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602 T ’OUNG PAO Yang Xiaodong T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 www.brill.com/tpao Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs: Apropos of Two Southern Song Pagodas and Related Buddhist Monuments in the Sichuan Basin Yang Xiaodong The Chinese University of Hong Kong The present essay emerged from my attempt at historicizing two understudied Southern Song (1127-1279) pagodas and related Buddhist monuments in the Sichuan basin. One pagoda is located at the site of Xiaofowan 小佛灣 in Dazu 大足 (Chongqing), and the other at Kongquedong 孔雀洞 in Anyue 安岳 (Sichuan). Of great importance to my discussion are the lists of Buddhist scripture titles inscribed on the pagodas. While we have other evidence of the practice of carving sūtra texts at such prominent sites as Xiangtangshan 響堂山 and Yunjusi 雲居寺,1 the inscriptions to be discussed are a rare window into how “scriptural catalogs,” or jinglu 經錄, were put to use in the service of devotional activities in late medieval times. 1) On the “stone sūtras” (shijing 石經) carved at Xiangtangshan, see Mizuno Seiichi 水野清 一 and Nagahiro Toshio 長広敏雄, Kyōdōzan sekkutsu: Kahoku Kanan shōkyō ni okeru Hokusei jidai no sekkutsu jiin 響堂山石窟: 河北河南省境における北斉時代の石窟寺院 (Tokyo: Tōhō bunka gakuin Kyōto kenkyūsho, 1937); and Katherine R. Tsiang, “Monumentalization of Buddhist Texts in the Northern Qi Dynasty: The Engravings of Sūtras in Stone at Xiangtangshan and Other Sites in the Sixth Century,” Artibus Asiae 56 (1996): 233-61. On those carved at Yunjusi, see Tsukamoto Zenryū 塚本善隆, “Sekkeizan Ungoji to sekkoku daizokyō” 石経山雲居寺と石刻大蔵経, in Bōzan Ungoji kenkyū 房山雲居寺硏究 (special issue), Tōhō gakuhō 東方学報 5 (1935): 1-245; Lothar Ledderose, “Ein Programm für den Weltuntergang: Die steinerne Bibliothek eines Klosters bei Peking,” Heidelberger Jahrbücher 36 (1992): 15-33; idem, “Changing the Audience: A Pivotal Period in the Great Sutra Carving Project at Cloud Dwelling Monastery near Beijing,” in Religion and Chinese Society, ed. John Lagerwey, vol. 1 (Hong Kong: Chinese Univ. Press; Paris: École française d’Extrême-Orient, 2004), 385-409; and Sonya S. Lee, “Transmitting Buddhism to a Future Age: The Leiyin Cave at Fangshan and Cave-Temples with Stone Scriptures in Sixth-Century China,” Archives of Asian Art 60 (2010): 43-78. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2020 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10656P04 T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 603 By “scriptural catalogs,” I mean a specific sort of Sinitic bibliographical literature that deals primarily with texts accepted in East Asian Buddhist circles as authoritative in matters of religion.2 Among such authoritative texts are not only the Chinese Buddhist writings of non-Sinitic origins, but also some of the Buddhist and related works written directly in literary Chinese. As texts like these accumulated from the late Han period (202 BCE-220 CE) onwards, there arose in East Asia a substantial body of scriptural catalogs.3 While many surviving examples consist of 2) The definition presented here draws inspiration mainly from Hayashiya Tomojirō’s 林屋 友次郎 characterization of scriptural catalogs as “sacred books listings” (seiten mokuroku 聖 典目録). Additional sources of inspiration are Max Müller’s conception of “sacred books” and Jonathan Z. Smith’s reflections on “canon” and “canonicity.” See Hayashiya Tomojirō, “Kyōroku no igi oyobi mokuteki” 経録の意義及び目的, in Kyōroku kenkyū 経録研究 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1941), 3-26; Max Müller, “Sacred Books,” in Natural Religion: The Gifford Lectures Delivered before the University of Glasgow in 1888 (London: Longmans, Green, and Co, 1889), 538-77; and Jonathan Z. Smith, “Canons, Catalogues, and Classics,” in Canonization and Decanonization: Papers Presented to the International Conference of the Leiden Institute for the Study of Religions, ed. Arie van der Kooij and Karel van der Toorn (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 295-311. For alternative definitions of “scriptural catalogs,” see esp. Hayashiya, Kyōroku kenkyū, 26; Okabe Kazuo 岡部和雄, “The Chinese Catalogues of Buddhist Scriptures,” Komazawa daigaku bukkyō gakubu kenkyū kiyō 駒澤大学仏教学部研究紀要 38 (1980): 2; Kyoko Tokuno, “The Evaluation of Indigenous Scriptures in Chinese Buddhist Bibliographical Catalogues,” in Chinese Buddhist Apocrypha, ed. Robert E. Buswell Jr. (Honolulu: Univ. of Hawai’i Press, 1990), 31; Fang Guangchang 方廣錩, foreword to Dunhuang fojiao jinglu jijiao 敦煌佛教經錄輯校 (Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1997); Kawaguchi Gishō 川口義照, Chūgoku Bukkyō ni okeru kyōroku kenkyū 中国仏教における経録研究 (Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 2000), 13-17; Tanya Storch, introduction to The History of Chinese Buddhist Bibliography: Censorship and Transformation of the Tripitaka (Amherst: Cambria Press, 2014); and The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism, ed. Robert E. Buswell Jr. and Donald S. Lopez Jr. (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 2014), s.v. “jinglu.” 