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CONTEMPORARY BUDDHISM IN CHINA By Tsu-Kung Chuang TABLE OF CONTENT I. BUDDHISM IN CHINA BEFORE TWENTIETH CENTURY 1. The Embryonic Phase (First Century to 300 A.D.) 2. The Formative Phase (300 - 589 A.D.) 3. The Phase of Independent Growth (589 - 900 A.D.) 4. The Premodern Period (900 - 1911 A.D.) II. BUDDHISM IN CHINA BETWEEN 1911 AND 1949 1. Reform of T'ai-Hsu 2. Sects 3. Division and Dissension III. BUDDHISM UNDER THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC 1. Before and During the Cultural Revolution (1949 - 1972) 2. After the Cultural Revolution (1972 to Present) IV. CONTEMPORARY BUDDHISM IN TAIWAN 1. Historical Background of Buddhism in Taiwan 2. Achievement of Taiwanese Buddhism 3. Modern Great Thinker : Yin-Shun V. CHARACTERISTICS OF CHINESE BUDDHISM REFERENCES I. BUDDHISM IN CHINA BEFORE TWENTIETH CENTURY Both literary and archeological evidence indicate that Buddhism reached China in the first century A.D. and that it centered the country from the northwest. There are some indications that Buddhism also reached China along the sea route as early as the second century A.D., but those contacts cannot be compared to the constant influx of Buddhism missionaries, scriptures, and artistic impulses from what the Chinese vaguely called the Western Region: present-day Sinkiang and Soviet Central Asia, and the even more distant lands of Parthia, Kashmir, and northwestern India. The history of Buddhism in China before twentieth century can be divided into four main periods. This periodization scheme is primarily based on social and institutional developments rather than on doctrinal criteria (Zurcher, 1987:143). 1. The Embryonic Phase (First century to 300 A.D.) This was a phase in which Buddhism played only a marginal role in religious and intellectual life. In Chinese dynastic terms it covers the Later Han (25-220 A.D.), the era of the Three Kingdoms (220-265 A.D.), and the Western Chin (265-326 A.D.). It actually is not known precisely when Buddhism entered China. It must have infiltrated from the northwest via the Kansu corridor to the Yellow River basin and the North China Plain in the course of the first century A.D. But the scene becomes clearer from the middle of the second century onward, when the first known missionaries started their translation activities in the capital, Lo-yang. Together they produced a considerable number of Chinese versions of Buddhist texts. To judge from the works selected for translation, the scope of Buddhism in the last decades of Han was rather limited. Much attention was given to short texts dealing with meditation or trance. Apart from the activity of translation, not much is known about the spread and organization of Buddhism in China in the embryonic phase. Its role still was very modest and its adherents were gained from the lower social ranks. This is proven by the fact that up to the end of the third century Buddhism is hardly mentioned in secular Chinese literature, the domain of the cultured upper class. 2. The Formative Phase (300-589 A.D.) From 311 A.D. onward, China was divided into two halves: northern China, ruled by a great variety of non-Chinese in very unstable regimes, and southern China, governed by a series of equally short-lived Chinese dynasties. The geographical configuration has various ways been a conditioning factor in the development of Chinese Buddhism, particularly in this formative phase. In general, the centers in the north and northwest remained in direct contact with the Western Region. The greater awareness of the foreign origin of Buddhism no doubt enhanced its popularity among the non-Chinese conquerors who ruled the northern half of China from the early fourth century until 589 A.D. Throughout this period, northern Buddhism was characterized by a close connection between church and state, with all its positive and negative side effects. For various reasons, Buddhism was generally patronized by the foreign rulers. One of the reasons is that Buddhism, as an alien doctrine, could be used to counter-balance Confucianism. The grandiose government patronage was reflected in the enormous growth of monastic 1 institutions: in the early fifth century the Wei empire counted some 30,000 monasteries and two million monks and nuns. In the southern parts of China, a much more sinicized type of Buddhism developed, less concerned with translation and scriptural studies, and much more focused upon the interpretation of Buddhist ideas in terms of traditional Chinese philosophy and religion. Thus, in southern China we see the development of a particular type of "high-class Buddhism" characterized by extensive hybridization and a clear emphasis on Buddhism's more philosophical aspects, notably the Mahayana doctrine of universal emptiness. So intellectually, this phase marks the penetration of Buddhism into the education minority, and within the clergy itself, the formation of an elite group of scholarly monks. During this period Buddhism spread to all regions of China and to all social levels, including the Chinese and "barbarian" courts. By the end of this period the stage was set for the rise of indigenous Chinese Buddhist schools. 