Article
Constituting Canon and Community in Eleventh
Century Tibet: The Extant Writings of Rongzom and
His Charter of Mantrins (sngags pa’i bca’ yig)
Dominic Sur
Department of History, Utah State University, Logan, UT 84322-0710, USA; dominic.sur@usu.edu
Academic Editors: Michael Sheehy and Joshua Schapiro
Received: 2 September 2016; Accepted: 1 March 2017; Published: 15 March 2017
Abstract: This paper explores some of the work of Rongzom Chökyi Zangpo (hereafter Rongzom)
and attempts to situate his pedagogical influence within the Old School or Nyingma (rnying ma)
tradition of Tibetan Buddhism.1 A survey of Rongzom s extant writings indicates that he was a
seminal exegete and a particularly important philosopher and interpreter of Buddhism in Tibet. He
was an influential intellectual flourishing in a period of cultural rebirth, when there was immense
skepticism about Tibetan compositions. His work is thereby a source of insight into the indigenous
Tibetan response to the transformations of a renaissance-era in which Indian provenance became
the sine qua none of religious authority. Rongzom s charter (bca yig), the primary focus of the
essay, is an important document for our understanding of Old School communities of learning.
While we know very little of the social realities of Old School communities in Rongzom s time, we
do know that they were a source of concern for the emerging political and religious authorities in
Western Tibet. As such, the review below argues that the production of the charter should be seen,
inter alia, as an effort at maintaining autonomy in the face of a rising political power. The analysis
also provides insights into the nature of the social obligations operant within Rongzom s
community constituted as it was by a combination of ritually embodied and discursive
philosophical modes of learning.
Keywords: Old School; Nyingma; pedagogy; philosophy; ethics
1. Introduction
The worldview of the Great Vehicle (mahāyāna, theg chen) tradition of Buddhism is organized
around the altruistic figure of the bodhisattva, a type of pedagogical being, whose very existence is
characterized by the vow to help sentient beings along the spiritual path.2 Thus, to be a bodhisattva
is to be a guide and thus a teacher. The ”uddha Śākyamuni is often simply referred to as Tönpa
Chomdendé (ston pa bcom ldan das): The Lord who Teaches or The Conqueror Who Shows the
path to the end of suffering. Within tantric Buddhism, which is referred to as the Indestructible or
Adamantine Vehicle (vajrayāna, rdo rje theg pa), the emphasis on teaching is evinced in the intimate
relationship between a disciple and guru and the student s devotion to his or her teacher. This
relationship is traditionally produced and maintained through guru yoga, a tantric practice in which
1
2
David Germano (University of Virginia), James Gentry (Kathmandu University/University of Virginia), and
Berthe Jansen (Universiteit Leiden) read an early draft of this article and I need to thank them each for their
invaluable criticisms and suggestions.
Sedgwick
has described the bodhisattva as a figure radically self-defined in pedagogical terms [1],
p.
, a being who is defined almost simply as a being whose commitment to pedagogical relationality
approaches the horizon of eternity [ ], p.
.
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one s teacher is regarded as a buddha a figure whose pedagogy is perfect.3 There is a special term
in Tibetan for the tantric relationship formed between student and teacher: damtsik (dam tshig). This
term corresponds to the Sanskrit term, samaya, which means pledge or vow . A disciple obtains
damtsik when she receives tantric initiation, a ritual ceremony that structures the teacher-student
relationship as well as the inter-personal relations of those students who have the same teacher and
attend the same teachings, In that case, their relationship is couched in language of family: they are
referred to as indestructible or Vajra siblings (rdo rje mched), a phrasing which suggests that
Tibetans conceptualize these relationships as constituting a family that is not simply biological. It is
a family whose relations are maintained through particular rituals and types of behaviors (i.e.,
practices ). This essay provides scholarly inquiry into the ways in which Tibetan Buddhists
envisioned the communities formed through damtsik by examining writings of eleventh-century
author, Rongzom.
Rongzom is a prominent figure within Tibetan Buddhist history, in particular for Tibet s Old
School (rnying ma) of Buddhism. He was an important translator and exegete of Indian Buddhism, a
prolific author of Buddhist literature himself, and a proponent of the authority and authenticity of
Tibetan compositions of Buddhist literature4 in a time of cultural rebirth when anything un-Indian
was by definition un-Buddhist ([3], p. 14). Rongzom was thereby an authoritative and influential
figure flourishing in a transformative time. 5 Not only was he arguably the first to defend the
legitimacy of the Old School, he was one of its champions, arguing for the supremacy of the Old
School over its New School rivals. Beyond his position as a defender of the Old School, Rongzom was
also an important translator and exegete for the New Schools. By contributing to the proliferation of
Old School and New School religious literature alike, he straddled an important division in
Himalayan Buddhism that is still with us today.
The aim of this paper is to outline Rongzom s contributions to pedagogical theory and practice
in Tibet by exploring the scope and nature of the damtsik relationship envisioned in one of Rongzom s
texts. Broadly conceived, I use the term pedagogy to think about the history of Buddhist ways of
3
4
5
Traditionally, it is said that a Buddha, one who has gained enlightenment, precisely and perfectly intuits the
best way to teach and guide beings. This perfect teaching is the purpose of a buddha s appearance in the
world.
Dkon cog grel: de bas na rgyud kyi gzhung ldab bu la sogs par ston pa dang|gal te mkhan po rnams kyis bsdus shing
sbyar ba srid na yang|de bzhin gshegs pa i gyin gyis rlabs byung ba la tshul nges pa med pa yin pas the tshom gyi yul
du bya ba ma yin no| (RZSB, vol. 1, 84.23 85.1). Notably, in the same passage, Rongzom evinces an expansive
view of authority by stating that good explanations given in non-Buddhist treatises may in fact be the result
of a buddha s blessings or emanation my stegs can gyis legs par bshad pa i gzung yang sangs rgyas rnams kyi byin
gyis brlabs pa dang sprul pas bshad pa yin pa|85.4 6). Cf. ([2], p. 284).
It may be argued that Rongzompa was not, in fact, so influential, by suggesting that his influence did not
persist through the intervening centuries between the 11th century in which he lived and the 19th century, in
which a non-sectarian movement began; or, perhaps, that Rongzompa s work was simply overemphasized
by those in the nonsectarian movements to serve their own agenda. To the contrary, I contend that
Rongzompa s work was of significant influence and concern over the centuries. Rog Bande Sherab (1166
references Rongzom s Chos byung (See [3]; [4], pp. 232, 419). The Old School preserves traditions of
Great Perfection interpretation (Roerich 167) and Vajrakilaya that trace their origins to Rongzom ([4], p. 232).
Critical figures for the Old School like Longchenpa and Sokdokpa Lodro Gyaltsen (16th/17th c.) both engage
Rongzom as part of their own exegetical projects. In fact, in his Phyogs bcu mun sel, Longchenpa follows
Rongzompa in interpreting the most important text for Tibet s Old School, the Guhyagarbhatantra, in terms of
Atiyoga Great Perfection even locating the source for the interpretation in the same verse from the
thirteenth chapter of the tantra as does Rongzompa [5]. Notably, though, Longchenpa and Rongzompa
diverge on a critical issue: the ontological status of gnosis and so-called pure appearance [ ], p.
, n.
494). In this case, the fact that Longchenpa takes time to criticize Rongzompa s view and assert his own
interpretation speaks to his influence and authority i.e., he was significant enough that Longchenpa could
not ignore him. Moreover, Rongzompa also composed a commentary on the Man ngag lta phreng, itself a
commentary on the thirteenth chapter of Guhyagarbhatantra attributed to Padmasambhava. Rongzom s
inclusion in Old School lineage prayers and the fact that he is the only Old School figure afforded his own
section in the Deb ther, all evidence his ongoing influence and authority for the tradition.
Religions 2017, 8, 40
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teaching and learning; about how these connect human beings through social relationships and
embed them in a community embodied by meditative and ritually embodied practice on the one
hand, and discursive philosophical discourse on the other.
This paper offers a detailed review of the text of Rongzom s tantric charter 6 with an eye for
contextualizing its composition in light of a rising political power in Western Tibet. As I show below,
Rongzom s work is important for examining the origins of the Old School s tradition and for
understanding the indigenous response to Tibet s eleventh century cultural and political renaissance.
I argue that Rongzom s charter may be seen as a way of seeking autonomy from outside
interference perhaps interference from the rising political power in the West that was keen to be
seen as the arbiters of true religion i.e., authentic Buddhism. Before doing so, however, I begin by
looking at the character and contents of Rongzom s extant collected works.
2. The Audacity of Autochthonous Authorship
Chapter three of The Blue Annals, 7 a chronicle of Tibetan religious history attributed to Gö
Lotsawa Zhönnu Pel ( gos blo tsā ba gzhon nu dpal, 1392 1481),8 recounts an interesting story about the
translator, Rongzom.9 According to the story, there was a gathering of Buddhist scholars from the
Four Horns of Central Tibet. 10 A group of Tibetan Buddhist translators and intellectuals there
decided to confront and censure Rongzom over his prodigious and therefore unseemly literary
output.11 These men thought it unacceptable (mi rigs) that a person born in Tibet, such as Rongzom,
had composed such a large number of authoritative commentaries and scholastic treatises (śāstra,
bstan bcos). Yet after seeing and discussing each treatise with the author, they were so impressed that
each subsequently offered to serve Rongzom as a disciple. This constitutes a remarkable turnabout
from their initial hostility.
The pertinence of this narrative is that it shows Rongzom flourished at a time in Tibet when
there was immense skepticism, if not outright antagonism, toward Tibetan composition of Buddhist
literature and toward some indigenous Tibetan religious movements.12 The fact that these wouldbe censors changed their minds about Rongzom s work only after seeing and engaging in discussion
of each treatise (bstan bcos re mthong zhing gsung glengs re mdzad pas) suggests just how hostile the
environment was toward Tibetan composition: these translators and interpreters of Buddhism were
ready to censure work they had not even examined on the basis of the birthplace of the author.
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
More will be said on this little studied genre of Tibetan literature. As noted by Jansen, Tibetan charters or
chayik (bca yig are a generally under-appreciated resource in the study of Tibetan social history ([7], p.
598, n. 7).
See [8].
On the historical context of this work and its authorship, see [9].
The same episode is recorded in the earliest generation of Rongzom biographies stemming from his direct
disciples. See [10].
The Four Horns of Tibet (ru bzhi) are four areas in Central Tibet: the side horn of Tsang, called Rulak, the
right horn of Tsang, called Yéru, the Left horn of Ü, called Yoru, and the central horn of Ü, called Uru. For
an examination of the Four Horns, see ([11]; cf. [12]), who reports that the division of Tibet into the left and
center horns was carried out to allocate territory to two of Langdarma s sons, 5sung and Yumten, both of
whom had supporting factions vying for sussession to the Langdarma s vacated throne ([11], p. 48).
Sources typically name the following figures: Bangka Darchung (bang ka dar chung , Dö Khyungpo Hūm
Nying (mdo i khyung po hūm snying , Gö Lhétsé gos lhas btas), Gya Gyeltsül (rgya rgyal tshul), Marpa Dowa
(mar pa do ba, b. 1011), Sétrom Gyatso Bar (se khrom rgya mtsho bar), Shapkyi Yangkhyé Lama (shab kyi yang
khyed bla ma), Tsamtön Gocha (mtsham ston go cha , and Uyukpa Da Samten u yug pa mda bsam gtan).
According to Karmay, there was serious criticism, of which we shall have more to say below, of the general
tantric practices prevailing outside of any institutional structure in Tibet during the late th and early th
century [ ], p. . “ccording to Dalton, this so-called dark age was when Buddhism plunged its roots deep
into the Tibetan soil [ ], p.
. Moreover, Dalton writes [b]y the tenth century, new [Tibetan] texts had
begun to emerge that combined Buddhist teachings and practices with the traditional Tibetan fascination
with the spirits of the Himalayan plateau [ ], p.
.
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Considering that Tibetans have since become prolific authors of a wide variety of authoritative
Buddhist literature, we may wonder why, in Rongzom s time, there was such a different attitude.
3. The Formation of New and Old
Buddhism was formally introduced onto the Tibetan plateau13 through the efforts of, among
others, the emperor Trisong Detsen (khri srong lde bstan, r. 755/6-797), who is said to have lifted
restrictions on the practice of the Buddhist religion and instructed government employees and
ordinary subjects alike to practice the Buddhist religion.14 When a Buddhist monk named Lhalung
Pelgyi Dorjé (lha lung dpal gyi rdo rje) assassinated the last Tibetan emperor, Langdarma (glang dar
ma), the Tibetan empire imploded. Without state support, Buddhist institutions were lost; but
Buddhism flourished in local communities where teachings and lineages were often transmitted
along hereditary lines of family and clan.
In the eleventh century, an economic and political resurgence was accompanied by a remarkable
transmission of religious literature and media into Tibet; by the end of the century, Buddhist
institutions were again taking root.15 Beginning in this era of increasing religious diversity, processes
that would last for more than two centuries instigated the formation of religious divisions on the
basis of competing lineages that gradually came to be conceptualized at a higher level into an
overarching bifurcation into the Old (rnying) and New (gsar), which leaves to the side the other
religious tradition of historical Tibet, called Bön. 16 Many promulgators of the new lineages of
Buddhist practice imported into Tibet, which are traditionally categorized as the New Schools (gsar
ma) by virtue of the fact that their transmission into Tibet stemmed from the renaissance period, were
dismissive of the religious lineages and traditions that existed in Tibet prior to the eleventh-century.
The aim of the Tibetan renaissance was thus to remake religion rather than simply reviving it ([14],
p. 2). Adherents to these old religious lineages and traditions, however, embraced their identity as
the Old School (rnying ma), which for them implied the connection to Tibet s greatest traditions,
ancient pedigrees, superior scriptural translations, and intimate association with the glorious
imperial age.17
Rongzom was deeply versed in the old esoteric traditions preserved during the dark age and
wrote brilliantly about them. But he was also a master of the new dispensations and his personal
13
14
15
16
17
Lamentably, my account here largely ignores the presence of Tibet s prominent non-Buddhist tradition, Bön,
which has been significantly influenced by the Buddhist tradition. I am currently preparing a larger study of
Rongzompa s philosophy that takes the influence of Bön philosophy into greater account.
Deb ther kun gsal me long: khri srong lde bstan gyi sangs rgyas kyi chos byed mi chog pa i bca khrims med par
bzos|blon bangs thams cad la chos bya ba i bka legs par gnang ([15], p. 78.2 3).
