meals.25 An element frequently referred to is the use of a white cloth, which may be a kha btags (prayer scarf) or a much longer piece of fabric, tied at one end to the corpse with the other end usually being carried by the officiating religious professional.

This cloth is explained in many ways in such ethnographic data as exist, but reference is often made to needing to show the spirit (bla) the way to the disposal area,26 thus reinforcing the emphasis on ensuring that the bla makes it safely to a final resting place, first suggested by the need to avoid placing the body on the ground in transit. Other accounts suggest that the cloth is meant to show the deceased (rnam shes or bla? the literature is unclear) the way to Amitābha’s pure land.27

The disposal of the body is perhaps more elaborated in Tibetan Buddhism than in other Buddhist traditions. Available ethnographic data indicate that there are four principal methods of disposal: exposure (in the open air), immersion (in water), cremation (burning), and burial (in the earth). The bodies of persons of great spiritual attainment (and also sometimes, it would appear, persons of high social standing) might be preserved by a form of mummification. There are also indications that special considerations apply for the disposal of the bodies of the very young and the very old.

There is a major failure of Western scholarship in this area, far too often shown by the uncritical (and unreferenced) repetition of an arbitrary list of disposal methods which has little foundation in fact: “sky burial” (by which is meant exposure)28 is best, cremation is second-best, earth burial is bad, and water disposal is only for death by disease. This list is simply not supported by the available evidence.29

In fact, there are many forms of exposure. In some cases—usually when feeding the corpse to “vultures” (most likely Himalayan griffons and/or bearded lammergeiers)—the body is dismembered and the corpse-cutter(s) may even go so far as to pulverize the bones and mix the resulting powder with the brains, rtsam pa (roasted barley flour), and/or butter to make them appetizing to the birds. But the corpse may just be taken to a remote spot and left, untouched or only scored a few times. Accounts list eagles, hawks, crows, ravens, wolves, jackals, foxes, dogs, and pigs as possible scavengers, although not all are acceptable in all areas.

Cremation may be on a large pile of up to nine tiers of logs or—in areas where wood is scarce—in a specially built small cremation oven, where the necessary heat can be achieved by utilizing the updraft created by the chimney. Earth burial may be accomplished by laying the body on the ground and piling stones over it, as well as by interment in caves, or in chambers burrowed into the sides of hills, if the soil cover is not sufficient for an excavated grave. In some areas, earth burial is the first of a two-stage process: once the soft tissues have decayed, the body is dug up again and the remains are burned. The body may also be buried as a temporary measure to await a more appropriate or auspicious time to use a preferred method.

Disposal by immersion in water appears to be primarily a poor person’s method. In some areas it is reserved for any form of dishonorable, sudden, or violent death, including death by disease. In other locations, on the contrary, the body may be transported a considerable distance in order to place it in a body of water considered particularly auspicious.

As already mentioned, special rules may apply for the disposal of bodies of religious leaders and nobility, and the usual methods are mummification or cremation. Particularly with regard to “holy persons,” a major concern is making possible the production of relics during the disposal process. Much less information is available with regard to the treatment of children’s bodies,30 and almost none about the very old.31 What little data there are suggest an interesting parallel:

children may be (but are not invariably) buried in the family’s house in order to “preserve the prosperity” of the household, and the only records I have found of burying very old people—just four cases—describe all of them as also being buried in the house.32 In the case of the old people, no reason is given; but given the similarity of treatment of these widely disparate age groups, further investigation seems merited.

The only possible conclusion from the considerable variety in how the corpse is disposed of is that there is no fixed degree of desirability for one method over any other, and that methods vary widely according to geographic location and cultural grouping. There is a serious deficiency in Western ethnographic data in this area. However, much useful information may be gleaned from personal accounts, memoirs, and travel diaries published by soldiers, merchants, missionaries, and travelers. Although their interpretations may be suspect, they were in general accurate and at times obsessively detailed in writing down what they saw.

