Entangled Representation of Heaven 153 Entangled Representation of Heaven: A Chinese Divination Text from a Tenth-Century Dunhuang Fragment (P. 4071) Yoichi ISAHAYA* and Jyuh Fuh LIN** Abstract This article provides the transcription and translation of a tenth-century Chinese divination text from a Dunhuang fragment (P. 4071) with substantial commentary. Great importance has been so far attached to this astrological text as the most ancient source related to the eleven luminaries which consist of the seven “planets” including the Sun and Moon with the four “pseudo-planets.” This Chinese text deals with horoscopic astrology which was transmitted to China via multiple routes along the “Silk Road.” The text consists of various astral traditions in terms both of region and religion. The “original” Hellenistic elements are no more than some planetary calculations and astrological interpretations, while certain indigenous parts of astral sciences in East Eurasia are central to the astral divination in the text. Of the four pseudo-planets, Râhu 羅睺 and Ketu 計都 are undoubtedly derived from the Indic astral tradition, and a specific calculation method in the text follows that of the Jiuzhi li 九執曆, an Indic astronomical system. From the religious standpoint, that calculation method appears in the Xiuyao jing 宿曜經 originally composed by a Buddhist monk Bukong 不空. On the other hand, we find certain Daoist influences through the positions of the four pseudoplanets, and the Yusi jing 聿斯經, a text used for astrological interpretation, was probably brought by East-Syrian Christians. This fact confirms that Central Eurasia, where the text was recorded, encompassed various kinds of cultural elements. These multiple elements were not merged into a single system, but emerged as a heterogeneous whole reflecting the cultural mosaic in Central Eurasia. Key words: Futian li 符天暦, Dunhuang fragment, horoscopic astrology, tenthcentury Central Eurasia, Daoism I. Introduction1 This article attempts to elucidate the process of “naturalization of western astral * The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel. ** National Chiao Tung University, Taiwan. 1 This article is based on two papers read by Yoichi Isahaya at an international workshop on traditional sciences in Asia, “An Interdisciplinary Investigation into Overlapping Cosmologies,” at Kyoto University on 17th June, 2015, and at the 19th Asian Studies Conference Japan, “Overlapping Cosmologies and Cosmographies in Pre-Modern Asia (I),” at Meiji Gakuin University, 20th June 2015. Through intensive discussion on those HISTORIA SCIENTIARUM Vol. 26‒3 (2017) 154 Yoichi ISAHAYA and Jyuh Fuh LIN sciences” in East Eurasia through an astronomical and philological investigation into a tenth-century Chinese divination text from a Dunhuang fragment (P. 4071).2 The fragment includes an astrological text dealing with horoscopic astrology, which predicts a personʼs life on the basis of their horoscope, that is a diagram of the planetary positions at a particular time, usually their birth. Horoscopic astrology originated in the Mesopotamian and Mediterranean regions, and was transmitted to China via multiple routes along the “Silk Road.” This kind of astrology was termed tuiming 推命 in Chinese, literally “fate-calculation”̶also called luming 禄命 “official emolument and limit of life.”3 It developed in congruence with western horoscopic astrology and the Chinese indigenous celestial divination from the Tang period (618‒690, 705‒907 AD).4 Through the text of the fate-calculation, therefore, we shall trace the entangled representation of heaven consisting of several elements out of different astral traditions. Throughout the investigation, we will deal with several elements to clarify the process of the naturalization of horoscopic astrology in East Eurasia. For example, there are two sources relevant to the text, the Futian li 符天暦 and the Yusi jing 聿斯經, which were produced in Chinese as a result of the appropriation of western horoscopic astrology. The former text was used to calculate the positions of the “eleven luminaries” (shiyi yao 十一曜), which consist of the seven “planets” including the Sun and Moon with the four “pseudo-planets.” The pseudo-planets have no equivalents in Hellenistic horoscopic astrology. Therefore, these pseudo-planets must have been incorporated into fate-calculation in the process of transmission into East Eurasia.5 We also deal with a occasions, Isahaya has substantially revised the contents and structure in cooperation with Jyuh Fuh Lin who has provided the draft of the translation of P. 4071 and detailed comments upon the whole parts of this article. We would like to express our deep appreciation to all of the participants at those conferences̶especially, the organizer of the former Bill Mak (Kyoto University) and the commentator of the latter Michio Yano (Kyoto Sangyo University). We also owe great gratitude to Florence Hodous (Renmin University of China) and Leigh Chipman (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem) who carefully checked our drafts and corrected those with meaningful suggestions. The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Research Council under the European Unionʼs Seventh Framework Program (FP7/2007‒2013)/ERC grant agreement No. 312397. 2 Regarding the term “naturalization,” we borrow the concept from Abdelhamid Sabra who described the integration of the Hellenistic sciences into the Islamicate world with this term, arguing that this process should be described as a series of activities of appropriation with different interpretations rather than mere reception. Through this process, these sciences were “naturalized” in the context of the Islamicate intellectual tradition (A.I. Sabra, “The Appropriation and Subsequent Naturalization of Greek Science in Medieval Islam: a Preliminary Statement,” History of Science 25 (1987), 227‒228). 3 For the Chinese aspect of fate-calculation, Chao Weipangʼs article is the first English scholarly work (W.P. Chao, “The Chinese Science of Fate-calculation,” Folklore Studies 5 (1946): 279‒315). Further insight into this topic is provided through more recent works by Richard Smith and Ho Bingyu: R.J. Smith, FortuneTellers and Philosophers: Divination in Traditional Chinese Society (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991); P. Ho, Chinese Mathematical Astrology: Reaching Out to the Stars (London: Routledge, 2003). 4 Chen Y (陳于柱), Quyu shehuishi yexiade Dunhuang lumingshu yanjiu 区域社会史視野下的敦煌禄命 書研究 [Study on the Luming Texts in Dunhuang from the Perspective of Regional and Social History] (PhD. dissertation: Lanzhou University, 2009). 