For example, Radreng (rwa sgreng monastery was established by Dromtönpa Gyelwé Jungné brom ston pa
rgyal ba i byung gnas , “tiśa s chief disciple, around
. In approximately
/
, three premier centers
of learning were established: Sakya (sa skya) monastery was founded by Khön Könchok Gyel ( khon dkon
mchog rgyal). In the same year, the premier center for Tibetan scholasticism and the study of Indian logical
epistemology (pramāṇ a, tshad ma) was established at Sangpu Neutok (gsang phu ne u thog) by Ngok Lekpé
Shérap (rngog legs pa i shes rab, fl. 11th c.). According to the Bön tradition, the premier center for the study
Bön philosophy, Yéru Wensakha (g.yas ru dben sa kha), was founded by Namkha Yungdrung (nam mkha
g.yung drung), also known as Druje Yungdrung Lama (bru rje g.yung drung bla-ma). (After Yéru Wensakha
was destroyed in the fourteenth century, it was rebuilt by in 1405 by Nyamé Shérap Gyeltsen (mnyam med
shes rab rgyal mtshan) and thereafter called Tashi Menri (bkra shis sman ri).) On Tibetan Buddhist scholasticism,
see ([16], pp. 1 114; [17], pp. 10 13, 326 33). On this renaissance of Tibetan culture, see [ ].
For an essay on Tibetan sectarianism and the emergence of a nonsectarian movement, see ([18], pp. 237 50).
Rongzompa declared that the early translations dating to the Imperial period the earlier spread of
”uddhism that comes, in part, to comprise a foundation for Tibet s Old School are superior to New School
translations for six reasons. According to Lopon P. Ogyan Tanzin [ ], p.
, the six greatnesses of the
Early Translations (snga gyur given by Rongzompa are the greatness of the patrons, the greatness of the
scholars, the greatness of the translators, the greatness of the places where the translations were made, the
greatness of the doctrines translated, and the greatness of the offerings made as a support for requesting the
doctrine.
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compositions powerfully ranged over both traditions with creative and compelling lines of inquiry
delivered in a snappy prose often employing distinctive images and metaphors. His extant corpus
includes commentaries on important New School literature, such as his Commentary on the Difficult
Points of the Sarvabuddhasamāyogaḍ ākinījālasaṃvaratantra (RZSB, vol. 2, pp. 457 620), and literature
associated with the Old School tantras, such as his commentary on the most important text for the
Old School, the Guhyagarbhatantra (RZSB vol. 1, pp. 31 250). Thus, in this turbulent religious
landscape of the eleventh century, Rongzom was not only one of the most brilliant intellectuals on
the Tibetan plateau but he was also a unique figure who straddled the emerging boundary between
the New and Old schools.
The beginning of the renaissance of Tibet s religious culture is traditionally connected with two
main factions a group of monastics in the East and the rise of an aristocratic house in the West.18 In
the Western court at Gugé, the ruler, Yéshé Ö (ye shes od), claimed that tantric Buddhism had been
misunderstood and misrepresented in Tibet. He felt that the village Buddhism flourishing in the
absence of institutions and state control was riddled with corruption. According to Yéshé Ö and a
scion of his royal house, Podrang Zhiwa Ö (pho brang zhi ba od), Tibetans also engaged in the worst
type of fabrication by composing their own tantric texts during the dark age in order to give textual
justification for their wrong views and behaviors, which were said to be mistaken at best and violent
and licentious at worst.19 In order to establish authoritative lines of religious dispensation and in
order to establish the Western court as the site of emerging political power on the plateau Yéshé Ö
and Podrang Zhiwa Ö composed formal ordinances containing criticism of village religious
communities and charges of fraudulence against a number of scriptures used in the Old School. Some
scholars have suggested that these criticisms implicitly took aim at the Guhyagarbhatantra, the Old
School s principal tantra.20
The ordinances declare a large number of texts that were eventually codified in Tibet s Old
School of Buddhism to be unacceptable and inauthentic works fabricated by Tibetans. For the
emerging kingdom in the West, which was intent on establishing a network of Buddhist institutions,
the production and dissemination of such literature and its criticism of these village teachers and
their religious communities was part and parcel of their expansionist agenda, which concerned, inter
alia, assimilating (read: bringing under control) the village religious communities who might not
otherwise join the newly emerging monastic institutions of scholastic learning favored by the rulers
in the West and promulgators of the New Schools.21 As such, some proponents of the renaissance
and its New Schools saw works composed by Tibetans as ex hypothesi inauthentic, unauthoritative,
and perhaps even dangerous. These ordinances identify, as objects of their criticism, a number of
18
19
20
21
Dalton addresses some of this period s figures, sociopolitical concerns, and shifts. It would seem that the
translators described in the Blue Annals above may be said to form a third faction of loosely-affiliated
translators beyond the monastic faction in the east and the aristocratic house in the West.
Dalton describes the [Western] court s opposition to what it saw as a rampant abuse of tantric ritual [ ],
p. 97).
Wangchuk [2] has questioned whether and to what degree the Guhyagarbhatantra was an object of concern in
the eleventh century. It appears to be the case that the Indian pedigree of this work and its textual traditions
were called into question, but the Guhyagarbhatantra is not actually mentioned in the ordinances.
Nevertheless, Karmay infers that this work was an implicit object of ordinance criticism. Karmay also reports
that the controversy over its Indian pedigree only came to an end when a Sanskrit original was found at
Samyé (bsam yas) monastery by the Kadampa master Chomden Rikrel (bcom ldan rig ral) ([2], pp. 7 8, n. 35).
Deb ther, however, states that Kaché Paṇchen Śākya Śrībhadra kha che paṇ chen shākya shrī b+ha dra,
1225) found the Guhyagarbhatantra Sanskrit manuscript after his arrival to Samyé (136.4 5). To be clear,
though the ordinances may not explicitly name the Guhyagarbhatantra, they do describe several works closely
connected with it as debased dres ma) ([2], p. 274).
This should not suggest that there were no monks connected with the Old School lineages living in dark age
Tibet. For example, Blue Annals reports that the important tenth century figure, Zurpoché Shakya Jungné
(zur po che shakya byung gnas), was a celibate brahmacārin [ ], p. 110).
Religions 2017, 8, 40
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important Old School scriptures and the householder mantrins22 living in villages who have no
connection with the Three Ways and yet who claim We follow the way of the Great Vehicle! ([13], 9
[English], 14 [Tibetan]).23 It is perhaps no coincidence that Rongzom uses this very phrase in the title
of his seminal defense of the Old School s Great Perfection (rdzogs chen) approach to the spiritual
path in a text entitled Entering the Way of the Great Vehicle.24
Rongzom was an early proponent of autochthonous composition and an established teacher
with a large group of monastic and lay disciples. Such compositions and communities appear to have
been focal points for the concerns of the ascendant political faction in the West, which was keen to
claim the mantle of the arbiters of true religion in Tibet and to extend control over a wide domain
where religious institutions were hitherto largely absent and religious authority was decentralized
among clans, families, and communities. Thus the ordinances authored by Yéshé Ö and Podrang
Zhiwa should not only be seen as an attempt to reform and remake Tibetan religion, but also as an
attempt to project political power. Rongzom was operating in an environment in which a deluge of
new religious media was flooding into Tibet. But he was also contending with movements of
collection, organization and system-building that strove to present theoretically cogent
conceptualizations of the overall Buddhist path. These movements were thoroughly pedagogical
insofar as pedagogy 25 implies systematic efforts to create and transmit theoretically consistent
systems of knowlege.26 With this in mind, the nature and scope of Rongzom s compositions, and his
22
23
24
25
26
The Sanskrit term mantrin corresponds to the Tibetan ngakpa (sngags pa), a term used to designate a class of
lay or nonordained religious specialists virtuosi who are not monastics. See Rongzompa s The Charter of the
Mantrins, which is treated below.
To be clear, the renaissance era is not the only period wherein Tibetan authorities worried about the possibly
negative influence of the tantras. During the Imperium, strict controls were placed on the translation and
transmission of the tantras, as well. The three ways may refer to the three types of vows monastic vows
common to the Theravādayāna pratimokṣ a, so thar , bodhisattva vows common to the Mahāyāna
(bodhisattva, byang chub), and commitments for tantric initiation and practice (samaya, dam tshig).
Harmonizing these three vows was an important theme of the era.
For an introduction and English translation of this text, see [20]. For a traditional presentation of Great
Perfection in the context of the Old School tradition, see [ ]. For a scholarly survey of the Great Perfection s
place in Tibetan intellectual history, its sources, doxographies, and practices, see [22]. For a cursory survey
of Bön literature, see [23]. For a Bön presentation of Great Perfection, see [24,25]. For an academic survey of
the Great Perfection tradition, its sources and intellectual history, see [ ]. On the Great Perfection s
distinctive traditions of contemplative practice, theory and lineal history, see [ ]. For an essay on memory
in the tradition of Great Perfection, see ([28], pp. 178 96). On the broad development of the classical
philosophical view of the Great Perfection tradition, see [29]. On Bön tantric epistemology, which is an
incorporation of Mahāyāna logic and ”ön Great Perfection that bears some remarkable similarities to
Rongzom s epistemology, see [30 33].
“ pedagogical agenda, in this particular context, refers to a commitment to teach in ways that are
consistent with, in fact that are the enactment of, [a teacher s or tradition s] theories of reading, writing and
thinking [ ], p. . Throughout this paper, the term pedagogy is used to draw attention to the process
through which knowledge is produced in a systematic and traditional manner [ ], p. . ”eyond the
composition of particular texts, the move toward organized system-building can also be seen in the
pedagogical agendas of such figures as Ngok Loden Shérap (rngog blo ldan shes rab, 1059 1110), the nephew
of Ngok Lekpé Shérap, and Chapa Chökyi Sengé (phywa pa chos kyi seng ge, 1109 1169), whose contributions
to the Tibetan study of Indian logical epistemology are relatively well-known. In short, these two men, the
founder and sixth abbot of Sangpu Neutok monastery, respectively, incorporated and innovated the study
of logic and epistemology (pramāṇ a, tshad ma) and laid the foundations for scholastic philosophical learning
in a monastic setting in eleventh century Tibet. On their contributions, see ([35,36]; [37], pp. 21 22, chapters.
21 22; [17], pp. 137 39; [38]).
One well-known text produced through this effort was authored by the renaissance progenitor, “tiśa
. The ”engali ”uddhist master s Lamp for the Path to Enlightenment (bodhipathapradīpa, byang chub lam gyi
sgron ma), composed at Töling Tsuklakhang (tho ling gtsug lag khang) shortly after his arrival in Tibet around
1042, was written in order to dispel misunderstanding about the Buddhist path and to articulate the proper
relationship between tantric and nontantric Buddhist practice and commitments in a monastic context that
modeled a newly emergent, and soon to be dominant interpretive framework championed by the New
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charter, in particular, constitute an important source of information concerning the indigenous
Tibetan response to the influx and growing influence of new Buddhist lineages and their
proponents both in religious and political terms.
4 Rongzom’s Contributions to Old School Pedagogy
4.1. Composition: Authoritative Scholastic Commentarial Literature
One night Rongzom saw in his dream that he had prepared the gSaṅ -sñiṅ as parched
barley, and the Saṅ s-rgyas mñam-sbyor as vegetables, and was eating them. He related the
dream to his teacher, and Ru said to him: The dream is very auspicious! It is a sign that you
have penetrated the Doctrine. You should compose a commentary. Thus from the age of
thirteen onwards, he became an accomplished scholar.27
It is said that when he was thirteen years old, Rongzom had a dream in which the
Guhyagarbhatantra, the most important scripture of the Old School of Tibetan Buddhism,28 appeared
as food that he enjoyed that is, it became fully internalized, a part of him. Upon hearing the dream
recounted, Rongzom s teacher declared the dream to be a sign that Rongzom would be a scholar of
some significance. He learned Sanskrit in his youth and became a great translator of Buddhist
literature in a period of rebirth. The renaissance-era fixation on Indian religious authority and
authenticity during this period was tangible. The very beginnings of religious traditions per se in
Tibet tended to presume the unquestionable authority of Indian Buddhism. On the basis of Indic
27
28
Schools [ ], p. . “tiśa s work is indeed pedagogical it teaches an authoritative and theoretically
informed approach to religious practice, complete with bibliography of suggested readings, and instructions
on how to maintain the three types of vows that themselves comprise a complete commitment to Tibetan
Buddhist life. The three types of vows are the monastic vows of the Vinaya, the bodhisattva vow of the
Mahāyāna, and the tantric commitments samaya, dam tshig) that accompany the initiation into and study and
practice of Vajrayāna or secret mantra guhyamantra, gsang sngags . “tiśa s own pedagogical agenda in
Tibet incorporated a conscious move away from hereditary and clan-based lineal descent ([4], p. 251). For an
English translation of this text, see [ ]. “nother eleventh century attempt at a broad pedagogy is from “tiśa s
disciple, Drolungpa (gro lung pa blo gros byung gnas, fl. 11th c.). His voluminous Great Stages of the Teaching
(Bstan rim chen mo) is an overarching discourse on the path, from how to rely on a spiritual guide to the
advanced stages of realization of a bodhisattva. On this figure and this text, see [40]. On distinguishing the
bstan rim genre from the better known lam rim genre, see [41]. Another early attempt to present a cogent
theoretical approach to the path is Gampopa s Precious Ornament to Liberation, which explicates the Buddhist
teachings in terms of the well-known pedagogy of ground, path, and fruit. For an English translation, see
[ ]. The ground, path, and fruit *āśrayamarghaphala, zhi lam bras) framework is, according to Dungkar
(1794 s.v. gzhi lam bras), used in two senses. In the first sense of the phrase, the ground corresponds to
conventional and ultimate reality, the path corresponds to the method (compassion) and insight (direct
perception of the true nature of reality), and the fruit corresponds to all the qualities that are included within
the buddha ground. In the second sense, the term is applied to the view, meditation, and fruit of all the
vehicles. Here, the ground is a decisive resolution of the view, the path is gained through meditative
experience, and the fruit is the attainment of buddhahood (dang po gzhi kun rdzob bden pa dang|don dam bden
pa gnyis| bras bu sangs rgyas kyi sras bsdus pa i yon tan rnams yin|gnyis pa theg pa thams cad kyi lta sgo [sic] bras
gsum la sbyar ba ste|gzhi lta ba gtan la phab pa|lam sgom pas nyams su blangs pa| bras sub yang chub thob pa bcas
so).
([8], p. 164).
On the place of Guhyagarbhatantra in Old School intellectual history, Gentry writes Despite controversies
surrounding its Indian provenance due to the unavailability of a Sanskrit manuscript for several centuries,
successive generations of Old School scholars have composed commentaries on this important esoteric
scripture. It appears, in fact, that demonstrating knowledge of this tantra and the many interpretative issues
born from its exegesis was a prerequisite for being deemed a scholar of the Old School tradition. Thus, any
scholar worth his salt felt compelled to pen a commentary, making the list of Guhyagarbha-tantra
commentators read like a Who s Who of the greatest Old School scholars active from the eleventh to the
twentieth centuries [ ], p.