Even after the body has been disposed of, rituals of benefit and protection continue. In some cases, the deceased’s consciousness (rnam shes) will be recalled into an effigy for more purifications and continuing guidance.33 The effigy may be a simple structure, or an elaborate device dressed with special items of clothing. The most important (sometimes the only) element is the byang bu (name card), usually some form of representation of the deceased with their name written on it. The

deceased’s consciousness (rnam shes) is called specifically into the name card and will stay there until dismissed. At the conclusion of the full sequence of death rituals, the name card (and effigy, if there is one) will be burned, thus liberating the consciousness to go on its way through the intermediate state(s) to rebirth.

Often the consciousness is guided by showing the byang bu a series of picture cards (tsa ka li); the path shown may be through the bardo, or alternatively through the six realms of rebirth, each of which is ritually closed behind the deceased until they arrive at a pure land or the state of enlightenment. The reading of bardo texts may also be undertaken at this point, or may continue if it was started before disposal; and ’pho ba may be performed even if it had already been done before or shortly after death. The byang bu also makes the deceased present for purification rituals (’byang chog). Purification rituals for those who died “bad” deaths are particularly urgent, although it appears that there are no special procedures, only the more frequent repetition of the usual purification practices.34

An important event is the exorcising of the “death-demon,” the malevolent spiritual entity responsible for the death. As already noted, the location and identity of this spirit is usually identified in the death horoscope, as well as the rituals that must be performed to get rid of it.35 In addition, steps may be taken to ensure that the deceased’s spirit (bla, which here appears to take on the connotations of “ghost”) does not stay attached to its previous dwelling. The spirits of children are particularly feared, and considerable effort may be made to ensure that a child’s spirit remains well disposed toward the survivors.36

Merit-making activities also continue, including chanting, distributing food and alms, and erecting prayer flags. An activity believed to generate a very high degree of merit is making some of the remains of the deceased into tsha tsha. Remains are usually bones, bone fragments, and/or ashes left over from disposal by exposure or cremation, and also the ashes from burning the byang bu at the conclusion of the death rites. They may be ground up and mixed with water, clay, and other substances such as spices, to make small clay shapes. These are often consecrated and then placed in locations of particular spiritual significance. The process is believed to purify the deceased’s karma and liberate them from the possibility of rebirth in the lower realms.37

The dge ba38 is a ritual or series of rituals which contains many of the elements already described. Although it is not performed in every cultural area, where it does exist it may be a very elaborate process extending over several days.39 An important component is the distribution of food within the village of the deceased. This may be a very elaborate affair if the deceased’s family is wealthy, or a simple sharing of home-brewed beer or salt if the family is poor; but the equal

distribution of whatever is available to all the villagers without discrimination as to age or social status is of paramount importance,40 and the portions may be weighed to ensure exact parity. At the end of the dge ba and indeed generally at the conclusion of the funerary rites, a formal feast will be held, including a final food offering to the deceased, with the reminder forcibly given to them that they are dead now and should be on their way.41 There appears to be provision in some cultural areas for a special ritual meal for a dead child which is the equivalent, although much simpler, of an adult’s dge ba.42

There is little evidence of formal memorialization within the first year or two after death and even less after that. The making and placing of physical markers (such as gravestones) is not generally commented on; however, ritual activities may be taken to generate merit for the deceased on the death anniversary.43 This does not prevent the continuing display of photographs and memorabilia of the deceased on the household altar. The death rituals do not replace the normal

processes of grief and mourning, but provide a routine for moving the survivors through the process of loss from its first sharp immediacy to acceptance and letting go. However, continuing emotional displays of grief are frowned upon as demonstrating an unseemly degree of attachment to the deceased, and are discouraged on the grounds that they will hinder the dead person’s passage on to their next life.

Many aspects of Tibetan Buddhist funeral rites are almost completely ignored in modern accounts, notably elements of performance, material culture, socioeconomic factors, gender, and “folkbeliefs as opposed to Buddhist philosophy. The absence of these elements in some accounts and their presence in others (most frequently in the older records) leaves the conscientious scholar in a quandary. Are these elements missing because they didn’t occur? Or because although they occurred, the person recording the events didn’t see them? Or because although they saw them, they didn’t think they were important, or were told by their informant(s) that they weren’t important? There is no way of knowing.