5 For the historical process of the pseudo-planets, we will make use of Bill Makʼs ongoing analysis: B. Entangled Representation of Heaven 155 day-count cycle, the so-called “Seven-Epoch System” (qiyuan fa 七元法), invented to integrate the western seven-luminary system into the existing Chinese day-reckoning tradition.6 Finally, we focus on the “Day of Fate-Palace,” minggong ri 命宮日, which was based on the aforementioned “Seven-Epoch System”; the “Fate-Palace” (minggong 命宮) was usually the Chinese equivalent of the ascendant that is central in western horoscopic astrology. Though the “Day of Fate-Palace” in this text is a totally different notion from its western counterpart, its significance was similar to that of the ascendant in western horoscopic astrology. II. Textual Analysis Our text, the Dunhuang fragment numbered P. 4071, is a part of the Pelliot collection held at the Bibliothèque nationale de France and brought mainly from the Mogao caves in Dunhuang by Paul Pelliot (1878‒1945), one of the most renowned French Orientalists. The fragment has 14 folios and consists of the following three parts: the first, concerning fate-calculation, is the longest of the three parts (1a‒8a); the second is a Chinese Buddhist text (8b‒14a); and the last part consists of a few sentences in Tibetan (14a‒14b). We focus on the first text ranging over 130 columns. The text begins with the phrase “the eleven luminaries of the Futian [li] 苻天十一曜,” which is for casting a horoscope̶though the horoscope itself is missing̶for a person born on 3 October 930, in order to carry out divination on the basis of the currently-missing horoscope. This text was written on 25 January 975 by a certain Kang Zun 康遵, probably in Lingzhou 霊州̶present-day Wuzhong 吳忠.7 This text has been scrutinized by Rao Zongyi 饒宗頤, who attached great importance to it as the most ancient source concerning fate-calculation related to the eleven luminaries.8 Marc Kalinowski, who has more recently carried out a survey of the text, also emphasized its crucial importance for the study of the eleven luminaries in the tenth century, by which time several centuries had passed since the astrology of those luminaries was transmitted from Central Asia into China.9 In addition, Chen Yugui 陳于 桂 has prepared an edition of the text and a short commentary upon it in his dissertation on the topic of the Dunhuang divination texts.10 In other words, the textʼs significance has Mak, “The Origin, Development and Hybridization of Psuedoplanets in China,” The Sino-Platonic Paper Series (forthcoming). 6 M. Kalinowski, “The Use of the Twenty-Eight Xiu as a Day-Count in Early China,” Chinese Science 13 (1996), 66. 7 M. Kalinowski, “Hémérologie,” in M. Kalinowski (ed.), Divination et société dans la Chine médiévale, étude des manuscrits de Dunhuang de la Bibliothèque nationale de France et de la British Library (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale de France, 2003), 271‒272. 8 Jao T (饒宗頤), “Lun qiyao yu shiyiyao 論七曜與十一曜 [Treatise on the Seven Luminaries and Eleven Luminaries],” in M. Soymié (ed.), Contributions aux études sur Touen-houang (Geneva: Droz, 1979), 77‒85. 9 Kalinowski, “Hémérologie,” 241. 10 Chen, Quyu shehuishi yexiade Dunhuang lumingshu yanjiu, 208‒213. 156 Yoichi ISAHAYA and Jyuh Fuh LIN been attributed to the fact that it is one of the most ancient texts concerning Chinese horoscopic astrology relevant to the eleven luminaries. In fact, this text also has plenty of other interesting elements in terms of the naturalization of the western astral sciences in East Eurasia. We will engage in a more comprehensive survey of this text in order to untangle the complexity of Chinese horoscopic astrology. The first part of the text, containing 130 columns, can be categorized into several parts̶the column numbers are put in parentheses: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Computation of the Eleven Luminaries (1‒17); Astrological Interpretation of the Luminary Positions (8‒36); The “Day of Fate-Palace” (36‒48); The “Day of Body-Palace” (49‒70);11 Prediction Based on the Annual Motion of the Luminaries (70‒112); Some Other Astrological Interpretations and Final Remarks (113‒130). In this article, we provide a transcription and translation of the text up to the beginning of the “Day of Fate-Palace” section (lines 1‒37), which are especially important for exploring naturalization. Most of this part has already been transcribed by Rao, and all of it by Chen.12 However, the former has used traditional Chinese characters, and the latter the modern simplified characters. Thus, both of the transcribed texts are altered to a certain extent from the original. They have also paid little attention to the indentation of the original text, which is of some importance in order to understand the authorʼs intention. Our main aim is to provide a more diplomatic transcription in terms of characters and form, though a few cases̶which we will note̶deviate from this principle. Although there is no punctuation in the original text, it is added to facilitate reading. Column numbers head each column. The folio numbers are put in parentheses, while brackets are used for explanatory insertions. In the footnotes of the transcription, Raoʼs text is marked as R and Chenʼs text as C.13 11 Here, we will not deal with this concept based on the lunar position. Jao, “Lun qiyao yu shiyiyao,” 78‒79; Chen, Quyu shehuishi yexiade Dunhuang lumingshu yanjiu, 208‒209. 13 The digital images of this manuscript are available through Gallica, the digital library of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, at the following URL〈http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b83002045.r＝十 一曜. langEN〉 ; in addition, images of the text are also reproduced in an appendix of Makʼs article: B. Mak, “Yusi Jing: a Treatise of “Western” Astral Science in Chinese and Its Versified Version Xitian Yusi Jing,” SCIAMVS 15 (2014), 156‒163. 12 Entangled Representation of Heaven II.I. Transcription (1a) 1. 苻天十一曜, 見生庚寅丙戌月己巳日房14日兔15申時生, 得太陰星, 見生 2. 三方主, 金火月. 3. 尅數 4. 晝尅數得四十八 夜尅數 申時酉前得太陰星在命宮夜五十二. 5. 積日得二万二千七十三日. 6. 實仇16日得一万五千八百七十三日. 17 7. 太陰在翼 [宿], 照雙女宮, 楚分, 荊州分野. 8. 太陽18在角[宿]八度, 照天秤宮, 鄭分, 兗州分野. (1b) 9. 木星退危[宿]三度, 照寶瓶宮, 斉分, 靑州分野. 10. 火星在軫19[宿], 照雙女宮, 楚分, 荊州分野. 11. 土星在斗宿, 照摩羯20宮, 呉越, 揚州分野. 12. 金星在角亢[宿], 次■21疾改照天秤宮, 鄭分, 兗州分野. 13. 水[星]在軫22[宿], 順行改照雙女宮, 楚分, 荊州分野. 14. 羅睺在井[宿], 照巨蟹[宮], 秦分, 擁州分野. 15. 計都在牛[宿]三度, 照摩羯23宮, 呉越, 揚州分野. 16. 月勃在危[宿], 順行改照寶瓶宮, 斉分, 靑州分野. (2a) 17. 紫氣在星宿, 照獅24子宮, 周分, 洛州分野. 18. 推五星行度宮宿善惡 19. 土在本宮, 白日生, 多溫和下心於人, 若夜生, 多難足病, 若在 20. 本度亦煞. 21. 木在土宮, 在家貧, 外即富, 足智, 每事愜眾意, 多調諫, 皆 22. 相愛敬, 有財. 23. 火在水度, 一生多施恩惠, 行善却反為惡. 若25在宮中, 24. 水火相見, 其人內行不全, 有差別. 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 R: 房 (傍). Rao interprets 日兔 as one character, 晩. 兔 is a variant of the character 兎. R: 訊. R & C: 翌 (翼). We follow their emendation. C: 楊 (陽). We follow his emendation. � in the original text. This is a variant of 軫. C: 竭 (羯). We follow his emendation. One character is struck out. � in the original text. This is a variant of 軫. C: 竭 (羯). We follow his emendation. C: 师 (獅). We follow his emendation. Chen inserts 某 before 若 without any explanatory remark. 157 158 Yoichi ISAHAYA and Jyuh Fuh LIN 25. [Struck-out character]26 (2b) 26. 日在木度, 合得本州刺史, 多金寶, 亦子孫. 27. 金在木度, 常歡樂, 所營之事皆遂, 貴人重, 足27財有膳. 28. 水在本度, 常樂, 能講論, 足財有名譽, 最28得貴人重, 或掌 29. 綸言, 因此益財, 好施惠, 若為俗者, 却因女人有憂. 30. 又曰 案聿廝経云, 水居雙女, 最29為霊, 生時一个臨強處, 即為 31. 豪30富處王庭. 命宮後守天秤宮, 生後三日入命宮. 32. 金順又照福何慮, 生後三日加臨富 必是遭逢見遇人, 33. 舊禄重遷更31新取. 34. 十一曜見生■32圖 有圖33 (3a) 35. 土水合兮34有学35禄, 智恵36多端好翻覆. 歲火同宮, 主貴權, 為事心中 36. 多敏速. 命宮日 37. 