3. The Phase of Independent Growth (589-906 A.D.) Under the Sui and T'ang dynasties, Chinese Buddhism reached its apogee. In the early T'ang, Buddhism was by far the most creative movement in the religious and intellectual life of the era. On the one hand, indigenous Chinese sects or schools formed; on the other hand, some Indian forms of Buddhism were transplanted to China. Hsuan-tsang玄奘 (559-664 A.D.) founded the Chinese counterpart of Indian "idealistic" (Yogacara) Buddhism, and somewhat later various types of esoteric (Tantric) Buddhism were introduced by Indian masters. Some schools, such as the Pure Land sect, were devotional faith and surrender to the saving grace of the Buddha Amitabha and the Bodhisattva Kuan-yin觀音 as a simple way to salvation. Other schools, such as T'ien-tai school, were scholastic in nature. The Meditation School, known in China as Ch'an and in Japan as Zen, appeared in the seventh century as a unique blend of Chinese (notably Taoist) and Mahayana notions and practices. It propagated a direct, intuitional approach to enlightenment without recourse to canonical texts or rational reflection. During the first half of the T'ang, there was unprecedented material prosperity and economic activity in the large monasteries. But when, in second half of the T'ang, the state was undermined by political turmoil and economic crisis, anticlericalism gained force. In 845 A.D. a severe persecution of Buddhism occurred. More than 40,000 temples were destroyed, and 260,500 monks and nuns were forced to return to lay life. This is commonly regarded as the beginning of the gradual decline of Buddhism in China. 4. The Premodern Period (900-1911 A.D.) The beginning of the pre-modern period is marked by the great political, social, and economic processes of change that in the tenth and eleventh centuries transformed the agrarian-based, aristocratic society of the Chinese Middle Ages into that of late imperial China. The eleventh and twelfth centuries witnessed a powerful "Neo-Confucian" revival, in which earlier Confucianism was expanded into a vast scholastic system including a metaphysical superstructure that incorporated certain Buddhist ideas. Under such circumstances, Buddhism declined steadily, though not in quantitative terms. The decline was mainly intellectual: the interest of the cultured minority shifted from Buddhism to Neo-Confucianism. This shift ultimately reduced Buddhism to a despised creed of the lower 2 classes, with the exception of Ch'an. The doctrinal impoverishment of Chinese Buddhism is also shown by the disappearance of most of the schools of Buddhism. There was a general tendency toward syncretism and mutual borrowing, by which the earlier schools gradually lost their identity. In Ming Dynasty (1368-1644 A.D.), only Ch'an and popular Pure Land devotionalism remained as recognizable trends of Buddhism thought and practice. Thus Buddhism gradually lost the support of the cultured elite and was more and more reduced to a despised popular religion. Ch'an Buddhism alone continued to exert a limited appeal in intellectual circles. When in the late sixteenth century Matteo Ricci arrived in China (1582), he first adopted the garb of a Buddhist monk. But later he realized that monks were not hold in high regard and that he should adopt the gown of the Confucian scholar and aim the efforts of his mission at this ruling class. The rulers of the Yuan dynasty (1279-1368) were mainly interested in Tantric Buddhism in its Tibetan form, and the influence of Lamaism in China dates from that period. Under the Ch'ing dynasty (1644-1912), Tibetan and Mongolian were sponsored by the court, largely for political reasons. But at the same time religious life was more than ever subjected to direct government control. During the reign of Kang-his康熙 (1662-1721), of the Ch'ing Dynasty, a census of the Buddhist sangha indicated that there were 79,622 temples and 118,907 monks and nuns (Ch'en, 1964:452). While the number of temples was the highest in history, the size of the monastic community was rather small, and the suspicion exists that the figures are not accurate. During the early years of the Republic it was estimated that there were 740,000 monks and nuns. Whatever the size of the sangha, however, one point is clear: moral and spiritual decadence was universal. Too many of the clerics entered the order not for the spiritual message of the Buddha or for religious discipline, but mainly to gain a livelihood. All too often they were the ones who failed to succeed in society or who wanted to escape from society because of some crimes committed. The late nineteenth century witnessed the first attempts, undertaken by some cultured laymen, to revive Buddhism. Because of lacking imperial support and already in a low state, the monastic community in China during the latter half of the Ch'ing Dynasty dozed in a lethargic condition. This situation enabled devout laymen like Yang Wen-Hui to emerge and assume the leadership necessary for the propagation of the Buddhism. He sponsored several Buddhist scriptural presses which turned out over a million copies Buddhist books. He also established several schools for monks. His disciples included some of the leading Buddhist monks and laymen of the next generation. This attempt was part of a general tendency to overcome China's backwardness in the face of Western and Japanese dominance, and also, more specifically, a reaction to the impact of the Christian missions in China. But the attempt remains a small and rather elitist movement. 3 II. BUDDHISM IN CHINA BETWEEN 1911 AND 1949 The revolution of 1911 that toppled the Ch'ing Dynasty and established the Republic of China also brought in its wake a number of problems for the Buddhist sangha. Following the political revolution, an intellectual climate was ushered in that was unfriendly to the interests of Buddhism. The intellectual leaders who emerged during the second and third decades of the twentieth century wanted to liberate the people from the shackles of all religions, including Buddhism and Christianity, and the conservative old Chinese culture. This movement of cultural reassessment, which is commonly called the Chinese Renaissance, was led by many men who felt that science was all-powerful and all-sufficient and could solve all the problems of life. Their aversion to religion was reinforced by another development in the 1920's - the introduction and subsequent widespread popularity of Marxist ideas. The attack and criticism against Buddhism from these two sources resulted in a number of discriminatory measures, including the Movement to Promote Schools with Temple Resources. This situation resulted in a temporary revival under T'ai-hsu during the early twentieth century. 