, n.
.
Religions 2017, 8, 40
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models,29 Tibet invested its political and socio-cultural capital into the providence of this authority.
Rongzom s contribution to the tradition of Tibetan composition can be appreciated when recognized
in the context of New School partisans rejection of any form of Buddhism that was deemed to be of
Tibetan providence and thereby non-authoritative. 30 As mentioned above, for these neoconservatives , anything un-Indian was by definition un-Buddhist, so that all innovations in
doctrine, ritual, behavior, or meditation instructions were, prima facie, illegitimate, simply because
they could not be tied to an lndic text or Indian tradition ([4], p. 14).
Thus the tangible skepticism among some Tibetan literati concerning the validity and authority
of Tibetan compositions meant Rongzom s writings in the eleventh century were, as the story in Blue
Annals suggests, audacious. The would-be critics who planned to censure Rongzom were particularly
distressed that a person who was born in Tibet composed this many ( di tsam) authoritative exegetical
treatises (śāstra, bstan bcos).31 Further, some of Rongzom s writing, his Entering the Way of the Great
Vehicle in particular, directly and indirectly counters charges against works rejected in the ordinances
and the Old School s tradition of Great Perfection.32
While tantra is common to both the New and Old schools, the lineages and practices each
adopted and championed are different.33 The Old and New schools also diverged on the issue of the
importance of exoteric schools of Buddhist philosophy and the relevance of monastic
institutionalism. The New schools often embraced monasticism and exoteric Buddhist philosophical
systems, both of which were rapidly developed and assimilated into particularly Tibetan forms. In
contrast, the Old School, in these early centuries, tended toward lay, often hereditary lineages outside
of monastic institutions.34 In response to the New School s ascendancy, the Old School also engaged
29
30
31
32
33
34
On the term Indic , see ([43], p. 328).
Davidson writes visible throughout this period but especially toward the end, are the neoconservatives,
those who formed and propounded the new Buddhist orthodoxy. Unlike the agenda of indigenous Tibetan
conservatives [such as Rongzom and other Old Schoolers who championed religion that traced its origins to
the Imperium], the neoconservatives took as their standard of authenticity the feudalistic Buddhist
monasteries in India [ ], p.
.
bod tu skyes pa i gang zag gis bstan bcos di tsam rtsom pa mi rigs so zhes zer zhing sun byin du ongs ba la (Deb ther
209.9 10). For a general overview of how Tibetans have traditionally treated these technical exegetical
treatises called śāstras in Tibetan Buddhist intellectual culture, see [44].
For example, in chapter five of this text, Rongzom often cites texts that are objects of criticism in the ordinance
of Phodrang Zhiwa 5. He then quickly asserts that the same view is taught in a number of Mahāyāna sūtras.
In this way, he endeavors to show that these works, regardless of whether their author is Tibetan or not, are
both authentic and authoritative. For Rongzompa, Indian provenance is not the requirement for authenticity
and authority. In chapter 4 of the same work, Rongzom laments that those obsessed with treatises grammar
and logic reject Great Perfection because it is contrary to logic RZS” vol. ,
.
21; cf. [20], p. 111). In
this way, he is tacitly admitting a perceived flaw and nevertheless asserting that the rejection of the Great
Perfection because it is contrary to logic is, in effect, to miss the soteriological forest for the logicophilosophical trees. He likens this move to preferring costume jewelry to actual precious stones.
Interestingly, while the Old and New Schools differ in which tantras they principally transmit and authorize
as supreme, the three major non-Geluk schools of Tibetan Buddhism Nyingma (rnying ma), Sakya (sa skya),
and Kagyu (bka brgyud) all adopted a pedagogical model significantly different from the dominant Geluk
tradition ([17,38]). Thus, while the Sakya and Kagyu are New Schools, they, along with the Old School, use
the shédra rather than the tsödra model. Notable, as well, has been Sakya influence on Old School
scholasticism.
The monastery of Katok (kaḥ thog dgon), founded in Kham, Eastern Tibet, in 1159, occupies an important
place in the history of Old School monasticisim and scholasticism (See [45]); but its history also points to
some of the ruptures and discontinuities sustained over the years by the Old School s monastic movements.
No comprehensive account of Old School pedagogy can be taken into account until a detailed examination
of systems of learning and teaching are studied. As Gentry notes ([6], p. 223), the founder of Katok, Dampa
Deshek (1122 1192), is also an important figure in early Old School philosophy. His remarkable work, Theg
pa spyi bcings, serves as an example of an Old School text that employs normative Indian Buddhist philosophy
and espistemology in the service of grounding the tantric view. The fact that Yeshé Gyeltsen (ye shes rgyal
mtshan, b. 1395) wrote a rather fascinating commentary on this text in a scholastic idiom also suggests the
long history of philosophical work at this Old School institution.
Religions 2017, 8, 40
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in new forms of literary production. Apart from the work of Rongzom, however, this early
renaissance literature most typically took the form of visionary revelations, called treasure (gter
ma), whose content was primarily esoteric thought and practice, or narrative tales of a glorious past,
and whose authorship was deferred to the imperial past with only its current revelation attributed to
modern agency.35
Thus, when we consider the form and content of his writings, Rongzom stands as an important
and unique early figure in the Old School s tradition of exegesis. In terms of form, much of his work
projects the authority of canon; 36 in terms of content, his extant corpus covers a remarkable and
diverse range of subjects. Rongzom Chözang s collected literary works are said to have once
numbered upwards of sixty volumes;37 most of these are thought to have been lost ([10], p. 78). A
recently published collection of his works, Rong zom chos bzang gi gsung bum (RZSB), in two volumes,
contains the following thirty-two writings:
Volume one:
1.
2.
35
36
37
38
The Catalog of Rongzom s Collected Works: A Garland of Flowers (Rong zom gsung bum dkar chag me
tog phreng ba), pp. 1 11.38
The Hagiography of the Great Spiritual Guide, Chokyi Zangpo (Dge ba i bshes gnyen chen po chos kyi
bzang po i rnam par thar pa), pp. 23 30.
I do not mean to suggest that prominent figures from the Old School did not author important or even
philosophical works in the early renaissance era. Certainly, the Bsam gtan mig sgron of Nup Sangyé Yeshé (ca.
tenth century and “ro Yeshé Jungné s Theg pa chen po i rnal byor la jug pa i thabs bye brag tu byed pa (TBRC:
W25983) may be counted as such. Duckworth writes While many scholars of the Nyingma tradition
certainly studied the exoteric texts of Buddhist sūtras and śāstras, they did not commonly write commentaries
that focused on such exoteric texts [ ], p. xviii . This is also not to suggest that the treasure tradition is
without pedagogical structure. According to Tulku Urgyen Rinpoche, every major treasure revealer (gter
ston must reveal a minimum of three major themes Guru Sadhana, Great Perfection, and “valokiteśvara
([47], p. 372, n. 3). This threefold scheme may not have been used in the early renaissance era. Moreover,
although the validity of the texts and objects that were discovered as treasure was called into question and
became a further barrier between the Rnying ma pa and the other traditions that followed the New tantric
translations [ ], p.
, figures associated with the traditions of the New Schools Sakya, Kagyu, and
Geluk eventually revealed treasures, as well ([18], pp. 239 40). The Four Medical Tantras (rgyud bzhi),
which are broadly accepted as authentic by Tibetans, were themselves treasures discovered by Drawa
Ngönshé (grwa ba sngon shes, 1019 1090), a figure who is also said to have discovered treasures for the Old
School and Bön traditions ([18], p. 239). On treasure literature, see Mayer [48,49] andHirshberg ([50], chapter
3), Gyatso [51]. On the Four Medical Tantras, see Yang Ga [52].
One may reasonably question when Rongzom s treatises were labeled as authoritative commentaries. My
view is based on several presumptions that texts identified as commentaries in Rongzompa s extent
collected works were composed as commentaries that is, that they consciously do the exegetical work
characteristic of commentary; that they were received as commentaries by his direct disciples, who recorded
the controversy surrounding them; and by his would-be critics, who were putatively motivated by his
composition of them. Yet, in significant respects, Rongzom s commentaries are often unconventional. For
example, while Rongzom was obviously familiar with the formal protocols found in Buddhist commentaries
such as a formal homage (cf. [53]) and reliance upon a single text as the basis of commentary, his extent
commentaries are often without these formal features. These texts nevertheless are obviously composed in
the manner of sophisticated and authoritative scholastic treatises. Moreover, the fact that Rongzom was a
controversial figure in his time precisely for his composition of treatises is witnessed in an early biography
attributed to a direct disciple [ ], p.
. Köppl, discussing Rongzom s outspoken and undaunted
character [ ], p.
, speculates that, especially during the eleventh century, with all its debates over
authenticity , Rongzom appears to have been unconcerned with some of the formal protocols of his day.
See ([10], p. 75). For an extensive catalog of his works, see Rong pa Me dpung s Rje Dharma bha dras mdzad
pa i chos kyi rnam grangs kyi tho yig (RZSB vol. 1, 235.1 , which estimates the size of Rongzom s corpus as
exceeding 100,000 ślokas. A śloka is a unit of measure typically defined as four lines in verse or thirty-two
syllables of prose (tshigs bcad la tshig rkang bzhi re dang|tshig lhug la yig bru so gnyis re byas pa i yig tshogs rtsi
thabs shig, TDCM s.v.).
This text is Ju Mipham s
work, Rong zom gsung bum dkar chag me tog phreng ba (RZSB vol. 1).
Religions 2017, 8, 40
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
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The Ratnaṭ īka, a Commentary on the King of Tantras, Guhyagarbha (Rgyud rgyal gsang ba snying po
dkon cog grel), pp. 31 250.
The Intimate Space (khog dbug chung ngu), pp. 251 53.39
The Threefold Explanation: A Commentary on the Proper Recitation of the Names [of Mañjuśrī] (Mtshan
yang dag par brjod pa i grel pa rnams gsum bshad pa), pp. 255 90.
The Pith Oral Instructions [Entitled] A Garland of Views (Man ngag lta ba i phreng ba), pp. 291 300.
A Commentary on the Pith Oral Instructions [Entitled] A Garland of Views (Man ngag lta phreng gi
grel pa), pp. 301 51.
The Rongzom translation of the Mañjuśrīkrodhamantrārtha, Vajramaṇ ḍ alaviddhipuṣ ṭ ināmasādhana
of Ācārya Vilāsavajra40 ( Jam dpal khro ba sngags kyi don gyi rdo rje i dkyil khor gyi cho ga rgyas pa slob
dpon sgeg pa i rdo rje mdzad pa|Rong zom gyur bzhugs), pp. 353 67.
The Procedure for the Guhyamantra System for Casting Tsa-Tsas and Developing the Four Types of
Enlightened Activity According the Vajrasattva Māyājāla (Rdo rje sems dpa i sgyu phrul drwa ba las
byung zhing gsang sngags kyi lugs su sātsatsha gdab pa phrin las bzhi sogs bsgrub tshul), pp. 369 83.
Casting Stupas in Terms of the Divine Tantras of the Vajroṣ ṇ īṣ a & the Amitayus (Rdo rje gtsug tor
dang tshe dpag med kyi lha rgyud kyi sgo nas mchod rten gdab pa), pp. 385 93.
Notes on Cremation (Gdung bsreg gi tho yig), pp. 395 98. 41
Instruction in Meditation and the Attendant Liturgy on Chemchok (Che mchog gi sgom khog bstod pa
dang bcas), pp. 399 403.
Sublime Adornments: A Sanskrit File of the Mantras for the Intermediate Peaceful Ones and the Manifest
Wrathful Ones (Zhi ba dring po dang khro bo snang ba dam pa rgyan gyi sngags rgya dpe la gtug pa),
pp. 405 13.
The Exegetical Treatise [Entitled] Entering the Way of the Great Vehicle (Theg pa chen po i tshul la jug
pa i bstan bcos), pp. 415 54.
Actualizing Appearances as Divine According to the System of Guhyamantra Vajrayāna (Gsang sngags
rdo rje theg pa i tshul las snang ba lhar bsgrub pa), pp. 557 68.
VOLUME TWO:
Great Memoranda of Theory (Lta ba i brjed byang chen mo), pp. 1 26.
Miscellaneous Essays (Gsung thor bu), pp. 27 130.42
The Fundamentals of Consecration (Rab gnas kyi rtsa ba), pp. 131 34.
A Text on How to Consecrate Images of the Tathāgata s Body, Speech, and Mind: An Introduction and
Explanation Composed by Rongzom (Bde bar gshegs pa i sku gsung thugs kyi rten la rab tu gnas pa ji
ltar bya ba i gzhung gi bshad sbyar rong zom gyis mdzad pa), pp. 135 69.
20. A Consecratory Rite Composed by the Great Paṇ ḍ it, Rongzom (A Sanskrit text) (Rab tu gnas pa i cho
ga rong zom lo tsā ba chen pos mdzad pa (rgya dpe o), pp. 171 96.
16.
17.
18.
19.
39
40
41
42
The Tibetan term khog dbug is a common genre label usually meaning internal structure, or framework
of a particular ritual cycle, collection or commentary. My thanks to James Gentry for his note on the matter.
The colophon of this text notes this short work was a discourse given by Rongzom (rong zom gsung ngo,
253.13).
Vilāsavajra, a.k.a. Līlāvajra sgeg pa rdo rje), circa late 8th century.
This work does not appear to have been penned by Rongzom. Rather, the work purports to record
Rongzompa s instructions gdams ngag). The Tibetan term for notes here is tho yig, a term referring to a
document that is a mnemonic list written in order to help the reader call to mind the most important points
of a given topic (brjed tho i yig ge|don gnad dran gso i tho yig god pa, TDCM s.v.).
Rongzompa s Miscellaneous Essays (Gsung thor bu) is itself a collection of eleven essays: on Buddhist theory
(29 34.12), on the division of vehicles (34.13 50.18), on ritual offerings (50.19 53.23), on the nature of
Buddhist paths (53.24 63.13), on the nature of naturally occurring gnosis (63.14 66.1), the black snake
discourse on the hierarchy of views (66.2 69.14), on the nature of buddhahood (69.15 87.8), on the general
principles of tantra (87.9 104.22), on ritual initiations (104.23 105.15), on the twenty-eight samaya of
Mahāyoga
.
111.20), on the view of the maṇ ḍ ala as the resultant play of naturally occurring great
gnosis (111.21 130.6).
Religions 2017, 8, 40
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21. Memoranda of Various Theories and Tenets (Lta ba dang grub mtha sna tshogs pa brjed byang du bgyis
pa), pp. 197 231.