氐房宿中生者, 是天蝎宮, 為人性懦善, 愛道術, 慕出家, 心寬, 一生 II.II. Translation (1a) 1. The eleven luminaries of the Futian [li]. A nativity is seen [for a native] born during the double-hour of shen on the day of jisi, feng-sun-hare,37 in the month of bingxu, in the year of the gengyin.38 The Moon is obtained. At his birth, 2. Venus, Mars and the Moon were the dominant luminaries of the three directions.39 26 This strikeout is not reflected in Chenʼs transcription, so that the line number of his transcription is off by one line after this line. 27 足, which appears in this line as well as the next, has a different form than in lines 19 and 21. 28 㝡 in the original text. This is a variant of 最. 29 㝡 in the original text. This is a variant of 最. 30 C: 毫 (豪). We follow his emendation. 31 Although it seems to be 吏 in the text, we accept 更 according to Chenʼs reading. 32 One character is struck out. 33 It seems to be 圈, but we read 圖 according to Chenʼs emendation. 34 Although it seems to be 号 in the text, as Chen points out, this part parallels a phrase in the Xitian yusi jing 西天聿斯經̶we shall mention this work later̶in which 兮 appears (Chen, Quyu shehuishi yexiade Dunhuang lumingshu yanjiu, 213). Therefore, we accept 兮. 35 斈 in the original text. This is a variant of 学. 36 C: 惠 (慧). 37 Regarding the three-fold day counting and the “Seven-Epoch System,” see below. 38 Between 15:00 and 17:00 on 3 October, 930. 39 Regarding the concept of “the dominant luminaries of the three directions” (sanfang zhu 三方主), Rao found a related passage in the Lingtai jing 靈台經 included in the Daozang 道藏, the collected volumes of the Daoist scriptures (Jao, “Lun qiyao yu shiyiyao,” 80‒81). According to this passage, we can tabulate the pattern of combinations between the twelve earthly branches and the three-fold dominant luminaries as follows: Entangled Representation of Heaven 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 159 The number of ke.40 48 is obtained as the number of the daytime kes. For the number of nighttime kes, during the double-hour shen before that of you, when the Moon is in the Fate-Palace, 52 is obtained. 22,073 days are obtained as the accumulated days.41 15,873 days are obtained as the rod-counted days.42 The Moon is in the yi, shedding light on Virgo and the Chu division or Jingzhou area.43 The Sun is at 8 degrees of the jiao, shedding light on Libra and the Zheng division or Yanzhou area. (1b) Jupiter retrogrades to 3 degrees of the wei, shedding light on Aquarius and the Qi division or Qingzhou area. Twelve Earthly Branches 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. yin-wu-xu 寅午戌 as above shen-zi-chen 申子辰 as above hai-mao-wei 亥卯未 as above si-you-chou 巳酉丑 as above Time of Birth day night day night day night day night Three-Fold Dominant Luminaries Sun-Jupiter-Saturn 日木土 Jupiter-Sun-Saturn 木日土 Saturn-Mercury-Jupiter 土水木 Mercury-Saturn-Jupiter 水土木 Venus-Mars-Moon 金火月 Mars-Venus-Moon 火金月 Venus-Moon-Mars 金月火 Moon-Venus-Mars 月金火 In the case of our text, a person born in the daytime would have the “Fate-Palace” of Scorpio according to the 37th line. Scorpio corresponds to mao in the Chinese twelve earthly branches. So, his three-fold dominant luminaries are Venus, Mars and the Moon, as in the text. 40 It means the length of a night and day (Kalinowski, “Hémérologie,” 271). In the Chinese time-reckoning system, traditionally, a ke is taken as a hundredth of a day, slightly less than the value of one ninety-sixth in the modern usage. 41 The accumulated days, chenri 積日, refer to the number of days from the epoch of the Futian li in the case of the Japanese Sukuyôdô horoscopes which we shall mention later. According to the calculation in our text, the epoch goes back to 28 April 870, which is different from the known epoch of the Futian li (18 February 660). To accord with the epoch, the accumulated days should have been 98,845 days. 42 Chou 仇 may be a variant Chinese character of chou 籌 which means a rod used in calculation or divination in China (J.C. Martzloff, Le calendrier chinois: structure et calcus (104 av. J.‒C.‒1644). Indétermination céleste et réforme permanente. La construction chinoise officielle du temps quotidien discret à partir dʼun temps mathématique caché, linéaire et continu (Paris: Honore Champion, 2009), 392). The value 15,873 is close to the interval between the horoscope day (3 October 930) and the day the text was recorded (25 January 975) that is 16,185 Julian days. However, it is uncertain what kind of calculation method was used for the “rod-counted days.” Their number is also different from the result of the calculation method used in the Jiuzhi li 九執曆̶which we shall mention later̶and which gives 16,169 days. 43 Regarding the theory of fenye 分野, making the celestial sphere correspond with the terrestrial sphere, see: Li Y. (李勇), “Dui Zhongguo gudai hengxing fenye he fenye shipan yanjiu 對中国古代恒星分野和分野式 盤研究 [Research on Star Fenye and Fenye Shipan of Ancient China],” Studies in the History of Natural Sciences 11/1 (1992): 22‒31; Li W. & Chen J. (李維宝 & 陳久金), “Ershiba xiu fenye ji zhen xiu xingming han yi kaozheng 二十八宿分野暨軫宿星名含義考證 [Textual Research about the Division of Geological Areas Represented by the Twenty Eight Lunar Mansions in Ancient China and the Meaning of “Zhenxiu”],” Astronomical Research & Technology 8/4 (2011): 417‒420). 160 Yoichi ISAHAYA and Jyuh Fuh LIN 10. Mars is in the zhen, shedding light on Virgo and the Chu division or Jingzhou area. 11. Saturn is in the dou, shedding light on Capricorn and the Wu and Yue divisions or Yangzhou area. 12. Venus is in the jiao and kang, moving in secondary hastening to shed light on Libra and the Zheng division or Yanzhou area. 13. Mercury is in the zhen, progressing and moving to shed light on Virgo and the Chu division or Jingzhou area. 14. Râhu is in the jing, shedding light on Cancer, and the Qin division or Yongzhou area. 15. Ketu is at 3 degrees of the niu, shedding light on Capricorn and the Wu and Yue divisions or Yangzhou area. 16. The yuebo is in the wei, progressing and moving to shed light on Aquarius and the Qi division or Qingzhou area. (2a) 17. The ziqi is in the xing lodge, shedding light on Leo and the Zhou division or Luozhou area. 18. Interpretation of the celestial motions of the five planets, their palaces and lodges, and their auspiciousness and inauspiciousness.44 19. Saturn is in its dominant palace.45 If [the native] is born in the daytime, he will be quite moderate and obedient. If [the native] born in the nighttime, he will have many difficulties and diseases. If [Saturn] is 20. in its dominant degree, this is also baleful. 21. Jupiter is in the earth-palace.46 [The native] who is born poor, shall get wealthy once he goes out of his home. He is full of wisdom, and respects peopleʼs opinions in everything. He frequently mediates and expostulates, 22. and makes people love and respect each other. He has wealth. 23. Mars is in Mercuryʼs degree.47 Even if [the native] gives much charity and favor 44 For astrological interpretation, two methods are juxtaposed in this part: one makes use of “degrees” (du 度), corresponding to the twenty-eight lunar lodges, while the “palaces” (gong 宮) corresponding with the twelve zodiacal signs are used in the other method. This juxtaposition is also one of the aspects of the naturalization of western horoscopic astrology. 