1. Reforms of T'ai-Hsu(太虛) After the revolution and the establishment of the Republic (1912), various attempts were made to organize the Buddhist clergy on a national scale, to raise its cultural level through the founding of Buddhist seminaries. From the 1920s, the movement, or at least its more progressive wing, was led by the abbot T'ai-hsu (1880-1947), who devoted his whole life to the regeneration of Chinese Buddhism. T'ai-hsu is widely regarded as the most important figure in the history of modern Chinese Buddhism. His reforms called for the reform of the "sangha", the revision of Buddhist doctrine along the lines of modern philosophy, and the use of Buddhism to elevate people and to improve social conditions (Welch, 1968:67). T'ai-hsu attempted to find common ground for Buddhism and science. In his view the common metaphysical basis for Buddhism and science was Dharmalaksana philosophy, according to which everything in the world was ideation only. He himself claimed that it was "elucidated with modern ideas, made use of modern science, and agreed with Einstein's Theory of Relativity" (ibid., p.66). But science, he believed, was the inferior branch of knowledge: "Scientific methods can only corroborate the Buddhist doctrine; they can never advance beyond it. .... Buddhism holds that science does not go far enough into the mysteries of nature and that if she went further, the Buddhist doctrine would be even more evident" (ibid., p.66). When T'ai-hsu visited France in 1928, he was invited to lecture at the Musee Guimet of Paris. When he faced the hall filled to capacity, he gave a "rambling, incoherent, amateurish talk about the similarities of Buddhism, science, and Marxism" (ibid., p.60). It was anything but a success. At T'ai-hsu's next lecture the hall was almost empty. Sylvain Levi, professor at the College de France, who invited T'ai-hsu to lecture, asked the Chinese minister in Paris if he could not arrange to have a better representative of Chinese Buddhism come to France. T'ai-hsu also founded the five most modern Buddhist seminaries (starting with the Wuchang Seminary in 1922). These seminaries, as well as other seminaries founded by 4 other monks or laymen, served to give young monks a better knowledge of Buddhist doctrine and some acquaintance with science, history, and other modern subjects. Such training served to overcome their reputation for ignorance and backwardness and to qualify them to preach in public. Over seventy seminaries were established between 1904 and 1949. But most operated for only a few years. T'ai-hsu centered his preaching on Pure Land doctrines because this was all that ignorant people could understand. However, at his seminary he encouraged students to master the abstruse doctrines of Dharmalaksana philosophy. To intellectuals T'ai-hsu talked about Buddhism and philosophy, Buddhism and science, Buddhism and social reform, Buddhism and economics, etc. Nevertheless, his reputation among his own brethren was equivocal. He had been regarded as a dangerous radical by most of the abbots of the large monasteries in China. They did not approve his plan, first published in 1918, to reorganize the Sangha into a corps of scholars, lecturers, and social service workers. They did not share his desire to show that Buddhism was scientific and that most modern currents of thought had a Buddhist basis or were compatible with Buddhism (Welch, 1976:171). They considered that the essential task for monks was religious practice (worship, meditation, rites, asceticism), to much of which T'ai-hsu was opposed on the grounds that it was old-fashioned and superstitious. Most of those Chinese Buddhist leaders also resented T'ai-hsu's flair for self-promotion. He usually managed to portray himself abroad as the leading Buddhist in China. In 1928-29 he became the first Chinese Buddhist monk to travel in the West (France, Germany, Britain, and the U.S.). After several unsuccessful attempts to found a national Buddhist association, he finally won control of the Chinese Buddhist Association in 1945. By the time of his death in 1947 he had become the Chinese Buddhist who was best known to non-Buddhists and to foreigners. But not much came out of T'ai-hsu's reform. The general intellectual climate left little room for a religious renaissance. Both a large part of the new educated elite and the Nationalist government itself tended to reject all religion as "feudal superstition," and even within the Buddhism community only a tiny minority was touched by the movement at all. 2. Sects Most Chinese monks considered that the doctrines of all sects were true and their practices efficacious, but that for each individual, at any given stage of his spiritual development, certain doctrines and practices were more useful and congenial than others, Thus a monk might belong by lineage to one of the Ch'an (Zen) sects, but study T'ien-tai doctrines and practice Pure Land recitation. This was extremely common, and it became even more so during the Republican period. In terms of doctrine, there was a revival of interest in the Dharmalaksana (Fa-hsiang), or Idealist School, which had been virtually forgotten since the T'ang Dynasty. The leader of this revival was the layman