22. A List Enumerating Lord Dharmabhadra s43 Works (Rje Dharma bha dras mdzad pa i chos kyi rnam
grangs kyi tho yig), pp. 233 39.
23. The Extensive Discourse on Commitment (Dam tshig mdo rgyas chen mo), pp. 241 389.44
24. The Charter [Entitled] The Eightfold Enclosure, Written by Rongzom Chözang for Those Disciples
Committed to Him (Rong zom chos bzang gis rang slob dam tshig pa rnams la gsungs pa i rwa ba brgyad
pa i bca yig), pp. 391 405.
25. Prescriptions and Prohibitions Concerning the Twenty-Eight Tantric Commitments of Mahāyoga (Rnal
byor chen po i dam tshig nyi shu rtsa brgyad las gnang bkag gi yig ge gsal bar bkod pa), pp. 407 412.
26. A Commentary on [the Sanskrit grammar of] Ācārya Smṛ tijñānakīrti s Vacanamukhāyudhopama (Smra
sgo mtshon cha i grel pa), pp. 413 55.
27. A Commentary On the Difficult Points of the Sarvabuddhasamāyogaḍ ākinījālasaṃvaratantra (Sangs
rgyas rgyas thams cad dang mnyam par sbyor ba mkha gro ma sgyu ma bde ba i mchog ches pa i rgyud
kyi dka grel), pp. 457 620.45
28. The Condensed Body Offering (Lus sbyin bsdus pa), p. 621 23.46
29. The Dharma Tradition (Zhwa chos), pp. 62 626.47
30. A Supplication to Rongzom Chozang called The Churning of the Waves of Conviction (Rong zom chos
bzang la gsol ba debs pa dad pa i rba rlabs mngon par g.yo ba), pp. 627 31.48
31. The Guru yoga of the Mahāpaṇ ḍ ita, Śrī Rongzom, called the Shower of Blessings (Dpal rong zom
paṇ ḍ i ta chen po i bla ma i rnal byor byin rlabs char bebs), pp. 633 36.
32. The Publisher s Colophon (Spar byang smon tshig), pp. 637 40.49
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
Dharmabhadra is Rongzompa s Sanskrit name.
Deb ther (208.17 209.4), and other traditional biographies of Rongzom, sets this text within a trilogy of
Rongzom works traditionally understood to explicate the so-called three higher trainings (triśikṣ ā, bslab pa
gsum) specifically in connection with pith oral instructions (upadeśa, man ngag . There, Rongzom s Extensive
Discourse on Commitment is understood in the context of the higher training in ethical discipline (adhiśīla, lhag
pa tshul khrims). This framework is also found in the catalogue of Rongzompa s work by his direct disciple,
Rongpa Mépung (rong pa me dpung) ([10], p. 68). Ronald Davidson identifies Rongpa Mépung as Lopon
Mépung (slob dpon me dpung), as he is called in Blue Annals, and states that he was Rongzom s great-greatgrandson ([4], p. 419, n. 87). From the lineage given in Deb ther, however, it looks as if four generations
separate Mépung from Rongzom. That is, Mépung is said to be the son of Rongpa Kunga (rong pa kun dga ),
who is the son of Chokyi Gyeltsen (chos kyi rgyal mtshan), who is the son of Rongpa Bumbar (rong pa bum
bar), who is the son of Rongzompa (Deb ther 209.16 210.5; cf. [8] pp. 166 67).
This text is traditionally held to explicate the so-called higher training in meditative absorption. Cf. n. 44
above.
This short tantric liturgy contains a colophon stating this less than page-long work was spoken by a Tsünpa
Zhenpenpa, the monk, Zhenpen btsun pa gzhan phan pa) in order to fulfill the wishes of Orgyan Gonpo (o
rgyan mgon po), the intelligent one born through the recitation of a dhāraṇ i in the presence a very powerful
man (mi dbang chen po i mdun na don gyi rigs las khrungs pa i blo ldan o rgyan mgon po i bzhed skong du btsun pa
gzhan phan pas smras pa (RZSB vol. 2, 623.16 18). On the identification of the monk, Zhenpen, see note .
This is a short praise of the Old School containing a colophon that states this work was delivered by the
monk, Zhenpen . “ccording to Tibetan ”uddhist Resource Center, the author of this text is Zhenpen Tayé
Özer (gzhan phan mtha yas od zer, 1800 1855). I have rendered the English title in accordance with the idea
that the metaphor hat dharma zhwa chos indicates sectarian identity red hats might refer to Nyingma
and Sakya, yellow hats might refer to Geluk, black hats might refer to Kagyu, and so on . “s mentioned
above, while the term Old School rnying ma) is not, to my knowledge, used in RZSB, this putatively
eleventh century liturgy does contain the term Early Translation School snga gyur lugs, RZSB vol. 2,
626.11).
At the top of this work is a Tibetanized Sanskrit title: Mahā-paṇ ḍ ita-dharmabhadra-deñdhyeśa[ṇ a?]nāthaddhani-saurmiga-abhicala-nāmaḥ .
This text does not appear to be authored by Rongzom, who is its focal point for praise (639.1 2).
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A quick review of the contents of RZSB indicates that nine works designated there numbers 1,
2, 6, 22, 28, 29, 30, 31, and 32 are not in fact attributed to Rongzom,50 leaving twenty-three Rongzom
compositions listed in RZSB if we include his translations of other author s works. Notably, number
17 is itself a collection comprised of eleven distinct essays. Thus, if we count each individually, we
find thirty-three Rongzom compositions given in RZSB.51 Of these twenty-three works listed in RZSB
(thirty-three if we count each essay in number 17), sixteen numbers 3, 5, 7, 9, 10, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18,
19, 21, 23, 25, 26, as well as number 27 constitute exegetical treatises (śāstra). Among these, six
numbers 14, 15, 16, 17, 21, and 24 deal (at least in part) with exoteric Buddhist subjects, such as
philosophical theory (dṛ ṣ ṭ i, lta ba) and tenets (siddhānta, grub mtha ). One of the works, number 26,
is on Sanskrit grammar, one of the branches of the so-called linguistic sciences (śabdavidyā, sgra rig
pa). 52 From among Rongzom s sixteen śāstras, eight numbers 3, 5, 7, 9, 10, 23, 25, and 27 deal
explicitly in tantra while three numbers 14, 15, and some essays included in number 17 might be
described as philosophical Vajrayāna, which blend discussions of exoteric and esoteric subjects.
Thus, while the majority of Old School figures in the early renaissance-era focused their textually
productive powers elsewhere, a review of his extant work shows Rongzom s literary output to be a
full-throated engagement with the scholastic norms and philosophical discourses that became de
rigueur with the ascendance of the New Schools of the renaissance. That so many of his works are
labeled as authoritative and exegetical commentaries is all the more remarkable considering he
flourished in a period in which there was skepticism about autochthonous composition.53 When we
consider this renaissance-era fixation on Indian providence as the sine qua non of religious
authenticity, as well as the Old School s more general turn toward the treasure traditions (gter ma) as
the principle means of producing early renaissance-era literature, Rongzom s embrace of the
scholastic mode of discourse, his composition of authoritative Buddhist treatises, and the wide
horizon of subjects he covered from scholastic Indian Buddhist and non-Buddhist philosophy to
ritual, from funerary rites to architecture indicates Rongzom s status as an unique early figure in
the Old School intellectual history and Tibet s own tradition of indigenous composition.54
4.2. Ethics: The Charter of Mantrins
To date, little is known about the Nyingma response to the political and cultural transformations
of the renaissance-era. Moreover, due to the nature of the evidence left to us, we also know very little
of the social realities of dark age religion. Given that Rongzom was simultaneously an important
figure in the translation and exegesis of New School literature and one of the earliest defenders of the
tantric lineages and practices transmitted through Tibet s dark age, it seems plausible (or at least
50
51
52
53
54
Number 1 appears to be the work of Ju Mipham (RZSB vol. 1, 22.21). Number 6 is attributed to the Indian
tantric adept, Padmasaṃbhāva. Number
is attributed to Rongpa Mépung, a direct disciple of Rongzom.
Numbers 28 and 29 are perhaps the work of Zhenpen Tayé Özer. Number 30 is attributed to the famed
nonsectarian master, Jamyang Khyentsé Wangpo ( jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse i dbang po, 1820 1892). Number
31 is attributed to Ju Mipham; and number 32 appears unattributed, though it may perhaps be the work of
Alak Zenkar Rinpoche, Tupten Nyima (a lags gzan dkar rin po che thub bstan nyi ma), though I do not know.
Almogi ([10], 79), for her part, finds thirty-two Rongzom works.
The linguistic sciences (śabdavidyā, sgra rig pa) comprise one of the five so-called domains of knowledge
(vidyāsthāna, rig gnas), the locus classicus of which is found in the sixth chapter of a text that stands as a
hallmark of Indian Buddhist scholasticism, the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra ([54], p. 393).
“gainst the objection that Rongzompa s works were only later labeled as commentarial treatises, we have
evidence in number 22: a list of Rongzompa s writings compiled by his direct disciple, Rongpa Mepung [10],
which describes several Rongzompa compositions as treatises or grel ba (RZSB, vol. 2: 235.6, 235.13, 236.4,
238.15). Moreover, as mentioned above, the story given above about the attempt to censure Rongzom for his
compositions is found in the earliest generation of biographies attributed to his direct disciple [10].
I do not believe the important compositions of Imperial era figures such as Kawa Peltsek ([s]Ka ba dPal
brtsegs), Chokro Lui Gyeltsen (cog ro klui i rgyal mtshan), and Yeshé Dé (sna nam ye shes sde), or the dark age
figure, Nupchen Sangyé Yeshé (snub chen sangs rgyas ye shes) detracts from the remarkable nature of
Rongzompa s contribution to Tibetan intellectual history. Ruegg [55] examines Yeshé Dé and his important
Imperial-era work.
Religions 2017, 8, 40
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useful) to presume that he was aware of the ordinances and critiques of institutionally non-affiliated
tantric communities and Old School esoteric scriptures that appeared during his life.55 Part of the
political agenda of renaissance proponents involved in the critique of the Old School s practices and
communities such as the valorization of institutionalized monasticism and the wholesale rejection
of Tibetan compositions should be seen as an attempt to shift a locus of religious power and
influence away from the decentralized sites of socio-political power, such as the families and clans
who transmitted elements of the Old School s Buddhist traditions in local communities.56
Just as the story of Rongzom s would-be censures above reflects Tibetan anxiety about
autochthonous composition, the ordinances indicate that the Western court in Ngari (mnga ris) was
anxious to counter the corruption of localized tantric Buddhism, condemn scriptures deemed
inauthentic,57 and to present itself as an arbiter of true religion.58 By championing an approach to the
Buddhist path organized around institutional monasticism, the court set itself directly against the
authority and validity of local tantric communities, which were organized around devotion to one s
own (read: local) teacher. Such local tantric communities were not, however, obviously under the
dominion of the emerging government in the West.59 In this context, Rongzom s charter may be seen
as one way of seeking autonomy from outside interference.60
With local non-affiliated religious communities becoming the subject of and perhaps subject
to the Western court s growing attention and reformist political agenda, Rongzom composed a
charter that sets forth the rules governing life in a religious community. The charter, to the degree it
is made public, may also function to counter negative perceptions of the community. In this sense, a
charter may function to assuage an emerging polity s concerns and disincline it from interfering in a
community s society and culture. Thus, Rongzom s tantric charter or chayik (bca yig) a term also
translated as constitution and written set of guidelines
formalizes or codifies the rules of his
own community of ordained householders who dedicate themselves to the practice of tantric
Buddhism, called mantrins (sngags pa). Before detailing Rongzom s charter and examining what it
tells us about the indigenous response to and social realities in the early renaissance-era, let us turn
briefly toward the chayik genre itself, for a brief look at the nature and function of this little studied
genre.
The Tibetan term chayik, which is translated here as charter , is said to be a contraction of the
phrase a document establishing legal regulations for the ordained Buddhist community (dge dun
55
56
57
58
59
60
A list of texts that were rejected as Tibetan fabrications (meaning neither authentic nor authoritative Buddhist
literature) is found in Karmay ([13], pp. 31 37). There we find several titles that correspond to seminal
literature of the Old School s Great Perfection contemplative tradition.
Today, the Old School divides its authoritative esoteric literature into two collections. The first is comprised
of revealed treasure gter ma , efficacious objects and scriptures said to be hidden during Tibet s Imperial
past in order to be brought to light at a later date, when they were most needed. The second collection consists
of the [Continuously Transmitted] Word bka ma) collection, which is made up of esoteric scriptures that
were not produced and transmitted through the revelatory mechanism of treasure revelation.
The ordinance of Yeshé 5, addressed and delivered to mantrins mantrika, sngags pa) and signed by the
king of Puhrang i.e., Western Tibet , generally criticizes and insults the preceptors and mantrins who
reside in the villages grong na gnas pa i mkhan po sngags pa rnams, [13], p. 16). The ordinance of Phodrang
Zhiwa Ö, which was simply addressed and delivered to religious adherents in Tibet bod kyi chos pa),
comprises a list of mantras and writings fabricated by Tibet[ans] bod [pa] kyis byas pa i sngags dang yi ge,
[13], p. 40)
Cf. ([12], p. 97).
Davidson [4] has written about tantric Buddhism as being based on a model of Medieval Indian polity. That
is, each individual tantric community comprises its own polity (maṇ ḍ ala) with a sovereign at the center and
vassals in the periphery. It is obvious from this model how an emerging political power might see local
polities as a threat to consolidation.
Historically , Ellingson writes, the establishment of ”uddhist monastic communities has typically entailed
some form of at least tacit articulation of internal autonomy vis-à-vis the state, while its breach by the state
has been taken by the monastic community as unjustified interference or persecution. In Tibet, of course, the
increasing growth of monastic power that eventually resulted in the formation of a bilateral monastic-secular
system of state governance provides a particularly strong example of monastic autonomy [ ], p.
.
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la khrims su bca ba i yi ge).61 Charters differ significantly in terms of the particular rules they employ
to organize a community and in terms of how exhaustively they outline those rules. Typically,
however, a charter is drawn up by a respected authority who is requested to do so. 62 Charters,
Ellingson writes, tend to condense the details of the Vinaya into basic principles of communal life
and government, and articulate soteriological concepts into specific guidelines for the conduct of
religious communities ([56], p. 210). As such, the charter genre connects up politics, ethics, and
philosophy that is, how people live and learn Buddhism together as a social unit.63 Thus, the term
chayik may refer either to a genre of text in general or a particular constitutional document that
functions to codify the fundamental principles of life in a particular religious community.64 As such,
Tibetan chayik help us understand the ideal social realities envisioned by a particular author for a
specific community.