45 In Hellenistic horoscopic astrology, each planet was considered to govern certain zodiacal signs. According to the Tetrabiblos, the canon of Hellenistic horoscopic astrology, Saturn dominates Aquarius and Capricorn. In the calculation in this text, Saturn is located in Capricorn, hence its “dominant palace” (bengong 本宮) is the same as that of the Tetrabiblos. This notion was transmitted into China and represented in the Xiuyao jing 宿曜經 (on which see below). See Yano M. (矢野道雄), Mikkyô senseijyutsu 密教占星術 [Astrology of the Tantric Buddhism] (Tokyo: Tokyo Bijyutsu, 1986), 51. 46 The palaces correspond to the twelve zodiacal signs, and Saturn governs Aquarius and Capricorn as in the previous note. In Chinese astral divination, the five planets correspond to the traditional Chinese “five elements” (wuxing 五行). Saturn is related to the element of earth in this theory. Hence, Aquarius and Capricorn, which are governed by Saturn, are attributed to the earth element, too. In this text, Jupiter is located in Aquarius, so that the planet is considered to be in the earth-palace. 47 As already mentioned, the degrees accord with the twenty-eight lunar lodges, and each lunar lodge is Entangled Representation of Heaven 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 161 throughout his life, his good deeds will instead result in bad effects. If [Mars] is in the palace, water and fire face each other; the person lacks perfection [in the five elements五 行], which makes him different [from the perfect].48 [struck-out character] (2b) The Sun is in Jupiterʼs degree.49 [The native] is granted the governorship of this prefecture (i.e., Lingzhou 靈州).50 He is blessed with prosperity and progeny. Venus is in Jupiterʼs degree.51 [The native] always enjoys happiness. Everything that he engages in will be completed. He is respected. He is wealthy and well fed. Mercury is in its dominant degree.52 [The native] is always happy, and speaks with eloquence. He is full of wealth and honor. He gains the highest respect, or wields great power. Therefore, he makes a large profit and likes to give to charity. If he lives in secular life, he will suffer anxiety because of women. It is also said that, according to the Yusi jing, “when Mercury dwells in Virgo, it becomes most powerful. If [the native] is born in a strong place, assigned to one of the seven luminaries. The following table shows how they correspond, according to the “Seven-Epoch System”: Seven Luminary Degrees Twenty-Eight Lunar Lodges Sunʼs Degrees 日度 Moonʼs Degrees 月度 Jupiterʼs Degrees 木度 Marsʼs Degrees 火度 Saturnʼs Degrees 土度 Venusʼs Degrees 金度 Mercuryʼs Degrees 水度 fang 房, xu 虛, mao 昴, xing 星 xin 心, wei 危, bi 畢, zhang 張 jiao 角, dou 斗, kui 奎, jing 井 wei 尾, shi 室, zi 觜, yi 翼 di 氐, nu 女, wei 胃, liu 柳 kang 亢, niu 牛, lou 婁, gui 鬼 ji 箕, bi 壁, shen 參, zhen 軫 48 Mars holds the fire element, which is located in Virgo, governed by Mercury holding the water element. So, “water and fire face each other” at that time. 49 The Sun is in the jiao lodge, which is categorized into Jupiterʼs degree. 50 This part has a fair amount of significance as the only sentence to hint at the political background of this divination text. Lingzhou 靈州 would have been in a political vacuum around 25 January 975, when the divination text was made. According to the historical records, Duan Sigung 段思恭, the previous governor of Lingzhou, had been moved to Yangzhou 揚州 before the winter of 974 to deal with war with the southern Tang 南唐 (from the 9th month of 974 to the 11th month of 975). In addition, his successor Zhang Quancao 張全操, had served as the governor of Qingzhou 青州 in the earlier years of the Kaibao 開寶 era (968‒976), and then moved to Lingzhou in the last days of that era. Therefore, we might conjecture that someoneʼs desire to take over the governorship of Lingzhou in the political vacuum is being reflected in the passage “[The native] is granted the governorship of this prefecture.” See Li T. (李燾), Xu zizhi tongjian changbian 續資治通鑒長編 [Extended Continuation to the Comprehensive Mirror to Aid in Government] (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1957), vols. 15, 16, 18; Wu T. (吳廷燮), Bei Song jingfu nianbiao 北宋經撫年表 [Chronological Tables of Northern Sung Military Intendants] (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1984), 9, 56, 59; Li Ch. (李昌憲), Songdai anfu shikao 宋 代安撫使考 [Study on Military Intendants in Song Period] (Jinan: Qilu shushe, 1997), 52, 303. 51 Venus is in the jiao and kang lodges. While the former is assigned to Jupiterʼs degree, the latter is assigned to Venusʼs degree. In this passage, the planet is considered to be in the former lodge. 52 Mercury is in the zhen lodge, which is assigned to Mercuryʼs degree, so that “Mercury is in its dominant degree.” 162 Yoichi ISAHAYA and Jyuh Fuh LIN 31. he will become very wealthy and thrive at the royal court.”53 Then, the Body-Palace protects Libra, which enters into the Body-Palace three days after he is born.54 32. Since Venus progresses and sheds light on [the Body-Palace], there is no need for anxiety.55 Three days after [the native] was born, he becomes more fortunate. He will definitely meet the persons he should meet. 33. The original emolument is repeatedly multiplied, and a new one is granted. 34. The Horoscope of the Eleven Luminaries There is a horoscope56 (3a) 35. Because of the [trine] aspect between Saturn and Mercury,57 [the native] benefits from education and emolument, and he is clever and resourceful, but very capricious. In the case that Jupiter and Mars are in the same palace,58 [the native] is noble and powerful, and he takes charge with a dedicated 36. and nimble mind.59 The Day of Fate Palace: 37. For a native born in the di or fang lodge, this (i.e., the Day of Fate-Palace) is Scorpio. He has a peace-loving character. He is attached to the Daoist discipline and 53 Almost parallel sentences are found in the Xitian yusi jing 西天聿斯經 (on which see below). 水居雙女最為霊. 生時一宿皆臨照. 即為豪貴處王庭. It is best if Mercury dwells the “double female” (＝Virgo). If each of these signs is aspected [by their favored planet], then [the native] would be from a high-class family, or associated with the royal court. (Mak, “Yusi Jing,” 144) 54 We have substituted “Body-Palace” for “Fate-Palace” in the translation, according to the explanatory passage for the notion of “palace three days after he is born” (生後三日宮), in the Xingxue dacheng 星學大成 (vol. 6, 17b‒20a: available at https://www.kanripo.org/). We will discuss this subject further in a future work. 55 Venus sheds light on Libra, which becomes the Body-Palace according to the 31st line. So, we should read the term “Body-Palace” in the text. 56 The horoscope is missing. 57 He 合 usually means conjunction; however, according to the part on computation, Saturn is located in Capricorn, and Mercury in Virgo. No conjunction occurs between these two planets. We could interpret here the word he as the trine (sanhe 三合), which refers to the disposition of luminaries when there are three palaces/ signs̶90 degrees̶between the two palaces/signs of the luminaries. There are indeed three interval signs̶ Libra, Sagittarius, and Scorpio̶between Virgo (150‒180°) and Capricorn (270‒300°). 