The role of the laity in the various ritual procedures is largely left unexplored, particularly the part played by women. It would appear, for example, that women do a great deal of the background work for the death practices, such as the preparation of food and looking after the needs and requirements of the religious professionals conducting the rituals, but they are not usually present at the actual disposal of the body or at many of the formal rituals. This may have led ethnographers to conclude that the activities of women in the context of funerary rituals were not worth recording.

Elements of material culture, particularly clothing and food, are almost completely ignored, with one or two important exceptions which only serve to highlight the lack of information elsewhere.44 There appear to be special rules relating to which materials and/or colors are (or aren’t) permitted to be worn by either the corpse or the survivors, and some indication that importance is attached to removing buttons and substituting fastenings, or to wearing clothes inside out or back-

to-front. Thupten Sangay mentions a purification ritual that involves a particular usage of the deceased’s clothing,45 but why the clothes should be treated this way is obscure. Very little information is given on costumes worn in the course of death rituals, by either the religious professionals or the corpse.46 Performative elements such as singing and dancing have been largely ignored.47

Is there ritual pollution, and if so, how does it arise, in whom or what, and how is it dissipated? What are the rules for mourning? Who has to observe them, and for how long?48 There appears to be considerable variation in this area, as in the role of family members, some of whom may have special roles to play and others who may be specifically barred from participation. Sometimes it is mentioned that low-status actors, such as blacksmiths, tailors, and musicians, take part in the ceremonies, but the reason for their presence is rarely examined.

Another element overlooked in almost all accounts is the economic component of death practices. For one thing, they provide an important source of monastic income, both from creating religious artifacts as a part of the merit-making activities and from the performance of the necessary rites.49 If monks are invited to perform rituals, for example, they must be offered the best food and accommodation available for the duration of their presence in the house. All the materials for necessary ritual objects (e.g., offerings such as gtor ma made of butter, sugar, and roast barley flour) must be provided, again of the best quality the household

can afford. This can represent a significant expense and may explain why very often monks do not appear to be called in to perform rituals until after death. It would also explain why, in the existing accounts, there is rarely any mention of death rites continuing for the full forty-nine days mandated by the guidance texts as the maximum time the dead may spend in the bardo state before achieving rebirth. Such lengthy rituals are usually found only in the case of wealthy laypersons or major religious figures.

Religious professionals are sometimes paid for their services by giving them clothing or other possessions of the deceased. This may also be considered a merit-making activity, akin to the practice in Theravada and Chinese Buddhism of generating merit by offering food and clothing to the monastic community. Against this interpretation must be placed the fact that apparently religious professionals will not perform the death rituals unless they receive some kind of payment. Mumford comments on the unfortunate fate of a blacksmith’s young daughter, whose death horoscope indicated she was destined for rebirth as a wandering demon. Because the

family had no financial resources for a Buddhist funeral, it was impossible for her to escape this fate; and because she would harm people as a wandering demon, on her next rebirth she would descend even further down the samsaric scale. There was never the slightest suggestion that the local lama should perform the rituals for free to save the child from such an unhappy destiny. On the other hand, a wealthy man’s family was able to overturn a horoscope predicting rebirth in the animal realm by paying for a lavish funeral.50

The cost of the funeral itself is a barometer of merit—families may bankrupt themselves to provide a “meritorious” (i.e., expensive) funeral, both as a sign of respect and also to generate the maximum amount of benefit for the deceased.51 The funeral is also an opportunity for the family to settle debts owed by and owing to the deceased, before the estate is passed on to the beneficiaries.

A related aspect that remains largely unexplored is the social importance of economic reciprocity between the family of the deceased and their neighbors. Through the neighbors’ participation in ritual events surrounding the death, and in particular by their bringing gifts (usually small amounts of money) and assisting in the preparation of food for the bereaved family, a network of obligations is created that will be called upon when the next death occurs in the community: what I do for you now, you will do for me when the time comes.52 Persons who assist with preparing the body and carrying it to the disposal site may receive either cash payment or food or some item(s) belonging to the deceased; they may also be feasted by the family at the conclusion of the post-disposal rituals.