Most of the charters Ellingson surveyed describe the value of community membership; and they
contain sections on the duties, observances, and procedures of the community ([56], p. 214). Charters
are also important in solidifying public support for a religious community ([56], p. 212) and
legitimating it in the eyes of outside agencies ([56], p. 216). Without the public s respect and material
support, monastic communities would not be capable of collecting the resources they need to pursue
their vocation. This may be relevant to the discussion of Rongzom s charter, in particular, considering
the milieu of its production. The production of charters in Tibet is often associated with the political
agenda of the state ([57], p. 31). In this connection, Ellingson reports that charters go beyond their
roots in the legal/ethical literature of the Buddhist Vinaya.65 Charters have also been used in Tibet to
legitimate a tantric community in light of the arbitrary distortions of authentic [tantric] traditions,
reinforced by negative Tibetan experiences during the [dark] age of decline of political and religious
61
62
63
64
65
Ellingson ([56], p. 207). Ellingson is careful to qualify the phrase ordained ”uddhist community saṁgha,
dge dun) in this context as being applicable to both monks and nuns in general and particular local
communities [56], p. 212). I take this is meant to include mantrins (mantrin, sngags pa). To be sure, charters
are not simply appendices to the Vinaya. See Jansen [58], whose thesis observes this is clearly not the case.
Charters have also been used to constitute guidelines for lay behavior. Cf. ([57], pp. 30, 33; [7], p. 598, n. 8;
2015b).
Ellingson ([56], p. 209; [57], p. 29; cf. [58], p. 22). In the case of Rongzom s Charter of the Mantrins, the wording
that opens the text does not explicitly state that the charter was requested, but it does make a connection
between anxiety about local religion and Rongzompa s discourse gsungs) on the charter, which was
apparently recorded by an attendee.
The fifty-one charters Ellingson studied indicate a common layout. They have general and specific sections,
which he describes as follows The provisions found in the general section deal mainly with basic principles
of the organization of monastic communities derived from ”uddhism and the Vinaya code…The
introductory portion of the specific provisions deals with the overall history and structure of the particular
monastic community and with matters pertaining to the bca –yig itself. Some of this material may also be
found in other sections of the bca –yig, rather than grouped together in a single section. The history of the
monastery and its relation to specific Buddhist traditions, together with any changes in tradition which may
have necessitated composition of a new bca –yig, are subjects almost certain to be covered, since the
implications of the established legitimacy and content of such traditions extend beyond the bca –yig itself to
the body of unwritten rules and practices which are the non-documentary components of the monastic
constitution [ ], p.
. ”erthe Jansen [ ] offers a summary description of the category Monastic
rulebooks, regulations, or codes exist wherever there are Buddhist monasteries. Rather than being
commentaries to or explanations of the vinaya or the pratimokṣ a vows, these works mostly pertain to the
physical space of the monastic compound and its inhabitants. Their rules are often perceived to be more
provisional, more flexible, and more temporary than the rules or vows found in formal Vinaya literature.
This makes these works valuable for a study of the historical development of Buddhist monasteries and their
organization [57], p. 29).
No two religious communities are the same so their respective charters vary widely. While the same charter
may be used to govern several monasteries [ ], p.
, a particular charter may also abound with local
flavor…[and] explicitly state their local and contemporary purpose with respect to a community Jansen
[57], p. 31).
Jansen s thesis argues the charter genre s roots are found in ad hoc works parallel with Vinaya ([58], p. 5)
with no true Indian precedent, not even the elusive kriyakarika mentioned in Sanskrit ([58,] p. 16).
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institutions (ninth eleventh centuries) ([57], p. 217). As such, charters such as Rongzom s Charter of
the Mantrins may be used as a lens into sociopolitical realities on the ground. As Jansen (2015) writes,
in Tibet monastic rules were sometimes tools of the state. These particular bca yig have the
aim to restructure the monastery s religiopolitical alliances and often contain rules for
monasteries that are both physically and religiously far removed from the author s
effective power ([57], p. 31).
Thus, I would like to emphasize three aspects of the charter genre in connection with Rongzom s
Charter of the Mantrins. First, a charter should be seen as an inward-facing document that governs
relations through informing members of a community of the social and ethical expectations of
membership. Second, the charter is also an outward-facing document meant to shore up the reputation
so vital to these communities. Third, and as an extension of this second aspect, I would emphasize
that Rongzom s charter may also be seen as part of a political agenda in which a religious community
objectifies itself through the document of regulations in order to assuage and avoid criticism and
outside political interference. Considering the vital role of monasteries in Tibetan politics and culture
and the fact charters are a generally under-appreciated resource in the study of Tibetan Buddhist
social history ([7], p. 598 n. 7), Rongzom s Charter of the Mantrins is a resource for understanding
the internal structure and workings of his community ([56], p. 206), namely lay tantric practitioners
of the Old School. As we are interested in these groups responses to the renaissance, we are
particularly fortunate that Rongzom s Charter of the Mantrins survives.66
Let us now turn to the content of the text itself.
The full title of Rongzom s charter is The Charter [Entitled] The Eightfold Enclosure , Taught by
Rongzom Chözang for Those Disciples Committed to Him,67 which I am referring to simply as The Charter
of the Mantrins (cf. sngags pa i bca yig). In its opening passage, which prefaces the circumstances in
which the charter was written, The Charter of the Mantrins connects dark age religious communities
and renaissance-era reformers. It opens with a passage referencing the wedding of prince Songtsen
Bar (srong btsan bar)68 and seems to imply that aristocratic concerns about the degeneration and
corruption of Buddhist life among both lay and ordained communities prompted Rongzom to gather
his disciples and give them the discourse that comes down to us as The Charter of the Mantrins. At the
top of The Charter of the Mantrins, we read:
In the dragon year,69 at the wedding the prince Songtsen Bar (srong btsan bar), a descendent
of Pawa Désé (pha ba lde se), ruler of the region of lower Tsang in the Four Horns of Tibet,
66
67
68
69
Ellingson states that the ideological foundation of the bca yig genre is found not only in the Buddhist
monastic regulations codified in the Vinaya ( dul ba) section of the Tibetan canon (Cf. [58], p. 5), but it is also
derived from concern over the corruption of tantric practice ([56], p. 217). For a typology of literature
assembled in the Tibetan canons, see Cabezón and Jackson [59]. For a brief introduction to the Tibetan
Kangyur (bka gyur) Tibetan ”uddhism s collection of ”uddhist discourses classically attributed to the
Buddha or sanctioned by him see Harrison [60]; Jansen [ ], p.
following Ellingson, reports that the
first bca yig-like text contains instructions given by Lama Zhang zhang brtson grus grags pa, 1123 1193). It
appears, then, that Rongzom s Charter of the Mantrins is our earliest extant example of a bca yig.
Tib. rong zom chos bzang gis rang slob dam tshig pa rnams la gsungs pa i rwa ba brgyad pa i bca yig. See (RZSB vol.
2, pp. 391 405). I am particularly indebted to Lama Chönam, Chöying Namgyal, who read through sections
of this text with me. I am also very grateful to James Gentry, who first discussed Rongzompa s charter with
me in 2009 and gave me notes of his own work on this text. I must also thank them both for discussing the
nature of the damtsik relationship.
Drongbu Tsering Dorje, of the Tibetan Academy of Social Sciences, identified Songtsen Bar as the religious
name (chos ming) of Yeshé Ö (Steve Weinberger, email to the author on 15 January 2012). As is well-known,
Yeshé Ö was married and had a child long before he became ordained as a Buddhist monk (Kapstein [61], p.
91); van der Kuijp, however, is doubtful about this identification; for his part, van der Kuijp reports that a
more likely pre-ordination name was Tri Désong Tsuktsen (khri lde srong gtsug btsan) (email to the author, 22
July 2016).
Dragon years in the eleventh century correspond to 1028 (sa brug), 1040 (lcag brug), and 1064 (shing brug).
“s mentioned already, Rongzom s dates are uncertain but considering the traditional account of his meeting
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recognized that both mantrins (sngags pa) and ordained clergy the bandé were distracted
from their vows and commitments and lacking in diligence with respect to a rigorous
understanding of the holy Buddhist teachings (dharma). After that, in the region of
Narlungrong, Rongzom Chökyi Zangpo gathered his committed disciples and, after
putting up some representations of the Three Jewels, gave a discourse primarily for
householders who are mantrins.70
As the title of this work indicates, Rongzom s disciples were bound to him through tantric
commitments his committed disciples or damtsikpa (dam tshig pa). According to The Charter of the
Mantrins, these householder mantrins (sngags pa khyim pa rnams),71 ngakpa in Tibetan, are expected
to maintain traditional Buddhist standards of behavior. Specifically, The Charter of the Mantrins directs
Rongzom s students, whether fully ordained or partially ordained lay practitioners, to maintain the
so-called five bases in ordinary training.72 Without these bases, he writes, it will be impossible to
practice the Perfection of Insight (prajñāpāramitā, sher phyin) or Secret Mantra (guhyamantra, gsang
sngags). Moreover, without these five bases in ordinary training, Buddhists tend to continually
transgress their religious pledges by means of the four great root downfalls associated with the
Mahāyāna.73
One must accept and maintain the Buddhist teachings. If not, the holy teachings (dam chos) will
fade from the world in four ways, which, when considered, indicate concern about the possibility
that Buddhism was not being properly practiced, that people were not keeping their vows and
pledges, and that the cultural capital of Buddhism was fading as a result.74 How should Buddhists
respond to such a situation? Rongzom writes: I have decreed that in order to avert these possibilities
and uphold the holy teachings, whether dharma practitioners are busy with worldly affairs or
residing in a hermitage, [they] should receive transmission from a spiritual guide, analyze profound
70
71
72
73
74
with “tiśa found in his standard biographies see [ ] , each of the three dates seems a plausible one but for
the 1024 date of death offered by van der Kuijp (n.d.), which would suggest that each of the dates is too late
to be plausible.
Sngags pa i bca yig brug gi lo yul ru lag gtsang smad kyi btsad po pha ba [lde] se i yang dbon|rgyal bu srong btsan
bar sku khab bzhes pa tsam gyis dus na|sngags btsun sde gnyis kyi ban de kun kyang so so i sdom pa dang dam tshig
bsrung ba la g.yel zhing dam pa i chos legs par dzin pa i rtsol ba dang mi ldan par mthong nas|yul [Rnar] lung rong
du|rong zom chos kyi bzang pos rang gi dam tshig pa rnams bsdus te|dkon mchog gsum gyi rten gnas bu ga yang
btsungs nas|dang por khyim pa i sngags pa rnams la bca ba bgyis pa i mdo (RZSB vol. 2, 393.1 393.7)
Dreyfus notes a preference for calling such householder mantrins nonordained rather than lay because they,
too, are virtuosi. Hence, they are not part of the laity but form a different class of religious specialist whose
status is similar to that of monks and nuns [ ], p.
, n.
.
Rongzom lists the five bases of training (thun mong gi bslab pa i gzhi lnga) as the rejection of killing, stealing,
sexual misconduct, lying, and wrong views. He further delineates the commitment to abandoning sexual
misconduct in the context of two camps of mantrins: those who are fully ordained laypersons who are not
celibate (upāsaka, dge bsnyen) and those who are partially ordained laypersons who are not celibate (sna ga
spyod pa i dge bsnyen).
The four great root downfalls (rtsa ltung chen po bzhi) consist of rejecting the holy dharma, rejecting bodhicitta,
acting miserly and acting harmfully toward sentient beings.
First, the Buddhist teachings (dharma) fade when, even though there are monastics and scripture
(corresponding to two of the Three Jewels of teacher (buddha, sangs rgyas), teaching (dharma, chos) and
community (saṅ gha, dge dun , there is no realization in one s continuum and no effort to cultivate it. Second,
the dharma fades when, although there is that type of effort, one does not adhere to the vows and tantric
commitments. Third, the dharma fades when it has little to no influence and power. Fourth, the dharma faces
when, in the absence of proper protocols, people on the outside do not respect the holy dharma and dharma
practitioners ( di ltar baṇ de dang glegs bam yod kyang rtogs pa rang gi rgyud la mi rten cing rtsol ba mi byed na chos
nub pa i char gtogs pa yin no||de lta bui rtsol ba yod kyang sdom pa dang dam tshig la gnas pa i mi byed na yang chos
nub pa i char gtogs pa yin no||chos kyi mnga thang chung zhing med na yang chus nub pa i char gtogs pa yin no||dam
pa i chos dang chos pa i gang zag la phyi rol gyi skye bo rnams btsun par mi byed la tshad mi rdzugs na yang chos nub
pa i char gtogs pa yin no (RZSB vol. 2, 394.10 16).
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texts, explain them to others without embellishment, and make effort in generating realization within
their own mental continuum. 75
The Charter of Mantrins is thus intensely interested in the status of the Buddhist teachings, those
who teach them, and the environments in which teachings occur. In order to maintain the influence
and power of the teachings, the community is expected to make offerings to and serve the Buddhist
teacher who is their source, unless that teacher s actions erode the prestige of the teachings, in which
case he or she should be removed from their teaching position within the community. The text also
displays anxiety about destruction of the natural environment. Rongzom s charter exhorts the
community to respect the environment and refrain from damaging it (RZSB vol. 2, 396.24).
The Charter of Mantrins warns against the four major transgressions of one s tantric commitments
(samaya, dam tshig). It argues that in order to avoid these transgressions, disciples must maintain the
eight decrees or pledges (bca ba). These decrees constitute walls that trace the social contours of a
community s ethics within a Vajra Enclosure (rdo rje rwa ba).76 The phrase, Vajra Enclosure , then,
is the overarching metaphor of Rongzom s charter. As is well-known, the Sanskrit term vajra may
mean indestructible . Thus, in order to adhere to the pledges and vows associated with tantric
commitments (samaya, dam tshig), Rongzom s disciples are expected to diligently maintain the eight
commitments that would constitute an indestructible (vajra) and enclosed (rwa ba) community of
religious practitioners.77 Here, let me give the eight decrees to be pledged, successful adherence to
which constitutes the Vajra Enclosure. The eight pledges are as follows:78
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
75
76
77
78
Do not mix tantric commitments with the five types of impure people (gang zag dme ba lnga dang
dam tshig mi bsre ba).
Do not offer tantric feasts marked by the four types of impurities (ma dag pa rnam pa bzhi dang
ldan pa i tshog mchod mi bya ba).
Do not engage in debating the dharma among those with tantric commitments because of being
proud of one s insight and learning, which is like a peacock seizing a snake (dam tshig pa i nang
du shes rab dang thos pa snyem pas rma bya sbrul dzin lta bus chos kyi rtsod pa mi bya ba).