58 Sui 歲 usually denotes Jupiter, but, in this text, Jupiter is located in Aquarius, while Mars moves in Virgo. They are not in the same palace at all. Since Mercury and Mars are indeed in the same palace as Virgo, we could point out the possibility that Mercury would be altered by Jupiter due to some reason. 59 We can find a striking similarity with a line from the Xitian yusi jing 西天聿斯經 (on which see below) as follows: 火土合兮有學禄, 智慧多端好反覆. 火木同宮主貴權, 為事心中多敏速. The conjunction of Mars and Saturn results in scholarship and a clever mind with lots of ideas but tendency to change one’s mind. When Jupiter and Mars are in the same sign, [the native] would be noble and powerful, with a dedicated mind in his affairs handled with great zest. (Mak, “Yusi Jing,” 147) A major difference is only found in the planets. According to the planetary position of the text, Mars is also located in Virgo. Therefore, both the Saturn-Mercury trine aspect and Mars-Saturn trine aspect are identical in this context. Kang Zun might have utilized this coincidence, and applied the interpretation of the Mars-Saturn trine aspect in the Yusi jing to the Saturn-Mercury trine aspect in this text. Or, he might have referred to a missing variant of the Yusi jing. Regarding the similarity between the two sources in this part, we can also refer to Chen Wancheng 陳萬成ʼs discussion: Chen W. (陳萬成), “Du Mu ye xingming 杜牧與星命 [Du Mu (803‒ 852) and Astrology],” Journal of Tang Studies 8 (2002), 66‒67. Entangled Representation of Heaven 163 adores being apart from earthly life. He is broad-minded. Throughout his life… III. Sources III.I. Futian li 符天暦 As mentioned above, this text commences with the phrase “the eleven luminaries of the Futian [li] 苻天十一曜.” Rao has stated that the first words futian 苻天 should be futian 符天, that is, the title of an unofficial astronomical system compiled by Cao Shiwei 曹士蔿 during 780‒783, in the middle of the Tang period.60 Thus, we should interpret this phrase as meaning that, in this text, the eleven luminaries are computed on the basis of the Futian li. The Futian li is one of the li 暦 or Chinese astronomical systems; however, several elements of this system are apparently foreign to the Chinese astral tradition,61 and its compiler Cao Shiwei could be considered a Sogdian due to his family name.62 Although the system was called an “unofficial astronomical system” (xiaoli 小暦), and was never adopted as an official one, it had a certain influence over the officials of the Astronomical Bureau until the fourteenth century. In the period of the Five Dynasties (907‒960), an official astronomical system, the Tiaoyuan li 調元曆, was compiled on the basis of the Futian li.63 We also know that the Futian li was used as an auxiliary source for astrological annotation including Râhu and Ketu on the official annual almanacs by the staff of the Astronomical Bureau in this period.64 It is certain that its significance was retained to a certain extent in the period of the Song Dynasty (960‒1127), too, on the grounds that various works containing the term futian as a part of their titles are listed in the collection of astral sciences in the Songshi 宋史 [Standard History of the Song Dynasty].65 Furthermore, the Futian li was later adopted as a compulsory text for the entry examination of the Astronomical Bureau during the periods of the Jin (1115‒1234) and Yuan dynasties (1271‒1368).66 Interestingly enough, the examinees were required to Jao, “Lun qiyao yu shiyiyao,” 79. For a number of the atypical characteristics of the Futian li, see: Y. Isahaya, “History and Provenance of the ʻChineseʼ Calendar in the Zīj-i Īlkhānī,” Tarikh-e Elm: Iranian Journal for the History of Science 8 (2009), 31‒35. 62 Sogdians of this period usually bore family names derived from their colonies such as Caoguo 曹國̶a colony between Ishtihan and Istaravshan, although Cao is also a common family name of the Han Chinese. Yabuuti Kiyoshi is certain that the Futian li was influenced by “western” astral science, while he questions the hasty identification of Cao Shiwei with a Sogdian: see Yabuuti K. (薮内清), Chûgoku no temmon rekihô 中国の 天文曆法 [Chinese Astronomical System] (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1990), 363‒364. 63 Ou Yangxiu 欧陽修 (ed.), Xin wudaishi 新五代史 [New Standard History of the Five Dynasties] (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1974), 3: 670; Yabuuti, Chûgoku no temmon rekihô, 362. 64 Xin wudaishi, 2: 343, 3: 673; Yabuuti, Chûgoku no temmon rekihô, 367. 65 Tuotuo 脫脫 (ed.), Songshi 宋史 [Standard History of the Song Dynasty] (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1977), 15: 5232‒5233, 5235, 5264, 5272‒5275; Yabuuti, Chûgoku no temmon rekihô, 367‒368. 66 Wang Shidian 王士點 & 商企翁 Shang Qiweng (eds.), Mishujian zhi 秘書監志 [Account of the Imperial Library Directorate] (Hangzhou: Zhejiang Ancient Books Publishing House, 1992), 117‒123; Yamada 60 61 164 Yoichi ISAHAYA and Jyuh Fuh LIN solve a question relevant to fate-calculation by means of the Futian li. Despite its historical significance and long-standing usage, we have few sources to answer the question of how this astronomical system was used in practice. In China, our text P. 4071 is a rare example of this. However, the paucity of materials can be complemented by Japanese literature, through which we are able to know how the Futian li was implemented in the context of the East Eurasian astral tradition.67 The Futian li was brought to Japan in 957 by the Buddhist monk Nichien 日延, and became a kind of canonical text for the Buddhist school of astrology called Sukuyôdô 宿 曜道, which flourished in the latter half of the Heian period (794‒1192).68 Momo Hiroyuki 桃裕行 collected divination texts, called sukuyô kammon 宿曜勘文, composed by masters of the school. Among them are two documents which include horoscopes for people born between 1:00‒3:00 on 15 January 1113 and between 21:00‒23:00 on 6 August 1268 respectively. Momo attested that these horoscopes were cast on the basis of the Futian li. In Japan, the Futian li played a role in computing planetary positions for horoscopic astrology, like in our Dunhuang text, despite the fact that the yuebo and ziqi of the eleven luminaries do not appear in the Japanese literature.69 In addition, we should refer to another important text to give us an insight into the Futian li; that is the Qiyao rangzai jue 七曜攘災決 [Exclusion of Calamity in the Seven Luminaries]. The work̶the ephemerides of the nine luminaries including Râhu and Ketu with explanatory remarks̶is said to have been compiled by a “western Indian Brâhman named Jin Juzha 金倶吒” around 800. Like the Futian li, the Qiyao rangzai jue was also brought to Japan by a Buddhist monk, Shûei 宗叡, in 865, and was preserved in the circle of Buddhist astrologers there until recent times.70 Yano Michio 矢野道雄, who scrutinized the ephemerides of the Qiyao rangzai jue, has attested that it refers to the epoch of the Futian li. The Futian li employed 806 as an epoch peculiar to that of Râhu and Ketu, which accords with that of the Qiyao rangzai jue.71 In addition, the Qiyao rangzai jue defines its “months” based on the solar motion, and the first month K. (山田慶児), Jujireki no michi: Chûgoku chûsei no kagaku to kokka 授時暦の道：中国中世の科学と国家 [The Road to the Shoushi li: Science and the State in Medieval China] (Tokyo: Misuzu Shobô, 1980), 119‒125. 