Some accounts mention (in passing) popular beliefs associated with death and dying.53 What other such beliefs are there, from the various different ethnic groups that make up cultural Tibet? What effort is being made to discover and preserve them? Tibetan culture is under siege where ethnically Tibetan areas have been occupied by the People’s Republic of China; and in the diaspora, habits and traditions evolve, change, and disappear under the influence of a new environment and

new social imperatives. As the older Tibetans die, the beliefs and traditions once central to their culture and their self-identity as Buddhists are lost for lack of any effort to record them. The woefully inadequate state of modern ethnographic data on Tibetan death practices highlights the possibility that many fascinating aspects of a rich and complex culture may be left unexplored due to the inattention of scholars.


Notes

1. The study of texts is of course of major importance, but should not be divorced from the study of practice—the text-in-action. To study practice without ascertaining the text used is equally unhelpful.


2. The designation “Tibetan” includes not only the inhabitants of the area known as the independent country of Tibet prior to 1959, but also any ethnic group having a spoken language within the Tibetan language family, some use of written Tibetan, and shared or related myths and historical narratives. Geographically this covers the former independent Tibet, some areas of China, and parts of North India, Nepal, Bhutan, and Sikkim, as well as the Tibetan diaspora.


3. An additional difficulty that arises with making such comparisons is that Buddhist death practices, generally, are poorly documented in Western academic literature. There are some excellent historical and textual studies, but a lack of ethnographic data. Some valuable additions have been made in recent years.


4. Thupten Sangay, “Tibetan Rituals of the Dead,” translated by Gavin Kilty, Tibetan Medicine 7 (1984): 30. The most usual form of “relic” in this context is ring bsrel (see, for example, Marian H. Duncan, Customs and Superstitions of Tibetans [[[Delhi]]: Book Faith India, 1998], 118). These are small conglomerations of tiny crystals sometimes found in the ashes of very holy persons following cremation, but which may also be produced from the bodies of saintly living persons: see David Germano, “Living Relics of the Buddha(s) in Tibet,” in Embodying the Dharma: Buddhist Relic Veneration in Asia, ed. David Germano and Kevin Trainor (Albany: State University of New York, 2004), 51–91. For Theravāda deathbed practices, see Rita Langer, Buddhist Rituals of Death and Rebirth: Contemporary Sri Lankan Practice and Its Origins (Abingdon, UK: Routledge, 2007), 10–12. Pure Land practices are particularly elaborated in this regard: see, for example, James C. Dobbins, “Genshin’s Deathbed Nembutsu Ritual in Pure Land Buddhism,” in Religions of Japan in Practice, ed. George J. Tanabe Jr. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University, 1999), 116–75.

5. It may have been imported into early Buddhism from then-existing Indian practices. Langer, Buddhist Rituals, 26–35, gives a detailed examination of the belief that a person’s last thoughts could influence their next rebirth, as found in the Brāhmaṇas and Upaniṣads.


6. Langer, Buddhist Rituals, 11–12. The elaborate deathbed practices of medieval Japan are studied in Jacqueline I. Stone, Right Thoughts at the Last Moment: Buddhism and Deathbed Practices in Early Medieval Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2016).


7. Michael Vinding, “The Thakālīs as Buddhists: A Closer Look at Their Death Ceremonies,” Kailash 9 (1982): 296.

8. Tibetan astrology is complex, and appears to be based on the same or similar elements as Chinese astrology. Mumford gives a summary of the basic components of a death horoscope, with a diagram showing the interrelations of the various parts: Stan Royal Mumford, Himalayan Dialogue: Tibetan Lamas and Gurung Shamans in Nepal (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1981), 105–10.

9. Pure Land practices are more extensive in Tibetan Buddhism than is usually reported: see Matthew T. Kapstein, “Pure Land Buddhism in Tibet? From Sukhāvatī to the Field of Great Bliss,” in Approaching the Land of Bliss: Religious Praxis in the Cult of Amitābha, ed. Richard K. Payne and Kenneth K. Tanaka (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2004), 16–51; and Georgios T. Halkias, Luminous Bliss: A Religious History of Pure Land Literature in Tibet. With an Annotated Translation and Critical Analysis of the Orgyen-ling Golden Short Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2013). Halkias treats ’pho ba specifically in his chapter 5; see also Matthew T. Kapstein, “A Pilgrimage of Rebirth Reborn: The 1992 Celebration of the Drigung Powa Chenmo,” in Buddhism in Contemporary Tibet: Religious Revival and Cultural Identity, ed. Melvyn C. Goldstein and Matthew T. Kapstein (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 95–119.