Do not, having raised the standard or banner of one s own philosophical speculation, discipline
people as if they were dogs using the intimate instructions [of a] guru or scholarly companion
(rang gi rtog ge dan du phyar nas bla ma dang grogs po mkhas pa i gdams ngag khyi khrid du mi bya
ba).
Do not discipline disciples and companions [as one] disciplines a dog (slob ma dang grogs po khyi
dul gyis mi dul ba dang lnga).
Masters should not restrict disciples or break away from the community and disciples should
not reject and insult a former Master (slob dpon gyis slob ma rgyang tshad dang sde ris su mi gcad pa
dang|slob mas kyang slob dpon snga ma spang zhing brnyas pa mi bya ba).
Do not, either obliquely or forcefully, especially praise teachings that one believes or practices;
and do not disparage a teaching one does not believe or practice (rang dad cing spyod pa i chos la
lhag par gzhog bstod dang bstan bstod mi bya zhing|rang ma dad mi spyod pa i chos la gzhog mi smad
pa dang bstan mi smad pa).
Those who request teachings should not take themselves to be special or create boundaries
[between themselves and others on account of their respective teachings]; and those who bestow
the teachings, once they are underway, give the rites without adding or omitting anything; and,
Sngags pa i bca yig di rnams bzlog cing chos gzung ba i phyir|dang por gang zag chos pa rnams di dzis non kyang
rung|dgon pa la gnas kyang rung|dge ba i chad pa i spro ba med pas kyang|rang gi rgyud la rtogs pa bskyad pa i nan
tan bya bar bcas so (394.16 20).
That is, the four root downfalls particular to the Indestructble Vehicle of Secret Mantra (gsang sngags kyi rdo
rje theg pa are
sincerely disparaging the Vajra Master s presence; (2) totally relinquishing bodhicitta (i.e.,
emitting semen); (3) refuting the teachings on the state of equality; and
fighting with one s Vajra siblings
i.e., those who share one s tantric commitments. The fact that they are referred to in familial terms is
indicative of the intimate social context in which Tibetans situate tantric commitments and communities.
rwa ba brgyad bsdams pa la sogs pa la nan tan bya bar bcas so (394.20).
These eight pledges are found in (RZSB vol. 2, 398.16 399.3).
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without diminishing or concealing the power and influence of the teaching, they clarify
authoritative scripture (chos zhu ba rnams kyi kyang lhag par mthong dod dang mtshams gzung mi
bya zhing|chos ster ba rnams kyis kyang ster phan chod cho ga lhag chad med par sbyin zhing rang gi
chos kyi mnga thang yang dbri chab med par lung gsal ba).
Who are these five types of impure people to be avoided? Rongzom describes them as those with
broken tantric commitments, those who have killed other people, those who make a living through
evil acts, and those who make an unwholesome living, such as butchers (shan pa), hunters (rngon pa),
bandits (chom rkun), and prostitutes (smad tshong ma). Association with the five types of impure
people is anathema because:79
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
79
80
It contradicts the scriptural pronouncements of Secret Mantra: avoiding companions whose
tantric commitments are broken is found in the inner and outer [tantras]; avoiding association
with killers, the insolent (ma rab), the wicked, and not sleeping together with impure and unclean
people, is also rejected in writings on tantric rites of enrichment.80 In the General Tantra of Secrets
[it states that] one should not bind oneself through tantric commitments to anyone who makes
an unwholesome living. That being the case, [associating with the five types of impure person]
is proscribed by scriptural pronouncements (gcig tu gsang sngags kyi bka dang gal ba yin te|de
yang dam tshig nyams pa dang mi grogs pa ni sngags phyi nang kun nas mang du byung ngo||gshed
ma ma rab sdig can dang mi grogs shing mi dme ba dang gang zag mi gtsang ba dang lhan cig mi nyal
ba ni pu si ti ka ra las byung ngo||ngan pas tsho ba dam tshig par mi gzung ba ni gsang ba spyi rgyud
las byung ngo||de ltar na bka dang bal ba i nyes pa dang gcig).
If these [impure] people have been introduced to the teaching, the entire community will not
overcome negative karma and the master will become a lord of evil ( di rnams chos su bcug na
khor thams cad sdig pa i las la mi bzlog ste rang yang sdig pa i dpon por gyur ba dang gnyis).
Previously, when the holy dharma was being translated in the land of Tibet, the mantrins
decreed not to introduce impure people to the teaching. Thus, the fault contradicts and destroys
the excellent dharma tradition of the past (sngon bod yul du dam pa i chos bsgyur ba i tshe sngags pa
rnams kyis gang zag dme ba rnams chos su mi zhugs pa i bca ba byas pas|sngon gyi chos lugs bzang po
dang gal zhing bshig pa i nyes pa dang gsum).
The fourth fault is that the Protectresses of Secret Mantra and the Pure Vajra Dakinis become
offended thereby causing obstructive conditions for Mantrins (gsang sngags kyis rung ma rdo rje
mkha gro ma gtsang ma rnams khangs te sngags pa rnams la rkyen dang bar chad byung ba dang bzhi).
If the Knowledge Mantras and Secret Mantras become adulterated through impure actions, there
will be no spiritual accomplishment (rig sngags dang gsang sngags rnams dme ba i las kyis gos pa i
skyon gyis dngos grub mi grub pa dang lnga).
Through impure actions, the power of Secret Mantra is impaired and thereby the power and
blessing are diminished and the teaching will decline (dme ba i las kyis gsang sngags mthu nyams
te mthu dang byin rlabs chung bas bstan pa dman par gyur ba dang drug).
The seventh fault is that the holy dharma will not be respected (dam pa i chos mi btsun par gyur
ba i nyes pa dang bdun).
These nine faults are given in (RZSB vol. 2, 399.9 400.5).
The term given here is pu si ti ka ra. This term may be a Tibetan rendering of the Sanskrit term puṣ ṭ ikara. In
this case, it may be a noun or, more likely, an adjective something effecting nourishment/enrichment. In
tantra, the term puṣ ṭ ikara or puṣ ṭ ikaraṇ a is one of four general types of tantric activity (caturkriyā, las
bzhi) pacifying (śānti, bzhi ba), enriching/nourishing (puṣ ṭ i, rgyas pa), enthralling (vaśī, dbang ba), and
wrath/destruction (marāya/abhicāra, drag po). Puṣ ṭ i becomes pu si ti, reflecting the Tibetan pronunciation of
puṣ ṭ i, which is rendered pu si ti via separation [by] vowel (svarabhakti). My thanks to Wiesiek Mical for
this information. A search of TBRC finds the term given in a collection of tantric commentaries (Sngon byon
sa skya pa i mkhas pa rnams gyi rgyud grel skor, W3JT13352) where it is connected with action tantra (bya ba i
rgyud, kriyātantra). Perhaps Rongzom is referring to a chapter or section of writings dealing with such rites.
According to Dorje Wangchuk (Berthe Jansen, email to author, 28 February 2017, the term pu si ti ka ra
corresponds to su si ddhi ka ra, which identifies Tōh.
Susiddhi-kara-mahā-tantra-sādhana-upāyika-paṭ ala
(Legs par grub par byed pa i rgyud chen po las sgrub pa i thabs rim par phye ba).
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9.
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No human beings describe people who behave in that way in laudatory terms; and, in this case,
with the thought No force and special power will emerge here, they [garner] the fault of
suspicion and indifference, which is the eighth fault, [all of which] form the basis for rupturing
the Vajra Enclosure (de ltar spyod pa i gang zag de la skye bo thams cad kyis kyang bsngags pa mi brjod
cing di la mthu dang rtsal mi byung ngo snyam du bsam ste gzem bag chung ba i nyes pa dang brgyad
kyi steng do rdo rje rwa ba bral ba i gzhur gyur te).
Accordingly, if a master s tantric commitments are pure and the disciples is not pure, the master
will become circumspect.81 Similarly, if the disciple maintain pure tantric commitments and the
master does not, the student will become circumspect, which means it is not possible to
harmonize their view and conduct, which means that the student will naturally become aloof
and isolated and something similar can also happen between [vajra]siblings, who will then
disparage and speak unflatteringly to one another. This becomes a cause for distance and
division between [vajra] siblings. For that reason, I have decreed that you avoid adulterating
tantric commitments through associating with the five types of impure person ( di ltar slob dpon
dam tshig gtsang la slob ma mi gtsang na slob dpon zhe la dzem|de bzhin du slob ma dang tshig gtsang
la slob dpon mi gtsang na slob ma i zhe la dzem ste|lta spyod bstun du ma btun pas rang bzhin gyi snying
ring zhing dben du gyur te|mched lcam dral nang du yang de bzhin tu gyur ro||gzhan yang gcig la
gcig dpya zhing ma bsngags pa brjod par gyur la|de i lan du phyir yang khro zhing tshig ngan smra
ste|de i dbang gis rdo rje mched rnams rang bzhin gyi snying ring zhing bye bar gyur te|de i phyir gang
zag dme ba rnam pa lnga dang dam tshig mi bsre ba i bca ba byas so).
The second of the Eightfold Vajra Enclosure concerns the tantric feast. The tantric feast offering
(ganacakra/puja, tshog) is an important part of the social and ethical life of Tibetan tantric Buddhism.
The Charter of the Mantrins exhorts students to avoid any feast offering rite that is marked by
impurities. First, avoid making a feast offering qualified by impure ritual accoutrements, such as
those obtained by means of killing and stealing. Second, avoid making a feast offering qualified by
impure ritual procedure, those done in the context of speculation, laziness, and a concern for
remuneration. Third, avoid making a feast offering qualified by impure resources that are hoarded
for one s own use. Last, avoid making a feast offering qualified by impure dedication. In the
Mahāyāna, religious practice should be carried out and dedicated for the benefit of all sentient beings
and in order to attain the unexcelled state of awakening. Summarizing this passage, 82 Rongzom
writes:
Having acted in this manner ( di ltar byas nas), the fault of contradicting scriptural
pronouncements, the fault of associating with naturally wicked people, the fault of being
affected by unusual obstacles, the fault of the displeasure of wandering spirits of the ritual
feast (tshogs), which is an obstacle to spiritual accomplishment, and the fault of unflattering
stories, all form the basis for rupturing the Vajra Enclosure. Among [vajra] siblings, as
well,83 it is hoarding resources for oneself that causes vajra siblings to become displeased.
Due to the influence of the incompatible behavior of different communities, moreover, there
is insulting and denigrating talk. Due to that influence, Mantrins naturally become
estranged; and this is a cause of division. For these reasons, I have decreed you avoid
offering feasts marked by the four types of impurities.84
81
82
83
84
The Tibetan phrase used here zhe la dzem might also be translated as should be careful or avoid.
This section is found in (RZSB vol. 2, 400.12 17).
Vajra siblings rdo rje mched lcam) is a term that refers to people who share the same master and have
attended the same ritual initiations. The use of such a trope denoting common ancestry is indicative of
Tibetan ”uddhism s tendency to see religious association in terms of intimate relations that go beyond the
biological associations that constitute family in this world.
Sngags pa i bca yig di ltar byas na bka dang gal ba i nyes pa dang|rang bzhin gyis sdig pa dang brel ba i nyes pa
dang |sgrib pa lhag pas phog pa i nyes pa dang|tshogs kyi nyul le rnams ma dga ste las dang dngos grub mi grub
cing bar chad du gyur ba i nyes pa dang|ma bsngags pa i gtam gyi nyes pa phog par gyur ba i steng du yang|rdo rje
rwa ba dral ba i gzhir gyur te|mched lcam dral nang du yang kha tshar dang gsog jog gi dbang gis gcig la gcig ma
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The third and fourth parts of the Eightfold Vajra Enclosure concern the ethics of philosophy.85
The third decree constituting the Vajra Enclosure calls for a pledge to avoid engaging in egoic
philosophical debates with members of one s own community in the manner that a peacock seizes a
snake . In short, peacocks in this context represent the haughty and argumentative philosopher
whose interest lies in projecting ego through disputation rather than genuine exchange through
dialog. In Rongzom s words,
when a peacock seizes a snake, it first stomps on the snake s tail. When the snake strikes,
the peacock stuffs the tip of its wing into snake s mouth, gaining protection from its bite,
after which the peacock carefully strikes the snake s vital point. Similarly, some with no
consideration for their tantric commitments, who feel pride at their own learning and
insight, test their vajra companions [with philosophical disputes] and answer their words
with nothing but sophistry (kha byugs). From that safety, one strikes at the companion s vital
point whatever he or she does not understand.86
Peacocks also have a particular reputation in Buddhist discourse for enjoying poison. This helps
us understand Rongzom s metaphor. For example, the first verse of The Wheel of Sharp Weapons
(mtshon cha khor lo) attributed to Dharmarakṣ ita (fl. 9th c.), which is said to have been transmitted
into Tibet by a progenitor of the New School movements, “tiśa, states that peacocks thrive on the
essence of virulent poison. 87 In the ninth chapter of his sixteenth century commentary on
Śantideva s Bodhicaryāvatarā, Pawo Tsukla Trengwa (dpa bo gtsug lag phreng ba) writes: Snakes make
the peacock feel happy. Poison is pleasure for those familiar with extracting the essence ([62], p.
729). Peacocks are thus said to be pleased to encounter a poisonous snake. This is because the peacock
can alchemize its poison and enjoy it in the process. In this sense, the peacock is feeding off what is
poisonous for the rest of us. Likewise, some intellectuals, rather than engaging in philosophical
exchange in genuine pursuit of knowledge and insight, peacock-like philosophers only engage in
philosophical dialog to buttress their egos and humiliate interlocutors. Thus, to engage in philosophy
in the manner of a peacock is to by driven by something anathema to the Buddhist idea of spiritual
advancement: a negative intention or egoic desire for social conflict doing philosophy to put down
the views of others and to show off.88 Rongzom s image of doing philosophy in the manner that a
peacock seizes a snake above is thus meant to conjure up the image of an egoic philosopher who
seeks out dispute with those less able and interested than oneself. This type of philosophy creates
social conflict within a community and, just as deleterious, perhaps disrepute from without. The
only acceptable reason for engaging others in philosophical debate is to increase insight into the
nature of reality and to shine a positive light on other s qualities.
85
86
87
88
rangs pa skye bar byed|tshog pa gzhan yang spyod pa ma mthun pa i dbang gis gcig la gcig pha smod dang tshig ngan
smra ste|de i dbang gis sngags pa rnams [401] rang bzhi gyis rnying ring zhing bye ba i rkyen du gyur ro||de i phyir
ma dag pa rnam pa bzhi dang ldan pa i thog mi bya bar bcas so (RZSB vol. 2, 400.17 401.2).
I use the phrase ethics of philosophy to refer to the nature of a philosophical relationship between people. That
is, since philosophical exchange is both an important part of Buddhist culture and inherently social (Cf.