3) While the earliest surviving example dates back to the late sixth century, we have solid evidence for the existence of scriptural catalogs in China no later than the second half of the fourth century, and quite possibly up to one hundred years earlier, when Zhu Shixing 朱士 行 (fl. c. 260) traveled to Khotan in quest of the longer version of the Prajñāpāramitā. On the early history of scriptural catalogs, see Fei Changfang 費長房 (fl. 597), Lidai sanbao ji 歷代三 寶紀 4, in Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新修大蔵経, 100 vols, eds. Takakusu Junjirō 高楠順次 郎, Watanabe Kaigyoku 渡邊海旭, and Ono Genmyō 小野玄妙 (Tokyo: Taishō issaikyō kankōkai, 1924-1935; rpt. edn., Taipei: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 1974; hereafter abbreviated as T), 2034: 49.49b11-55c17; Hayashiya Tomojirō, “Shaku Dōan Sōri shūkyō mokuroku izen no sho kyōroku” 釈道安「綜理衆経目録」以前の諸経録, in Kyōroku kenkyū, 213-330; Tokiwa Daijō 常盤大定, Gokan yori Sō Sei ni itaru yakkyō sōroku 後漢より宋斉に至る訳経総 録 (Tokyo: Tōhō bunka gakuin Tōkyō kenkyūsho, 1938); and Tanya Storch, “Fei Changfang’s Records of the Three Treasures Throughout the Successive Dynasties (Lidai sanbao ji) and Its Role in the Formation of the Chinese Buddhist Canon,” in Spreading Buddha’s Word in East Asia: The Formation and Transformation of the Chinese Buddhist Canon, ed. Jiang Wu and Lucille Chia (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 2016), 111-13. Additionally, it should be noted T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 604 Yang Xiaodong little more than scripture titles,4 we also possess about a dozen huge catalogues raisonnés that are much broader in scope and richer in detail.5 These catalogues raisonnés, ranging in date between the early sixth and late eighth centuries,6 are products of a very small and highly literate elite within medieval Chinese Buddhists. Religious orthodoxy was a major preoccupation it seems of this elite,7 and it is thus perhaps no coincidence that they all expressly intended their catalogs as guides for systemizing Buddhist scriptures and ferreting out apocrypha.8 The intended function of these scriptural catalogs notwithstanding, scholars have recently suggested that works like these can also serve other religious purposes in the Buddhist context. Typical of such suggestions is that offered by Stefano Zacchetti in his 2016 analysis of a Tangdynasty (618-907) inscription found at the site of Wofoyuan 臥佛院 in Anyue.9 At this site, there are altogether fifteen excavated caves containthat the Lidai sanbao ji must be used with considerable caution because both traditional scholasticism and modern scholarship have repeatedly found Fei Changfang’s accounts of translation history problematic. On the problematic nature of the Lidai sanbao ji, see Michael Radich, “Fei Changfang’s Treatment of Sengyou’s Anonymous Texts,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 139 (2019): 819-41. 4) For a sampling of such catalogs, see Fang Guangchang, Dunhuang fojiao jinglu, 234-97, 444-578, 644-47, 661-64, 668-70, 676-84, 688-89, 694-97, 707-9, 712-20, 725-47, 752-55, 758-67, 769-92, 797-98, 801-5, 807-9, 817-19, 826-31, 843-48, 853-943, 1023-65, 1113-16. 5) With only one exception, viz. the aforementioned Lidai sanbao ji, these catalogues raisonnés are situated in the “catalog section” (mokuroku bu 目録部) of the Taishō Canon. 6) Of these catalogs, the earliest is Sengyou’s 僧祐 (445-518) Chu sanzang ji ji 出三藏記集 (T. 2145), published around 515, and the most recent, the Zhenyuan xinding shijiao mulu 貞 元新定釋教目錄 (T. 2157), was compiled by Yuanzhao 圓照 (fl. 766-804) and presented to the court in 800. 7) It should be noted that most of these elite Buddhists are either “priestly translators” (fanjing shamen 翻經沙門) or “masters in vinaya” (lü shi 律師). This fact, coupled with their proficiency in Buddhist “doxography” (jiaoxiang panshi 教相判釋), would seem to indicate that such issues as canonicity and orthodoxy were of particular significance to their religious life. 8) For more on the intended purpose of these catalogs, see Tokuno, “The Evaluation of Indigenous Scriptures,” 31-33. 