10. Death rituals are usually performed by monks, lamas, or tantric yogins. There is no account indicating that the rites may be, or ever are, performed by nuns, although there is mention of nuns participating in a funeral procession (Vinding, “Thakālīs,” 301), and having a role in the chanting of a particular ritual; Geoffrey Gorer, Himalayan Village: The Lepchas of Sikkim, 2nd ed. (New York: Basic Books, 1967), 355. The only activity that may upon occasion be performed by a layman seems to be the casting of the death horoscope. Various elements of the rituals, however, may be performed by laypersons (usually male) under the direction of the professional(s).

11. For example, see generally Stone, Right Thoughts, and Dobbins, “Genshin’s Deathbed Nembutsu Ritual”.


12. W. Y. Evans-Wentz, ed., The Tibetan Book of the Dead, or the After-Death Experiences on the Bardo Plane, According to Lama Dawa-Samdup’s English Rendering, 4th ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press), 2 (from the Introduction to the first edition).

13. See for example Lama Maha-sukha, “A Ritual for Caring for the Dead,” in Death and Dying: The Tibetan Tradition, edited by Glenn C. Mullin (London: Arkana, 1987), 196–216.

14. Maha-sukha, “Ritual,” 207.


15. Langer, Buddhist Rituals, 148–49. She suggests these offerings derive from the Hindu practice of śrāddha, which is still an important element in contemporary Hindu funerals.


16. Jampa L. Panglung, “On the Origin of the Tsha gsur Ceremony,” in Soundings in Tibetan Civilization, ed. Barbara Aziz and Matthew T. Kapstein (New Delhi: Manohar Publications, 1985), 269.

17. Evans-Wentz, Book of the Dead, 19.


18. Alexandra David-Neel, Immortality and Reincarnation: Wisdom from the Forbidden Journey, trans. Jon Graham (Rochester: Inner Traditions, 1997), 37.

19. Pasang Wangdu and Hildegard Diemberger, dBa’-bzhed: The Royal Narrative Concerning the Bringing of the Buddha’s Doctrine to Tibet (Vienna: Verlag der östrerreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2000), 35 and n.58.

20. Evans-Wentz, Book of the Dead, 27.


21. Turrell V. Wylie, “Ro-langs: The Tibetan Zombie,” History of Religions 4 (1964): 69–80.


22. See, for example, Brigitte Steinmann, “Le rituel funéraire chez les Tamang de l’est,” Bulletin de l’École française de l’extrême-Orient 76 (1987): 224–25.

23. This is usually some form of stretcher or bier, ranging from a basic construction (Halfdan Siiger, The Lepchas: Culture and Religion of a Himalayan People [[[Copenhagen]]: National Museum of Denmark, 1967], vol. 1, 182) to a very elaborate edifice (e.g., Steinmann, “Le rituel funéraire,” 227); occasionally the body will be carried by one person, if it has been bound into a small bundle.

24. Thupten Sangay, “Rituals,” 36.


25. Vinding is particular useful in describing these elements: “Thakālīs,” 300–1.


26. Charles Ramble, “Status and Death: Mortuary Rites and Attitudes to the Body in a Tibetan Village,” Kailash 9 (1982): 337; L. Austine Waddell, Tibetan Buddhism: With Its Mystic Cults, Symbolism and Mythology, and in Its Relation to Indian Buddhism (Delhi: Low Price, 1999), 494.

27. See, for example, Martin Brauen, “Death Customs in Ladakh,” Kailash 9 (1982): 324.


28. “Sky burial” does not appear to be a Tibetan term at all and may be of Chinese origin: Dan Martin, “On the Cultural Ecology of Sky Burial on the Himalayan Plateau,” East and West 45, no. 4–5 (1996): 354–55. Leaving a corpse to be consumed by scavengers was a popular medieval Chinese Buddhist practice; Chinese records attesting to this form of disposal predate the earliest mention of the practice in Tibet by several centuries: Liu Shufen, “Death and the Regeneration of Life: Exposure of the Corpse in Medieval Chinese Buddhism,” Journal of Chinese Religions 28 (2000): 1–30.

