CHAPTER 3
CHARISMATIC MONKS IN THE MAKING
3.1 INTRODUCTION
The process how modern khruba create their charismatic status is an important aspect of
understanding how modern khruba are considered to be endowed with supernatural
power or an exceptional quality which could not be accessed by ordinary individuals. In
other words, it is the process of differentiating themselves from other monks and the
laity, or a distance-making process. This is a symbolic practice which then forms
a pattern of relations among them. In this chapter, I shall investigate the process of
making charismatic status of modern khruba, focusing on three major cases and
discussing through four major areas: (1) the discourse of succession of the great khruba,
Siwichai, (2) sacred biographies (ton bun narrative), (3) the construction of grandiose
monasteries, and (4) religious practices and activities. I point out here that these are
very crucial and have strong influence on people’s perception of khruba’s charismatic
status. Additionally, these activities signify the continuation of the former-day khruba
concept on the one hand, and new strategies to respond to the diverse expectations of
people in modern society on the other.
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3.2 IN THE NAME OF SUCCESSORS
Figure 3.1: Khruba Ariyachat with a backdrop of the statues of the three
greatest khruba of Lan Na: Siwichai, Khao Pi and Wong
Source: Facebook @saengkaewphothiyan, posted on May 11, 2016
This chapter investigates the process of creating the charismatic status of modern
khruba through a discourse of the succession of Khruba Siwichai. This process and
discourse are essential, as they reveal the attempt of modern khruba to connect with the
most popular khruba in history. The discourse of succession has been expressed through
various practices and activities which have made modern khruba charismatic. Therefore,
this process, among many, is interpreted as a way of legitimating khruba in modern
times.
Even though all modern khruba are under the national sangha and many of them
received a formal Buddhist education, knowledge in the khruba tradition is another
domain. Similar to local Buddhist traditions in other regions (e.g., the Lao
(northeastern) tradition of Achan Man, see Kamala 1997), dhamma studies in Lan Na
Buddhism focus on practices of meditation, and reading and writing the Yuan characters
rather than on the Tipitaka. Additionally, the form of knowledge transmission typically
relies on oral transmission from master to disciples 1 . This tradition emphasizes
1
Isara (2011, 61) suggests that this type of transmission explains the rarity of materials relating to
meditation practices of Khruba Siwichai.
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commentary texts, meditative exercises, and reading and writing in the Yuan characters,
as well as architecture and construction techniques as found in the case of Khruba Khao
Pi who had been trained chiefly by Khruba Siwichai (Kwanchewan 1988, 125-141, also
Isara 2011).
The transmission of esoteric knowledge still practiced today, especially for mysticalpractical subjects like mind training and meditative contemplation (Thai: kammathan),
mantra chants (Thai: mon, khatha), ritual performance, yantra, and production of
magical-potent objects, which certainly are not taught in formal Buddhist education.
Additionally, in biographies of modern khruba, a journey to seek knowledge from
specialists located in several places is highlighted. It is also found in the official
biography of Khruba Siwichai to demonstrate his devotion and enthusiasm for dhamma
practice. When a biography describes how hard an individual khruba has come in
seeking and learning special subjects with the specialists, it not only implies his
determination and devotion in a monastic life, but it is also used as a way to legitimize
his knowledge in a special position. It is, in addition, considered as one technique to
differentiate himself from other monks, and typically, from other khruba of his time.
Here, I shall elaborate through three cases of modern khruba as follows.
3.2.1 Khruba Don of Wat Phraphutthabat Pha Nam in Li district, Lamphun
province
Khruba Don was 45 years old at the time of the interview. According the interview
(July 4, 2015), Don was born on January 4, 1971, in Ban Dong Ma Da, Doi Tao district,
Chiang Mai province. He is the third of five children. As he recalled, his monastic life
started in 1986 when his grandfather brought him to Wat Huai Tom in Li district,
Lamphun province, and asked Khruba Wong to take care of him as a pupil (Thai: luksit,
dek wat or a temple boy). Khruba Wong was the abbot of Wat Huai Tom and was well
known as the third successor of Khruba Siwichai’s lineage, after Khruba Khao Pi. Wat
Huai Tom was founded by Khruba Wong around 1971. The Huai Tom community was
also founded by Khruba Wong during this time and was primarily for Karen who
relocated from mountainous areas and wanted to stay near Khruba Wong. Until Khruba
Wong died in 2000, moral rules in Huai Tom were strictly followed by the majority:
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no animals were kept, alcohol, drugs and weapons were banned, and followers were to
adopt vegetarianism. The monastery is supported by the Thai Royal Family and the
King secured the land for the Karen after visits in the 1970s. A royal project station was
set up in the vicinity. Wat Huai Tom has a footprint of the Buddha (Thai: phrabat) and
a holy spring (Gravers 2012, 357-358; also Gravers 2017; and Kwanchewan 2010).
Don became a temple boy after that. Because of a tight schedule, Khruba Wong later
put him under the care of Khruba Phan, Khruba Wong’s disciple and younger cousin
(the
current
abbot).
However,
eventually
Khruba
Phan
asked
Phrakhru
Upathamsangkhakit, a senior fellow monk, to replace him as Don’s master. In 1987,
Don was ordained as a novice in that monastery. Khruba Wong gave him the ordination
name Aphiwanno. As a novice, Don studied dhamma with the three masters in the
monastery. He also completed the dhamma scholar advanced level (Thai: naktham ek or
first class nak tham) in the dhamma studies examination. In 1992, he was ordained as
a Buddhist monk. At first, Khruba Wong gave him the ordination name Inthawangso,
but the preceptor in the ceremony changed it to Atthakamo.
Don stayed in Wat Huai Tom as a fellow monk until 1995-1996. After that, Khruba
Wong asked him to leave for Wat Pha Nam. Wat Pha Nam is located in another village
around 10 k.m. away. Khruba Khao Pi had restored Wat Pha Nam around 1963-1964
and used it as a permanent residence until his death in 1977. Khruba Khao Pi was
known as a very close disciple of Khruba Siwichai. After Khruba Siwichai died, he was
recognized as a successor of the Khruba’s lineage as well as the second Buddhist saint
of Lan Na (Thai: ton bun ong thi song haeng Lan Na, see Kwanchewan 1988, 1999,
2002, 2010; Phongsak 1997). Both Khruba Khao Pi and Khruba Wong urged poor
Karens from mountain villages to settle in their monasteries in order to stop animal
sacrifice, become Buddhists and participate in development projects. Although they
were Yuan, they were considered the heads of the Karens (Hinton 1979 cited in Gravers
2012, 358). Moreover, in the Pha Nam community, the majority of the population are
both Karen and Yuan, mostly those who were affected by the construction of the
Bhumibol Dam in 1964 (see Kwanchewan 1988, 2002).
73
After the death of Khruba Khao Pi, Khruba Wong was in charge of the monastery for
many years. The mummified body of Khruba Khao Pi was kept inside the monastery
instead of being cremated, following Khruba Wong’s wish. However, this situation
caused a serious conflict, chiefly between the former disciples of Khruba Khao Pi and
the disciples of Khruba Wong. Khruba Khao Kham Pan (died in 2002) 2 , who was
known as one of the close disciples of Khruba Khao Pi, led a group of dissidents to
attack Khruba Wong’s high-handed decision. Khruba Khao Kham Pan insisted that the
body should be cremated in accordance with the local tradition, no matter who he was,
because mummifying a body was taboo, while Khruba Wong’s disciples believed it was
a good will and a good vision for Wat Pha Nam itself. The mummified body was kept
inside the monastery to maintain a religious community of Khruba Khao Pi as well as to
attract people. “It is the best way for the monastery to survive after the death of the
master” (interview, Phra Songkran, August 23, 2015; Khruba Soda, August 22, 2015).
A sharp fragmentation among villagers and disciples in the Pha Nam community lasted
for many years, as a result, even after Don was in charge.
As a direct disciple of Khruba Wong, Don was being closely watched by the opposite
faction in the Pha Nam community, including the former disciples of Khruba Khao Pi
outside. I was told by a close disciple of Don that during his early years as abbot, he
tried hard to resolve the conflict. At the same time, a new identity as a disciple of
Khruba Wong and a successor of Khruba Khao Pi was being introduced. In order to
solve the long-lasting conflict, Don began in a very simple way, such as avoiding
talking about the conflicts in the past, either the conflict of Khruba Khao Pi with
Khruba Phrommachak 3 and Khruba Inthachak 4 (see Phramaha Saranyu Panyatharo
2
A white robe monk, the same as Khruba Khao Pi.
3
Khruba Phromma was a master of Khruba Wong, too.
4
During the 1950s, Khruba Khao Pi had a dispute with three senior sangha monks who were brothers.
They were Inthachak, Phrommachak and Khamphira. In 1951, Khao Pi wrote a booklet, ong satsana
song hong, or the two religious forms (see Apichai Khao Pi 1951). According to Khao Pi, one
religious form was the Lamphun and Chiang Mai religion, which was the authentic one. The other
form was Burmese Christianity, which he regarded as a counterfeit religion imported by the three
senior sangha monks. The so-called Burmese Christianity was, in fact, the standardized set of
Buddhist practices promoted by the centralized sangha. In the booklet, critical issues are the
acceptance of the eight precepts and the method of chanting. Khao Pi’s denunciation of the three
monks as those who imported Burmese Christianity insulted Inthachak, among the three, who then
notified the regional sangha. On August 7, 1951, a meeting was held to settle the dispute between
Khao Pi and Inthachak, who was supported by other modern educated monks. After this meeting,
74
2003; Provincial Sangha Councils of Chiang Mai-Lamphun 1951; Kwanchewan 1988,
134-140) or the conflict of Khruba Wong with Khruba Khao Kham Pan. He also asked
the villagers to stop talking about these conflicts. During one conversation, Don
explained, “the past is the past; it is already finished. Now we need to move forward,
not go backward, so it is useless to talk about it” (interview, August 28, 2015).
I witnessed on several occasions that if villagers, including me, went too far in
discussing the conflicts, he would interrupt with a strong voice and repeat the statement
which implied his intention to end the subject.
Don follows Khruba Wong’s will to preserve the sacred-mummified body of Khruba
Khao Pi and holds the robe-changing ceremony on March 3 of each year (the date
Khruba Khao Pi died). Recently, the ceremony has gained more popularity than in the
time of Khruba Wong, attested by the large number of attendants as well as money
donations5. Moreover, the ceremony is now promoted by the provincial offices to be one
of the most important events of Lamphun province. The event thus has become the main
destination of Khruba Khao Pi’s believers and followers, including general Buddhists
from all over the country. The number of attendants in 2016 was estimated to be more
than 20,000 (during 1-3 March), and the monastery gained more than one million baht
in donations.
Regarding the group of dissidents opposed to the mummifying of the body as well as
the robe-changing ceremony, I found that, as the event has gained more popularity,
opposing voices have become softer. Two monks that I have met have been in strong
disagreement over this issue. They also commented that the ceremony has recently
become commercialized. Nonetheless, they are found at the robe-changing ceremony
every year. During the ceremony in 2015 and 2016, one of the monks served as master
which was held in Wat Phra Singh, the Chiang Mai and Lamphun Sangha Councils jointly published
an announcement defining Khao Pi’s followers as those who were illiterate the Thai alphabet, but
who did not believe the reasons pointed out by the “intellectual” (Kwanchewan 1988, 134-140;
Provincial Sangha Councils of Chiang Mai-Lamphun 1951).
5
Furthermore, in 2016 the deputy supreme commander of the Royal Thai Armed Forces came to
preside over the ceremony as chief of the laity (Thai: prathan fai kharawat).
75
of ceremonies in the main hall while the other prepared an alms house for guests6. Phra
Prakop Bun, from the two above mentioned, has even declared himself to be a close
disciple of Khruba Khao Kham Pan and served as a ritual specialist for Don during
a private robe-changing ceremony (in February 2016) before the official event. The
paradoxical standpoint of these monks is understandable since the robe-changing
ceremony gives them space to claim the status of successors of Khruba Khao Pi.
In a more strategic approach, Don has performed various activities as follows.
1. Participatory approach to religious activities
The fragmentation in the community also meant that villagers were divided into two
groups; each group conducted religious activities in accordance with their own masters,
either Khruba Wong or Khruba Khao Pi, for example, in reckoning of Buddhist Sabbath
days and the Buddhist lent day. As the abbot, Don showed his sincerity in including
them all in the monastery’s activities. Through this strategy, he hoped that a sense of
belonging would be rebuilt among villagers in both groups. More than a decade after he
took up the abbot position, his effort eventually came to fruition. I was told by a fellow
monk of Wat Pha Nam that, over the past decade, villagers have decided to leave the
conflict behind and conform to conventional practices (interview, Phra Songkran,
August 23, 2015). Nonetheless, Don is wise enough to compromise by continuing to
carry on some practices of Khruba Khao Pi along with the conventional way (of the
national sangha), rather than having them totally disappear. For instance, Wat Pha Nam
holds the Buddhist Lent Day ceremony twice a year, one to conform to Khruba Khao
Pi’s practice and the other in accordance with the standardized Buddhist calendar.
Currently, Wat Pha Nam has at least four major activities each year: the robe-changing
ceremony, the beginning of Buddhist Lent Day (Thai: wan khao phansa), the end of
Buddhist Lent Day (Thai: wan ok phansa), and thot kathin festival 7 . Each activity
requires a large number of volunteers as well as a huge budget. Don invites villagers in
6
They explained that although they did not totally agree with the event, as disciples of Khruba Khao
Pi, they also wanted to pay homage to their teacher’s spirit (interview, Khruba Soda, August 22,
2015; Phra Prakop Bun, September 4, 2015).
7
Thot kathin is practiced annually during October and November. The practice consists in essence of
giving new robes to the monks who are coming out of retreat at the end of the rainy season.
76
the community, both Karen and Yuan, to take part in every process in order to show that
the monastery affords importance to the community. In Don’s point of view, the
participation of villagers is the key to success, “as we have seen today, Pha Nam is an
exemplary case for a community-based activity, and it also represents the collaboration
of a multi-ethnic community” (Khruba Don, March 1, 2016). Wat Pha Nam gains great
support from the community members who have, one way or another, contributed to the
flourishing of the monastery today.
Wat Pha Nam also gains support from its outside network, including the Huai Tom
community of Khruba Phan and groups of Khruba Khao Pi’s believers and followers in
Chiang Mai, Lampang, Mae Hong Son, and Tak provinces. The annual March 3 robechanging ceremony has confirmed the effectiveness of Pha Nam’s network
(see Kwanchewan and Pisith 2016).
2. Khruba Chao Apichai Khao Pi Foundation
The foundation has been in existence for two decades. Even though it is called
a foundation, it has not yet been legally registered. Its function is similar to that of
a fund (interview, Khruba Don, March 1, 2016). So far, the fund is aimed at emergency
cases, such as a financial shortage8. Furthermore, the fund is granted for public benefits
which can be grouped into two categories: 1) construction and renovation of religious
buildings and promotion of education (for temple boys, novices, and monks), and 2)
charitable activities such as funerals for poor families. The construction and renovation
works include the former sites of Khruba Khao Pi, such as Wat Ban Rai in Doi Tao
district, Chiang Mai province; Wat Mae Wang Lum in Li district, Lamphun province;
and new sites such as Wat Huai Bong, Wat Sao Hin, and Wat Sala Chiang Tong in
Mae Sariang district, Mae Hong Son province; and Wat Thung Khok Chang in Doi Tao
district, Chiang Mai province. Don and his activities, carried out in the name of the
foundation, are also viewed as an effort to maintain and expand Pha Nam’s network, as
will be elaborated in the following chapter.