9) Stefano Zacchetti, “Catalog of All Canonical Scriptures,” in Buddhist Stone Sutras in China: Sichuan Province 3, ed. Claudia Wenzel and Sun Hua 孫華 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz; Hangzhou: Zhongguo meishu xueyuan chubanshe, 2016), 77-96. For more on the site of Wofoyuan, see Sonya S. Lee, “The Buddha’s Words at Cave Temples,” Ars Orientalis 36 (2009): 51-55; Lothar Ledderose, preface to Buddhist Stone Sutras in China: Sichuan Province 1, ed. Lothar Ledderose and Sun Hua (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz; Hangzhou: Zhongguo meishu xueyuan chubanshe, 2014); and Qin Zhen 秦臻, Zhang Xuefen 張雪芬, and Lei Yuhua 雷玉 華, Anyue Wofoyuan kaogu diaocha yu yanjiu 安岳臥佛院考古調查與研究 (Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 2014). T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 605 ing Buddhist texts inscribed onto the interior walls. One of these inscriptions, to which Zacchetti directs his attention, is an incomplete carving of the first two fascicles of the monumental Catalog of All Scriptures (Zhongjing mulu 眾經目錄, T. 2148) compiled by Jingtai 靜泰 (fl. 660666) between 663 and 666.10 In excavating the layers of meaning that inhere in this inscriptional program, Zacchetti says that catalogs like Jingtai’s work “certainly constitute a far richer and more complex genre than usually recognized.”11 They are “not merely functional tables of contents for the [Buddhist] canon nor watchdogs of scriptural orthodoxy,” he suggests, but “can also be read and used as texts replete with religious meaning and efficacy, as effective representations of the buddhavacana, or ‘words of the Buddha.’”12 For the present study, the suggestion offered by Zacchetti is of interest both because it is recent and because it brings to the fore an intriguing issue. This issue, viz. the devotional uses and symbolic functions of scriptural catalogs,13 has yet to be thoroughly addressed, though there has been in the past several decades a trickle of essays and sections of books beginning to broach the subject. In the early 1990s, an important breakthrough in this direction was made by Kuo Li-ying, who noticed the redemptive power attributed to the lists of scripture titles recited in 10) On Jingtai’s catalog, see Zacchetti, “Catalog of All Canonical Scriptures,” 78-84. See also Iwama Tanryō 岩間湛良, “Gensō roku to Jōtai roku” 彦琮録と静泰録, Ōsaki gakuhō 大崎学 報 95 (1939): 77-92; Kawaguchi, Kyōroku kenkyū, 92-97; and Storch, Chinese Buddhist Bibliography, 114. 11) Zacchetti, “Catalog of All Canonical Scriptures,” 96. 12) Ibid. 13) The phrase “devotional uses and symbolic functions” is borrowed from Robert F. Campany, “Notes on the Devotional Uses and Symbolic Functions of Sūtra Texts as Depicted in Early Chinese Buddhist Miracle Tales and Hagiographies,” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 14 (1991): 28-72. In structuring the line of research reported in the present essay, I benefited considerably from this contribution, particularly its definition and conceptualization of sūtra texts’ “devotional uses.” Additional, though less direct, sources of inspiration include Gregory Schopen, “The Phrase sa prthivīpradeśaś caityabhūto bhavet in the Vajracchedikā: Notes on the Cult of the Book in Mahāyāna,” Indo-Iranian Journal 17 (1975): 147-81; Jan Yun-hua, “The Power of Recitation: An Unstudied Aspect of Chinese Buddhism,” Studi Storico Religiosi 1.2 (1977): 289-99; Miriam Levering, “Scripture and Its Reception: A Buddhist Case,” in Rethinking Scripture: Essays from a Comparative Perspective, ed. Miriam Levering (Albany: State Univ. of New York Press, 1989), 58-101; and Donald S. Lopez Jr., Elaborations on Emptiness: Uses of the Heart Sūtra (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1996). T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 606 Yang Xiaodong Buddhist confessional liturgies.14 Roughly coinciding with Kuo’s observation was a brief but heuristic introduction by Fang Guangchang to the scriptural catalogs associated with merit-making found among the Dunhuang documents.15 Of the catalogs referenced by Fang, two are unambiguous in their function as ritual substitutes for the Buddhist canon.16 Texts bearing similarities to these catalogs, to which Fang devoted a section of his 2006 monograph on the history of written canons,17 have also drawn the interest of several other scholars, including Zhou Shaoliang 周紹良, Jiang Wu, and Zacchetti.18 Surely, in light of the scholarly contributions alluded to here, that scriptural catalogs can serve a variety of functional roles in the sphere of Buddhist devotional practice is a point too self-evident to be worth belaboring. Given the number