Huizinga [ ], p.
, on the indubitable play qualities [i.e., a back and forth of dialogue] in the art of
declamation and disputation , we may speak of the ethical nature of the relationship between two
philosophical opponents. In ”uddhist terms, then, we may ask if one s motivation for philosophical exchange
is virtuous and nonvirtuous, proper and efficacious or not, and whether such an exchange facilitates spiritual
progress or is simply an outcome of egoic intentions wrapped up in Buddhist theory.
Sngags pa i bca yig dper na rma bya sprul dzin pa ni dang po sbrul gyi mjug ma nas mnan te|sbrul so debs su
byung ba na gshog pa i rtse mos sbrul gyi khar btsangs te|de i skyabs nas sbrul gyi gnad sar rim gyis mchog bar byed
do||de bzhin du la la dag thos pa dang shes rab kyis nga rgyal gyi rgyu dang ldan pa dam tshig gi ngor mi lta ba
rnams|grogs po la nyams sad cing grogs pos smras pa i tshig la ni kha byugs tsma gyis lan ldog cing|de i skyabs nas
grogs pos gang mi shes pa de la gnad du dzugs par byed do (RZSB vol. 2, 401.3 9).
bstan du bcud kyi rma bya tso ba ltar (Dharmarakṣ ita [64], 37.4 5).
On the folly of philosophical certainty, reference may also be made to Rongzompa s Theg chen tshul jug. See
Sur ([20], pp. 57, 111, 105, 121, 169).
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Summing up the problems of egoic philosophy and its detrimental social effects within a
religious community, Rongzom writes:
The faults obtained from having behaved in this way are given in scriptural
pronouncements. In the Discipline of the Secret Mantra (gsang sngags dul ba) it is
proclaimed: Do not debate a Great Vehicle companion using the might of your insight.
Thus, [this kind of behavior obtains] the fault of contradicting scriptural pronouncements,
the fault of exacerbating the afflictive states of mind in oneself and others, and, on top of
that, people will grow angry with and speak unflatteringly about those who enjoy debating
the dharma, which forms the basis for rupturing the Vajra Enclosure. In this way, whether
or not a debate has been won or lost, people develop bad attitudes and grow distant. If the
debate ends in a draw, [each disputant has] holds their own position and leaves it there.
Therefore, I have decreed (bca ba byas so) you should pledge not to engage in debates about
the dharma among those who [share] tantric commitments without concern for increasing
insight or illuminating others s qualities. It is permissible if people engage each other
directly in comparing philosophical positions.89
The fourth part of the Eightfold Vajra Enclosure also concerns the ethics of philosophy. In
particular, the fourth decree is to pledge to refrain from raising the banner of one s own
philosophical speculation, guiding people as if they were dogs using the intimate instructions [of a]
guru or scholarly companion .90 Here, the guilty party brags about the teachings he has received, the
teachers from whom he received them, and the purity of his own philosophical views. 91 Such
behavior punctures the Vajra Enclosure, creates dissention among Vajra siblings, and hinders
spiritual accomplishment.
The fifth part of the Eightfold Vajra Enclosure, which also uses the human-canine relationship
as a model, concerns the ethics of teaching and spiritual instruction. In particular, it pertains to how
one disciplines students. According to The Charter of the Mantrins, one should not discipline disciples
as if they were dogs. What does this entail and how does it connect to the ethics of teaching?
Rongzom writes: for example,
when someone spends time with a fierce dog, at first, before they know the dog, they take
caution and calm the dog, repeatedly giving it food, and speaking softly and kindly. When
they get to know the dog, however, they insult and yell at the dog, and do not calm the dog.
They beat the dog with rocks and sticks.
Similarly, when they first meet someone they associate with, such as a disciple or a friend,
some people, when first getting to know them, will speak sincerely (gsong), use soft words
and words that are soothing. After getting to know them, they will be rude (gyong) and
unpleasant (mi bde) and provocative; they will ridicule (spyo bar byed) those who disagree
with them even a little and make them feel demoralized (yid byung bar byed).
The fault here is that after generating bodhicitta one will pledge (dam bca ) to take care of
all sentient beings, after which one is not permitted to either deceive even ordinary sentient
beings or make them unhappy (sun dbyung ba). That being the case, what need is there to
89
90
91
Sngags pa i bca yig di ltar byas pa i nyes pa ni|bka las kyang|theg pa chen po i grogs po la ||shes rab rtsal gyis
brtsad mi bya||zhes gsang sngags dul ba las gsungs pas|bka dang gal ba i nyes pa dang|bdag dang bzhan gnyis ka
la nyon mongs pa phel ba i nyes pa dang|chos kyi rtsod pa la dga ba i gang zag de la mi rnams kyang sdang zhing ma
bsngags par gyur gyi steng du|rdo rje rwa ba dral ba i gzhir gyur te| di ltar rtsod pa rgyal pham du gyur na yang
ngan sems skye zhing snying ring bar byur ro||mnyam du rtsod na yang phyogs dzin cing bye bar gyur te|de bas
na shes rab phel ba dang yon tan gzhan la snang bar bya ba i ngor mi lta bar dam tshig pa nang du chos kyi rtsod pa
mi bya bar bca ba byas so (RZSB vol. 2, 401.9 17).
Sngags pa i bca yig rang gi rtog ge ba dan du phar zhing bla ma dang grogs po dam pa i gdams ngag la khyi khrid
du khrid (401.18 19),
Cf. Sur ([20], pp. 57, 111, 126 27).
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even mention [this type of] training through trickery and dispiriting behavior, especially
with regard to close disciples and companions who are connected through a holy being.
On top of being a great downfall, [this] forms a basis for rupturing the Vajra Enclosure
because, for those who behave in this way, there is no state of agreement between the Vajra
master and the qualified companions. Thus, for someone who disciplines students [as if
disciplining] dogs, in return [his or her disciples] will lose faith, become dispirited, find joy
in turning away [both teacher and teaching]. Therefore, I have decreed that people should
not be disciplined like dogs.92
The concern for the social integrity of the community here is clear, as is the negative outcome
for a community in which a teacher is not motivated by the highest spiritual ideals. Masters who
abuse long-time disciples thereby damage their own commitments, create dissention among their
students, and create the conditions for losing members of the community. In addition, they bring a
bad reputation to the community.
The decree constituting the sixth part of the Eightfold Vajra Enclosure also concerns the ethics
of a Buddhist master and the effort to maintain a somewhat ecumenical attitude about students
studying other traditions with other teachers. This is particularly interesting considering Rongzom s
milieu. Moreover, the sixth part of the enclosure stresses that students, for their part, should not reject
their previous teachers even if the teacher is superficial and cranky. It states that Buddhist masters
should not restrict disciples or break away from their community; and their disciples should not reject
and insult any former masters they may have previously been connected with. Here again Rongzom s
explanation is quite clear:
In this case, a master, once having formed a community, who stops disciples from receiving
scriptural transmission from others and closes the door on those who have faith in a variety
of entryways to complete liberation, creates division by telling students to stay away from
other [teachers]. This causes the master to have a downfall connected with those negative
intentions. The disciples, moreover, will not be pleased, even those who listen to the
teachings93 of the dharma will lose faith. [Even if one s disciples] displease the master by
ignoring his pronouncements and they go to other teachers despite the master s
disapproval (mi dges), it is still a major transgression of tantric commitments. And disciples,
for their part, should not abandon a previous master, even one with few qualities or a bad
nature. Even in the case that the master has an extremely bad nature, when in his or her
company continuously, act conscientiously; when not sharing the master s company,
uphold his exalted mind (thugs gzung). That being the case, I have decreed the master
should refrain from restricting one s disciples; and the disciples should not denigrate any
92
93
Sngags pa i bca yig dper na mi rnams khri gum po dang lhan cig tu grogs pa i tshe|dang po ma dres tsam na ni
dzem par byed cing yid srun par byed|zan yang dang yang du ster zhing|ngag jam pa smra zhing brnyas pa dag mi
byed do||rdo dbyug gis bsnun par byed do||de bzhin gang zag la la dag slob ma am grogs po lta bu la|dang po phrad
nas grogs pa i tshe|dang po ma dres tsam na ni gson zhing de la ngag jam zhing yid srun par byed la| dres par gyur
nas ni gyong zhing mi bde ste|yid mi srun cing rang gi yid dang [ma] mthun pa cung zad tsam gyi phyir yang khro am
spob dag pa byed cing yid byung bar byed de| di i nyes pa ni byang chub kyi sems bskyad nas sems can thams cad
gzung bar dam bcas kyi og tu|sems can phal pa rnams kyang bslu zhing sun dbyung ba ang ma gnang na|lhag par
yongs su gzung ba i slob ma dang|dam pas brel ba i grogs sgyus dul zhing sun dbyung ba lta ci zhi smos te|ltung ba
chen por gyur gyi steng du rdo rje rwa ba drawl ba i gzhir gyur te| di ltar khri dul mkhan de la slob ma dang grogs
po de rnams phyir zhing ma dad par gyur|yid byung bar gyur|phyir phyogs pa la dga bar gyur|phag tu ngan tu
smra bar gyur|yul du lhan cig grogs pa mi dga bar gyur te|de i dbang gis rdo rje rwa ba dral bar gyur bas|de i
phyir khyi dul mi bya bar bca byas so (402.9 21).
bka nyan pa this term, literally someone who listens to the vacana or ”uddhist teachings, suggests an
obedient and faithful disciple.
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former master. This is because such behavior will form the basis for rupturing the Vajra
Enclosure.94
What are the lamentable social consequences of partisanship in eleventh century Tibet?
Buddhists might be active in one religious community with a particular teacher or religious center or
they might travel to different religious centers in order to receive teachings from a master specializing
in a particular lineage of ritual, theory, and practice. If a teacher forbids students from meeting other
teachers or students take to criticizing previous teachers, negative effects would be felt inside and
outside that community. Students might feel resentful of being unable to enjoy the rare opportunity
to receive the holy teachings of the Buddha. But it would be a transgression of one s commitment to
his or her guru if the guru s command is disobeyed. The Charter of the Mantrins is also concerned with
social consequences outside the community, within the broader religious culture, but always as they
pertain back to the behavior of those within the community. An overarching topic of interest in the
charter is the power and influence of the Buddhist teaching, which it sees diminished by partisan
division.
Part seven of the Vajra Enclosure extends the ethics of teaching and the concern for the
deleterious effects of virulent partisanship. That is, The Charter of the Mantrins states that one should
not, either obliquely or forcefully, praise teachings that one believes or practices. And one should not
disparage a teaching one does not believe or practice. 95 Explaining this admonition, Rongzom
writes:
The fault of either obliquely or forcefully praising the teachings and practices one has faith
in or disparaging teachings one does not believe or practice is as follows: in addition to
[subjecting oneself to] the downfall qualified by flattering and denigrating the holy dharma
and persons, [this] forms the basis for rupturing the Vajra Enclosure. Thus, people who are
introduced to different entryways to the holy dharma, whether through the influence of
one s lineage, spiritual guide, or circumstance, will engage in practice when they have faith;
and will not engage in practice when they do not have faith. Therefore, simply teaching the
various entryways to complete liberation and the various conceptual constructions of
karma, given the absence of any totalizing scheme [for such], there is no grounds for the
praise and disparagement. In addition, engaging in such praise and disparagement of the
holy dharma will make dharma practitioners unhappy. As a consequence, (rkyen gyis),
dharma practitioners will not be a unified community. Thus, I have decreed you should not
speak in this manner.96
The eighth and final component of the Vajra Enclosure concerns the politics of teaching and the
attitudes of disciples and the actions of the master. The rule seems concerned with restraining petty
rivalries within the community concerning the favor of the master, in order to diminish internal
dissention. In Rongzom s words, those who request teachings should not take themselves to be
94
95
96
Sngags pa i bca yig di ltar slob dpon gyis slob ma sde ris su byas nas|slob mas gzhan la lung nod pa dang |rnam
par thar ba i sgo sna tshogs la dad pa rnams sgo bkag nas gzhan la ma byed cig ces ris su bcad na|slob [403] dpon rang
la ngan sems kyi ltung ba byung ba dang|slob ma yang bka nyan pa yang yid mi dga ste|yid kyis ma dad pa
byung|bka ma nyan te slob dpon mi dges bzhin du gzhan du phyin na yang dam tshig gi gcugs chen por gyur ro||slob
mas kyang slob dpon snga ma yon tan chung yang rung rang bzhin ngan kyang rung ste spang bar mi bya o||slob
dpon de shin tu rang bzhin ngan na yang|rgyun du lhan cig gnas pa la bag bya ste phyi rol nas thugs gzung ngo||de
bas na slob dpon gyis kyang slob ma rgyang tshad du byas pa dang|slob mas slob dpon snga ma ma bkur ba las|rdo
rje i dam tshig rwa ba dral ba i gzhir gyur bas di mi bya bar bca ba byas so (402.22 403.8).
Sngags pa i bca yig rang dad cing spyod pa i chos la gzhog bstod dang bstan bstod smra zhing rang ma dad pa i chos
la gzhog smad dang bstan smad smra ba (403.8 10).
Sngags pa i bca yig dam pa i chos dang gang zag la sgro skur byas pa i ltung ba la sogs pa byung gi steng du rdo
rje rwa ba a dral ba i gzhir gyur te| di ltar gang zag rnams dam pa i chos kyis go so sor jug pa ang|rigs dang bshes
gnyen dang rkyen gyi dbang gis|gang dad pa nas jug cing spyod la|ma dad pa nas mi jug ste|de bas na rnam par
thar ba i sgo sna tshogs dang|las kyi spros pa sna tshogs gsungs par zad de|phyogs gcig tu nges par chad pa med pas
bstod smad kyi gnas ma yin pa i steng du yang|chos la bstod smad byas pas chos pa rnams mi dga bar gyur te|de i
rkyen gyis chos pa rnams nang mthun du mi ster te|de i phyir di mi smras bar bca ba byas so (403.10 17).