8
Currently, there are 15 committee members in charge, consisting of school directors, village headmen,
and sub-district chiefs.
77
3.2.2 Khruba Noi of Wat Si Don Mun in Saraphi district, Chiang Mai
province
At the time of the interview, Khruba Noi was 65 years old, born on February 10, 1951,
in Ban Si Don Mun, Saraphi district, Chiang Mai province. In his biography (Wat
Si Don Mun 2012; watsridonmoon9.com 2015; see also “เปิ ดบันทึกตำนำน ตอน ครู บำน้อย วัดศรี
ดอนมูล” [Opening the legend of Khruba Noi] on YouTube 2015). He is the second child
of four siblings. He was ordained as a novice in 1964 and later as a monk in 1971 with
the ordination name Techapanyo, literally “the one who has wisdom as power.” When
he was seven years old, his mother asked Khruba Phad, the former abbot of Wat
Si Don Mun, to take care of him as a pupil (a temple boy). Wat Si Don Mun is located
in the community, and in addition, Khruba Phad was famous for magical art, especially
invulnerability and traditional healing 9 (see “เปิ ดบันทึกตำนำน ตอน ครู บำผัด วัดศรี ดอนมูล ”
[Opening the legend of Khruba Phad] on YouTube 2015). Khruba Phad was also known
by his followers as a disciple of Khruba Siwichai (watsangkaew.com 2010). Khruba
Phad taught Noi several subjects, such as the Yuan alphabet, which was used to
preserve knowledge of the incantations and magic spells of ancient Lan Na. Due to his
great merit and unusual talent, he was a fast learner and surpassed other students in the
class. The biography portrays Noi as the closest disciple whom Khruba Phad trusted
the most and to whom he wanted to hand down the secret knowledge of magic arts.
Noi gained a reputation as a magic monk since he was under Khruba Phad. After
Khruba Phad passed away (in 2007), Noi succeeded him as abbot. Even though we do
not know exactly when Noi was recognized by the khruba title, Daeng, one of his close
followers (interview, March 4, 2016), revealed that it was at the latest by 1994. Because
it was the first year of his nirothakam (retreat), the success of this practice has led
people to recognize him as a charismatic khruba (nirothakam will be discussed in detail
in the following topic). Therefore, Noi was able to claim being a follower of the Lan Na
9
An important piece of evidence to prove his invulnerability was at the royal cremation in 2008, when
most of the corpse remained incredibly fresh (see “ปำฏิหำริ ยค์ รู บำผัด” [The supernatural phenomenon of
Khruba Phad] on YouTube 2014. He was also patronized by the Royal Family which signified his
recognition at the national level.
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Buddhist tradition of Khruba Siwichai and a successor of the magic arts of Khruba Phad.
He declares his devotion to Lan Na Buddhism by paying high respect to Khruba
Siwichai and claims to follow Khruba Siwichai’s teachings in every aspect, such as self
awareness, construction works, nirothakam, and vegetarianism. Khruba Siwichai is
treated as the greatest khruba of all (Wat Si Don Mun 2012, 13; interview, Khruba Noi,
March 4, 2016).
Besides Khruba Siwichai, Noi had eight more masters who had taught him directly on
various subjects, which were 1) insight meditation from Khruba Phrommachak of Wat
Phrabat Tak Pha in Pasang district, Lamphun province (a master of Khruba Wong); 2)
sacred formulas (Thai: mon-khatha) for sprinkling holy water for happiness, prosperity,
and health from Khruba La (Ta Thip) of Wat Pa Tueng in San Kamphaeng district,
Chiang Mai province; 3) the Yuan characters recording sacred formulas for compassion
and charms (Thai: metta mahaniyom), as well as herbal and medicinal recipes from
Khruba Kham Pan of Wat Mo Kham Tuang in Chiang Mai city; 4) meditative practices
during nirothakam from Khruba Wong of Wat Huai Tom (the master of Khruba Don) in
Li district, Lamphun province; 5) astrology, horoscopes and medicinal herbs in Tai
(Shan) and Burmese traditional recipes, including the making of amulets such as
candles for life prolongation and warding off bad luck (Thai: thian suepchata, thian
sado khro), from Sala Kung Ma (layman: an astrologer in the court of ancient Keng
Tung); 6) Khruba In Kaeo, the preceptor in a novice ordination ceremony, of Wat
Ku Suea in Saraphi district, Chiang Mai province; 7) Khruba Un Ruean, the preceptor
in a monk ordination ceremony; and 8) the first master, Khruba Phad (Wat Si Don Mun
2012, 12-21).
These nine masters are highly respected by Noi. His gratitude to these masters is
expressed and highlighted through several activities, for example, the building of
a pagoda hall at the back of the monastery which was named Chedi Kao Khanachan or
the pagoda of nine masters. Inside the pagoda, life-size images of nine masters are
enshrined. The pagoda was built large and magnificently decorated in the Northern Thai
style with a budget of more than ten million baht. Recently, it has become a new tourist
attraction of Saraphi district. Moreover, each year (in June), Noi holds a ceremony to
pay homage to the masters’ spirits (Thai: wan katanyu kao khanachan). On that day,
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he also performs a ritual for life prolongation, warding off bad luck and enhancing good
fortune, according to the Northern Thai tradition, for all guests.
Furthermore, at least once a month during the waxing moon period, Noi will conduct
almsgiving in the early morning for 108 monks and novices in front of Khruba
Siwichai’s statue at the foot of Doi Suthep Mountain (Wat Si Don Mun, 2012, 29;
interview, Daeng, March 4, 2016). The number 108 symbolizes the 108 auspicious
things in Buddhist beliefs and is also believed to be the total number of rosary beads of
Khruba Siwichai10. Photos of this activity were posted and shared on Wat Si Don Mun’s
facebook page (@Watsridonmoon, e.g., on July 10, 2016) even though this activity
seems strange in the eyes of general Buddhists because a monk, who should seek alms,
is doing almsgiving to Buddhist monks and novices. This activity is another example
confirming that Khruba Siwichai is highly esteemed by Noi.
These activities convey a symbolic message to underline the status of successor to
“traditional secretive wisdom.” They are also used as a message to counter the opposite
side that condemns Noi’s deviant behavior. By discursive practices, the general public
is notified that his knowledge and practices are genuine, not just a self-invention.
Moreover, in these activities, the image of a grateful monk is emphasized. According to
Thai custom, gratitude (Thai: khwam katanyu rukhun) is a mark of a good man,
manifiested in being grateful to parents, teachers and patrons. Generally in Thai society,
National Teacher’s Day and wan wai khru (the ritual of paying respect to teachers) are
annual national events. In Noi’s wan katanyu kao khanachan, too, he attracts hundreds
of people every year. By this means, his deep gratitude to the masters, symbolized
through these activities, is also highly appreciated by lay followers. He is praised by the
designation “the grateful monk of Lan Na” (Thai: phra yot katanyu haeng Lan Na) (Wat
Si Don Mun, 2012, 21).
10
The number 108 has been referred to in many other ways, such as on the Buddha footprints, e.g., of
the reclining Buddha at Wat Phra Chettuphon, or Wat Pho, in Bangkok which depicts pictures of the
108 auspicious things, and I ti pi so rattanamala (a Pali poem) which contains 108 chapters to
appreciate the Buddha’s virtues (56 chapters for virtues of the Buddha, 38 chapters for virtues of the
dhamma and 14 chapters for virtues of the sangha).
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Figure 3.2: News by Khaosod reposted on Facebook by Wat Si Don Mun showing
Khruba Noi with the headline “causing a sensation, a popular Khruba [Noi], who looks
like Khruba Siwichai, was invited to be seated on the first car to Doi Suthep”
[Re-projecting the event of Khruba Siwichai who went up to Doi Suthep by
a car for the first time as the celebration for the accomplishment
of the road construction on April 30, 1935]
Source: Facebook @Watsridonmoon, posted on May 1, 2016
3.2.3 Khruba Ariyachat of Wat Saengkaew Phothiyan in Mae Suai district,
Chiang Rai province
Khruba Ariyachat was born on January 9, 1981, to a poor farmer family in Saraphi
district, Chiang Mai province. He is the youngest of three children. His biographies (So
Sutthiphan 2011; watsangkaew.com 2010; YouTube Watsangkaew Phothiyan 2016)
have portrayed Ariyachat as a talented child and a man of merit compared to others of
his age in the village. He was also a fast learner and, consequently, his parents named
him Keng, meaning smart or clever. As a child, he liked to go to the temple with his
grandfather to listen to dhamma sermons. Thus, he has been able to recite the dhamma
verses since he was 11 years old. Khruba Chan Thip, the former abbot of Wat Wang
Mui in Lamphun province, close to his hometown, observed him and foretold that this
child was characterized by great charisma which could contribute to the Buddhist
religion in the future. Hence, Khruba Chan Thip decided to pass down his knowledge,
81
especially the Yuan alphabet and magic arts, to the little Ariyachat (watsangkaew.com
2010; So Sutthiphan 2011, 13-16).
Khruba Chan Thip himself was famous for magic arts and potent objects passed down
by Khruba Chum Phothiko, the former abbot of Wat Wang Mui. Khruba Chum was
a legendary monk reputed to have this kind of subject. His biography (LuangPor.com
1994) devotes most of the space to his famous amulets and miraculous stories of
supernatural powers experienced by devotees nation-wide. He was praised, by the
author of the biography, as phra ariyachao haeng Hariphunchai (the arahant of
Hariphunchai, or Lamphun). Furthermore, Khruba Chum was known as one of the close
disciples of Khruba Siwichai. His devotees claim that he was a direct successor to
Khruba Siwichai’s lineage, and not Khruba Khao Pi 11 (interview, Phra Athikan
Winuwat, the current abbot of Wat Wang Mui and elder followers, August 28, 2015).
Ariyachat also claims that Khruba Phad of Wat Si Don Mun in Chiang Mai province
(a master of Khruba Noi) had also studied magical subjects with Khruba Chum at Wat
Wang Mui, because it was found that they share some yantra formulas
(watsangkaew.com 2010).
Under the care of Khruba Chan Thip, Ariyachat was a fast learner. He was able to read
and write within only 1-2 days. Khruba Chan Thip then taught various mantras to
Ariyachat, and of course, he was able to learn in a very short time. Ariyachat was very
adept at reading the yantra characters and figures representing Khruba Chan Thip.
When Khruba Chan Thip was very old, Ariyachat produced takrut (a tiny rolled metal
amulet inscribed with magic words) and other amulets by himself. It was said that the
amulets contained magical and protective powers, just as those of Khruba Chan Thip
11
As it is acknowledged by the public, two pieces of evidence were used to confirm the assertion. (1)
Chum was the only one who received permission from Khruba Siwichai to cast an image of himself
while he was alive. This event affirmed Chum’s status as a very close disciple of Khruba Siwichai,
even though casting an image of a living person is a serious taboo in the Northern Thai custom. After
the image was completed, Khruba Siwichai saw it and was delighted. He then took a rosary from his
neck to put on the image. He also gave two peacock fans to be placed side-by-side with the image.
Recently, Wat Wang Mui claimed that the image is the only one which had been cast while Khruba
Siwichai was alive. (2) Chum was given a peacock fan and walking stick from Khruba Siwichai
during the construction of road to Wat Phrathat Doi Suthep in Chiang Mai city. This event was
interpreted as the designation of Chum as the direct successor to Khruba Siwichai’s lineage
(LuangPor.com 1994, 56-60). All of these items have recently been placed in a pavilion located next
to the sermon hall of Wat Wang Mui in Lamphun city.
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(watsangkaew.com 2010). When he was 17 years old (1988), not long after Khruba
Chan Thip died, he had a fervent desire to ordain just as he had the opportunity to pay
respect to Khruba Thueang of Wat Ban Den in Mae Taeng district, Chiang Mai
province.
Khruba Thueang is a highly respected master with deep understanding of meditation.
He is also rumored to be a reincarnation of Khruba Siwichai (see Ashley 2011, 180185) 12 . Khruba Thueang suggested to him that he should ordain because Khruba
Thueang observed that he looked like a person with charisma who has a destiny in
Buddhism. However, Ariyachat’s parents wanted him to continue his studies so that he
could work and support the family after graduation. In the end, his parents consented as
they were unable to oppose him; consequently, Ariyachat was ordained as a novice
under the care of Khruba Thueang (ibid.).
Ariyachat studied dhamma, including the Yuan alphabet, and magic arts at Wat Wang
Mui for a long time and then went to search for knowledge in other areas, such as
a series of incantations until it was regarded that he was inferior to no one in the area of
incantations. Nevertheless, he still wanted to search for more knowledge in the area of
incantations. Apart from Khruba Chum, Khruba Chan Thip, and Khruba Thueang, the
masters held in great respect by Ariyachat were Phra Achan Manit of Wat Ban Tuet in
Chiang Klang district, Nan province, Khruba Bunsom of Wat Wang Mui in Mueang
district, Khruba In Ta of Wat Huai Sai in Ban Thi district, Khruba In Ta of Wat Wang
Thong, and Khruba Wong of Wat Huai Tom (a master of Khruba Don) in Li district,
Lamphun province. All were experts in magical subjects as well as insight meditation
(watsangkaew.com 2010; So Sutthiphan 2011, 48-52). He was then ordained as a monk
at Wat Wang Mui when he was 20 years old (2001). His ordination name is Ariyachitto.
As described above, Ariyachat claims to be a follower of the Lan Na Buddhist tradition
delineated by Khruba Siwichai. The evidence is the practice of nirothakam (the same as
Khruba Noi), which is believed to be an old practice of Khruba Siwichai.
12
It is often told by his followers that he was born on the same day (February 20) of the year that
Khruba Siwichai died. They also pointed out the physical resemblance between photos of the young
Khruba Thueang and young Khruba Siwichai. There is a photo juxtaposing the face of each monk as
a young man, seen in the hall where Khruba Thueang receives his guests. The two faces are also
found on either side of amulets that are frequently distributed at monastery celebrations (Ashley 2011,
182).
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Ariyachat states that he learned this practice from a pap sa (mulberry paper
manuscript)13 of Khruba Chum. He also claims that the manuscript contains the exact
information of the original version written by Khruba Siwichai14. While Khruba Chum
was alive, he practiced nirothakam regularly, mostly in a cemetery near the village
(watsangkaew.com 2010; So Sutthiphan 2011, 48-52).
The casting of a Khruba Siwichai statue is another piece of evidence to confirm an
effort to link himself with Khruba Siwichai. The statue has recently been claimed to be
the largest bronze statue of Khruba Siwichai in the world. It is a symbolic message to
underline the status of a successor in Khruba’s lineage as well. The Khruba Siwichai
statue was soon accompanied by statues of Khruba Khao Pi and Khruba Wong. They
were both recognized as the direct successors of Khruba Siwichai. The three khruba are
generally known as the greatest khruba of Lan Na or ton bun haeng Lan Na, and are
highly revered by the Northerners in recent times. This indicates that the dominant
discourse of Khruba Siwichai’s lineage consisting of the three khruba has influenced
Ariyachat’s perception. Even though Wat Wang Mui has staunchly claimed, through
several pieces of evidence, that Khruba Chum was the direct successor of Khruba
Siwichai, Khruba Chum was not included in the construction of the greatest khruba
statues by Ariyachat15.