Ou-yang Chien歐陽漸, and the Institute of Inner Learning which he organized in Nanking in 1922 was the center. In this institute was assembled an illustrious group of Buddhist scholars to lecture on Idealistic philosophy to eager young intellectuals attracted by the systematic and articulate arguments of the school. Another outstanding participant in this revival was T'ai-hsu. Finally, there was Hsiung Shih-li熊十力, who formulated what he called the "new Idealism." In the mean time, there was also a revival within the Pure Land School that sought to 5 restore piety and faith among its followers in place of the formalism that had developed over the centuries. The monk mainly responsible for instilling new life and meaning into these practices was Yin-kuang印光 (1861-1940), who after his conversion to Pure Land pietism concentrated on living a pure religious life based on faith, devotion, and holiness. Endowed with great compassion, he believed and preached that salvation comes by faith alone - faith in Amitabha and faith in the realization of the Buddha-nature within oneself. These efforts by Yin-kuang and his followers brought about an extensive revival of the Pure Land School. Of the four million or so lay devotees of Buddhism in China during the 1930's, it is estimated that 60 to 70 % considered them-selves to be followers of the Pure Land School. T'ien-tai is often grouped under the general name of doctrinal schools. It received more attention not only as their texts entered the curriculum at seminaries, but also because it was championed by eminent monks. This was another factor in the resurgence of Pure Land School, since those who studied T'ien-tai doctrines generally advocated Pure Land practice. Ch'an (Zen) could be said to have become relatively less popular because its emphasis on religious practice did not fit in with growing secular activity. Nevertheless, Ch'an monasteries continued to command the greatest respect. Since Ch'ing Dynasty (1645-1911), most monks had belonged to the Lin-chi sect of Ch'an. Many of their disciples, however, having been tonsured in the Lin-chi sect and ordained under the Vinaya sect, went on to the newly established seminaries, where the texts they studied might be T'ien-tai, Avatamsaka (Hua-yen華嚴), or Dharmalaksana. All of them recited Buddha's name, since this was part of the standard daily liturgy at Chinese monasteries. While the popularity of different sects rose and fell during the Republican period, there was also a new trend against thinking it terms of sect at all. Monks and monasteries announced that they belonged to no sect or to every sect. In large measure this was simply an extension of the doctrinal inclusiveness. Yet it also represented a protest against monopolistic private control of public monasteries. 3. Division and Dissension Sect thus became less than ever a basis for division and dissension during the Republican period. But Buddhists were divided over the issues they thought critical for the future of Buddhism: study versus practice and philosophy versus religion. But they were divided in the first place by regional and personal loyalties. (a) Study versus Practice Should a Buddhist devote himself to textual research and intellectual understanding of the doctrine, or should he spend his time in devotions, meditation, and reciting Buddha's name? The extreme views were that he should do exclusively one or the other. A enthusiast for Ch'an commented: "Chinese Buddhism does not emphasize theory but practice, that is, the practice of the Vinaya rules and religious exercises. Scholarship and theory are obstacles" (Welch, 1968:202). Far at the opposite extreme stood Ou-yang Chien and T'ai-hsu. In T'ai-hsu's plan to reform the sangha, he provided for a token quantity of religious cultivation, but at most of his own seminaries there was little or none. He himself rarely took part in meditation, reciting Buddha's name, or even in daily devotions. What he emphasized was scholarship. Between the two extremes lay many gradations of emphasis, some heavy on practice, 6 others on study, others on balance. Some monks saw the need for balance on a rather different basis. The Chinese sangha, they felt, had withdrawn too completely in pursuit of its own salvation and had been doing too little to spread the dharma among the laity. Yet the dharma could be best be spread by persons who not only studied but exemplified it, and this meant that religious practice could not be ignored. (b) Philosophy versus Religion Closely connected with the issue of study versus practice was the question of the nature of Buddhism: was it a philosophy or a religion? In the eyes of many Chinese, philosophy was respectable while religion was not. The study of philosophy, particularly if it involved recondite ideas and textual criticism, was the prerogative of the scholar class, which throughout most of Chinese history had enjoyed the highest status in the community. The practice of religion, on the other hand, was conspicuous among the poor and uneducated, and it also was old-fashioned. One of the leading advocates of the philosophical approach was Ou-yang Chien. He regarded religion as superstitions. He also openly expressed his contempt for monks and aroused their fierce resentment. Liang Chi-chao, the most illustrious leader of the political reformers, also had a lifelong interest in Buddhist philosophy. What he saw in Buddhism was a philosophy that would serve as the basis for a Chinese renaissance (Welch, 1968:205). The majority of monks and devotees, who believed in the efficacy of Buddhist rites, were looked down on as superstitions by those progressive minority like Ou-yang Chien. But more and more monks argued that rites for the dead were not a part of the orthodox Buddhist tradition - they had been created in response to popular demand. Nevertheless, most of the monks still practiced the rites for the dead because that is their major source of income. 