67 The Futian li was also used as one of two major sources for the Chinese calendar in a thirteenth-century Persian astronomical handbook. Regarding this aspect, see Y. Isahaya, “The Tārīkh-i Qitā in the Zīj-i Īlkhānī: the Chinese Calendar in Persian,” SCIAMVS 14 (2013): 149‒258. 68 M. Yano, “A Planetary Ephemeris in Japanese Buddhist Astrology: a Case of Transmission,” in K. Hashimoto et al. (eds.), East Asian Science: Tradition and Beyond (Osaka: Kansai University Press, 1995), 80. Regarding these circumstances, we can refer to Kristina Buhrmanʼs recent dissertation: K. Buhrman, The Stars and the State: Astronomy, Astrology, and the Politics of Natural Knowledge in Early Medieval Japan (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Southern California, 2012). 69 Momo H. (桃裕行), “Sukuyôdô to sukuyô kammon 宿曜道と宿曜勘文 [Sukuyôdô and Sukuyô Kammon],” Risshô shigaku 立正史学 39 (1975): 1‒20; M. Yano, “The Chʼiyao jang-tsai-chueh and its Ephemerides,” Centaurus 29 (1986): 28‒35. 70 Yano, “A Planetary Ephemeris in Japanese Buddhist Astrology,” 74. 71 Yano, “The Chʼiyao jang-tsai-chueh and its Ephemerides,” 33. Entangled Representation of Heaven 165 commences at the yushui, the beginning of Pisces, just like the Futian li.72 From these facts, a close relationship between the Futian li and Qiyao rangzai jue can be perceived, and both texts seem to have been absorbed into the common astral tradition̶the Sukuyôdô̶in Japan.73 This close relationship shall be taken into account in the context of the eleven luminaries later. III.II. Yusi jing 聿斯經 The text of P. 4071 makes use of several works, one of which is the abovementioned Futian li, used to compute the positions of the eleven luminaries. In part of the astrological interpretation, another work is cited, the Yusi jing 聿斯經̶ first appearing in the 30th line. There has been scholarly debate about the provenance of this work, but Bill Mak has recently made a significant contribution to this issue through a substantial investigation of the Xitian yusi jing 西天聿斯經 in the Xingxue dacheng 星學大成 [Grand Compendium of Astral Sciences], a Ming anthology of astral sciences.74 As the result of his analysis, he reached the conclusion that the Yusi jing is the Chinese translation of a Greco-Persian astral text that circulated in Central Asia some time prior to the seventh century, and that Dorotheusʼ Carmen Astrologicum is the most probable candidate based on the following evidence: 1. There is a striking resemblance between the contents of the Xitian yusi jing and Dorotheusʼ Carmen Astrologicum. 2. Dorotheusʼ Carmen Astrologicum was translated into Pahlavi, which might have been accessible to Persians coming to China in the Tang period. 3. Dorotheusʼ poem was known as five scrolls, which coincides with the number of fascicles of the “Sanskrit” version of the Yusi jing in the Xin Tangshu 新唐書 [New Standard History of the Tang Dynasty]. 4. The name Duli yusi 都利聿斯̶which is a longer title for the Yusi jing̶could be derived from Dorotheus, Dhurūthiyūs in Arabic.75 Mak attached great importance to the role of Persian astronomers who adhered to the East-Syrian Church in translating the original text and producing the Yusi jing. Therefore, like the Futian li, the Yusi jing was also produced in the process of transmitting Hellenistic horoscopic astrology into East Eurasia. 72 73 74 75 Yano, “A Planetary Ephemeris in Japanese Buddhist Astrology,” 78. Yano, “The Chʼiyao jang-tsai-chueh and its Ephemerides,” 33. Mak, “Yusi Jing.” Mak, “Yusi Jing,” 128‒130. 166 Yoichi ISAHAYA and Jyuh Fuh LIN IV. Elements IV.I. The Eleven Luminaries As mentioned above, the first part of the text is assigned to the computation of the “eleven luminaries” 十一曜 which consist of the Sun, Moon and five planets with the following four pseudo-planets: Râhu 羅睺, Ketu 計都, yuebo 月勃 and ziqi 紫気. The former two undoubtedly derive from the Indic astral tradition, and the latter two only appear in the Chinese sources. These pseudo-planets can also be considered one of the embodiments of the naturalization of horoscopic astrology in East Eurasia. From the 7th to the 17th lines, we find the positions of the eleven luminaries at the time of birth of a person born between 15:00 and 17:00 on 3 October 930. In these passages, the positions of the eleven luminaries are represented by twentyeight lunar lodges and their corresponding zodiacal signs. We are able to utilize Yanoʼs study on the Qiyao rangzai jue and the aforementioned Japanese horoscopes, both of which are closely related to the Futian li, in order to determine the planetary positions. The obtained values are compared with those of modern calculations by means of the Stella Navigator software. The result is tabulated as follows: Table 1. Positions of the eleven luminaries in P. 4071* Eleven Luminaries Twenty-Eight Lunar Lodges Approximate Longitude Stella Navigator** Moon Sun Jupiter Mars Saturn Venus Mercury yi 翼 jiao 角8oo wei 危3oo zhen 軫 dou 斗 jiao 角 & kang亢 zhen 軫 157.21‒174.10o 194.11o 320.03o 174.10‒187.14o 263.44‒287.34o 197.79o 174.10‒187.14o 294.30‒295.07o 194.38‒194.43o 318.07‒318.06o 176.06‒176.10o 278.13o 183.57‒184.03o 177.52‒177.59o Râhu Ketu Yuebo Ziqi jing 井 niu 牛3oo wei 危 xing 星 78.56‒109.03o 289.29o 316.67‒336.82o 130.63‒139.64o 105.34o (descending node) 285.34o (ascending node) 317.8o (lunar apogee) 137.8o (lunar perigee?) * For the notation of degree, xoo denotes the Chinese degrees, while yo are the modern degrees. ** We computed the planetary positions between 15:00 and 17:00 on 3 October, 930 (time zone ＋7:00) by means of the Stella Navigator (ver. 10). Except for the Moon, the positions of the seven luminaries roughly correspond to those of the Stella Navigator.76 In the case of Râhu and Ketu, if we consider the former to be the lunar descending node and the latter the opposite, the degrees also fit with the 76 Regarding the Moon, including the part of the “Day of Body-Palace” based on the lunar position, there is some confusion in our text. Chen points out the possibility that either some other divination text contaminated our text or some part of our text is missing (Chen, Quyu shehuishi yexiade Dunhuang lumingshu yanjiu, 21). Entangled Representation of Heaven 167 results of the modern calculation.77 These definitions are different from what we find in the Qiyao rangzai jue and the aforementioned Japanese horoscopes̶where Râhu denotes the lunar ascending node and Ketu the lunar apogee, respectively. But, these definitions of Râhu and Ketu can be also found in the forty eleven-luminary horoscopes called the Zhengshi xingan 鄭氏星案 [Star Diagrams by Zheng], cast by Zheng Xicheng 鄭希誠 (fl. mid-fourteenth century) for persons living in the middle of the fourteenth century.78 As Ho points out, some Daoist nuances can be found in the title and contents of the Zhang Guo xingzong 張果星宗 [Zhang Guoʼs School of Astrology], to which these horoscopes are attached.79 Indeed, the eleven luminaries appeared in the Song period as a result of the confluence of western astral divination from the Tang period and Chinese indigenous celestial worship̶mainly that related to Daoism.80 In the cases of yuebo and ziqi, through the computation of the Brown formula as in the case of Râhu, we obtain 137.80o as the position of