The discourse of succession, in Khruba Siwichai’s lineage is underpinned by stories of
reincarnations. Siripha, a key devotee of Ariyachat (based in Bangkok and London),
told me that when Ariyachat was a novice, he claimed to be a reincarnation of Khruba
Khao Pi (interview, November 7, 2015). She later sent me a photo of young Ariyachat
through Facebook messenger in order to confirm the physical resemblance of the two
13
Pap sa is a thick paper made from the bark of the paper mulberry tree, which is accordion folded to
form a light brown booklet. The Lan Na mulberry paper booklets contained secular stories as well as
talismanic, astrological and ritual matter, unlike the palm-leaf scrolls which dealt almost exclusively
with Buddhist scriptures.
14
As suggested by Isara (2011, 94), Khruba Chum might have learned meditation techniques from
Khruba Siwichai, and the meditation techniques of Khruba Siwichai might have been transferred to
Ariyachat.
15
Khruba Chum’s image was also cast, but in a much smaller size, and was enshrined together with
other images of Thailand’s famous monks in a long pavilion located beside the large statues of the
three khruba.
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khruba. However, as he gains more popularity after the establishment of Wat
Saengkaew, he is rumored to be a reincarnation of Khruba Siwichai instead.
Even though he himself has never proclaimed it, by all appearances, he has a habit of
walking slowly with a slightly hunched posture of an elderly person. Additionally, the
rumor was intentionally emphasized many times by his followers. For instance, the
author of his biography, So Sutthiphan (alias) in 2011, with Ariyachat’s permission,
points out that Ariyachat’s face resembles the face of Khruba Siwichai on the statue.
Another case was in 2016, Woody, a famous TV host, asked Ariyachat again if he was
the reincarnation of Khruba Siwichai. And even though he always says “no,” it is
assumed that the general public tends to believe that the contrary is true because of all
the evidence that seemingly supports it.
Nonetheless, another claim is found in the discourse of succession among other modern
khruba who cannot connect themselves directly with Khruba Siwichai’s lineage. They
instead claim to be successors in the Lan Na Buddhist tradition, or the so-called khruba
tradition of Khruba Siwichai. The concept of succession in khruba tradition is widely
used by a number of young khruba and is expressed through various practices, such as
the reproduction of external elements of Khruba Siwichai’s monastic style and
participation in ceremonies or activities for the former khruba, including drawing
a connection with living khruba who are especially known as disciples of the Khruba’s
lineage. As Wilak (2010, 27) explains, in recent times, Khruba Siwichai’s tradition is
followed by two groups of monks. The first group can be identified by a direct relation
in the monastic lineage to Khruba Siwichai, while the second group is branded by
succession of the khruba tradition. However, the former remain small in number
whereas the latter constitute the majority of khruba today.
Moreover, I found that some khruba in the latter group are also rumored to be
reincarnations of Khruba Siwichai. This is considered another way to affirm the status
of successors. Even though a number of disciples have insisted that Khruba Siwichai
had reached the nibbana state (Thai: nipphan, the final goal of Buddhism, a state of
enlightenment, meaning a person is free from desires and suffering), which means that
he will no longer be reborn, stories of reincarnations are found in many places across
the region. The stories share a common principle that after the death of Khruba Siwichai,
85
his khwan (life essence or soul) split into 32 pieces and fell in diverse directions. Thirtytwo is the total number of human parts in Buddhist philosophy. Khwan is a common
belief in the northern region as well as in other Southeast Asian countries. Khwan is the
vital life force for a living entity and is transformed into spirit (Thai: winyan) after death.
In Thai folk belief, khwan always accompanies a person and indicates his/her physical
and mental states of well being (Anuman Rajadhon 1986 cited in Pattana 2008, 133).
Khwan is embedded along the thirty two parts of body, e.g., head, eyes, hands, arms,
and legs.
The concept of khwan is related directly to life after death and reincarnation. Having
grown up in a rural area of Chiang Rai province, I am familiar with the folk practice of
spirit mediumship (Northern Thai: tham mo tham muea). Not long after the birth of
a new family member, senior members would go to see a spirit medium to find out
whose soul is reborn to their family. In the same way, some modern khruba are believed
to be reincarnations of one of the 32 khwan of Khruba Siwichai, as found in the
biographies of Khruba Bunchum (see Cohen 2001, 238), Khruba Thueang, and Khruba
Chao Nokaeofa (larndhamkruba.net 2010) 16 . Although they interpret the rumors of
reincarnations in different ways, it is indicated that the discourse of the succession as
well as the establishment of Khruba Siwichai as a khruba role model is crucial for the
making of charismatic monks.
16
In Chomthong district, Chiang Mai province, I also found Khruba Traithep, who is rumored to be the
reincarnation of Khruba Siwichai, and a young Khruba Yawichai, who is rumored to be the
reincarnation of Khruba Khao Pi.
86
Khruba
Bunchum
Khruba Noi
Khruba Phad
Khruba Yawichai
Khruba Khao Pi
Khruba Phan
Khruba Don
Khruba Chao
No Kaeofa
Khruba
Siwichai
modern khruba
Khruba Chum
Khruba Wong
Khruba Chao
Thueang
Khruba Traithep
Khruba
Ariyachat
Direct relation through Khruba Siwichai’s lineage
Indirect relation, followers of the khruba tradition
Linked through rumors of reincarnations of Khruba Siwichai
Diagram 3.1 Connections of modern khruba with Khruba Siwichai
Figure 3.3: Khruba Don (in the center)
Source: author
87
Figure 3.4: Khruba Noi (with author)
Source: author
Figure 3.5: Khruba Ariyachat (with Gen. Prawit Wongsuwan)
Source: author
3.3 SACRED BIOGRAPHY
In this topic, I shall discuss holiness in accordance with the concept of ton bun or phu
mi bun (a meritorious person or a man of merit) found in oral and written biographies of
modern khruba. I point out that this process correlates significantly with varying
degrees of charismatic status of modern khruba. The topic is demonstrated through
a comparison between Khruba Don, who is characterized by a very low degree of
holiness, and the other two khruba, Noi and Ariyachat, who are characterized by a high
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degree of holiness. Through the sacred biographies, a point to consider is the use of the
traditional narrative style as it was found in the sacred biographies of the former khruba
(e.g., Siwichai and Khao Pi), which demonstrate the important role of the old tradition
as a fundamental source underlining the charismatic status and the distance-making
process.
3.3.1 Sacred Biographies of the Former Khruba
It was reported that on the day Khruba Siwichai was born (in 1878), there was a heavy
thunderstorm. He was then given the name of Fuen, “quake” or “thunder.” The unusual
event signified for many people that he was a phu mi bun or a person who endowed
with supernatural power or full of merit (Singha 1979, 7; Sommai 2000, 6; Sirisak 2016,
62-74). The circumstances of his birth resonated with the local belief that the god Indra
(Thai: Phra In) heralds the birth of ton bun with natural signs such as earthquakes or
thunderstorms. Additionally, in his childhood, Siwichai’s compassion was manifested
through his refusal to kill animals (Sommai 2002, 7; Faa 1976–1977, 170 cited in
Bowie 2014a, 687-688). This is one of the four supernatural events found in his official
sacred biography and is recognized as a fundamental source for his success in
meditation mastery and religious activities, as I mentioned earlier. The traditional
narrative style in the official biography is also found in the case of Khruba Khao Pi (see
Pradit 1982; Kwanchewan 1988; Phongsak 1997).
3.3.2 Traditional Narratives in Sacred Biographies of Modern Khruba
For modern khruba, I shall focus on the three major cases mentioned above. First,
regarding Khruba Noi, his official biography begans with an unusual event in that as he
was born the umbilical cord was wrapped around his body. This event was unusual but
in accordance with local beliefs, as it is an auspicious sign for a child who was endowed
with merit, one who was born to preserve the Buddhist religion. As he grew up, Noi is
portrayed a good boy who obeyed his parents and teachers. He liked to make merit and
listen to dhamma sermons. He always accompanied his mother to the nearby monastery
on Buddhist holy days. When he listened to dhamma sermons, he would sit still in
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a very polite posture and try to chant along with the monks (amulet.in.th 2008). This
remarkable characteristic was described as his affinity for Buddhism.
During his childhood, since the age of seven, Noi was under the care of Khruba Phad.
He was a fast learner in dhamma studies and the Yuan alphabet and could surpass other
students. He was later a very close disciple of Khruba Phad and was purposely selected
to inherit knowledge on the magical subjects of Khruba Phad’s school. From that time
on, he was Khruba Phad’s right-hand man and abbot to be, until Khruba Phad’s last
moment (Wat Si Don Mun 2012; interview, Khruba Noi, March 4, 2016).
Similarly, Khruba Ariyachat, according to his official biography (watsangkaew.com
2010; So Sutthiphan 2011; YouTube Watsangkaew Phothiyan 2016) was associated
with auspicious signs very early in his life. While his mother was pregnant with him,
she had exceptionally good dreams twice. Once, a large piece of white cloth came to her
by chance. She was delighted as she looked through it carefully because the cloth was
so bright and clean. Soon after, another good dream came to her; a bright yellow light
shone out as she opened the bedroom door. Senior members of the family interpreted it
as an auspicious sign, signifying that a very good thing would come to her and her
family. The very good thing, as it was interpreted, eventually came when her new born
baby was found to have a remarkable physical appearance. According to the local belief,
his glowing complexion, large eyes, long ears, and slender fingers and toes were
considered the physical marks of phu mi bun. As he grew up, little Ariyachat was
a recluse who did not hurt animals. In addition, he enjoyed molding Buddha images
from clay in different sizes. In school, he was an outstanding child who could surpass
other students in the class.
Regarding his affinity for Buddhism, he liked to go to the temple with his grandfather to
listen to dhamma sermons. He was able to recite dhamma verses since he was 11 years
old. After that, under the care of Khruba Chan Thip, Ariyachat was a fast learner.
He was able to read and write within only 1-2 days. Khruba Chan Thip foresaw that he
would be a charismatic monk, one who was born to preserve the Buddhist religion.
Because of his talent and great merit, Khruba Chan Thip decided to teach him several
mantras, and he was able to learn them in a very short time. Ariyachat was very adept at
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reading the yantra characters and figures, eventually representing Khruba Chan Thip, as
I mentioned earlier. The turning point was when Ariyachat was 17 years old and
studying in secondary school, and he had a fervent desire to ordain. Eventually,
Ariyachat was ordained as a novice under the care of Khruba Thueang.
As I have shown above, the traditional narrative style of sacred biography is
characterized by all kinds of supernatural stories, such as strange dreams, visions (Thai:
nimit), unusual innate events, and the superhuman quality as found in the official
biographies of Khruba Siwichai and Khruba Khao Pi, signifying the fundamental source
of having a charismatic status. This tradition is still found in the modern days by
modern khruba. Moreover, owing to modern technology, sacred biographies of modern
khruba are disseminated even more widely and in a large variety of forms, such as
books, leaflets, CDs, video clips on YouTube, and Internet websites.
This practice is considered a major mechanism in the making of charismatic monks in
modern times. Furthermore, sacred biographies also serve as a fundamental part of the
distance-making process, as I found in the cases of Khruba Noi, Khruba Ariyachat, or
Khruba Thueang, and Khruba Bunchum. On a daily basis, Noi and Ariyachat have
a fixed schedule for general guests and pilgrims at the monasteries. For example, Noi is
available during 10.00-11.30 and 14.00-17.0017 for guests and pilgrims. With regard to
invitations from others, they are quite selective; I found that big events, mostly hosted
by prominent, high-ranking monks, are their first priority. At the same time, upon
invitations from lay devotees, inside and outside the country, they have prioritized
groups of close devotees, who are mostly well-to-do, middle class in big cities
(interview, Daeng, March 4, 2016).
Another example is in the monasteries’ rituals and ceremonies which are well organized
by hired, professional organizers in order to make them splendid and impressive. In the
processions, khruba are seated on elaborate palanquins or chariots while hundreds of
people are gathering around them. Ariyachat usually throws hundreds of bank notes into
17
I was told by a staff member in charge of a donation house in front of Wat Si Don Mun that if I
wanted to take a picture of Khruba Noi, I should ask for permission first, otherwise he would not
appear in the picture because of his magical-supernatural powers (May 25, 2015).
91
the air and lets the congregants fight over them. This practice is commonly found in the
processions of modern khruba, as I witnessed in Bunchum’s and Thueang’s events.
A twenty-baht bank note from a khruba is not worth much in an economic transaction,
but the merit and powers embedded in it by khruba are immeasureable. It is worth
fighting for. It is usually placed on a household altar or kept in a personal wallet as an
auspicious object like other genres of amulets. This practice is also reminiscent of the
bodhisatta with the mission of saving all living creatures. Chariots and palanquins are
the traditional vehicles used to show high reverence to former khruba, including other
venerated persons, like Khruba Siwichai and Khruba Khao Pi (see also Cohen 2001,
241-243). For Khruba Wong, we have seen that even if he got out of the palanquin, his
devotees would lie down on their backs for him to walk on. Khruba’s rituals and
ceremonies thus are crucial in the process of constructing and visualizing the symbolic
message of charismatic status.
By contrast, Khruba Don was portrayed, in the biography, as having a very low degree
of holiness which, as I suggested earlier, significantly relates to his currently low
charisma in the eyes of devotees. His biography is as mundane as that of an ordinary
monk, containing no auspicious signs nor unusual stories. As a matter of fact, his
official biography has not yet been publicized to the general public and is not available
on an online channel. As I mentioned above, his life is very simple and is not
characterized by supernatural powers or exceptional quality. In short, he is not tied with
phu mi bun or ton bun concept at the beginning of the story. It thus means he lacks
a fundamental source to underline the charismatic status if compared to the other two
khruba.
Don lives a very simple life and easy to reach. In Wat Pha Nam, without special events
or invitations, he prefers wearing old, faded robes in a casual style. He also prefers
walking barefoot inside the monastery. Moreover, he has no rosary, walking stick, or
fan (neither peacock nor palm leave) as external components, unlike the other modern
khruba. He is also an adventurous monk. He likes to visit remote mountainous areas,
especially in Tak and Mae Hong Son provinces. He likes chewing betel nut and
smoking hand-made cigars (tobacco wrapped in dried banana leaf). Moreover, he is
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a serious cell phone talker. During a trip accompanying him to a salakkaphat festival
(the act of offering to monks) at Wat Don Mun in Mae Ramat district, Tak province
(October 2015), I observed that, at almost every stop, he would walk a distance to look
for a place to sit and talk on the phone. Sometimes, he was smoking while talking.
These behaviors may not enhance his charismatic status nor his distance-making
process. In rituals and ceremonies at Wat Pha Nam, such as the robe-changing
ceremony, he prefers working behind the scenes as the head organizer, holding a walkytalky to make sure everything goes well. At the same time, Khruba Phan, of Wat
Huai Tom, was invited to preside over the ceremony as the head monk.
Moreover, Don has never had his own distinctive amulet. So far, Wat Pha Nam just
keeps reproducing Khruba Khao Pi’s amulets for the market. Therefore, stories of
charisma and supernatural potency embedded in this kind of object, as we have found in
other modern khruba, are also missing (I will discuss this point later). The less
charismatic status of Don, by all factors, also relates to the less diverse groups of
believers and devotees compared to the two abovementioned khruba. As I observed, the
major groups of devotees of Don are quite specific, chiefly the Karen and the Yuan.
There are some devotees from the central region as well, but none from abroad.