7 III. BUDDHISM UNDER THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC 1. Before and During the Cultural Revolution (1949-1972) Following the establishment in 1949 of the People's Republic, official Chinese policy toward the Buddhist clergy oscillated between political supervision and violent suppression. While the Chinese Communists are opposed to religion, they also realize that such a religion as Buddhism has existed in China for a long time, and that it has exerted considerable influence in the past on many facets of Chinese culture. Consequently, the leaders of the Communist party and government do not think it is opportune to use force to wipe out Buddhism, for fear that such a violent action might lead to serious repercussions among the people. But in 1950, the Communist government made certain pronouncements which could be interpreted as paving the way for a new phase in its attitude toward Buddhism. On August 4, regulations were promulgated specifying that Buddhist monks, Taoist priests, fortunetellers, and soothsayers were religious workers, and hence were to be classified as parasites on society, since they did not engage in any productive work (Ch'en, 1964:462). At the same time, abbots in temples were singled out as a group and regarded in the same category as landlords, since they administered the large tracts of temple lands and "lived on the sweat of the peasants." In 1951 the second phase began with the inauguration of the Land Reform Movement. The Buddhist temples were deprived of their main source of income for maintenance and the monastic order its means of livelihood. No longer would the monks be able to pursue their religious career of studying the scriptures and practicing meditation. Young monks and nuns were therefore obliged to return to laity and marry, while those remaining in the order were required to engage in some productive activities and to undergo a period of reeducation to cleanse their minds of outmoded ideas concerning religion. Although as late as 1958 the size of the sangha continued to be given as 500,000, it seems likely that it had long since dropped to less than 10 percent of that (Welch, 1976:175). This 10 percent was concentrated in large, well-known monasteries. After 1957 no ordinations were permitted. Thus the sangha, already decimated, faced final extinction. With temple lands confiscated and sangha reduced in size, the Communist government proceeded to the third phase, the organization of the Chinese Buddhist Association. Throughout the long history of the religion in China, the Buddhists have never been organized into a nation-wide body. On May 30, 1953, the Chinese Buddhist Association was officially declared to be in existence. According to the constitution, the purpose of the association is "to unite all followers of Buddhism under the leadership of the People's Government to demonstrate their love for the Fatherland and to preserve world peace" (Ch'en, 1964:464). Undoubtedly the fundamental reason for the establishment and the continued existence of the association is that it serves as the agent of the government for the control and supervision of Buddhist followers in China. Besides serving as agent of the government, the association fulfills another very useful role in the realm of international politics. The religious policy tightened for another step after 1965. Modern Buddhism, the official journal of the Chinese Buddhist Association, ceased publication at the end of 1965; the Chinese Buddhist Association became inactive; and Buddhist cultural exchanges dwindled. For many years during the Cultural Revolution Buddhism seemed to have been eliminated from Chinese life (Welch, 1976:177). 8 2. After the Cultural Revolution (1972 to Present) Then in 1972-73 came a gradual, limited reversal of policy. The Buddhist Association reappeared, along with the Religious Affairs Bureau. Several temples were refurnished and reopened, some with monks in residence. But there is no evidence of a renewal of lay worship or of contact between laity and monks. The legality of Buddhist activities was formalized in the Fourth National Congress of the Chinese Buddhist Association (CBA), held in Beijing in December 1980. A program for the restoration of Buddhism was announced by the CBA's chairman Zhao Pu-chu, endorsed by senior government and Party officials. The main elements were revival of the CBA itself; repair of monasteries; establishment of training schools; new ordinations; publication of Buddhist literature and development of contacts with overseas Buddhist organizations. As regards doctrine, the Chinese Buddhist Association promotes a rather syncretic form of rationalistic, this-worldly Buddhism, with constant exhortations to serve the people and contribute to the development of socialism. Observers estimated that there were around 25,000 monks surviving by the early 1980s (Hunter, 1992:14). Most of them had been in labor camps, or working as peasants, for many years previously. The great majority were over 60, and many much older, since there had been virtually no ordinations since 1949. As it was, during the past ten years, the CBA urgently established about thirteen of Buddhist academies, as one measure to educate a new generation of monks. According to Hunter's estimation, the grand total of graduates for all colleges for the past ten years is only about 1,100, hardly enough to replace the elderly monks who are obliged to leave (ibid., p.15). On the other hand, the total number of new ordinations, including