and scope of these contributions, however, it is my impression that current scholarly research has hardly exhausted the range of such roles, let alone the relevant textual, epigraphical, and art-historical evidence. In an effort to expand on a growing body of scholarship on the devotional uses and symbolic functions of scriptural catalogs, this study will examine the aforementioned lists of Buddhist scripture titles inscribed at Xiaofowan and Kongquedong from a perspective which incorporates a consideration of both their textual bases and intended purpose. By taking this approach, we will be able to gain not only a better understanding of the use of scriptural catalogs as “symbolic” canons, but also 14) Kuo Li-ying, Confession et contrition dans le bouddhisme chinois du Ve au Xe siècle (Paris: École française d’Extrême-Orient, 1994), 119-47. See also idem, “La récitation des noms de buddha en Chine et au Japon,” T’oung Pao 81 (1995): 233. 15) Fang Guangchang, Fojiao dazangjing shi 佛教大藏經史 (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1991), 194-217. Partially reprinted in idem, Fojiao dianji gailun 佛教典籍概論 (Beijing: privately printed, 1994), 101-7; and idem, foreword, 9-10. 16) One such text, titled Xitian da xiao sheng jing lü lun bingji xianzai Da Tang guo nei doushu mulu 西天大小乘經律論並及見在大唐國內都數目錄, is found in the Dunhuang manuscript numbered Pelliot chinois 2987 (Bibliothèque nationale de France), and the other, titled Dazangjing zong mulu 大藏經總目錄, has come down to us in the form of a xylographic brochure dating to 1427. For transcriptions of these two texts, see Fang Guangchang, Dunhuang fojiao jinglu, 280-90. For some variants of these two texts, see ibid., 275-80, 291-94. 17) Fang Guangchang, Zhongguo xieben dazangjing yanjiu 中國寫本大藏經研究 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2006), 296-316. 18) Zhou Shaoliang, “De Foshuo dazangjing mulu yinyuan ji” 得佛說大藏經目錄因緣記, Beijing shifan daxue xuebao 北京師範大學學報 171 (2002): 56; Jiang Wu, “From the ‘Cult of the Book’ to the ‘Cult of the Canon,’” in Spreading Buddha’s Word, 64-65; and Zacchetti, “Catalog of All Canonical Scriptures,” 95-96. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 607 a vivid sense of how texts of such can function as a means to realize the body of the post-parinirvāṇa Buddha. In this process, I will attempt to demonstrate how the unwieldy Chinese Buddhist canon can be effectively abridged according to the cataloging system based on the Thousand Character Classic (Qianziwen 千字文). In addition, I will take the opportunity to evaluate the significance of the “bodhisattva precepts” (S. bodhisattvaśīla; C. pusajie 菩薩戒) in the religious life of the Buddhist faithful involved in the establishment of these and other related monuments. Carving a Symbolic Canon Xiaofowan, or the Small Buddha-Bend, is a complex of rock carvings located at the very heart of the well-known Buddhist site of Baodingshan 寶頂山.19 Now part of the Sage-Longevity Monastery (Shengshousi 聖壽寺), it was built originally under the direction of Zhao Zhifeng 趙智 鳳 (b. 1160) in the Southern Song period, primarily for the worship of a semi-legendary layman known as Liu Benzun 柳本尊 (d. 907).20 In the years between the collapse of Song dynastic authority and the establishment of the Ming empire (1368-1644), no record was made of the site’s appearance nor of its ritualistic function.21 The first documented restoration dates back to the early fifteenth century, but much of it has been lost due to the notorious rebellion led by Zhang Xianzhong 張獻忠 19) For a useful survey of Baodingshan, see Angela F. Howard, Summit of Treasures: Buddhist Cave Art of Dazu, China (Trumbull: Weatherhill, 2001), 1-97. See also Karil J. Kucera, Ritual and Representation in Chinese Buddhism: Visualizing Enlightenment at Baodingshan from the 12th to 21st Centuries (New York: Cambria Press, 2016). 20) On the religious career of Zhao Zhifeng, see Howard, Summit of Treasures, 105-11. On the cult of Liu Benzun, see ibid., 100-3; Henrik H. Sørensen, “The Life of the Lay-Buddhist Saint Liu Benzun as Sculptural Tableaux,” in Embodying Wisdom: Art, text and Interpretation in the History of Esoteric Buddhism, ed. Rob Linrothe and Henrik H. Sørensen (Copenhagen: Seminar for Buddhist Studies, 2001), 57-100; and Stephen F. Teiser, “The Local and the Canonical: Pictures of the Wheel of Rebirth in Gansu and Sichuan,” Asia Major 17 (2004): 91-97. 