Additionally, his rituals and ceremonies are arranged in a more folk style by villagers,
rather than hired professional organizers. In the processions, Don walks ahead while
Khruba Phan and other senior monks are seated in palanquins surrounded by hundreds
of congregants. This indicates that even though he is the abbot of Wat Pha Nam, he is
not the one who takes center stage. Phra Songkran, a Pha Nam fellow monk, comments
that this is because Don is quite young and has not yet been seen as charismatic
compared to the former khruba in the lineage. Therefore, villagers prefer calling him by
a more casual way as tu phi (brother monk), Tu Don (monk Don), or Than Don rather
than Khruba Don. And it is noticeable that the khruba title was just given to him during
the last few years by certain groups of devotees, including many young khruba from
outside, not by people living in his community (interview, July 31, 2015). Therefore,
Don’s khruba status is rather moderate. However, it is important to add that in the last
couple of years, his age numbers won the lottery twice on his birthday in 2014 and 2015.
Don took his devotees by surprise and a rumor was spreading out quickly among
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his devotees proclaiming his supernatural powers, at least at the early stage, which is
a result of the untiring works for Khruba Khao Pi and his followers during the last two
decades.
Figure 3.6: A video clip on YouTube presenting the biography of Khruba Ariyachat
using the traditional narrative, as found in a printed version
Source: YouTube Watsangkaew Phothiyan, posted on July 8, 2016
3.4 GRANDIOSE MONASTERIES AND RELIGIOUS TOURISM
Apinya (1993) in her work on Wat Phra Thammakai and its movement in Thailand
emphasizes the monastery’s landscape architecture as one of the strategies for inducing
faith. Clean, clear, tranquil and well-designed landscape architecture has induced faith
among followers and visitors, in contrast to many other Buddhist monasteries which are
characterized by disarray and deterioration. In this topic, I shall examine space
management in monasteries of modern khruba in order to suggest that this process is
significant for inducing faith as well as for creating charismatic status. Additionally,
I argue that monasteries of modern khruba are designed to better serve diverse
expectations of pilgrims, tourists, and followers. Magnificent buildings and welldesigned landscape architecture not only serve people in the quest of peace, like Wat
Phra Thammakai, but also provide many activities shared by both popular Buddhism
and prosperity religions. Furthermore, monasteries of modern khruba have recently
merged with the concept of religious tourism. As religious tourist sites, pilgrims and
94
tourists from diverse religious backgrounds are able to enjoy beautiful sights,
magnificent works of art, and various kinds of merit-making activities.
The construction works of modern khruba are considered a significant process to testify
to their charismatic status through the grand and magnificent buildings in the
monasteries which undoubtedly require large amounts of money to be built. In fact,
construction work is one of the traditions of the old-day khruba as we have found in
cases of the three greatest khruba in Siwichai’s lineage (also a case of Khruba Kham La
together with Khruba Intha in Chaing Rai province during the years 1953-1979, see
Irwin 2017). The success of construction works for religion and social services
(e.g., roads, bridges, schools, health centers, and government offices) in many places
across the region were considered one of the major sources of khruba’s charisma (see
Kwanchewan 1988, 1999; Sopha 1991; Charnnarong 1997; Cohen 2001; Tanabe 2004,
2012; Gravers 2012; Sirisak 2016). In the view of Buddhist revivalism, religious
construction is at the center of Lan Na Buddhism whose monks initiate construction
projects to cultivate charisma or barami by giving their followers opportunities to make
merit (Cohen 2000b, 2002; Irwin 2017).
Moreover, this kind of work created the perception of “khruba, the development monk”
(Thai: khruba phra nak phatthana) for them which definitely correlated with the state’s
strategy to develop education and infrastructure of the region during the BE 2500s
(1957-1967). Khruba Khao Pi, during the final period, received several commemorative
plaques from various government sectors for his construction works to support
education and government services. And Khruba Wong was promoted to a higher
position in the sangha system as Phrakhru Phatthana Kitchanurak; the term phatthana,
literally “development”, was used to commemorate his contribution to social
development just as his common name Khruba Chaiyawongsa Phatthana (as in the case
of Khruba Chum of Wat Wang Mui, see LuangPor.com 1994, 97).
Therefore, in order to subscribe to Khruba Siwichai’s lineage, all modern khruba must
also follow this tradition. However, the concept of construction has been transformed in
several aspects which signify a new ideology of modern khruba as a result of
95
articulation with the current situation. Here, two major aspects in the concept of
construction work are discussed below, as follows.
1) Scope of activity: construction works of modern khruba are limited in terms of area
compared to the former khruba. In the former days, khruba movements for construction
and renovation of religious buildings as well as projects for public benefits covered
a larger area, e.g., in Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, Lamphun, Lampang, Phayao, Phrae, Tak,
Mae Hong Son, and Sukhothai provinces (around 171 works of Khruba Siwichai and
138 works of Khruba Khao Pi). In the case of Khruba Khao Pi, the construction works
were also found along the borders of Myanmar and Tak province (see Pradit 1982).
We found that Siwichai and Khao Pi relied on their visions (Thai: nimit) as well as
invitations from villagers (mostly the chief monks in the locales) to initiate these
construction works. In this sense, the construction activities highlighted the
collaboration between khruba and villagers in the locales.
Tanabe (2012) and Cohen (2001) have suggested that the construction works during
Khruba Siwichai’s period, which continued in the period of Khruba Khao Pi, were
carried out under the context of BE 2500 as the half-way point in the Buddhism of the
Buddha Gotama according to Buddhist prophecies. As a consequence, Buddhism would
gradually decline and would be extinct in BE 5000, while society would be undermined
by a state of immorality. Noticeable signs of the deterioration of Buddhism in the North
were depicted by a number of ruined and abandoned pagodas and buildings across the
region. At the same time, the decline of Buddhism and moral decay were attributed to
the absence of the local monarchy. The ancient Lan Na monarchy once had a significant
role serving as the major patron of Buddhism. After centralization during the reign of
King Chulalongkorn of Siam (King Rama V), the Lan Na monarchy and its power were
steadily brought to an end. Therefore, religious movements of the two khruba were
regarded by the locals as sacred campaigns to save Buddhism from extinction, or socalled Buddhist revivalist movements. Khruba were ton bun bodhisattas as well as
kings who came to save society and religion.
At the present time, construction works of modern khruba are no longer characterized
by numbers and areas; instead they focus on specific sites, especially their own
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monasteries. Their monasteries are large and magnificent while the concept of ton bun
in Buddhist revivalism has been replaced by that of the charismatic monk (Thai: phra
phu mi bun barami) who is able to build large and magnificent buildings as well as
draw large donations to carry out these construction works. Among the three modern
khruba mainly discussed in this study, Khruba Don has more construction works than
the other two in terms of numbers. As of 2016, Don had carried out construction
projects in five monasteries in Lamphun, Chiang Mai, and Mae Hong Son provinces.
Two of them are the former sites of Khruba Khao Pi, and all of them are religious
buildings (interview, Khruba Don, March 1, 2016).
Khruba Noi’s construction works were carried out in a smaller area. During the years
1997-2010, he had three projects for the Si Don Mun community: a bridge,
a crematorium and a small hospital18 (Wat Si Don Mun 2012: 7-9). An ongoing project
of Noi (2016) is a Pariyattitham School building in Wat Phranon Pa Ket Thi in the same
district (where he donated around one million baht, interview, Daeng, March 4, 2016).
While Khruba Ariyachat, as of early 2017, has conducted the casting of a large statue of
Phra Mahapa Kesonpanyo in Wat Lai Hin, Lampang province, the construction of a bell
tower in Wat Nong Si Chaeng in Saraphi district, Chiang Mai province and the
installation of a gold pinnacle (7 Kg. of gold) of Chom Yong Pagoda (Thai: phrathat
luang Chom Yong) in Mong Yawng, Shan State of Myanmar.
2) Form of fundraising: The form of fundraising for the construction works of formerday khruba was described as the concept of nuea na bun (field of merit). Khruba
Siwichai and Khruba Khao Pi were believed to be ton bun the same as bodhisatta or
Ariya Metteyya who were endowed with the great merit. The concept of nuea na bun
rested upon the belief that the great merit of ton bun could be transferred to all living
creatures. As we have seen, the two khruba went around the region to be the chiefs of
the construction works; in each place, they just sat in a meditative posture waiting to
bless people who came to see them, so-called nang nak (sitting in a long period of time).
Each day, hundreds of people came to pay homage to the khruba, donate money and
construction materials, or help out in various ways, which contributed to the success of
18
Saraphi Borvon Pattana Hospital, where he donated 45 million baht for the land and the buildings.
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the project. People believed that these kinds of contributions were a means to
accumulate great merit.
This form of transaction, between khruba and devotees and followers, was a key point
in completing the construction work in a very short time at each place. As the reputation
for the construction works spread, in the khruba’s final periods, their schedules were
filled with invitations for nang nak. They had to move around in a range of fifteen days
to four months from one place to another because people needed to rely on their
charisma to have the construction works completed within a short time. As for Khruba
Khao Pi, he died during the peregrination to nang nak for a construction of a dhamma
hall in Wat Tha Ton Thong Chai in Sukhothai province (Pradit 1982).
In the modern khruba period, money for construction works is collected through
a variety of activities while the nang nak practice is no longer relevant19. They have no
peregrination activity, while their construction works outside are in a form of patronage
which, in many cases, lacks the collaboration of villagers in the locales. Moreover, the
contribution of free labor, as it was found in the former days in a form of faith (Thai:
sattha), has totally disappeared since labor has become the most valuable capital in the
cash economy. Money, thus, has become the most important thing contributing to the
success of the construction works of modern khruba. The more money they collect, the
more beautiful monasteries they have, and the more charismatic they are recognized as
being. I found that fund raising schemes are highly emphasized in all religious events of
modern khruba, including ritual performances and ritual products. For example, in the
thot kathin ceremony in 2015, Khruba Noi was able to collect around four million baht
from the main sponsors. Khruba Ariyachat collected around fifteen million baht in 2015
and sixteen million baht in 2016. While Khruba Don collected only about eight hundred
thousand baht in 2015, he collected more than one million baht in the robe-changing
ceremony of Khruba Khao Pi in 2015 and 2016.
Here, I shall show more data about the monasteries of the three modern khruba that
19
However, it is noticed that this practice could also be observed by modern khruba at any point in
time in the future.
98
I have observed during 2015- early 2017. I shall focus on the aspects of space
management and landscape architecture, heterogeneity of merit-making activities, and
religious tourism.
3.4.1 Wat Phraphutthabat Pha Nam in Li district, Lamphun province
The monastery covers around 6.4 acres from the foot to the top of Pha Nam Mountain,
and is surrounded by a religious community of Karen and Yuan who relocated from
many places and have stayed with Khruba Khao Pi for nearly four decades (see
Kwanchewan, 1988, 2010). The monastery was named after the mountain where
Buddha footprints were found, according to the legend, “Travels of the Buddha” (Thai:
tamnan phrachao liap lok see Li Cultural Council, 2016). It is reported that Wat Pha
Nam was an ancient monastery which is said to have been established around 300 years
ago. After being abandoned for decades, it was restored by Khruba Khao Pi and his
followers during the years 1963-1964. After that, Wat Pha Nam served as the base for
Khruba Khao Pi as well as the habitat for hundreds of followers until he died (in 1977,
see Li Cultural Council 2016, Facebook @วัดพระพุทธบาทผาหนาม [Wat Phraphutthabat Pha
Nam] 2012.
At the top of Pha Nam Mountain, Khruba Khao Pi built a small pagoda next to the
Buddha footprints (known as the white pagoda). Following the death of Khruba Khao Pi,
Wat Pha Nam has undergone a period of rapid development (under the supervision of
Khruba Wong and Khruba Don). For example, a mandapa (Thai: mondop) was built to
house the mummified body of Khruba Khao Pi. A 16-meter high statue of Khruba
Khao Pi in a standing post was erected at the front area. A grand dhamma hall (Thai:
wihan) and a large pagoda covered with gold plates were built behind the grand pavilion
(Northern Thai: hong luang). Additionally, at the top of Pha Nam Mountain, a pagoda
was erected on the other peak point to commemorate Khruba Wong (known as the
golden pagoda).
After taking up the abbot position (around 1995-1996), Don carried out numerous
projects particularly on the top of the mountain, for example, two stairways heading up
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to the summit and a third stairway built for the elderly. At the summit, the two pagodas
were enlarged and re-covered, one with white plates and the other with gold plates.
The highlight is the panoramic view point built enclosing the golden pagoda. Beneath
the golden pagoda is a coffee shop run by the monastery to service pilgrims and tourists,
where they are also able to enjoy a panoramic view of the Li countryside. Next to the
white pagoda, two more pavilions were newly built (during 2014-2016) to enshrine the
Buddha images. An ongoing project (2016-2017) at the lower point of the summit is
a reclining Buddha statue which will be 28 meters long and 10 meters high (interview,
Khruba Don August 3, 2016).
It seems that the construction works in order to make Wat Pha Nam more attractive are
among the top priorities of Don. I found that he keeps thinking about them constantly,
even though the financial situation is sometimes unfavorable. The total budget for the
construction works, such as the construction of the panoramic view point, a bridge to
connect the two pagodas, and the renovation of the pagodas, was collected through two
major channels: (1) donations from main sponsors, mostly the upper-middle classes
from the central region, (2) donations collected during the annual events, e.g., thot
kathin festival and the robe-changing ceremony. Phra Songkran revealed that sometimes
the projects cannot wait for the money, but Khruba Don is wise enough to have
a backup plan. He uses the credit for construction materials from big construction stores
in the area. Relying on trust and good relationships, he can take all construction
materials and get them paid for later when the he has enough money. This approach has
been practiced, but very subtly, for a decade (interview, Phra Songkran, November 3,
2015).
The great effort of Don can be seen in this mission, and in his ability to maintain
networks and attract pilgrims and tourists to the monastery after the death of Khruba
Khao Pi. It also reflects the great pressure he has come under because of the uncertainty
of many factors, such as funding. I was told by a key devotee (November 25, 2015)
during the thot kathin festival in 2015 that sometimes the income was lower than
expected. For example, in the thot katin festival (2015), Don had expected to gain, at
minimum, three to five million baht, but the actual income was around merely eight
hundred thousand baht. Nonetheless, large donations would come to them again during
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the robe-changing ceremony, which is held in early March of each year (1-4 March).
Thus, he still has a chance to collect more money.
Through all the hard work, Wat Pha Nam has recently become famous for a sacred
place where people come to pay homage to the mummified body of ton bun Khruba
Khao Pi, as well as the Buddha footprints and the pagodas. The sacred body is
enshrined in a glass coffin placed on an elaborate platform at the center of the
monastery. People can look through the glass to see the mummified body which is now
wholly covered by gold leaf. The sacred body is taken out during the robe-changing
ceremony while thousands of people, from all directions, are gathered around to witness
(as it is discussed in the following section). Moreover, Wat Pha Nam has recently
become famous as a main tourist attraction of Li district. After paying homage to
Khruba Khao Pi, pilgrims and tourists are able to enjoy at the summit of the mountain
for a beautiful panoramic view. People usually take pictures and post them on social
media, such as Facebook, Twitter or Instagram. They can also refresh themselves with
cups of coffee at the coffee shop beneath the golden pagoda.
I mentioned earlier that the view point is the new highlight of Wat Pha Nam because
I found a number of photos taken there which were posted on well-known travel blogs
and websites, such as pantip.com, paiduaykan.com and edtguide.com, especially during
the winter time when tourists can experience a sea of fog and a gentle cool breeze.
Pha Nam’s Facebook pages (@PanhamTemple and also @SongkranWachiro) also
attract Facebook followers by beautiful pictures taken at the view point from time to
time. Don adds that during the winter time, a number of tourists come to ask him to stay
overnight at the view point in order to feel the cool breeze and catch the sunrise in the
morning. The monastery allows only male visitors to do so (interview, July 30, 2015).