that of graduates from the Buddhist academies, might be in the region of 10,000 between 1980 and 1990. The problem of corruption through money is very insidious. Much of the funds, which were either donated for building projects or paid in exchange for ceremonies, such as masses for the dead, were not declared but went into private pockets. According to one report, some young men became monks for a few years solely in order to save money to get married (ibid., p.16). Even in the most recent years there are signs of a somewhat more liberal policy, the pressure of a hostile ideology, this time combined with excessive emphasis on modernization, science, and technology, is not favorable to the existence, let alone the flourishing, of Buddhism as an organized religion. Some scholars of Buddhism even boldly prophesy that the religion is now in the last stage of its existence in China. Yet the lessons of the past urge caution in any projection into the future. A few significant points seem to emerge: Buddhism is more deeply rooted in traditional Chinese culture and enjoys a more relaxed relationship with the State. The famous monasteries are in some kind of working order, increasing numbers of monks and nuns are being ordained, and will be to take Chinese Buddhism forward into the next century. Intellectuals can find a wide range of materials to study on the philosophy and religious practices, and less educated people can enjoy the facilities for displays of popular religiosity. The thing that one can stress with Buddhism is "continuity." In this sense it is quite justified to talk about a "revival" of Buddhism since 1979, a revival which has been modest rather than spectacular as Christianity, but firmly rooted. 9 IV. CONTEMPORARY BUDDHISM IN TAIWAN Buddhism in Taiwan is presently undergoing a fundamental "revival" - one rooted in a traditional mold and not, as is the case of Japan, one manifesting itself in the foundation of new syncretistic religion in which Buddhism is but an important element. The focal point of this revival is the establishment of the Buddhist Association of the Republic of China (BARCO) in 1950. This organization coordinates a variety of Buddhist activities, and plays a significant role in the Taiwan-based movement for the revival of ancient Chinese culture and in the worldwide movement for the revitalization and diffusion of Buddhism. 1. Historical Background of Buddhism in Taiwan The Buddhism of Taiwan, like that of mainland China, Japan, Korea, and the greater part of Vietnam, belongs to the tradition known as the Great Vehicle, or Mahayana. Many Chinese following Koxinga(鄭成功) in 1661-62 left the mainland to take refuge in Taiwan, bring with them their traditional religions. To be sure, popular Buddhism then, even as it does now, contained a significant admixture of Taoism, but there did exist temples and monasteries where a purer form of Buddhism was practiced. However, if those Taiwanese Buddhist monks in 1950's were found ignorant, their services magical, and their community ill-organized, that was not just due to prejudice. They combined Pure Land devotion and Ch'an meditation. One valued simple Buddha-name recitation and the other regarded the k'ung-an公案 (koan in Japan) or tsan-ch'an參禪 (zazen in Japan) as self-sufficient. Practice so displaced theory that it virtually made a virtue of ignorance. In actually, most Taiwanese monks were not even deep Pure Land and/or Ch'an practitioners. They functioned more like priests, living off funeral services and penance-rituals, most of which were tantric in nature and were performed on behalf of the laity. In addition to this "orthodox" Buddhism, there is also in Taiwan a popular variety of Buddhism known as "Chai-chiao" 齋教, the vegetarian religion, whose believers abstain from meat, fish, etc. Chai-chiao, an offshoot of some quite ancient sects in mainland China, is in many ways an outgrowth of Chinese culture, having assimilated a considerable number of Confucian and Taoist elements. 2. Achievements of Taiwanese Buddhism The Buddhist revival in Taiwan is very much in the orthodox line, as it was reconstituted by Buddhists on the mainland. At the same time, however, this Buddhism has evidenced signs of profound change in its attitude toward the modern world. Worry of the stigma attached in "non-involvement" in the real world, it seeks to maximize its visible involvement, usually in the form of social works - for example hospitals, clinics, welfare and relief centers for the needy. Buddhist leaders in Taiwan point out that the basic premise of the doctrine of the Great Vehicle is involvement in the world. They do not want to be confused with the devotees of the Small Vehicle, who, they say, are proponents of a negative attitude toward the world, action, and human existence. Their desire is rather to devote themselves to action on behalf of others, in the manner of the Buddha himself. For them, Buddhism must show itself ready to take on the social problems of the world we live in, although the 10 ultimate task is the awakening of human consciousness. Buddhist organizations are making special efforts to recruit believers from the universities. Buddhist study groups now exist in universities and other institutions of higher learning. While these groups are primarily concerned with Buddhism's philosophical and cultural contribution to traditional Chinese culture, the religious influence they exert is far from negligible. Intensive sessions are also organized for students during vacations. More recently, many Buddhist institutes held a month-long sessions for university students every summer. Hundreds of students went and many of them indicated the sincerity of their religious devotion by