the lunar perigee, which is within the value range of ziqi in the text.81 Since the position of yuebo appears to be approximately opposite to the lunar perigee, we can assume that yuebo in this text denotes the lunar apogee. Regarding the definition of yuebo, it also accords with that of the aforementioned Daoist horoscopes. However, some ambiguity remains in considering the position of ziqi. Although ziqi is in the value range of the lunar perigee in our text, this pseudo-planet was not considered to be the lunar perigee in the Daoist horoscopes, but to be one having a 28year cycle. According to the computation, ziqi should be located around 123o in the Daoist definition, which is also not so far from the ziqi in our text.82 Therefore, we are not certain what kind of method was used to compute the position of ziqi. IV.II. Seven-Epoch System In the 1st line, three day-counting elements appear: the fang-sun-hare 房日兎. This is part of the day-counting system called the “Seven-Epoch System” 七元法 which forms 77 The lunar ascending node has been calculated through the Brown formula (Yano, “The Chʼiyao jangtsai-chueh and its Ephemerides,” 34 n. 11). 78 Ho, Chinese Mathematical Astrology, 73‒74. However, some inconsistency is also found in terms of the positions of Râhu and Ketu in comparison with part of the prediction based on the annual motion of the luminaries. In the 84th line, if we consider Ketu to be the lunar descending node, this position is within the range of values. In the 96th line, if Râhu is regarded as the lunar ascending node, the position fits the description. In addition, in the 78th line, the position of Râhu does not accord either with the ascending or with the descending node. For the computation, we used Swiss Ephemeris〈http://www.astro.com/swisseph/swepha_e.htm〉. 79 Ho, Chinese Mathematical Astrology, 74. 80 Niu W. (鈕衛星), “Tang Song zhiji daojiao shiyiyao xingshen chongbaide qiyuan he liuxing 唐宋之際 道教十一曜星神崇拜的起源和流行 [The Origin and Prevalence of Star-God Worship of Eleven Daoist Luminaries in the Tang and Song Periods],” Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 世界宗教研究 2012/1 (2012): 85‒95. 81 Yano, “The Chʼiyao jang-tsai-chueh and its Ephemerides,” 34 n. 12. 82 To compute the position of the ziqi by the method of the Daoist horoscopes, the Moira program is available〈http://home.comcast.net/~athomeprojects/index.htm〉. 168 Yoichi ISAHAYA and Jyuh Fuh LIN an ever-recurrent cycle of 420 days in combination with a 28-day cycle (consisting of the twenty-eight lunar lodges, seven luminaries, and twenty-eight animals)83 and the Chinese traditional sexagenary cycle 六十干支̶420 is the least common multiple of 28 and 60.84 Table 2. Seven Epoch System* 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Lodges Luminaries Animals xu 虛 wei 危 shi 室 bi 壁 kui 奎 lou 婁 wei 胃 mao 昴 bi 畢 zi 觜 shen 參 jing 井 gui 鬼 liu 柳 Sun 日 Moon 月 Mars 火 Mercury 水 Jupiter 木 Venus 金 Saturn 土 Sun 日 Moon 月 Mars 火 Mercury 水 Jupiter 木 Venus 金 Saturn 土 Rat 鼠 Swallow 燕 Pig 猪 Mongoose 貐 Wolf 狼 Dog 狗 Pheasant 雉 Cock 雞 Crow 烏 Monkey 猴 Ape 猿 Elk 犴 Sheep 未 Stag 獐 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 Lodges Luminaries Animals xing 星 zhang 張 yi 翼 zhen 軫 jiao 角 kang 亢 di 氐 fang 房 xin 心 wei 尾 ji 箕 dou 斗 niu 牛 nu 女 Sun 日 Moon 月 Mars 火 Mercury 水 Jupiter 木 Venus 金 Saturn 土 Sun 日 Moon 月 Mars 火 Mercury 水 Jupiter 木 Venus 金 Saturn 土 Horse 馬 Deer 鹿 Snake 蛇 Worm 蚓 Dogfish 蛟 Dragon 龍 Badger 貉 Hare 兎 Fox 狐 Tiger 虎 Leopard 豹 Unicorn 獬 Bull 牛 Bat 蝠 * Based on Kalinowskiʼs description (“The Use of the Twenty-Eight Xiu as a Day-Count in Early China,” 59). See also Édouard Chavannesʼs table (E. Chavannes, “Le cycle Turc des douze animaux,” T ʼoung Pao, Ser. II, 7 (1906), 107). In the above table, the fang-sun-hare 房日兎 is the 22nd day of the cycle. As far as the extant sources are concerned, the Seven-Epoch System first appears in a series of almanacs compiled under the rule of the Western Xia 西夏 (1038‒1227) and found in Khara-Khoto, one of their thriving centers. The earliest of them is dated to 1047.85 Daycounting based on the Seven-Epoch System in the Western Xia almanacs completely accords with those of the Northern Song almanacs and P. 4071.86 Interestingly enough, in a Western Xia almanac dated to 1094, there is a description about the accumulated days 積日 from the “epoch.” By means of a method adopted in the Jiuzhi li 九執曆 [Astronomical System of Nine Graha], the accumulated days can be traced back to the 83 These twenty-eight animals include the animals of the twelve-year animal cycle 十二獣環 traditionally used in China and the adjacent steppes. In addition, these twenty-eight animals also form part of a larger group consisting of thirty-six animals 三十六禽. For the thirty-six animals, Kalinowski supposes that this series appeared around the fourth and fifth centuries, and then it was associated with the twenty-eight lodges in the context of the liuren 六壬 method of calendrical astrology (Kalinowski, “The Use of the Twenty-Eight Xiu as a Day-Count in Early China,” 62‒64). Regarding the thirty-six animals, see also Yanoʼs article: Yano M., “Bukkyô temmongaku senseijyutsu-no zuzôgakuteki sokumen-no kaimei: sanjyûrokkin-to Dekan 仏教天文学・占星術 の図像学的側面の側面：三十六禽とデカン [An Aspect of Buddhist Iconography: Thirty-Six Animals and Decan],” The Science and Engineering Review of Doshisha University 48/4 (2008): 1‒6). 84 Kalinowski, “The Use of the Twenty-Eight Xiu as a Day-Count in Early China,” 59‒60. 85 Kong X. (孔慶典), Shishijiqian Zhongguo jili wenhua yuanliu 十世紀前中国紀歴文化源流 [Origin and Development of Calendrical Culture in Early China before the Tenth Century: Focusing on the Manuscripts Written on Bamboo and Silk] (PhD. Dissertation: Shanghai Jiao Tong University, 2009), 131. 86 Kong, Shishijiqian Zhongguo jili wenhua yuanliu, 132‒134. Entangled Representation of Heaven 169 epoch of the Futian li̶18 February 660.87 From this fact, we can find a certain relationship between the Seven-Epoch System and the Futian li. The Jiuzhi li was composed under the Indic astral tradition in 718 by Qutan Xida 瞿 曇悉達 (Gautamasiddha).88 Furthermore, this calculation method is also found in the Xiuyao jing 宿曜經 [Sutra on Constellations and Luminaries], which was composed and compiled by the Buddhist monk Bukong 不空 (Amoghavajra: 705‒774) and his disciples from 742 to 764.89 In addition, this computation method is also used in the two Japanese Sukuyôdô horoscopes.90 The Seven-Epoch System was invented during the integration of the foreign day-counting system based on the seven luminaries into the Chinese daycounting tradition,91 through several conduits such as the Indic and Buddhist astral traditions. IV.III. “Day of Fate-Palace” 命宮日 Another remarkable element foreign to western horoscopic astrology is the “Day of Fate-Palace” (minggong ri 命宮日). The “Fate-Palace” (minggong 命宮) in the Chinese fate-calculation is considered to be equivalent to the ascendant of western horoscopic astrology̶a key concept of this astrology, and it is indeed mentioned in the Xitian yusi jing as the ascendant.92 However, the “Day of Fate-Palace” in our text is a concept different from the ascendant in the Xitian yusi jing. According the 37th line, “For a native born in the di or fang lodge, this (i.e., the Day of Fate-Palace) is Scorpio.” The di lodge (long. 208.40‒226.23o) and the fang lodge (long. 226.23‒231.09o)93 roughly correspond to Scorpio (long. 210‒240o). However, why was the subject of this text considered to be born in the di or fang lodges? Based on the method of western horoscopic astrology, his ascendant̶minggong 命宮̶should be located in the shi lodge (long. 336.82‒352.49o) within Pisces (long. 330‒360o).94 It has a remarkable distance from Scorpio. It would be reasonable to consider that the Day of Fate-Palace was determined on the basis of the Seven-Epoch System, because his day was mentioned as fang-sun-hare at the very beginning of our text. Therefore, we know that even the core concept of horoscopic astrology was altered in the process of its naturalization in East Eurasia. 