Furthermore, a number of activities were held at the view point, in association with the
local administrative office, in order to promote tourism in the area, such as the
candlelight procession (Thai: wian thian) on Buddhist holy days and the candlelight
parade in the loi krathong festival in 201520.
20
In association with Tam bon Pa Phai Municipality, the parade was led by the then deputy governor of
Lamphun province.
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3.4.2 Wat Si Don Mun in Saraphi district, Chiang Mai province
Wat Si Don Mun was presumably founded in the reign of King Tilokarat of the Lan Na
kingdom. It was later abandoned during the occupation of the ancient Burmese dynasty.
The monastery was restored during the reign of King Kawila of the Chet Ton dynasty.
Wat Si Don Mun was located in the southern part of the village with a dune landscape;
therefore, it was named “Wat Si Don Mun,” literally the monastery at the glorious dune
(Wat Si Don Mun, 2012, 1-2). Khruba Noi is the sixth abbot after Khruba Pad (died in
2007) since 2008. Since Khruba Phad was hospitalized, Noi had been in charge of the
monastery. In 1989, he was the key figure in the construction of a monk residence
(Thai: kuti). The residence was built entirely of teak wood with 72 large teak poles.
Its grandeur always attracts pilgrims and tourists. Some parts of the building are open
for visitors where amulets, images of Thai Buddhist saints, antique earthenware and
palm-leaf manuscripts are displayed (ibid., 1-10).
In 1995, Noi bought a new piece of land behind the monastery and made a garden for
practicing dhamma. He built a scripture hall in 1998, and renovated the reliquary in
2001. A pagoda to commemorate the nine masters was built in 2008 (Chedi Kao
Khanacan), including a multipurpose pavilion and thirty rest rooms. In 2009, he
renovated the ordination hall and the arched entrance. In 2011, he bought another piece
of land around Chedi Kao Khanacan and built a long pavilion. An ongoing project
(2015-2017) was the construction of the grand dhamma hall (Mahawihan Ruamchai
Samakkhitham) to celebrate the year BE 2600 of the Buddhist religion, which will occur
in the year 2057. The building was built with a huge structure of 23 meters high, 25
meters wide, and 84 meters long. Noi (interview, March 4, 2016) revealed that the
budget for this project was approximately around 100 million baht. Up to the present
time, Wat Si Don Mun has been enlarged to cover around 15 acres of land and is more
famous than it was during the time of Khruba Phad. Tourists and pilgrims are attracted
to the beautiful buildings, Noi’s magical rites and a big amulet shop.
Opposite Wat Si Don Mun is a one-story building used for merit-making activities,
mainly for life ransoming of cows and buffaloes in slaughterhouses, and coffin
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donations for bodies of homeless. A large vinyl board hung over the building roughly
reads:
Please donate for the lives of cows in slaughterhouses in order to make great
merit. Saving lives is the great giving. Ransoming the lives of cows and
buffaloes from slaughterhouses with Khruba Noi will gain merit, charisma,
fortune and well-being. The ceremony will be held in February of each year at
Wat Si Don Mun. Tel. 053-421040.
As we step into the monastery, on the left hand side is a coffee shop run by a young
niece of Noi. Next to the cozy coffee shop is a large amulet shop. All of the products
have undergone chanting (Thai: pluksek) by Noi and are believed to bring prosperity,
success in love and work, happiness, health, wealth, and good fortune for its owners.
Vinyl boards hung above provide clear information about the size and price of the each
product. Salespersons are on duty at all sales booths. Along the way around the shop are
vinyl boards describing the production processes of amulets. The office of Wat Si Don
Mun, located behind the amulet shop, provides a year-round schedule to ensure that we
are not going to miss any important events with Khruba Noi. The three major events are
highlighted (1) nirothakam (the retreat) in February, (2) wan katanyu kao khanachan
(the ceremony to pay homage to the spirits of nine teachers) in March, and
(3) thot kathin in October. These events are the major channels for fundraising besides
the donations in ritual services and proceeds from the sale of amulets.
On a daily basis, in order to see Khruba Noi, we have to buy (Thai: bucha) sangkhathan
(a basket of necessities for a Buddhist monk) at the sangkhathan station located under
the same roof of the amulet shop. A female staff member, in her early sixties, will
suggest what we have to do before proceeding to Khruba in the hall. In case of those
who do not want to buy a sangkhathan basket, they also have to declare what they want
to do with Khruba, such as to get something blessed (Thai: choem), such as signboards
of shops and companies or license plates for automobiles. Moreover, phithi suepchata
(the ritual for life prolongation) and long na na thong and salika lin thong (the ritual to
enhance personal charm and evoke love) are often requested by guests (as I will discuss
in the following section). Vinyl boards hung next to the hall show photos of Thai
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celebrities who came to undergo na na thong and salika lin thong with Khruba, such as
well-known politicians, popular TV stars, and successful businesspersons. Routinely,
Khruba Noi will sit on a wooden seat decorated in Burmese traditional style. He is
normally accompanied by two assistants, a monk and a senior layman. At the desk in
front of Noi is displayed a notice for visitors and pilgrims about gifts to exchange.
There are different types of amulets depending on the amount of donations.
The notice board reads:
Make merit with Khruba Noi, the fundraising for medical devices [of his
hospital] by:
1. Donate 100 baht, get one small amulet
2. Donate 300 baht, get one phra phong [earthen based with holy dried
plants] Khun Phaen embedded with takrut
3. Donate 500 baht, get one locket of a Khruba Noi image surrounded by
artificial diamonds
4. Donate 1,000 baht, get one brass holy water bowl embedded with takrut
to protect from harm and bad spirits
5. Donate 3,000 baht, get one 3-inch Phra Bua Khem image
6. Donate 6,000 baht, get one 5-inch Nang Kwak21 image
7. Donate 10,000 baht, get one 12-inch Khruba Noi image.
As I observed, his sacred formula (Thai: mon, khatha) for blessing is a combination of
several languages, e.g., Northern Thai, Shan, Chinese, Burmese, and Pali. It induces
a feeling of exoticism, mysticism, and sacredness at the same time. Apart from making
merit with Khruba Noi, the monastery has provided various activities for pilgrims and
tourists, for example, worshipping Buddha images, Khruba Siwichai’s image, Hindu
deities (Ganesha and Lord Brahma), the Chinese god of fortune (Thai: Chai Sing Ea),
and the Burmese spirit guardian (Nat Bo Bo Gyi, the speedy god). The sacred pond
behind the hall is believed to have magical healing powers for various illnesses. Chedi
Kao Khanacan at the back is the new highlight of Wat Si Don Mun. It was built
beautifully in the traditional Lan Na style at a cost of more than ten million baht.
21
Nang Kwak is a spirit or household divinity of Thai folklore. She is deemed to bring good fortune,
prosperity and attract customers to a business and is found among merchants.
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Life-sized images of the nine masters are enshrined for worship inside. While the
ordination hall was supported by the Royal Family and was given the royal assent for
the Royal Cypher of King Bhumibol at the gable (Wat Si Don Mun 2012, 5).
3.4.3 Wat Saengkaew Phothiyan in Mae Suai district, Chiang Rai province
As described in Khruba Ariyachat’s biography (So Sutthiphan 2013, 88-91), he wishes
to make Wat Saengkaew Phothiyan a sacred place for pilgrims and visitors as well as
a religious tourist site. That is why he tries to mix various styles of handcraft works as
much as possible, such as traditional Lan Na, Shan, and Burmese (ibid., 90). One visitor
said that she liked Wat Saengkaew because it had multiple functions. Apart from
Khruba Ariyachat, there were many activities to do, such as worshipping and making
votive offerings to the Thai folk spirit guardians, Hindu, Burmese, and Chinese deities.
Moreover, it should be mentioned that the buildings and the architecture landscape are
very large and beautiful (interview, November 7, 2015).
A decade ago (up to 2017), after having been in a conflict with Khruba Thueang,
a former master, Ariyachat decided to move out of Wat Phrathat Dong Sima 22
(henceforth, Wat Dong Si Ma) to Ban Pa Tueng which is located around eight km away.
Before that, during his stay in Dong Si Ma, he had gained a reputation as a charismatic,
young khruba who worked hand-in-hand with Khruba Thueang to restore the monastery.
This led Ya Sita, the then-village headman of Ban Pa Tueng and his villagers to invite
Ariyachat to stay and help them build a new monastery at Ban Pa Tueng. He later (in
2006) built a monastery on a hill behind the village and named it Saengkaew Phothiyan.
During the first few years, the monastery covered around 7.6 acres of land, but now it
has expanded to cover around 12 acres. Saengkaew Phothiyan, according to Ariyachat’s
vision (Thai: nimit), literally means the shining light of a crystal ball in the lotus flower.
The lotus flower, in Buddhism, is a symbol of phothiyan (Pali: bodhinyana, wisdom of
22
Wat Phrathat Dong Sima was once an abandoned monastery which has been restored by Khruba
Thueang for more than a decade. Khruba Thueang and his followers at the locale invited Ariyachat,
from Wat Wang Mui, to stay and take care of this monastery for Khruba Thueang. Ariyachat had
stayed there for three years and four months before moving to his current base (interview, senior
devotee of Khruba Thueang, November 9, 2015; So Sutthiphan 2011, 64-66).
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enlightenment), or the Buddha’s enlightenment (watsangkaew.com 2010; So Sutthiphan
2011, 2013). Ariyachat is the first and the current abbot. At k.m. 125 heading to
Chiang Rai city, the monastery is located around 3 k.m. away from the highway. Due to
the hilly landscape, the monastery was designed, by Ariyachat, to have three main
compounds in accordance with the Buddhist belief as follows (So Sutthiphan 2011, 8588).
(1) The lowest compound is to represent the mundane world covering the area of the
ground at the front gate. From this area, pilgrims and tourists are able to see the
magnificent buildings and art objects which stand out on the upper compound. This area
is decorated with large sculptures of Buddha, Kaccana 23 (Thai: Phra Sangkachai),
Upagutta (Thai: Phra Uppakhut) and pair of lions, one on either side of the stairway
connected to the upper compound. During the ceremonies and festivals, this area is
usually used for enjoyable activities, such as night concert shows, as it is a kind of
mundane happiness. Ariyachat states that “as guests step into the monastery, they will
see Phra Uppakhut who brings luck for success in everything. Seeing Phra Si Ariya
Mettrai in the form of Phra Mahakachai who enhances fertility and good fortune.
Overall, it is as if once people enter the monastery, they will immediately receive
wealth, luck, and happiness” (So Sutthiphan 2011, 84).
(2) The upper compound (the middle area) represents heaven or the celestial world,
starting from the stairway at the front area to the back of the grand dhamma hall. This
area is used for religious ceremonies and dhamma practice of the monks and the laity.
Therefore, the compound is filled with an ordination hall, a sermon hall, a bell tower,
and a scripture hall. In addition, Ariyachat purposely designed the buildings in this area
to represent sixteen levels of the celestial world, such as sixteen small mandapas,
a sixteen-room pavilion in the northern part, a sixteen-room pavilion in the southern
part, and the sermon hall with nine rooms at the basement and seven rooms at the upper
storey (sixteen rooms in total).
23
Kaccana is listed as one of the ten principal disciples of Gotama Buddha. He is foremost in
explaining dhamma. He is known as Phra Sangkachai in Thai Buddhism and portrayed as extremely
portly. Thai Buddhists worship him for wealth, richness and luck (Wikipedia.org 2017b).
106
(3) The highest compound represents nibbana, starting from the bridge at the back of
the sermon hall to the residential area. The bridge represents the way to transcend
samsara, or the cycle of death and rebirth, to nibbana. The Buddha’s relic is enshrined
in this area as well as the world’s largest bronze statue of Khruba Siwichai at the
highest point. “The Khruba Siwichai statue represents bodhinyana, while beyond
bodhinyana is bodhisatta, hence Khruba Siwichai is the bodhisatta who will lead people
to transcend the cycle of dead and rebirth,” Ariyachat adds (So Sutthiphan 2011, 87-88).
Therefore, from the beginning, the monastery is well designed to serve as both
a Buddhist monastery and a tourist destination. Thousands of people visit the monastery
each year, and the number multiplies during the grand ceremonies, such as the
thot kathin festival and Ariyachat’s birthday cerebration. Visitors include Chinese
middle-class people from China, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Taiwan and Singapore. These
annual events are the major channels for fundraising, as I mentioned earlier. On his
birthday celebration in 2016 (January) 24 , Ariyachat held a grand festival and invited
popular TV stars and a TV host to shoot a special TV program (see WoodyTalk on
YouTube 2016a-2016d). Additionally, one of King Bhumibol’s granddaughters was
invited to preside over the ceremony. Interestingly, in this event, Ariyachat’s teeth
which had been pulled out were auctioned for more than three million baht, and sold to
two wealthy devotees from Bangkok.
The success of Wat Saengkaew has turned a small rural district to a tourist destination
of Chiang Rai province. I found that a local gravel road leading to the monastery was
enlarged and overlaid by asphalt in 2015 by the department of rural roads.
The popularity of Wat Saengkaew has also contributed to the economic growth of this
area. Small-and medium-sized hotels, resorts and restaurants are open to serve the
increasing number of tourists each year. Ariyachat, and his monastery are therefore
regarded by the state sectors as an economic stimulus of Chiang Rai province. As he
reveals:
24
It was also the celebration of the 9th year 9th month and 9th day of its establishment.
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In 2015, Mae Fah Luang University [in Chiang Rai province] presented me with
an award for the great contribution to Chiang Rai province. I asked the
university president why I was awarded by this title, and the president simply
replied it is because the monastery has drawn ten thousands of pilgrims and
tourists each year. It was obvious that when the monastery organized the grand
festivals, air tickets to Chiang Rai were sold out, a number of cars and vans for
rent were booked, as well as resorts and hotels. Additionally, restaurants and
souvenir shops could gain good profits during those times, too. So far, the
monastery had contributed, as one small cog, to the economic growth of
Chiang Rai province” (Khruba Ariyachat in WoodyTalk [Thai: Woody koet
ma khui] on YouTube, 2016a-2016d).
As of 2016, Khruba Ariyachat still has a number of construction projects to carry out,
such as the construction of a large arched entrance, the large Buddha image (Thai:
Somdet Ong Pathom Borom Phothiyan25) which has a natak (the distance that spans
from knee to knee) of 25 meters and is about 32 meters tall, and two-story residences
for meditation practitioners.
As one visitor described it earlier, the monastery has provided a wide range of activities,
here I shall give some examples. At the front area of Ariyachat’s residence, there is
a pavilion where a number of spirit guardians and deities are enshrined. All of them are
credited with magical powers to bring wealth and success, such as (1) the Burmese nat
Thanmae Krasip (the whisper goddess) or Ahma Mya Nan New (in Burmese),
(2) another Burmese nat Thep Thanchai (the speedy god) or Nat Bo Bo Gyi (in
Burmese), and (3) Ganesh, a Hindu god. Next to the pavilion, standing alone beneath
a tree is the image of Nang Kwak mahalap (Nang Kwak super lucky). Her distinctive
features are chubby body with a pretty oval face. This distinctive character is the
creation of Ariyachat which became popular since it was made available for sale.
Additionally, Nang Kwak is believed to bring good fortune, prosperity and attract
customers to all kinds of businesses. Recently, Nang Kwak was one of the best sellers of
25
The groundbreaking ceremony was held on November 7, 2015, by Gen. Prawit Wongsuwan, the then
deputy prime minister.