taking refuge in the Three Jewels. Taiwanese Buddhism is also making a determined effort to recruit believers from among the general population. It should be remembered that Buddhism is not the most important religious tradition of Taiwan, though most people consider themselves Buddhists. The religion of the people is the old Chinese religion, enriched by numerous borrowings, notably from Buddhism, and owing its structure to Taoist organizations. A recent sociological survey held in Taiwan indicated that 40 to 46 % of people claimed to be Buddhist; 36 to 41 % claimed affiliation with the folk religion; between 8-11 % claimed no religious affiliation; between 2.5-4.1 % as Protestant; between 1.9-3.3 % as Catholic; and only 1 % called themselves Taoist (Raguin, 1976:182). This may prove that they think they are Buddhist when they are not, and that under the name "Buddhist" they mean what others will call "popular Chinese religion." By 1970, there are about 2,500 Buddhist temples with 7,750 monks in Taiwan. It is a fact that about one fourth of the main temples in Taiwan are purely Buddhist, without any representations of the gods or spirits. But we can not conclude that about one fourth of the population of Taiwan is Buddhist. One of the factors contributing to the Buddhist revival is the increase of contact between the leaders of the movement in Taiwan and Buddhist centers throughout the world. There is a steady flow of delegations from one country to another. In recent years, a number of Americans have come to Taiwan to undergo Buddhist train-ing and become monks. They are expected to return to their own country in order to propagate the law of the Buddha there. 3. Modern Great Thinker - Yin-Shun (印順) Yin-Shun (1906-2009) was a student of T'ai-hsu. He formulated his Buddhist philosophy after first having been thoroughly immersed in Chinese Buddhism and then having traced its source, namely, the earlier stages of Mahayana Buddhism in India. Yin-shun first studied Nagarjuna's Madhyamika sastra, then went on to study the Yogacara School, and finally returned to the study of the Chinese San-lun School. He was regarded as a follower of the San-lun 三論 School by many scholars. But after some contact with the Madhyamika philosophy of Tibetan Buddhism and the original philosophy of Emptiness, he left the San-lun School and formulated his own theory of Emptiness, thereby linking the Mahayana and Hinayana traditions (Chang, 1980:289). Yin-shun advocated Nagarjuna's Madhyamika thought but also praised the Yogacara thought of Asanga and Vasubandhu. in his view, it would not be proper to be limited to either one of them, nor would it be proper to accept both. Because, there were disagreements and disputes between these two schools. Yin-shun believed that one should synthesize Southern and Northern Indian Buddhism by taking sutras as wrap and 11 sastras as woof, and from this to observe the evolution of Buddhist thought. In his analysis of teachings, Yin-shun divided Mahayana Buddhism into three categories according to the views found in Indian Buddhist sutras and sastras (ibid., p.290). They are: (1) Empty Name Only School: This was established with reference to the Prajnaparamita and the sutras, sastras and other writings by Nagarjuna, Aryadeva, Bhavaviveka, etc. (2) Illusory Consciousness Only School: This was derived from the sastras and other writings by Maitreya, Asanga and Vasubandhu. (3) Real and Eternal Mind Only School: this was established on the basis of the Awakening of Faith and other Mahayana sutras that teach the Tathagatagarbha, the realm of the Tathagata, the Eternal True Mind and Mahaparinirvana. However, the last school could not be identified with the nature of perfect knowledge. Because the nature of perfect know-ledge is of the nature of emptiness, non-activity, and equality that is neither born or destroyed. It is, therefore, not like the Mind of True Suchness in the Awakening of Faith, to which impurity and purity, causes and effects are attached. In this way, Yin-shun criticizes T'ai-hsu as incorrect in holding that the Mind of True Suchness of Yogacara was the same perfumable Mind of True Suchness of the Awakening of Faith. According to Yin-shun, the philosophy of Emptiness is really the essence of Buddhism. All dharmas come from Emptiness. It is, therefore, only Emptiness that can establish all dharmas; only when we experience and identify with the essence of Emptiness, can great compassion and love emerge. Emptiness and selflessness is the only way to realize that all are relative, dependent and constantly changing. Only by this realization may true wisdom become manifest. More recently, Yin-shun published many books to promote his idea of so-called "Buddhism on Earth." He criticizes the attitude of those traditional Pure Land Buddhists, who desire to be born in the happy paradise of the West. On the contrary, Yin-shun proposes the concept of "the Pure Land on Earth" which should be earned right here and right now (Yang, 1991:212). On the other hand, he also strongly criticizes the Lamaistic Buddhism 喇嘛教 in its teaching of gods and spiritual beings. He suggests that the Esoteric School was influenced by the Hinduism and was corrupted severely. Yin-shun's knowledge of Chinese Buddhism is very broad, so he is able to abandon the traditional Chinese way of thinking and return to the Mahayana philosophy of Emptiness, which is really the original Indian Buddhism. There is no precedent for this in the history of Chinese Buddhist thoughts. He definitely is the most influential figure of the contemporary Buddhism in Taiwan. 