21) This lack of information is in all likelihood due to the Mongolian conquest of Sichuan, which caused great loss of life and extensive destruction of society at every level. On the Mongolian conquest of Sichuan, see Richard L. Davis, “The Reign of Tu-tsung (1264-1274) and His Successors to 1279,” in Five Dynasties and Sung and Its Precursors, 907-1279, part I, ed. Denis Twitchett and Paul Jakov Smith, vol. 5 of The Cambridge History of China, ed. Denis Twitchett and John K. Fairbank (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1979), 913-46. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 608 Yang Xiaodong (1606-1647) at the close of the Ming dynasty.22 In 1684, a monk named Xingchao 性超 (fl. 1683-1691) was invited by the scholar-official Shi Zhang 史彰 (fl. 1683-1691) to revitalize Baodingshan.23 From that time onwards, Xiaofowan was under the stewardship of a thriving monastic community, bespeaking the site’s cultic significance in the local matrix. The complex history of Xiaofowan notwithstanding, much of what we find in situ is still datable to the Southern Song period. The site is bipartite in layout, consisting of a cluster of lithic structures located in the northwest and a small courtyard in the southeast. Standing prominently in the courtyard is a medium-sized pagoda built with blocks of grayish sandstone (Fig. 1).24 Reaching approximately eight meters in height, it is three-storied and four-sided, with no access to its interior. This pagoda has been commonly referred to in academia as the “Pagoda of the Patriarch’s Dharma Body and Scriptural Titles” (Zushi Fashen Jingmuta 祖師法身經目塔) for the past three decades.25 It is covered with inscriptions and images in bas-relief, whose technique and style both hint at a production date within the Southern Song period.26 22) On the fifteenth-century restoration, see Liu Tianren 劉畋人 (fl. c. 1425), “Chongxiu Baodingshan Shengshouyuan ji” 重修寶頂山聖壽院記, in Dazu shike mingwen lu 大足石刻銘文 錄 [hereafter abbreviated as DZSKMWL], ed. Chongqing Dazu shike yishu bowuguan 重慶 大足石刻藝術博物館 and Chongqingshi shehui kexueyuan Dazu shike yishu yanjiusuo 重慶 市社會科學院大足石刻藝術研究所 (Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 1999), 211-13. On the destruction caused by Zhang Xianzhong, see Kucera, Ritual and Representation, 316-18. 23) Shi Zhang, “Chongkai Baoding beiji” 重開寶頂碑記, in DZSKMWL, 219-21. 24) For a detailed archaeological survey of the pagoda, see Chongqing Dazu shike yishu bowuguan and Sichuansheng shehui kexueyuan Dazu shike yishu yanjiusuo 四川省社會科 學院大足石刻藝術研究所, “Dazu Baodingshan Xiaofowan Zushi Fashen Jingmuta kancha baogao” 大足寶頂山小佛灣祖師法身經目塔勘查報告, Wenwu 文物 2 (1994): 1-2, 4-29. See also Howard, Summit of Treasures, 71-89; and Kucera, Ritual and Representation, 304-6. 25) The current name was first used in 1994 in Chongqing Dazu shike yishu bowuguan, “Zushi Fashen Jingmuta,” 16-17. In Shi Zhang’s “Chongkai Baoding beiji,” the pagoda is referred to as the “Fundamentally Venerable Pagoda” (Benzunta 本尊塔). An alternative name of “Grandly Bejeweled Hall” (Guangda Baolouge 廣大寶樓閣) is found in Zhang Shu’s 張澍 (1776-1847) “Qian you Baodingshan ji” 前游寶頂山記. And the name of “Patriarch Pagoda” (Zushita 祖師塔) is given by the historian Yang Jialuo 楊家駱 (1912-1991) in his introduction to the Baodingshan complex. For Shi Zhang’s designation, see DZSKMWL, 219. For Zhang Shu’s “Qian you Baodingshan ji,” see Yangsutang wenji 養素堂文集, Xuxiu Siku quanshu 續修 四庫全書 1506-7 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995), 8.15b-18b. For Yang Jialuo’s introduction to Baodingshan, see Chen Xishan 陳習刪 (1893-1963) and others, eds., Minguo chongxiu Dazu xianzhi 民國重修大足縣志, Zhongguo difangzhi jicheng 中國地方志集成 42 (Chengdu: Bashu shushe; Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe; Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1992), juanshou 卷首.1a-6a. 26) For a thorough stylistic analysis, see Howard, Summit of Treasures, 71-89. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 609 Among extant inscriptions on the Xiaofowan pagoda, the most noteworthy is a weathered Buddhist bibliography that has not received the scholarly attention it merits.27 Although half of the content is no longer present due to erosion, it still contains more than 500 readable titles, making it the largest specimen of its kind to survive from medieval Sichuan.28 In the 1950s, the earliest attempt to historicize the bibliography was made by Chen Xishan 陳習刪 (1893-1963), who saw in it a Southern Song replica of the seventh-century Catalog of All Scriptures Authorized by the Great Zhou (Da Zhou kanding zhongjing mulu 大周刊定眾經目錄, T. 2153, hereafter Dazhou Catalog).29 He was a close and acute observer, and proposed as evidence for his argument is the bibliography’s inclusion of “variant character forms” (yiti zi 異體字) that were said to have been invented for Empress Wu 武 (regency 684-690, r. 