29. For a full discussion of the many and varied forms of disposal used, see Margaret Gouin, Tibetan Rituals of Death: Buddhist Funerary Practices (Abingdon, UK: Routledge, 2010), 46–95, from which the following summary remarks are drawn and to which reference should be made for citations of sources.

30. The definition of what constitutes a “child” is not settled and varies quite widely throughout the Tibetan cultural region. Particularly useful references with regard to the death rites of children are Anne-Marie Blondeau, “Que notre enfant revienne! Un rituel méconnu pour les enfants morts en bas-âge,” in Les habitants du toit du monde: Études recueillies en hommage à Alexander W. Macdonald, ed. Samten G. Karmay and Philippe Sagant (Nanterre: Société d’ethnologie, 1997), 193–220, and Ramble, “Status and Death.” See also Steinmann, “Le rituel funéraire,” 230–32.

31. That is, anyone over eighty years of age: Rinchen Losel, “Burial Customs in Garze,” in Theses on Tibetology in China, ed. Hu Tan (Beijing: China Tibetology, 1991), 168.

32. Rinchen Losel, “Burial Customs,” 174–75.


33. David Snellgrove, Buddhist Himalaya: Travels and Studies in Quest of the Origins and Nature of Tibetan Religion (Oxford: Bruno Cassirer, 1957), 264–74.

34. An exemplary recent study of how a Buddhist ethnic minority copes with bad deaths is Alexandra de Mersan, “Funeral Rituals, Bad Death and the Protection of Social Space among the Arakanese (Burma),” in Buddhist Funeral Cultures of Southeast Asia and China, ed. Paul Williams and Patrice Ladwig (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2012), 142–65.

35. Waddell, Lamaism, 494–95, n.4, reports at some length on such a procedure.


36. Walter Asboe, “Disposal of the Dead in Tibet,” Man 36 (1932): 66.

37. Snellgrove, Buddhist Himalaya, 274.


38. dge ba means “virtue”—anything that is good, auspicious, propitious.


39. An excellent description of a dge ba is found in Steinmann, “Le rituel funéraire,” 238–53.


40. Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf, The Sherpas of Nepal: Buddhist Highlanders (New Delhi: Sterling, 1979), 242–45.

41. Mumford, Himalayan Dialogue, 210.


42. Steinmann, “Le rituel funéraire,” 232; a different type of feast is described in Ramble. “Status and Death,” 344.


43. Langer records a matakadāna (offering in the name of the dead) ten years after the death: Langer, Buddhist Rituals, 142–44. Patrice Ladwig describes annual festivals in which Lao Buddhists continue to care for their dead: “Feeding the Dead: Ghosts, Materiality and Merit in a Lao Buddhist Festival for the Deceased,” in Williams and Ladwig, Buddhist Funeral Cultures, 119–41.


44. Steinmann’s “Le rituel funéraire” is by far the most detailed with regard to elements of material culture, and the role of women.


45. Thupten Sangay, “Rituals,” 32.


46. See Vinding, “Thakālīs,” 300 and Plate 1, for a striking example of special attire worn for a dance performed as part of the funeral procession.


47. Steinmann comments that what matters to the survivors in the performance of the death rites is that the dge ba took place, that the texts were read, and that the lamas danced: “Le rituel funéraire,” 258. See also Vinding, “Thakālīs,” 301.


48. Steinmann gives some information on the mourning for a male householder: “Le rituel funéraire,” 234–38. See also Brauen, “Death Customs,” 328–29.


49. Kapstein, “Pure Land,” 26.


50. Mumford, Himalayan Dialogue, 203.


51. Duncan, Customs, 112–13; see also 118.


52. Brauen, “Death Customs,” 330–31.


53. For example: if a hen crows, especially in the evening, someone in the family will die: Duncan, Customs, 243.


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