108
Wat Saengkaew’s collection (So Sutthiphan 2013; interview, salesperson at the amulet
shop, November 8, 2015).
In the highest compound, large statues of Buddhist, Hindu and Chinese deities, such as
Phra Siwali, Ganesh, Lord Brahma and a 38-hand Guanyin are stunningly lined up.
At the highest point, the world’s largest bronze image of Khruba Siwichai is enshrined.
The image was cast in 2011 to have a natak of nine meters, is twelve meters tall, and
cost more than 50 million baht (So Sutthiphan 2015). The Khruba Siwichai image has
long been accompanied by the two khruba who were thought to be the successors in
Siwichai’s lineage, Khao Pi and Wong. Additionally, beneath the three greatest khruba
images is a large hall built to enshrine large images of the three greatest monks of all
Thai Buddhists, 1) Somdet To (Somdet Phra Phutthachan) from Bangkok, 2) Achan
Man Phurithatto from Sakon Nakorn province and 3) Luang Pu Thuat from Pattani
province. Therefore, pilgrims and tourists from other regions and countries are able to
worship their own Buddhist saints in addition to the Buddhist saints of Lan Na.
Before leaving the monastery, the amulet shop, located right beside Ariyachat’s
residence, is waiting for customers. It provides a wide range of amulets produced by the
monastery along with photos, CDs, and books about Ariyachat. The price of each
amulet depends on size, material and rarity, for example, a 9-inch chubby Nang Kwak
painted in gold color costs 7,000 baht, while another, which is covered by gold leaf,
costs 11,000 baht. Apart from chubby Nang Kwak, another best seller is phra pit ta, or
eye-covered Buddha image in the batch name maha lap phan lan, or super lucky billion
(baht). Additionally, in the right wing of the monastery is a sloped area where pilgrims
and tourists can explore the scenic landscapes of Mae Suai district. Ariyachat built
a coffee shop with an open-air terrace for customers to relax. Next to the coffee shop are
nine residences built on a hill in a modern resort style. One devotee revealed that these
residences were built by a group of famous comedians and were first used as monk
dwellings for their sons when they were temporarily ordained here. After that, the
residences are reserved for V.I.P. guests of Ariyachat, especially during the grand
events (November 8, 2015).
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Therefore, the construction works of modern khruba, on the one hand, signify the
continuation of the former khruba’s tradition while, on the other, signify the
transformation of ton bun and field of merit concepts in order to respond to the modern
world. Various kinds of activities in addition to well-managed space and magnificent
buildings, testify that concepts of popular Buddhism, prosperity religions, and religious
tourism have strongly influenced modern khruba constructions. Monasteries are thus
considered key instruments to visualize the charismatic status of modern khruba and the
venues and tactics to attract pilgrims and tourists and money donations.
In the concept of phuttha phanit (commercialization of Buddhism/prosperity religion),
monasteries are the major venues and tactics for commercially-oriented activities which
have contributed to the growth of religious markets through the flow of goods, people,
and stories (Pattana 2008, 138-139). Lastly, the construction works of modern khruba,
especially for their monasteries, signify the proactive strategy of modern khruba.
As being khruba for global devotees, groups of devotees could be more diverse and
even bigger, which means that they could gain a wider reputation. Moreover, modern
khruba monasteries have also demonstrated what McDaniel (2017) suggests about
“Buddhist public leisure culture and Buddhist global ecumenism” since Buddhist
monasteries and other religious sites throughout Asia have served as tourism and leisure
sites. These sites are ecumenical, international, and accessible offering a space in
between the secular and the religious. As I have shown above, the same as we have seen
in other cases in Thailand, Buddhist monasteries are open to all people, regardless of
their religious faith and practice, and while Thai Buddhists will participate in some
religious activities, they will be tourists as well. Therefore, “local people visit these sites
like foreign tourists, not just for religious or ritual reasons but also for leisure activities”
(ibid., 11).
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Figure 3.7: Wat Phraphutthabat Pha Nam
Source: author
Figure 3.8: Wat Si Don Mun
Source: author
Figure 3.9: Wat Saengkaew Phothiyan
Source: Facebook @saengkaewphothiyan, posted on June 27, 2016
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Figure 3.10: Wat Saengkaew Phothiyan
Source: author
3.5 HETEROGENOUS PRACTICES AND ACTIVITIES
Pattana (2012) has investigated spiritual specialists, e.g., monks and spirit mediums, and
ordinary people from various backgrounds who have mutually shaped Thai popular
Buddhism. He uses the term “popular Buddhism” to represent the heterogeneous forms
of everyday belief and the practice of specialists and ordinary people who identify
themselves as members of the Thai Buddhist community. However, Pattana has
suggested that folk or local religious traditions differ from popular Buddhism since they
are closely tied to a historical and ethno-cultural identity while Thai popular Buddhism,
in his sense, is translocal, transreligio-cultural and transnational as its boundaries
expand as far as its commercial influence spreads (ibid., 2). The khruba tradition in Lan
Na Buddhism may fall into the local religious tradition, which is distinguished by
community affiliation, traditional and ethno-cultural identity of Tai-speaking groups in
the Upper Mekong region, commonly known as the Lan Na cultural area, as explained
earlier by Cohen (2000a, 2000b, 2001, 2002, 2017).
In this topic, I shall discuss religious practices and activities of modern khruba in order
to illustrate that the khruba tradition has been re-defined and re-interpreted by modern
khruba as well as their followers to fit in with heterogeneous expectations in the context
of popular Buddhism and prosperity religions. Below, religious practices and activities
of modern khruba are discussed: the retreat (Thai: nirothakam), the ritual for life
prolongation (Thai: phithi suepchata), the robe-changing ceremony of Khruba Khao Pi
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(Thai: phithi plian pha Khruba Khao Pi), and the molding of super instant Buddha
images (Thai: pan Phrachao Khot Thanchai).
3.5.1 The Retreat (Nirothakam)
Nirothakam (Pali: nirodhakamma) is said to be a practice belonging to the Lan Na
Buddhist tradition among three kinds of retreat26 (Thai: kan khaokam). In general, it is
a way to purify one’s mind and a way of mental practice of strict practitioners
(Weerasathsophon 2010, 10). To specify, nirothakam is described as a combination of
nirothakam and thudong (Pali: dhutanga) which was practiced formerly by Khruba
Siwichai (ibid., 11-12). Commonly, this practice is carried out within ranges of three,
five, seven or nine days depending on the individual practitioner. Each range of days
has its own meaning related to Buddhist principles. Three days represent the Triple
Gems (Buddha-Dhamma-Sangha); five represent the five Buddhas 27; seven represent
the seven books of phra aphitham (Pali: abhidhamma pitaka); and nine represent
lokuttara or the nine supramundane states28 (ibid., 41-42). The practitioner, generally
a Buddhist monk, is restrained from eating food, urinating and defecating. Sleeping or
moving away from the seat is not allowed either. His mouth must be closed at all times.
He is allowed to drink only one alms bowl of water. He must stay alone and away from
villages in a small dwelling or hut only 20 square meters in size. Nevertheless, the
author has not clarified primary sources of nirothakam, nor the instructions, including
the claim that Khruba Siwichai practiced nirothakam. Nevertheless, nirothakam is
a way to purify one’s mind, and to reduce all defilements while the practitioner, if
successful, will be then credited with austerity, determination and great merit, the same
as Khruba Siwichai.
26
Pali: parivaskamma-nirodhakamma-dhutanga.
27
Thai: Kakusanta, Konakama, Kassapa, Kotama, and Ariya Maitrai
28
Four noble paths (Thai: mak, Pali: magga), four corresponding fruits (Thai: phon, Pali: phala), and
salvation (Thai: nipphan, Pali: nibbana).
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Nirothakam of Modern Khruba
Khruba Noi and Khruba Ariyachat are famous for nirothakam in recent times. In their
accounts, a mulberry paper manuscript (Northern Thai: pap sa) believed to have been
written by Khruba Siwichai is referred to as the primary source for the practice.
This underlines what I mentioned in the previous chapter about the discourse of
succession of Khruba Siwichai’s lineage. However, it should be noted that the pap sa of
Khruba Siwichai which is frequently mentioned by the two khruba still has not been
found.
In Khruba Noi’s account, nirothakam is a way to escape from the busyness of daily life.
He said, “it is a way to find peace and it brings back happiness to body, mind, and soul.
I like peacefulness [Thai: charoen sa-ngop yen kai chai chit]” (interview, March 4,
2016). His first nirothakam was held in 1994 during the severe illness of Khruba Phad,
his master. This first nirothakam thus aimed to show his determination in Buddhism as
well as to exchange his life for Khruba Phad’s. Incredibly, a miracle appeared to occur
within two days, as Khruba Phad’s health significantly improved. Since then, Noi has
held a firm belief in nirothakam and made a vow to practice it once a year (in February,
Wat Si Don Mun 2012, 23-24). He recently declared his intention to continue the
practice until he is 70 years old. Noi also noted that nirothakam should not be confused
with nirot samabat (Pali: nirodha samapatti) because the latter is a higher practice for
the extinction of feeling and perception in order to reach the fruition of arahantship
(interview, March 4, 2016).
Details of nirothakam, according to Khruba Siwichai’s manuscript, are clearly
explained in his biography (amulet.in.th 2008). During the first day of the twenty-third
nirothakam (February 18, 2016), I personally witnessed the practice as a researcher at
Wat Si Don Mun. In the early morning (around 5 A.M.), the initial ceremony was held
at Chedi Kao Khanachan. Approximately 100 people, a small group compared to the
one on the last day of nirothakam and mostly elderly, attended. Soon after the ceremony,
Noi left the building and led the procession to the site, a hut made from bamboo and hay
located in front of the chedi. The hut was ten square meters in size and was surrounded
by nine layers of bamboo reed (Thai: ratchawat). Inside the hut, eleven monks from
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other monasteries were invited to witness the commencement of the practice. In the
procession, the local youths performed traditional drumming (Thai: klong sabat chai).
Noi was flanked by a group of elder devotees holding Thai flags and Buddhist flags
(Thai: thong thammachak) in their hands.
During the three days of the retreat, Noi practiced insight meditation alternately with
walking meditation and drank only water from an alms bowl. The water was prepared
according to special instructions in order to underline the exotic, sacred, and auspicious
aspects of the ritual. It was obtained from holy wells (Thai: nambo thip) with auspicious
names in various places, e.g., nambo thip at Wat Doi Kha Mo in Lamphun province,
and at Wat Dap Phai, Wat Chai Phrakiat, Wat Phra Sing, Wat Chai Mongkhon and Wat
Loi Khro in Chiang Mai city. The water from those different sources was then mixed
together, filtered through seven layers of white cloth, and poured into a large silver alms
bowl. Each layer of cloth was inscribed with a yantra in order to sacralize the water
with protective and magical power.
At one corner, there was a set of altar tables (Thai: to mu bucha) where a photo of King
Bhumibol and Queen Sirikit was placed under the images of Phra Sangkachai and Phra
Uppakhut in order to show loyalty to the monarchy. Before the practice began, only
male devotees were allowed to go inside the hut while the master of ceremonies was
describing details of the practice and what was going on inside to devotees waiting
outside. The site was sealed with nine layers of the bamboo reeds which were tied by
a holy thread (Thai: sai sin) at around 07. 20 A.M. Once the site was sealed, no one was
allowed to go inside or even stay within a 100-meter radius until the last day (at 06.09
A.M. on February 21, 2016).
Khruba Ariyachat had learned the practice from the pap sa of Khruba Chum. He claims
that it contains the exact information as Khruba Siwichai’s original version, as I
mentioned earlier (watsangkaew.com 2010; So Sutthiphan 2011, 48-52). The purpose of
this practice is to stay peaceful in a state of mindfulness. Ariyachat also notes that it is
the practice for his own sake and does not want to let anybody know about it.
Nonetheless, his nirothakam was promoted by the monastery through various channels
to attract the public (watsangkaew.com ibid.; So Sutthiphan 2011, 53-62). It was also
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illustrated by miraculous stories in order to affirm Ariyachat’s charismatic status and
the sacredness of the practice (see So Sutthiphan ibid., 57-62 and 165-169).
Despite the claim of the same origin, the detailed practices between the two khruba
were different from each other. Ariyachat has interpreted nirothakam as the same
practice as nirot samabat focusing on the thirteen ascetic practices of thudong
(So Sutthiphan 2011, 62; Facebook “ศรั ทธา พระครู บาอริ ยชาติ อริ ยจิ ตฺโต วัดแสงแก้ วโพธิ ญาณ อ.แม่ สรวย
จ.เชียงราย” [devotees of Khruba Ariyachat Ariyachitto Wat Saengkaew Phothiyan,
Mae Suai district, Chiang Rai province] 2014). The site where the practices took place
was a small makeshift shelter made from bamboo and hay. Inside the shelter, there was
a big hole one cubit deep and two cubits wide. Ariyachat sat in the hole in a meditation
posture. He was not allowed to stand, consume food, urinate, or defecate. He was only
allowed to drink the water in an alms bowl. Four pieces of white cloth symbolizing the
four noble truths were used as cushions and the makeshift shelter was made from eight
poles to symbolize the Noble Eightfold Path. A Buddhist flag was put on the summit of
the shelter to symbolize wisdom; nine levels of bamboo reed enclosing the shelter
symbolized lokuttara. In addition, the shelter was protected by guards to keep Ariyachat
isolated within a 100-meter radius during the retreat. The range of days to practice
depended on Ariyachat, ranging from seven to nine days and nights (watsangkaew.com,
2010; So Sutthiphan, 2011, 61). Ariyachat had made a vow to perform nirothakam only
nine times in his life. He kept changing the site each time and did not perform it
annually. The first nirothakam was held in 1999 in a cave in Nan province when he was
a novice, while the fourth to the eighth nirothakam were held in different locations near
Wat Saengkaew. The last nirothakam was held between 4 and 12 January 2013 at Wat
Saengkaew.
Nonetheless, even though Noi and Ariyachat differ in the interpretation and details of
nirothakam, they share a common ideology which aims to emphasize Khruba Siwichai
as the symbol of authentic khruba, and niridhakam as Lan Na’s cultural value.
The accounts of the two khruba are used to claim their austerity in Buddhism and the
path to purify their minds, as well as the desire to follow the traditional practice in the
khruba tradition. This practice also aimed to underline the charismatic status of khruba
as, proven by intensive practice, in the same way as Khruba Siwichai, which cannot be
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carried out by ordinary monks. This practice is also reminiscent of the self-mortification
of the Gotama Buddha.
Simultaneously, nirothakam of modern khruba these days has been redefined and
re-interpreted to serve expectations in popular Buddhism and prosperity religions which
focus on material wealth and mundane success. I also observed that nirothakam has
become a big event which has been advertised vastly by modern khruba in order to
draw attention from the public, especially on the last day of practice. As Phrakhru
Weerasathsophon (2010, 41) suggested, in general, those who have made merit with
a monk who has just finished nirothakam will gain great merit immediately. They will
find heaven and nibbana, experience relief from sorrow and suffering, and stay happy,
healthy, wealthy and safe. Moreover, if someone wanted to make a wish for all good
things, then it would come true within a short time. Therefore, hundreds of attendants
gather on the last day of nirothakam in each year. For example, during the last day of
nirothakam of Khruba Noi in 2016 (February 21), it was reported that up to 5,000
people attended and representatives from government offices and local administrative
organizations were found amongst them (TLC News, 2016). Moreover, the attendants
included a number of lottery enthusiasts who believed that it was a good opportunity to
seek lottery wining numbers. Those numbers should be related to Noi and the
nirothakam event, such as the date and time he came out from the site or his age and
year of birth. They also bought a lot of lottery tickets on that day with the high hope of
winning the big prizes (ibid.).