690-705).30 This observation, along with Chen’s detailed transcription of the bibliography, has been partly confirmed by the archeological survey conducted in 1994.31 Then, in 2001, it was cited by Angela F. Howard in her monograph on the history of Baodingshan to support her identification of the bibliography with “the sūtra catalog compiled in 695 by Empress Wu of the Zhou 周 dynasty (690-705).”32 Towards positions like this, the present author is sympathetic since it has been widely taken for granted that sinographs invented for Empress Wu can only be found in artifacts originating in the Zhou dynasty.33 But even if we assume this belief to be 27) For the bibliography’s rubbings and transcription, see DZSKMWL, 170-84. See also Chongqing Dazu shike yishu bowuguan, “Zushi Fashen Jingmuta,” 6-29. 28) On “stone sūtras” surviving in the Sichuan area, see Ledderose, preface, i-xx. See also Lei Yuhua and Fan Tuoyu 樊拓宇, “Sichuan shike fojing de diaocha yu yanjiu” 四川石刻佛經的 調查與研究, in Shiku yishu yanjiu 石窟藝術研究, ed. Maijishan shiku yishu yanjiusuo 麥積山 石窟藝術研究所 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2016), 357-95. 29) Chen’s analysis of the bibliography was originally included in his handwritten pamphlet Dazu shike zhilüe 大足石刻志略. Much of the pamphlet’s content has been reprinted in Liu Changjiu 劉長久, Hu Wenhe 胡文和, and Li Yongqiao 李永翹, eds., Dazu shike yanjiu 大足石 刻研究 (Chengdu: Sichuansheng shehui kexueyuan chubanshe, 1985), 183-356. For Chen’s analysis, see Liu Changjiu, Dazu shike yanjiu, 309. On the Dazhou Catalog, see Storch, Chinese Buddhist Bibliography, 115-16; and idem, “Fei Changfang’s Records,” 127-29. 30) Liu Changjiu, Dazu shike yanjiu, 309. 31) Chongqing Dazu shike yishu bowuguan, “Zushi Fashen Jingmuta,” 16. 32) Howard, Summit of Treasures, 76. 33) For some counterexamples to this belief, see, among others, Wolfgang Behr, “‘Homosomatic Juxtaposition’ and the Problem of ‘Syssemantic’ (huìyì) Characters,” in Écriture chinoise: Données, usages et représentations, ed. Françoise Bottéro and Redouane Djamouri (Paris: EHESS-CRLAO, 2006), 84-113; and Imre Galambos, “Popular Character Forms (súzì) T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 610 Yang Xiaodong historically valid, the fact remains that our focus piece corresponds neither in structure nor in content to the Dazhou Catalog, not to mention that some texts listed in the former were translated after the end of Empress Wu’s reign.34 Following Howard’s discussion, the next major contribution to the study of the Xiaofowan bibliography was made by Karil J. Kucera in 2016.35 Although without necessarily examining the content for herself, she was nevertheless confident in viewing the bibliography as a select list of scriptures from the Chinese Buddhist canon.36 This identification is based on her reading of a large-sized inscription carved on the northern side of the pagoda’s ground story. The inscription reads “The Twelvefold Great Repository of Scriptures Spoken by the Buddha” (foshuo shi’er bu dazangjing 佛說十二部大藏經) and has been taken by Kucera as evidence that the rationale behind the project was not to carve a scriptural catalog in its entirety, but rather to choose some representative titles of the canon’s “twelve divisions” to inscribe.37 From Kucera’s point of view, nothing but such a rationale could account for the inscription of “twelvefold,” or shi’er bu 十二部, on the pagoda. But she may not be aware that first, this expression, derived from the Sanskrit “dvādaśāṅgadharmapravacana,” is often simply used as an alternative name for the buddhavacana in Chinese Buddhist sources; and second, none of the editions of the Chinese Buddhist canon of which we have any definite knowledge is structured according to the dvādaśāṅga, or “twelvefold,” classification of Buddhist literature.38 and Semantic Compound (huìyì) Characters in Medieval Chinese Manuscripts,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 3 (2011): 404-7. 34) For instance, seen on the right part of the southern side of the ground story is the title of the Qijuzhifomu zhunti daming tuoluoni jing 七俱胝佛母準提大明陀羅尼經. This text was translated by Vajrabodhi (669-741) in 723, much later than the end of Empress Wu’s reign. For the inscription, see DZSKMWL, 174. For the translation’s date, see Zhisheng 智昇 (ca. 669-740), Kaiyuan shijiao lu 開元釋教錄 9, T. 2154: 55.571b19, c6-7. 35) Kucera, Ritual and Representation, 304-6. 36) Ibid., 305. 37) For the inscription, see DZSKMWL, 171. For Kucera’s reading, see Ritual and Representation, 305. 