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special and create boundaries [between themselves and others on account of the teachings they have
received]; and those who bestow the teachings, once they are underway, should give the rites without
adding or omitting anything; and without diminishing or concealing the power and influence of the
teaching, they should clarify scripture. Explaining this decree, Rongzom writes:
Those who request teachings, who desire to see the master as their friend and maintain
boundaries (tshad ma bzung byas), will subsequently displease those on the outside. If given
while displeased, the person who bestows the teaching will be displeased. And if it is given,
those who requested it will be displeased. Thus, mantrins will become estranged from one
another and this will become a cause of division [in the community more broadly]. If those
who bestow the dharma do not offer the rites completely and without any obfuscation (lhag
chad dang dbri chab med) once they begin to teach, then, on top of being struck by hindrances,
they will destroy their tantric pledges and commitments. For that reason, those who request
the teachings should investigate and analyze and evaluate and [then make a] request. Those
who bestow the teachings, moreover, [should] teach the essential terms. As long as they
teach, they should do so without exaggeration and obfuscation. If not done in this manner,
the mutual dharma connection [between master and disciples will become corrupt and] will
again annihilate their tantric commitments; plus, from the perspective followers of the
lineage and the flimsy sample donations [that are offered], [the corruption] will spread
throughout all Secret Mantra and to the dharma, causing it to degenerate. Therefore, avoid
this type of situation.97
With this, Rongzom moves to conclude his Charter of the Mantrins. In short , he writes,
having pledged to protect the minds of the vajra siblings from all that is contrary [to the integrity of
the community as it is bound by tantric commitments], one has, in that manner, made the eight types
of pledge that protects the Vajra Enclosure .98 In this conclusion, Rongzom exhorts his audience to
listen and engage in maintaining this ethical enclosure, which is vital for protecting the community
from the internal and external conditions of social discord. 99 Among his concluding thoughts,
Rongzom offers some interesting insights into the concerns of this eleventh century community, the
illegitimate use of magical ritual suppression (nan) and the taking up of arms against aggressors.
Rongzom warns against the ordained clergy (bandé) taking up arms in order to pursue a group of
enemies should a conflict begin between that group and a member of the community. If the enemy
does not directly threaten the dharma, taking up the fight is not permitted. In this case, Rongzom is
explicit about the boundary of social obligation found between the personal and the communal: if
one person s fights become the fights of the entire community, the community will suffer its very
existence will be threatened. The only exception, he writes, is the case in which an enemy of
Buddhism arrives bent on its pollution and destruction. In that case, it is permissible to enlist
community members in the fight.100
97
98
99
100
Sngags pa i bca yig: chos zhu ba rnams kyis slob dpon ni grogs po la mthong dod dang|tshad ma zung byas nas|pha
rol yid byung bar byed de|mi dga bzhin du byin na yang ster ba po mi dga bar gyur|ma byin na yang zhu bap o mi
dga bar gyur te|de i dbang gis sngags pa nang snying ring bar gyur zhing bye ba i rkyen du gyur ro||chos ster ba
rnams kyis kyang ster phan chad cho gal hag chad dang dbri chab med par ma byin na|rang la sgrib pas phog pa i
steng du dam tshig gi sel du gyur te|de i phyir chos zhu ba rnams kyi kyang brtags shing dpyad la tshod blang zhung
zhu o||ster ba rnams kyis kyang rang gi [404] snying tshig smras la|ster phan chad sba chab med par bya o||de ltar
ma byas na|phan tshun du chos kyi brel bas slar dam tshig gi sel du gyur ba dang|rigs rjes dang dpe yon phra mo la
bltas nas gsang sngags kun tu spel bas kyang chos nyams par gyur bas| di lta bu yang dzem ste (403.18 404.4).
Sngags pa i bca yig mdor na rdo rje spun gyi sems dang gal gyis dogs pa thams cad bsrung ba i bca ba byas te|de
ltar rdo rje rwa ba bsrung ba i bca ba rnam pa brgyad byas so (404.4 6).
Sngags pa i bca yig rwa ba brgyad po di dag thob na|rdo rje slob dpon dang mched lcam dral bye bar gyur ba i chos
las byung ba i rnyen rnams ni bzlog par gyur ro||gzhan phyi rol gyi rkyen byung na rdo rje mched lcam gzhan gyis
ji ltar rig pa i zhal che byas te|de bzhin du nyon cig (404.6 9).
I would like to thank Lama Chönam, Chöying Namgyal, for his help and explanations of this passage.
Religions 2017, 8, 40
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With regard to when adversaries appear and somebody calls upon friends for help: in the
case that a given monk takes up arms and infiltrates his enemy s lands, once the offensive
deed is done to the enemy,101 the enemy s father, sons, and siblings will return to respond
with more negativity. In that case, I have decreed that it is not permitted for the dharma
[practitioners to go to] war; 102 and [the individual who first called for help from the
community] should settle his dispute on his own the best he can. The exception to this is
the case in which the enemy is set against the spread of dharma. Otherwise, one s
companions [from the Buddhist community] should not be involved in fending off [one
individual s enemy] because in such cases hatred is created, which makes an individual
unable to do their practice. It is also unacceptable because it would lead to being wiped out.
Not only that (slar), since it would contribute to the destruction of the dharma, in such
situations, [uninvolved members of the community] should not [act out] against the others
[i.e., the enemies].103
The final exhortations of The Charter of the Mantrins concern members of the community whose
physical health might separate them from the life and subsistence of the community. Here, Rongzom
instructs his disciples on what to do if one of their own is struck by blindness or paralysis, which
prevents them from work. The community, he writes, is not benefitted from promoting destitution.
Further, in case any member of the community contracts leprosy, they should be provided with meat
in the winter and butter in the summer for as long as they live. If the person closest to and responsible
for the leper is unable to make the trip to provide for the leper himself, an agent must be sent instead.
These rules of ethical behavior are important enough to the life of Rongzom s community that a
failure to maintain them will result in expulsion from his tantric community:
Second, I have decreed when blindness and paralysis prevent someone from doing farm
work, each should make a pledge to provide for them. 104 For who does it help if they
become destitute? Third, in case someone from among the vajra siblings should contract
leprosy, then provide each with some joints of meat for winter months and a measure (bre)
of butter for summer months for as long as that person lives. If you yourself are unable to
make the trip to provide for him or her in person, you must send someone in your stead.
If these decrees are transgressed, the transgressor should be removed [kicked out] of the
community.105
Throughout the Charter of the Mantrins, we observe the author s attention to the possibility of
social discord and ill-repute damaging the integrity of the Vajra Enclosure that is erected through
the pledges of community members and which functions to maintain the community s ethical
integrity; and we see the intimate inter-relations of such a community as an autonomous social unit
101
102
103
104
105
Lama Chönam states that the language here indicates that the offended party is one monk. He also states
that the language suggests a violent outburst leading to a violent reprisal. Rongzompa is warning against
the broader community getting involved in such disputes between individuals.
This phrase might also be understood as dharma war.
Sngags pa i bca yig dgra byung ba i ra mda bya ba i skabs su|gal te baṇ de [cf. Pali bhante] rang gis go mtshon
bzung ste g.yul du zhugs pa la dgra byung ba dang|de i [404] pha dang bu dang spun zla la sogs pas gzhan la nyes
pa byas nas de i lan du de dag la tshur nyes pa byas pa lta bu la ni chos dmag drang pa i shags med de|rang bzhin
gyis phan ci nus kyi byas te bya bar bca ba byas so||dgra yang dkon mchog la tshad jug pa i dgra ma gtogs pa|rang
cag spyod lam ma thub pas sdang ba i phyogs su gyur nas grub pa lta bu la ni grogs pos bzlog pas mi lang|rigs kyang
mi rigs dby[i]s su yang gyur ro||slar dam pa i chos dma bar gyur bas| di lta bu la ni gzhan mi bzlog go (404.3 7).
Berthe Jansen indicates (email to the author, February 2017) the ambiguity of phrase slongs sbrams pa re
sbyin, which suggests that each person in the community give a token contribution from the things they
have gathered.
Sngags pa i bca yig gnyis pa rdo rje i mched kyi nang du long ba dang zha grum byung nas so nam mi nus
na|mched rnams kyis slongs sbrams pa re sbyin par bcas so||de nas kyang tshe ring zhing phongs par gyur na phyis
sa yang phan ci rigs su gdags so||gsum pa ni|mched kyi nang du mdze nad byung ba yang srid na|dguns ni sha
lhu re dang dbyar mar bre re ji srid tsho i bar du bskal bar bya o||de ang rang re i drung du thugs par mi nus pas
grul la bskur zhing gtong ngo||bca ba di rnams las gal na phyir dbyung bar bya o (405.7 13).
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with obligations to those whose physical conditions might nevertheless preclude them from
participating in the ongoing life of the community.
On the one hand, Rongzom s charter is steeped in Mahāyāna ethics humility, respect for one s
teacher, compassion, and so forth. Yet, The Charter of the Mantrins also reflects a strong and intimate
concern for the fabric of a small community and interpersonal relationships between its members.
These social and emotional lessons are for a specific religious community. In this sense, the charter
reflects the values and reality of the communities that emerge out of the dark age small scale, noninstitutional, highly focused on the growth and maintanence of healthy personal relationships
between student and teacher, disciples of the same teacher, disciples of different teachers, and so on.
The charter also shows that members of this small scale, non-institutional tantric Buddhist
community was deeply concerned with philosophical discourse. In all this, Rongzom is clearly
attuned to the Mahāyāna ethos throughout. “nd he is using them to both critique, reinforce, and
defend this type of local, non-affiliated and non-monastic tantric community, building an adamantine
fence around them comprised of ethical descriptions of and prescriptions for the life of the group.
Beyond being an unbreakable enclosure around the community, these adamantine bonds described
in Rongzom s charter also constitute bonds between individual members of the community
composed of humility, mutual concern and respect.
On the other hand, The Charter of the Mantrins represents a resolutely tantric constitution that
envisions the ethics of Rongzom s community in a way that is different from standard Mahāyāna
ethics. The individual building block of Rongzom s social institution qua community is the damtsikpa
(dam tshig pa): committed disciples or those who are bound [to a teacher] by vows and pledges.
As discussed above, this phrase indicates the highly ritualized relationship between a disciple and
master and others who also share the same tantric vows (samaya, dam tshig). This community
flourished at a time that may be described as a post-tantra period in Tibet.106 In this milieu, the
community described in The Charter of the Mantrins represents a combination of ritual/embodied and
discursive/philosophical modes of learning. Rongzom s students are bound to him by tantric pledges
the successful maintenance of which constitutes an indestructible enclosure of safety and stability.
5. Conclusions
Above, we have looked at Rongzom s extant corpus of writings. With its large number of
exegetical treatises on a wide range of topics associated with both Old and New traditions of
Buddhism, his corpus reveals the significant contribution Rongzom made to the Old School s own
tradition of exegesis. Not only was Rongzom an early author, he was an influential one. The Old
School credits Rongzom with developing a distinctive philosophical approach to the interpretation
of its most important scripture, the Guhyagarbhatantra.107 Further, recalling the Blue Annals anecdote
106
107
The term post-tantra is a term used by David Germano to describe the period in Tibetan religious history
in which we find a philosophication of tantric practice that employs the same type of reflection typically
employed in Madhyamaka and Yogācāra discourse. Post-tantra is also characterized by several other
factors: a critique of practice meditation, valorization of the natural state, a critique of ritual, a critique of
violent and sexual imagery, and critique of scholasticism. Post-tantra movements include early Great
Perfection and its emphasis on the Mind Series (sems sde) genre. A particularly fascinating consequence of
post-tantra is the formulation of categories of practice that become Buddhist paths or vehicles yāna,
theg pa) in and of themselves. For example, in the nine-vehicle schema common to both the Old School
and Bön, we find that Great Perfection, a contemplative system that develops during the period of posttantra, is its own vehicle.
Traditionally, Old School exegeses of the Guhyagarbhatantra may be divided into two camps. In the first,
there are those who interpret the scripture in terms of Mahāyoga tantra theory and practice and in the
second are those that interpret the scripture in terms of the highest yoga atiyoga called Great
Perfection or dzokchen (rdzogs chen). It is this second camp that is traditionally connected with Rongzom
(and Longchenpa). The fact that there are two camps of interpretation should not suggest that their
interpretations are mutually incompatible. Within the Old School, both interpretations are said to be
insignificantly dissimilar. That is, they are said to resolve the same view. Cf. Ju Mipham s Spyi don od gsal
snying po: gnyis pa rgyud pa don rnam par bshad pa i tshul la shing ([65], p. 76) ta i lam srol chen po gnyis te|rgya
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discussed above, I would argue that Rongzom s contribution to the tradition of autochthonous
composition within Tibet is something of a watershed moment in Tibetan intellectual history. For
while Rongzom s prolific work may have attracted critics, it also won them over. In fact, several of
his would-be censors not only became his disciples, but many became prolific authors themselves.
We then turned our attention to Rongzom s Charter of the Mantrins, a text in which a local
religious community s leader describes the various ways in which his religious community might
thrive and survive and the various ways in which it might otherwise break apart and die. Rongzom
envisions a community whose unimpeachable integrity results from maintaining a set of
commitments that comprise a combination of the ritual/embodied and discursive/philosophical
domains of religious life. This chayik offers a religious leader s view of the character and scope of the
damtsikpa relationship, the neither impenetrable nor insignificant boundaries of a ngakpa community,
and the mandate to observe the ethico-philosophical and social bonds that comprise it. It is thereby a
significant source of evidence about the daily concerns of a local tantric community in eleventh
century Tibet.
Rongzom was an early and resolute voice for the centrality of philosophical discourse in the Old
School. He was also deeply concerned with the ethics of teaching and religious discourse both in
terms of theory but also in terms of social practices. While details remain for further study, our look
at The Charter of the Mantrins reveals concern for maintaining disciplined and healthy ritual, social,
and philosophical relations between teachers, their students, and others. Constituted within such
relations, the community occupies an unassailable space in which students have faith and investment
in the authority, prestige, and potency of Buddhism, its teachings, and its teachers. It is maintained
through proper practice of ritually embodied forms of life, such as the tantric feasts (gaṇ acakra,
tshogs); and through a disciplined philosophical ethic. When the two intersect, they construct the
adamantine latticework that shields Rongzom s small scale, non-institutional and philosophically
engaged tantric community from the corrosive forces that surround it.
Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest.
Abbreviations
Bka gyur
Bstan gyur
Deb ther
Dungkar
Ju Mipham
RZSB
Sngags pa i
bca yig
TDCM
Bka gyur dpe bsdur ma. Beijing: Krung go i bod rig pa i dpe skrun khang, 1998 2009.
Bstan gyur dpe bsdur ma. Beijing: Krung go i bod rig pa i dpe skrun khang, 1994 2005.
Gö Lotsawa Zhonnu Pel ( gos blo tsā ba gzhon nu phel). Deb ther sngon po. vol. 1 2
Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1984.
Dungkar Lobsang Trinlé (dung dkar blo bzang phrin las). Dung dkar tshig mdzod chen mo.
Beijing: Krung go i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang, 2002.
Jamgön Mipham Gyatso ( jam mgon mi pham rgya mtsho, 1846 1912).
Rong zom chos bzang gi gsung bum, vol. 1 2. Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun
khang (1999).
Rong zom chos bzang gi gsung bum, vol. 2. Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang
(1999): 391 405.
Bod rgya tshig mdzod chen mo. Chengdu: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang.
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