Not only did attendants make merit with khruba on the last day of nirothakam, they also
sought after khruba who would perform rituals to enhance the luck and wealth for all
guests. After the alms-giving session in the morning, Noi performed a ritual for life
prolongation in accordance with the Lan Na tradition. Ariyachat, in his eighth
nirothakam in 2011, performed a ritual to commence the casting of the world’s largest
bronze image of Khruba Siwichai. The project cost around 50 million baht and attracted
10,000 guests who wished to gain merit and luck (watsangkaew.com 2010).
Significantly, nirothakam is found to be highlighted as the rite of passage in becoming
“authentic khruba” by young khruba these days. Apart from the abovementioned
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khruba, there are a number of others who have claimed to be the practitioners of this
practice. They include Khruba Chaiya Patthaphi in Chiang Rai province, Khruba Chao
Nokaeofa in Nakhon Ratchasima province, Khruba Withun in Nakhon Sawan province,
Khruba Kaeo, and Khruba Sorayut in Lampang province. For these khruba, with less
apparent popularity, nirothakam has become a significant way to promote khruba
charisma as well as to attract more believers and devotees.
Nonetheless, it is worth noting that not all modern khruba are focusing on nirothakam
and that the opposite group condemns the nirothakam of these modern khruba as a way
to get money, wealth and attention by fooling Buddhists who are blind to this deception
(e.g., from Phrakhru Adunsilakit, interview, March 9, 2016). Khruba Don, among other
modern khruba, claims that nirothakam had never been practiced by Khruba Siwichai or
Khruba Khao Pi. Moreover, he is still skeptical about the existence of the pap sa on
nirothakam which other modern khruba frequently referred to. He adds that he never
heard about this practice from his masters or any disciples of Khruba Khao Pi.
Nonetheless, he accepts it, if in fact, it had been practiced by other khruba in former
days, particularly Khruba Chum of Wat Wang Mui as it was found in his biography
(interview, August 3, 2016). On this debate, Khruba Noi comments:
If we think in a good way and do good things, we don’t have to be afraid of
anything or anyone. This practice [nirothakam] is so difficult to carry out that
other monks don’t want to follow it. Sometimes, they tried to imitate me but
they failed and eventually gave up. Some fell from grace because they cheated
people. But I think that good things and good results should come to me, too.
I am real and the real is real” (interview, March 4, 2016).
This point indicates that these modern khruba are not a unified group and that they
usually come into conflict with others.
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Figure 3.11: Nirothakam of Khruba Ariyachat
Source: http://www.bokboontoday.com, 2013
Figure 3.12: Nirothakam of Khruba Noi in 2016, filtering holy water
Source: author
Figure 3.13: Nirothakam Site of Khruba Noi in 2016
Source: author
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Figure 3.14: A vinyl banner found on the roadside inviting people to attend bamphen
satcha barami (a self-created name to refer to nirothakam in a different way) and phithi
suepchata of Khruba Chaiya Pathaphi in Chiang Rai, 2017
Source: Surachat Phutthima
3.5.2 The Robe-Changing Ceremony of Khruba Khao Pi
The robe-changing ceremony or phithi plian pha of the mummified body of Khruba
Khao Pi was initiated by Khruba Wong not long after Khruba Khao Pi died (1977).
The ceremony was held annually in order to commemorate the great master. However,
the mummification of a dead body, whether layman or monk, is not a local tradition,
including the robe-changing ceremony. This decision thus brought about a severe
conflict resulting in sharp fragmentation among the disciples and devotees of Khruba
Khao Pi (led by Khruba Khao Kham Pan) and Khruba Wong, as I mentioned above.
Nonetheless, the ceremony is still held annually until today.
In brief, the ceremony is carried out by taking the glass coffin containing Khruba Khao
Pi out of the hall and forming a procession around the hall three times29. Then, the
mummified body’s robe is changed and the body is covered with gold leaf. This process
is restricted to a set of designated committees, and is carried out at the ceremonial
pavilion connected to the southern part of the hall. The ceremonial pavilion is an
octagonal open-air building, where people outside are able to observe the ceremony.
29
The same as the triple circumambulation (Thai: wian tian) on the Buddhist holy days. Additionally, I
have heard that, in the past, they took the mummified body through the Pha Nam village.
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The highlight is when the mummified body of Khruba Khao Po, clad in new robes is
raised up and slowly turned around to allow people outside pay homage. This action is
the final process before returning the body to the glass coffin, where it will rest until the
robe changing the following year. This ceremony is a symbolic practice performed if
Khruba Khao Pi were still alive. He is an immortal saint who is always there to protect
all living creatures, rather than living in heaven.
During the time of Khruba Wong, the robe-changing ceremony was held in a very
simple way. Photographs in the Wat Pha Nam museum show that, during that time,
there were only a few hundred people attending during the ceremony (interview,
Khruba Don March 1, 2016). Afterwards, during the time of Khruba Don, the ceremony
gained more popularity. Don reveals that the ceremony has drawn more attention from
the former followers and believers of Khruba Khao Pi. Moreover, during the last decade,
the ceremony has received more visitors from other regions. Significantly, devotees
from the central region have played a crucial role in the ceremony. They serve as
sponsors for the ceremony and alms houses (Thai: rong than). The ceremony now takes
place on a very large scale and is more impressive with a grand procession, traditional
music and multi-ethnic performances, as well as various kinds of merit-making
activities. The provincial office also marks the ceremony in the official calendar as one
of the most important events of Lamphun province.30
I observed the robe-changing ceremony in 2015 and 2016 and found that more than
20,000 visitors attended each year (during March 1-4). Usually the Lamphun governor
was invited to preside over the ceremony as chief of the laity, as in 2015. But in 2016,
the deputy supreme commander of the Royal Thai Armed Forces was invited instead,
showing that the ceremony has gained more importance at the national level.
Wat Pha Nam, accordingly, has both fame and financial donations.
The growing number of visitors at the robe-changing ceremony correlates with the
factors listed below (see also Kwanchewan and Pisith 2016).
30
As well as the robe-changing ceremony of the mummified body of Khruba Wong at Wat Huai Tom
during May 16-17 of each year.
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(1) Advancement in transportation, road and infrastructure, including communication
technology, making the journey to Wat Pha Nam much easier, while cell phone and
social media applications allow people to circulate and share news and information
more quickly and wider.
(2) The enormous effort of Don to re-connect the former networks of Khruba Khao Pi
throughout the region and, at the same time, to keep searching for new connections
(as I will discuss in the next chapter).
(3) The emergence of new groups of devotees who want to connect with Khruba Khao
Pi (and Don), for different purposes, such as spirit mediums, amulet entrepreneurs
and young khruba in the North.
(4) The growth in the North and throughout the entire country of the middle class who
want to rely on Khruba Khao Pi’s charismatic and supernatural powers to serve their
needs in the current capitalistic society. This phenomenon correlates with the
spreading of Khao Pi’s reputation as the second ton bun of Lan Na and the direct
successor of Khruba Siwichai. Numerous stories about his holiness are also widely
circulated through word of mouth, the Internet and social media tools nowadays.
Additionally, the robe-changing ceremony in recent times tends to serve the prosperity
religions in various degrees. For example, in a private ceremony held one night a week
before the official date of the robe-changing ceremony in 2016, Don and the sponsors of
ceremony planned to change the white robes and gild the mummified body of Khruba
Khao Pi31. This ceremony was closed to the public, allowing access only monks and
novices of Wat Pha Nam, sponsors and skilled craftsmen, totaling roughly 30 persons.
The sponsors were members of a wealthy business family based in Bangkok and
Singapore (a husband, a wife, and two daughters).
After a ritual to pay homage to Khruba Khao Pi’s spirit, the robe-changing and gilding
work was begun. I observed that while the wife and two daughters were sitting and
reciting dhamma verses in one corner of the hall, the husband was standing beside the
31
Don explained that the purposes of this event were to (1) check the mummified body carefully if
there was something wrong, (2) change the robes, and (3) do a neat gilding work with the premium
quality gold leaf (supported by the sponsors). He was afraid that in the official ceremony, there
would be many people involved and produced an unneat work. In addition, there might have some
ones who use fake gold leaf which could destroy the mummified body (February 27, 2016).
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mummified body, together with Don, the fellow monks and craftsmen. He tried to
collect all the tiny pieces of gold leaf which fell from the mummified body to the floor.
These pieces of gold leaf were kept in a clear casket and would be placed on the
family’s household altar for worship. After the gilding was finished, the sponsors put
tens of bank notes and the passports of their family members into the glass coffin of
Khruba Khao Pi. To my knowledge, this practice signified the privileged status of the
sponsors. One monk revealed later that these objects would be taken out the following
morning. Upon Don’s permission, the sponsors revealed that a banknote is symbolic of
wealth while a passport is symbolic of success (in life and business) since they were
global businesspersons. By doing this, the charismatic and supernatural powers of
Khruba Khao Pi would be transmitted to these objects and bring them good results like
those they had received throughout decades of devotion to Wat Pha Nam. The obvious
results they had gained were health and more wealth (interview, the sponsors, February
27, 2016).
Similarly, in the official ceremony, I found the practice of putting bank notes and coins
into the glass coffin of Khruba Khao Pi also carried out by the monastery committees.
These objects would be taken out for sale (Thai: bucha) the following year. This
practice is another way to sacralize objects by letting them absorb the charismatic and
supernatural powers from the mummified body, like the consecration of amulets (Thai:
pluksek). Then, they will be treated as sacred-magic objects to worship, credited with
protective and magical powers to bring luck, health, and wealth to the owners. As I
observed, these objects sold out very quickly even though the prices were higher than
the actual value. They also included the white robes used to wrap the mummified body
from the previous years, which were cut into tiny pieces for sale.
However, ritual performances which relied on a belief in supernatural and protective
powers of khruba have been found since the time of the former khruba. For example,
Khruba Siwichai was asked by lay people to use his supernatural power to cure
pneumonia which was epidemic in Denchai district, Phrae province while he was on
a trip back from Phrathat Cho Hae. He then dipped his rosary into the water and chanted.
Then, he asked people to take the water for drinking and bathing at home. Miraculously,
the epidemic ended (Singha 1979 cited in Sirisak 2016, 331). Similarly, Khuba Khao Pi
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was often asked by lay people to exercise his supernatural power on many occasions,
such as to bless stone walls to stop cattle thieves along the borders of Lampang and
Lamphun provinces, and to bless and walk on small weirs for prosperity and security in
agriculture (to prevent flooding during the rainy season and to have plenty of water in
the growing season, interview, former devotees of Khruba Khao Pi in Li and
Thung Hua Chang districts, Lamphun province during 2015-2016).
Nevertheless, these practices were aimed at solving basic problems in the ruralagricultural context where people were much concerned about security in agriculture,
natural disasters, and harm from humans, wild animals and invisible things. Practices
included the worship of objects related to the former khruba like hairs, nails, prints of
hands and feet or even the remains of cigars (tobacco wrapped in dried banana leaf) and
betel nut from khruba’s mouth.
Figure 3.15: The Robe-Changing Ceremony of Khruba Khao Pi in 2016
Source: author
Figure 3.16: The Robe-Changing Ceremony of Khruba Khao Pi in 2016
Source: author
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3.5.3 The Ritual for Life Prolongation
The ritual for life prolongation or phithi suepchata has long been practiced since in the
ancient Lan Na period. The ritual has no roots in Buddhism but it is rather the
integration of Hinduism, Brahmanism and animism (Panuwat 2013; Panita 2016).
Additionally, it was underlined by atthakatha thammabot (Pali: dhammapadaatthakatha, commentary to dhammapada) in the stories of Ayuwatthanakuman [อายุวฒั น
กุมาร] and Phothiratkuman [โพธิ ราชกุมาร]. In Lan Na region, the old pap sa recorded in
Yuan characters, describing the ritual for life prolongation of the city (Thai: suepchata
mueang) in the reign of King Sam Fang Kaen of the Mang Rai dynasty, was found to
prove its long existence.
In the present time, the northerners favor undergoing this ritual on various occasions in
order to stay healthy, happy, and prosperous. In fact, this ritual also is applicable for
objects, buildings and places. Panita (2016) categorizes phithi suepchata into four types:
(1) phithi suepchata mueang (life prolongation for a city), (2) phithi suepchata ban,
muban (life prolongation for a house and a village), (3) phithi suepchata khon (life
prolongation for a person), and (4) phithi suepchata phuetphon (life prolongation for
crops). However, each type of suepchata requires different preparations in detail.
Moreover, the same ritual may vary from one place to another as it is also practiced
among other Tai-speaking communities in the Shan State of Myanmar (Tai Yai,
Tai Khuen, Tai Lue) and the Lawa ethnic group in the North of Thailand (ibid.).
This ritual is psychologically significant in several ways. Nonetheless, basically it is
closely tied with four aspects: (1) the belief in power of the Triple Gem (Thai: phra
rattanatrai), (2) the belief in the law of karma (Thai: kot haeng kam), (3) the belief in
auspiciousness (Thai: rueang mongkhon), and (4) the belief in merit transmission to all
living creatures (Panuwat 2013, 103-104). Thus, phithi suepchata is considered
an expression of cultural identity of Lan Na which has long been practiced until even
now. As it is the integration of various beliefs, the ritual could be performed by either
monks or lay experts. However, it is not easy to be a specialist in this ritual as it requires
many specific abilities, such as proficiency in dhamma verses, knowledge of sacred
formula (Thai: khatha), and knowledge of ritual preparation in accordance with the
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Lan Na tradition. For lay experts, in addition, all of them had spent many years in the
monkhood. Therefore, they must be elderly while having a reputation for performing
specific rituals; thus people rely on the particular abilities of individual performers,
such as possession of magical and charismatic powers or a secret recipe.
Regarding modern khruba and other Buddhist monks, currently there are few who are
able to perform this ritual. For the three major cases in this study, Khruba Noi is the
only one who can perform it (see procedures of suepchata in Panuwat 2013, 11-77).
Phithi suepchata is now promoted as one of the most popular practices of Noi. He calls
it phithi suepchata luang baep Lan Na, or the grand ritual for life prolongation in the
Lan Na tradition). This ritual is performed during the major events of Wat Si Don Mun.
Furthermore, as it has become very famous today, it is often requested, on a smaller
scale, by his V.I.P. guests who are mostly wealthy businesspersons, high-ranking
officials, army officers, well-known politicians and celebrities, such as the deputy
supreme commander of the Royal Thai Armed Forces and his company (on March 4,
2016), special advisor to the Royal Thai Army and chair of the executive board of
Thailand Post Company (on July 24, 2016), and director-general of the Royal Forest
Department (on August 21, 2016). The ritual is also popular among foreign devotees,
especially the Chinese middle class in Malaysia, Singapore, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and
China. Noi uses phithi suepchata as the main attraction for his overseas trips, such as in
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia on July 19, 2016. Photos of these activities were posted and
shared on the Facebook page of Wat Si Don Mun by his staff (@Watsridonmoon) from
time to time.
What makes the phithi suepchata of Noi so special? I found the reason is that it is
embedded with the strong magical and supernatural powers of Noi who is renowned for
magic arts, and who has accumulated merit and powers through nirothakam every year.
Importantly, the ritual is combined with an additional practice, so-called nammon
thoranisan luang, or the sacralizing of water by the special sacred mantra. These, thus,
make phithi suepchata of Noi more attractive and efficacious for his clients.