87 Kong, Shishijiqian Zhongguo jili wenhua yuanliu, 138. K. Yabuuti, “Researches on the Chiu-Chih Li: Indian Astronomy under the Tʼang Dynasty,” Acta Asiatica 36 (1979): 7‒48. 89 Yano Mikkyô senseijyutsu, 113‒123. 90 Kong, Shishijiqian Zhongguo jili wenhua yuanliu, 140. 91 Kalinowski, “The Use of the Twenty-Eight Xiu as a Day-Count in Early China,” 66. 92 Mak, “Yusi Jing,” 126, 140. 93 The computation of both lodges is based on the values of the Qiyao rangzai jue (Yano, “The Chʼiyao jang-tsai-chueh and its Ephemerides,” 30). 94 For the computation, we refer to the Moira program. 88 170 Yoichi ISAHAYA and Jyuh Fuh LIN V. Entangled Representation of Heaven Astrological elements found in the tenth-century Dunhuang fragment on fatecalculation are not confined to the “original” framework systematized in the Hellenistic period. Rather, the Hellenistic elements are no more than some planetary calculations and astrological interpretations relative to the twelve zodiacal signs. The sexagenary cycle and twenty-eight lunar lodges central to the astral divination in the text were the indigenous parts of astral sciences in East Eurasia. Then, of the four-pseudo planets, Râhu and Ketu are undoubtedly derived from the Indic astral tradition, and the method of calculating the accumulated days follows that of the Jiuzhi li, an Indic astronomical system. From the religious standpoint, that calculation method appears in the Xiuyao jing originally composed by Bukong, one of the major introducers of Tantric Buddhism to the Tang court.95 On the other hand, we find certain Daoist influences through the positions of the four pseudo-planets, and the Yusi jing, a text used for astrological interpretation, was probably brought by East-Syrian Christians. In other words, this astral text consists of various astral traditions in terms both of region and religion. This fact confirms that Central Eurasia, where the text was recorded, encompassed various kinds of cultural elements. These various kinds of elements were not merged into a single system, but emerged as a heterogeneous whole reflecting the cultural mosaic in Central Eurasia. Astral sciences and literature based on the sciences must have not been ascribed to a single specific religion, culture and language. This situation can be also ascertained from other sources in Central Eurasia. Nicholas Sims-Williams, who has dealt with Christian Soghdian texts, as a result of investigation into a text concerning menologies in Turfan for the ninth and tenth centuries (a similar period to our Dunhuang fragment), has declared that this type of text was common in Syriac as well as other languages including Greek, Arabic, and Jewish Palestinian Aramaic, and such works ultimately derived from Mesopotamian prototypes in terms both of form and contents. He adds, more importantly in our context, that, although there are not remarkable resemblances in general between the Christian Soghdian texts and comparable Buddhist and Manichaean Soghdian omen texts, some similarities from the linguistic aspect suggest that the Central Eurasian milieu would possibly work for mutual influence in various forms̶such as composition, translation and copying.96 Furthermore, Yoshida Yutaka 吉田豊 has amplified Sims-Williamsʼs remarks, in referring to the fact that similar omen texts have been also found in other 95 F. Grenet, “Les marchands sogdiens dans les mers du Sud à lʼépoque préislamique,” Cahiers dʼAsie centrale 1‒2 (Inde-Asie centrale: routes du commerce et des idées) (1996): 65‒84. 96 N. Sims-Williams, “Christian Literature in Middle Iranian Languages,” in R. Emmerick & M. Macuch (eds.), The Literature of Pre-Islamic Iran (London: I.B. Tauris, 2009), 284‒285. Entangled Representation of Heaven 171 Chinese and Manichaean literature, and has conjectured that a similar type of divination spread over Dunhuang and Turfan regardless of languages and religions.97 Our Dunhuang text gives us a deep insight into the conflation of various astral elements upon the common foundation of astral divination in Central Eurasia. On the other hand, as mentioned in the second section, the significance of our text can be attributed to its testifying to the process of the naturalization of horoscopic astrology brought as “western” astral knowledge. One of the major points indicating naturalization is Daoism, an indigenous belief in the Chinese imperial realm. As already mentioned, the pseudo-planets in the text echo certain Daoist tones due to their similarity to the Daoist horoscopes, the Zhengshi xingan. In addition, some astrological elements, such as “the dominant luminaries of the three directions” (sanfang zhu), appear in a Daoist scripture, Lingtai jing. With regard to the relationship between the pseudo-planets and Daoism, Zhao Youqin 趙友欽 (1271‒1368), a Daoist master of the Jindan Dao, refers to the pseudo-planets in his astronomical work, the Gexing Xinshu 革象新書, in which his mixture of Daoist and cosmological views is reflected.98 As a result of the analysis in this article, the provenance of the Futian li should be reconsidered. The Futian li was probably not the translation of any “original” text, but rather was compiled in Chinese as an astronomical system for horoscopic astrology with multi-cultural foundations in Central Eurasia. Taking into account the variant titles̶the seven, nine and eleven luminaries are attached case by case,99 we might speculate that the Futian [li] would not have been the title for any precise astral text, but more an umbrella term comprehending certain texts of western astral sciences̶i.e., horoscopic astrology. The Chinese divination text of P. 4071 made by a certain astrologer in the periphery of the Chinese imperial realm provides us with the entangled representation of heaven which reflects an actual process of naturalization of the western astral sciences in East Eurasia. (Received on 21 July 2016; Accepted on 26 January 2017) 97 Yoshida Y. (吉田豊), “Sogudojin no gengo ソグド人の言語 [Soghdian Language],” in Sobukawa H. & Yoshida Y. (eds.), Sogudojin no bijyutsu to gengo ソグド人の美術と言語 [Soghdian Art and Language] (Kyoto: Rinsen Syoten, 2011), 115. 98 On him and his work, see Sh. Arai, “Astronomical Studies by Zhao Youqin,” Taiwanese Journal for Philosophy and History of Science 8 (1997): 59‒102. 99 Such as the Qiyao Futian li 七曜符天曆 and the Futian jiuyao tongyuan lichen fa 符天九曜通元立成 法 (Songshi, 15: 5272, 5274; Yabuuti, Chûgoku no temmon rekihô, 367‒368).