12 V. CHARACTERISTICS OF CHINESE BUDDHISM Buddhism had its earliest origins in ancient India and subsequently spread broadly in China, Japan, and many Southeast Asian countries. After entering China through India, Buddhism, transplanted to the soil of China's feudal society, took root and grew, producing its own peculiar structure and forming many schools, branches, and denominational offshoots that possessed special national characteristics of the Chinese people, and became a component of the superstructure of China's feudal society as well as an important part of China's traditional intellectual and ideological culture. In different periods and stages of history, Chinese Buddhism acquired different characteristics. When we study the characteristics of Chinese Buddhism, we must understand the social conditions as well as the intellectual and ideological conditions that served as roots of the formation of these characteristics (Fang, 1989:3-71). The important social roots of the formation of Chinese Buddhism can be seen in several areas, such as the feudal system of centralization of power, the feudal ethical relations based upon the family or clan law system, political unity and blending of many races, and the shifts in the feudal ruling class and the frequency of peasant uprisings. As for the intellectual and ideological roots, there were also many. They are: the mainstream orthodox status of the ideology of Confucianism, the profound impact of Daoism, the controlling influence of traditional religion and its superstitions, and the changes that came about as a result of the discrepancies in language and ways of thought in the process of the transmission and assimilation of these teachings and ideas. After reviewing the history of Chinese Buddhism, Fang suggests that it has three major characteristics, namely, its harmonious character, its ability to be assimilated, and its simplicity. When we speak of the harmonious character of Chinese Buddhism, we are referring to its capacity to compromise with or to conform to different ideas or even opposite viewpoints outside of Buddhism, as well as its ability to support, to absorb, and to assimilate other viewpoints to which it bears some resemblance. At different stages of history, this harmonization had different focuses. In general, Buddhist sects can be divided into two major categories. One category consisted of those that basically inherited the original form of Indian Buddhism and did very little to become integrated with China's traditional ideas. Thus they are lost or less popular in China except in the region of Tibet. On the other hand, the second category, which consist of C'han, Tian-tai, Pure Land and Hua-yan sects, were established by integrating their own ideas with China's traditional ideas. These sects gradually become the main-stream of the contemporary Chinese Buddhism. On the other hand, when we speak of the ability of Chinese Buddhism to assimilate, we are turning to the subject of the internal relationship in Buddhism. The Chinese Buddhists systematically evaluated and judged different schools and placed them in a "hierarchy" based on the sutras that they exalted in particular -the phenomenon known as "pan-jiao" (判教 evaluative judging of the religion). The premise is to interpret these various schools as "ways of explaining things by Buddha at different times in different places to different audiences" (ibid. p.53). Thus it is possible to explain that there would be all sorts of discrepancies in the sayings, and to distinguish hierarchically among varying conditions in the unified intellectual system. Finally, one characteristic that the C'han school and Pure Land school shared is their simplicity both in doctrinal teachings and in cultivation and disciplinary methods. There are 13 differences, however. The simplicity of the C'han school was build upon its penetrating theoretical foundation - attainment of Buddahood by the revelation of nature and by sudden enlightenment. Thus it is a correspondingly easy-going and simple method of cultivation and discipline. On the other hand, the simplicity of the Pure Land school was built upon a simple and superficial religious basis - by calling upon the Name of Amidabuddha 阿彌陀佛. Thus it is called the "Way of Easy Conduct." Therefore, Chinese Buddhism evolved along these three major tracks: harmonizing (with what was outside), assimilation (internally), and simplification (of itself). This in fact forms the fundamental outlook of the development of Chinese Buddhist thought, and it is from this that we get expression of the characteristics typical of Chinese Buddhism. REFERENCES Chang, Bhiksu Sheng-Yen 1980 "Four Great Thinkers in the History of Modern Chinese Buddhism." In Studies in History of Buddhism. New Delhi, India: B.R. Publishing Co. p.283-294. Ch'en, Kenneth K. S. 1964 Buddhism in China. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press. Fang, Li-tian 1989 "A Tentative Discussion of the Characteristics of Chinese Buddhism." Chinese Studies of Philosophy. 20, No.4, p.3-71. Hunter, Alan 1992 "Buddhism and Protestantism in the P.R.C." Bridge, No.52, March-April. p.14-19. Raguin, Yves 1976 "Buddhism in Taiwan." In Buddhism in the Modern World. Edited by Heinrich Dumoulin and John C. Maraldo. New York: Macmillian Publishing Co. p.179-185. Welch, Holmes 1968 The Buddhist Revival in China. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press. 1976 "Buddhism in China Today." In Buddhism in the Modern World. Edited by Heinrich Dumoulin and John C. Maraldo. New York: Macmillian Publishing Co. p.164-178. Yang, Hue Nan 1991 The Prospect of Contemporary Buddhism (In Chinese). Taipei, Taiwan: Tung-Da Publishing Co. Zurcher, Erik 1987 "Buddhism in China." In Buddhism and Asian History. Edited by Joseph M. Kitabawa and Marck D. Cummings. New York: Macmillian Publishing Co. p.139-149. 14