38) See Mizuno Kōgen 水野弘元, “Daijō kyōten no seikaku” 大乗経典の性格, in Daijō bukkyō no seiritsushi teki kenkyū 大乗仏教の成立史的研究, ed. Miyamoto Shōson 宮本正尊 (Tokyo: Sanseidō, 1954), 284f. See also Akira Hirakawa, “The Rise of Mahayana Buddhism and Its Relationship to the Worship of Stupas,” Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 22 (1963): 57-106; and Jan Nattier, “The Twelve Divisions of Scriptures (十二部經) in T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 611 Given the above pioneering but questionable claims made by my predecessors, a “close reading” of the Xiaofowan bibliography is, I think, necessary.39 By utilizing this analytical approach, I have come away convinced that the bibliography is a combinatory text with roots in the Digest of the Kaiyuan Catalog of Śākyamuni’s Teachings (Kaiyuan shijiao lu lüechu 開元釋教錄略出, T. 2155, hereafter Lüechu Catalog) and the Continuation of the Kaiyuan Catalog of Śākyamuni’s Teachings (Xu Kaiyuan shijiao lu 續開元釋教錄, T. 2156, hereafter Xu Kaiyuan Catalog). These bibliographical tours de force, both composed in the Tang dynasty, have proven to be of lasting significance on the organization and canonization of Buddhist texts. Thus the position I have reached should come as no surprise to anyone with a knowledge of the history of the Chinese Buddhist canon. In what follows, I shall first give a brief overview of the affinities between these two catalogs and the Xiaofowan bibliography. Then, I will attempt to contextualize the bibliography by demonstrating how it was part of a larger continuum of religiously efficacious texts thought to be equivalent to the Buddhist canon. As its name suggests, the Lüechu Catalog is a digest of the famous Catalog of Śākyamuni’s Teachings During the Kaiyuan Era (Kaiyuan shijiao lu 開元釋教錄, T. 2154, hereafter Kaiyuan Catalog) compiled by Zhisheng 智昇 (ca. 669-740) in the eighth century.40 It is most likely the work of an anonymous Tang-dynasty scholarly Buddhist, but was attributed to Zhisheng shortly after the text appeared.41 Its structure, drawn largely from the “list of [scriptures] included in the canon” (ruzang lu 入 藏錄) of the Kaiyuan Catalog, is divided into four general sections. Subcategories are further developed under each section to catalog 1,076 titles as illustrated below: I. Bodhisattva Tripiṭaka (Pusa sanzang 菩薩三藏) A. Bodhisattva Sūtra Piṭaka (Pusa qijing zang 菩薩契經藏) the Earliest Chinese Buddhist Translations,” Annual Report of The International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology at Soka University 7 (2004): 167-96. 39) On the method of “close reading,” see The Oxford Dictionary of Literary Terms, rev. ed., comp. Chris Baldick (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 2015), s.v. “close reading.” 40) On the Kaiyuan Catalog, see Storch, Chinese Buddhist Bibliography, 116-17, 123-29, 134-39. See also Jiang Wu, “The Chinese Buddhist Canon Through the Ages: Essential Categories and Critical Issues in the Study of a Textual Tradition,” in Spreading Buddha’s Word, 25-26. 41) Fang Guangchang, Zhongguo xieben dazangjing, 403-17. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 612 Yang Xiaodong 1. Mahāyāna Sūtras with Multiple Translations (Dasheng jing chongdanheyi 大乘 經重單合譯) 1) Prajñāpāramitā Division (Bore bu 般若部) 2) Ratnakūṭa Division (Baoji bu 寶積部) 3) Mahāsaṃnipāta Division (Daji bu 大集部) 4) Avataṃsaka Division (Huayan bu 華嚴部) 5) Nirvāṇa Division (Niepan bu 涅槃部) 6) Sūtras with Multiple Translations beyond the Five Great Divisions (Wudabu wai zhu chongyi jing 五大部外諸重譯經) 2. Mahāyāna Sūtras with a Single Translation (Dasheng jing danyi 大乘經單譯) B. Bodhisattva Vinaya Piṭaka (Pusa tiaofu zang 菩薩調伏藏) C. Bodhisattva Abhidharma Piṭaka (Pusa duifa zang 菩薩對法藏) 1. Commentaries on Mahāyāna Sūtras (Dasheng shijing 大乘釋經) 2. Collections of Mahāyāna Exegeses (Dasheng jiyilun 大乘集義論) II. Śrāvaka Tripiṭaka (Shengwen sanzang 聲聞三藏) A. Śrāvaka Sūtra Piṭaka (Shengwen qijing zang 聲聞契經藏) 1. Hīnayāna Sūtras with Multiple Translations (Xiaosheng jing chongdanheyi 小 乘經重單合譯) 2. Hīnayāna Sūtras with a Single Translation (Xiaosheng jing danyi 小乘經單譯) B. Śrāvaka Vinaya Piṭaka (Shengwen tiaofu zang 聲聞調伏藏) C. Śrāvaka Abhidharma Piṭaka (Shengwen duifa zang 聲聞對法藏) III. Works Compiled and Written by Sages and Worthies (Shengxian jizhuan 聖賢 集傳) A. Works Translated from Sanskrit Texts (Fanben fanyi jizhuan 梵本翻譯集傳) B. Works Authored and Compiled in This Land (Cifang zhuanshu jizhuan 此方撰 述集傳) IV. Scriptures Excluded from the Tripiṭaka (Mo buruzang jing 末不入藏經). Viewed in light of the above structure, the Xiaofowan bibliography appears to be largely based on the Lüechu Catalog or a common source. Even a cursory familiarity with these two sources reveals a host of unmistakable structural similarities