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I suggest that the phithi suepchata of Noi has demonstrated a process of emphasizing
values of the local tradition which is carried out hand-in-hand with the retooling of
ritual and symbolic expression in order to serve desires in prosperity religions.
I witnessed the phithi suepchata of Noi on two occasions, in the thot kathin festival in
2015 (October 31) and in the first anniversary of the building of his hospital in 2016
(March 30). Participants were impressed by his professional and mystical way of
practice while the stage and ritual props, such as flowers and the giant wooden tripod,
were beautifully arranged in an elegant Lan Na style. In addition, non-northerners were
also fulfilled in the search for authenticity and exoticism. Regarding the sacralizing of
the nammon thoranisan luang in phithi suepchata, as a matter of fact, it is not
a common practice for Thai Buddhists in general, but is well-known among magic and
occult enthusiasts. It is portrayed as a secret-sacred formula passed down through his
lineage. The formula may vary from one lineage to another. Luck Rakhanithes, known
as Achan Luck or Mo Luck, a famous astrologer in Thailand, notes that the nammon
thoranisan formula is a kind of secret subject which could be rarely shared to others,
even those with whom one has a close relationship (Facebook @lucklive January 15,
2015). Regarding its efficacy, Noi and Mo Luck have explained, in the same way, that
by drinking, bathing, or sprinkling it onto a body, a house or a shop for business,
it dispels all bad luck (Thai: sadokhro), withdraws black magic (Thai: thuk khun sai,
don khong), and rescues from danger (interview, Khruba Noi March 4, 2016).
The nammon thoranisan luang formula of Noi was handed down by Khruba La (Ta
Thip) of Wat Pa Tueng in San Kamphaeng district, Chiang Mai province, one of the
nine masters mentioned above. When done on a full scale, phithi suepchata and the
sacralizing of nammon thoranisan luang takes around two to three hours. As I
witnessed in the thot kathin festival on October 31, 2015, the rituals were performed in
the main hall where more than 500 people attended, including the main sponsors who
sat in the center under the giant wooden tripod. In Noi’s phithi suepchata luang lae
phithi sador nopphakhro tam kamlang wankoet (the ritual for life prolongation and the
ritual for dispelling bad luck in accordance with the nine celestial bodies), a particular
chant (Thai: khatha) of each celestial body was recited respectively, starting from
Sunday (Thai: phra athit), Monday (Thai: phra chan), Tuesday (Thai: phra angkhan),
Wednesday (Thai: phra phut), Saturday (Thai: phra sao),
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Thursday (Thai: phra pharuehat), Wednesday night (Thai: phra rahu), phra ket
(for those who do not know their exact zodiac), and Friday (Thai: phra suk).
The other two prosperity rituals of Noi which are currently popular, and I would like to
address here briefly, are described below.
1. Na na thong and salika linthong, or the ritual of placing gold leaf on the face and the
tongue of a client. The ritual has recently been promoted to have potency in enhancing
personal charm which enables one to persuade others. However, the persuasion is not
limited to romantic conquests, for a trader needs charm to win his buyers with
compliant words and deeds and a client needs it to win favors from his patron (Tambiah
1984, 226). Noi adds, na na thong is also a ritual to enhance a client’s fortune,
prosperity and charm (Thai: soem duang chata barami soem siri mongkhon choklap
metta mahasane khwam charoen rungrueang). It is lucky for those who have undergone
the ritual because “if one who has not been loved, s/he will be loved, one who has not
been good in commerce, s/he will gain a huge profit. Good things will come to her/his
life which was previously in downturn, and her/his fate will drastically change from bad
to good” (Thainews 2015).
Regarding the process of the ritual, the gold leaf would be placed on the forehead and
both palms of the sponsor (sometimes on both cheeks, as well). Then, Noi will use
a walking stick, which was given by Luang Pu Tim 32 , to touch both palms and the
forehead and give a blessing with special mantras, the so-called khatha ngoen lan, or
the mantra for a million baht, and metta maha niyom, or the mantra for mercy and
charm. Daeng, one of Wat Si Don Mun’s committee members, revealed that normally
Noi would perform the ritual only on very special occasions. But after well-known
businessmen, including state officials, army officers and policemen in high ranks have
undergone the ritual and gained success in their lives, the story is spreading by word of
mouth and now a large number of people keep asking Noi to perform the ritual for them.
Eventually, for people’s well-being, Noi has agreed to do so (Thainews 2015, see also
Facebook @Watsridonmoon January 10, 2015).
32
A famous magic monk of Wat Lahan Rai in Rayong province (died in 1975), one of his masters.
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2. Phithi pluksek lae choem or the ritual to bestow a blessing on amulets and other
objects upon request, such as signboards of shops and companies or number plates of
automobiles for auspiciousness (Thai: khwam pen siri mongkhon). It is a common
practice in Thai Buddhist society and Noi is also famous for it. A good example was in
2011 when Noi was invited by the Chiang Mai Provincial Land Transportation Office to
give a blessing on the 301 auspicious number plates of automobiles (Thai: thabian lek
mongkhon) in front of the Three Kings Monument in Chiang Mai City. The ritual had
the then-Chiang Mai governor preside as chief of the laity. Subsequently, these number
plates would be sold at an auction (Thairath Online, July 13, 2011).
These rituals are promoted widely on the mainstream channels, such as in the country’s
top daily newspapers especially when Thai celebrities and important persons come to
undergo the rituals. Photos of them, during the ritual performance, were also posted on
the Facebook page of Wat Si Don Mun (@Watsridonmoon) to promote Noi’s popularity.
Below are some examples of the headlines:
“People flock to make merit and undergo na na thong at Wat Si Don Mun after
“Somchai33” underwent the ritual to ward off bad luck” (Matichon Online, July
31, 2015)
“Enhancing fortune! ‘a wealthy man Wutti-sak34’ underwent na na thong with
‘Khruba Noi’, a famous magic monk in Lan Na” (Thairath Online, January 4,
2015).
“ ‘Kraison’ and ‘Phet’35 underwent na na thong with ‘Khruba Noi’, a famous
magic monk in Lan Na” (Thairath Online March, 27, 2015).
33
Somchai Wongsawat, the former Prime Minister of Thailand and Taksin Shinawatra’s brother-in law.
34
The then owner of a famous aesthetic clinic in Thailand, Wutti-sak clinic.
35
The ex-husband of Pumpuang Duangchan, a late “queen of Thai country song” [Thai: rachini
lukthung] and their son, “Phet”.
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Figure 3.17: A set for Na Na Thong; an envelope for the ritual service fee
and trakut as a gift
Source: author
Figure 3.18: Phithi Suepchata at Thot Kathin Ceremony 2015 of Khruba Noi
(left), an advertisement of Na Na Thong in Wat Si Don Mun showing Thai
celebrities while they were undergoing the ritual with Khruba Noi (right)
Source: author
3.5.4 The Molding of Super Instant Buddha Images
This activity was found in the thot kathin festival of Khruba Ariyachat in 2015. The
instant Buddha or phrachao thanchai means the Buddha image that is able to be molded
and finished within one day, or 24 hours. Buddhists believe that the image is endowed
with strong Buddha power (Thai: phuttha nuphap) that can quickly bring luck and
happiness or whatsoever is requested. As it is a common practice in Lan Na Buddhism,
the images of phrachao thanchai are found in Buddhist monasteries across the region,
both old and new. For example, the most famous phrachao thanchai in recent years is in
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Wat Phrathat Doi Kham in Chiang Mai because of numerous stories about its magical
potency to bring luck, especially to win the lottery.
The molding of phrachao thanchai image normally starts from midnight until the
nightfall on the following day (around 6 P.M.). Then, it will undergo phithi phuttha
phisek (the ritual to consecrate or empower the Buddha image) that night. If it takes
longer than that, the image is considered just another Buddha image (see Swearer 2004).
What makes the molding of phrachao thanchai so popular today is the ritual to install
the heart of the Buddha (Thai: phithi sai huachai phrachao) inside the image. It is
a heart-shaped container, usually made of gold and silver. This aspect of the ritual is
a result of the influence of Tantric Buddhism on Tai Buddhist communities in the Upper
Mekong region, including the ritual to open the eyes of the image (Thai: phithi boeknet
phrachao), which is performed by expert monks after the installation of the heart of the
Buddha all night until dawn. Overall, phithi sai huachai phrachao, phithi phuttha phisek
and phithi boeknet phrachao are the processes to personify the Buddha image (see
Suraswat 2015).
Since the molding of a phrachao than chai image consists of many detailed procedures,
a Buddha image that is completed within one day is believed to be endowed with
supernatural power with the support of divine beings (Thai: thewada) who smooth the
progress of the event. Therefore, Buddhists consider phrachao thanchai to be divinely
sacred with the transcendent capacity to bring forth instant success for whatever one
wishes. Additionally, taking part in the molding activity, in any way, is also considered
a great merit-making activity which brings instant multiple successes. In the past, the
concept of thanchai was applied to Khruba Siwichai who was also called khruba
thanchai by his followers, mainly in Phrao district, Chiang Mai province. Due to his
ability to complete construction works, typically on a large scale within a short period
of time in each place, the term khruba thanchai was used to eulogize and testify to
Khruba Siwichai’s saintly status (Sirisak 2016, 27).
I witnessed the molding of phrachao thanchai images in Ariyachat’s thot kathin
ceremony (November 6-8, 2015). But in this activity he played with a word by adding
the term khot, or super or extreme, to make a distinction from phrachao thanchai in
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other places. Thus, it is called phrachao khot thanchai or the super instant Buddha
image. The term khot is used to highlight the extremely instant power of the Buddha
images in response to requests. Ariyachat (November 7, 2015) explained to his devotees
from Bangkok, “those Buddha images are phrachao khot thanchai which signifies
extremely instant riches [Thai: ruai khot thanchai].”
The molding of phrachao khot thanchai by hand was staged on November 6 and was
scheduled to be completed at 6 P.M. on November 7. Nonetheless, the number of
phrachao khot thanchai images was limited to nine. The sponsors of phrachao khot
thanchai had to donate one hundred thousand baht for each image36. Thus, all of the
sponsors were wealthy devotees from the central region. In this regard, on the one hand,
it is considered a tactic to test the loyalty of Ariyachat’s devotees, especially from the
upper-middle class while, on the other hand, it is a selling technique combining the
Lan Na tradition with the desires of prosperity religions.
As I observed, the sponsors showed excitement and enthusiasm during the molding
activities. However, Ariyachat provided a group of craftsmen to help them in order to
make sure that the images would be beautifully completed in time. The sponsors
appeared in white outfits. Some sponsors hung or pinned small lockets of Ariyachat,
encased with gold and diamonds, on their necks and chests. During the daytime activity,
they took turns, going back and forth between the molding site and the coffee shop to
chat and relax. I went to observe the molding site again in the late evening and found
that the five-foot tall Buddha images were nearly finished. The craftsmen were merely
working on trimming and decorating while most of the sponsors already had left the site
for dinner and were preparing for the coming rituals at night: phithi sai huachai
phrachao, phithi phuttha phisek and phithi boeknet phrachao.
The main attraction for phithi sai huachai phrachao, for the sponsors of the nine
Buddha images, was the heart-shaped containers made of silver hung together with
other containers replictating human intestines, lungs, and kidneys. On the surface of
each container, names of the sponsors were inscribed. Ariyachat explained to the
36
Ariyachat also staged the casting of the brass image of Phrachao Khot Thanchai which has a natak
of 49 inches, too. The particularity was the face of the image would be covered by 9 Kg. of gold.
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sponsors, through a microphone and loudspeaker, that each heart of the Buddha image
would contain oil and a holy thread (Thai: saisin) to represent blood vessels and blood
(of the Buddha). He noted that if the image had not undergone these rituals, it would
have been considered just a stone (November 7, 2015). Apart from oil and a holy thread,
the sponsors, in addition, put various kinds of gemstones, coins, silver and gold rings
and necklaces into the hearts of the Buddha images. As suggested by Ariyachat, these
objects represented wealth and prosperity for the present existence and the next life. The
sponsors seemed careful and awkward during the ritual due to their first-hand
experience. They watchfully followed the instructions of Ariyachat step-by-step since
they were afraid to make a mistake and thereby make the images less powerful.
They asked Ariyachat periodically what should be or should not be put inside the heartshaped containers and how to carry them properly.
I found that the molding of phrachao khot thanchai and the sequential rites provided
physical and spiritual pleasure, a feeling of considerable sacredness and enjoyment to
the sponsors. They seemed very proud of the images they had molded by themselves.
During the phithi sai huachai phrachao, some sponsors held the Buddha hearts over
their heads and prayed upon them quietly for a long time. After finishing the installation
of the hearts, the holes behind each image were closed by the sponsors using various
kinds of bank notes. They also put gold leaf onto the forehead and chest of each Buddha
image while the remains were put back onto their foreheads. This practice is believed to
be a way to transmit the power of the image into the bodies and a way to spiritually
connect the image with its owners. Some also stood before and prayed to the images for
a long time.
These symbolic practices reflect the extremely unquestionable desire for luck, wealth
and other forms of material success of the middle and upper-middle classes while
money has become a form of ritual investment and a means of exchange for religious
consumption, as suggested by Pattana (2008). I overheard someone among the sponsors
talking in response to Ariyachat’s teaching about the extremely instant power of the
phrachao khot thanchai, saying “Wow! it’s so great that phrachao khot thanchai will
help us to repay our debts in a short time sathu! sathu! sathu!” (November 7, 2015).
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Figure 3.19: The Molding of Phrachao Khot Thanchai in Thot Kathin Festival 2015
of Khruba Ariyachat
Source: Author
Figure 3.20: Phithi Sai Huachai Phrachao for Phrachao Khot Thanchai
in Thot Kathin Festival 2015 of Khruba Ariyachat
Source: Author
3.6 CONCLUSION
This chapter has explored the process of making charismatic monks in order to
understand how modern khruba are considered to be endowed with supernatural power
or exceptional qualities that are inaccessible to ordinary individuals. By examining three
modern khruba, I found four crucial elements in the making of charismatic and
authentic khruba: (1) the discourse of the succession in Khruba Siwichai’s lineage,
(2) the sacred biographies (ton bun narrative), (3) grandiose monasteries, and (4)
heterogeneous practices and activities. The discourse of succession reveals the strong
influence of Khruba Siwichai on the concept of khruba, which has led to his
establishment as an imagined ideal of khruba or khruba role model. At the same time,
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the traditional narrative of ton bun found in biographies of modern khruba, just like that
of the former khruba, signifies an important role of the local tradition as a fundamental
source underlining the charismatic status.
The construction works of modern khruba reveal the continuation of the khruba
tradition of Buddhist revivalism and social development, which, in the meantime,
testifies to khruba’s charismatic status. However, the construction works of modern
khruba have changed in at least two aspects: the scope of activity and the form of
fundraising. These changes also demonstrate the transformation of the concepts of
ton bun, the field of merit and the community of the faithful, in Buddhist revivalism.
Additionally, the task of making monasteries grandiose and ecumenical demonstrates
the articulation of the local tradition and the global phenomenon of modern Buddhist
society. It reveals the influence of popular Buddhism and religious tourism serving as
key instruments to visualize khruba’s charisma as well as to generate faith and attract
pilgrims and tourists from around the world. Heterogeneous practices and activities of
modern khruba also demonstrate the process of highlighting the ethno-cultural value of
Lan Na, which is working hand-in-hand with the process of redefining, re-evaluating,
and re-interpreting ritual and symbolic expression in order to serve materialist and
consumerist desires.
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Pisith Nasee