between them. On the eastern side of the ground story, the bibliography opens with the title of the Scripture on the Great Perfection of Wisdom (S. Mahāprajñāpāramitāsūtra; C. Dabore boluomiduo jing 大般若波羅蜜多經, T. 220) at the upper-right T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 613 corner.42 Then titles of texts belonging to the five prime “divisions” (S. nikāya; C. bu 部) of the “Bodhisattva Sūtra Piṭaka” are inscribed from top to bottom and right to left.43 On the southern side of the ground story, the bibliography continues with titles of those subsumed under the category of “Mahāyāna Sūtras with a Single Translation.”44 Following them on the western and northern sides are titles of those belonging to the “Bodhisattva Vinaya Piṭaka,” “Bodhisattva Abhidharma Piṭaka,” and “Śrāvaka Sūtra Piṭaka.”45 More Hīnayāna sūtra titles are laid out on the eastern side of the second story, and on the remaining three sides, we find titles of some Hīnayāna vinaya texts and Hīnayāna abhidharma texts.46 Regrettably, the inscriptions on the third story have been so badly corroded that most of their content is now semi-illegible. However, on the right part of the northern side, the title of the Scripture of the Most Profound Supremacy (Zui miaosheng jing 最妙勝經) – the fourth-to-last item in the Lüechu Catalog – still remains.47 Apart from the similarity in structure, several additional textual features may help us to identify the Xiaofowan bibliography with the Lüechu Catalog. From the first scripture title on the ground story to that of the Scripture of the Most Profound Supremacy, all titles are listed in the same sequence as in the Lüechu Catalog. Furthermore, the former is larded with terms and turns of phrase characteristic of the latter. One such example deserving our attention here is the nomenclature used to identify the translations of the Diamond Sūtra (S. Vajracchedikāprajñāpāramitāsūtra; C. Jingang jing 金剛經).48 Now widely considered “one of 42) DZSKMWL, 172. 43) Ibid. 44) Ibid., 172-74. 45) Ibid., 174-76. 46) Ibid., 178-82. 47) For the inscription, see ibid., 182. On the Zui miaosheng jing, see Paul Magnin, “L’orthodoxie en question: une étude du Soutra de la concentration la plus profonde et souveraine (Zui miaosheng ding jing),” in Bouddhisme et lettrés dans la Chine médiévale, ed. Catherine Despeux (Paris, Leuven: Peeters, 2002), 229-99, 319-22; and Sylvie Hureau, “Translations, Apocrypha, and the Emergence of the Buddhist Canon,” in Early Chinese Religion, Part Two: The Period of Division (220-589 AD), ed. John Lagerwey and Lü Pengzhi (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 768. 48) On the Diamond Sūtra’s Chinese translations, see Stefano Zacchetti, “Dharmagupta’s Unfinished Translation of the ‘Diamond-Cleaver’ ‘(Vajracchedikā-Prajñāpāramitā-sūtra)’,” T’oung Pao 82 (1996): 142. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 614 Yang Xiaodong the most profound, sublime, and influential of all Mahāyāna scriptures,”49 the Diamond Sūtra has six Chinese translations in total. Their titles were carved on the eastern side of the pagoda’s ground story, with three of them preserved in relatively good condition.50 Curiously, attached respectively to the ends of those translated by Paramārtha (499-569) and Yijing 義淨 (635-713) are two short terms reading “Zhishulin” 祇樹林 and “Mingchengcheng” 名稱城.51 They are slightly smaller than other inscriptions in scale, measuring about seven centimeters in height and four centimeters in width. These puzzling terms, derived from the Sanskrit proper names “Jetavana” and “Śrāvastī” respectively, are used in the Lüechu Catalog for the purpose of identification.52 They are not uncommon in Tang-dynasty Buddhist literature, but only occasionally are they found in Buddhist texts postdating the early tenth century.53 In addition, it should be noted that the Lüechu Catalog is the only pre-tenthcentury bibliography that contains both Dharmagupta’s (d. 619) and Yijing’s translations of the Diamond Sūtra. All of this surely permits us to detect an undeniable connection between the Lüechu Catalog and the Xiaofowan bibliography. Lest anyone imagine the bibliography as a verbatim copy of the Lüechu Catalog, it is worth recalling that the former does not end with the last item in the latter. On the northern side of the third story, after the name of the Scripture of the Most Profound Supremacy, is a group of scripture titles that are not included in the Lüechu Catalog.54 Many of these titles can hardly be read in extenso due to the erosion caused by 49) Edward Conze, The Prajñāpāramitā Literature, Indo-Iranian Monograph, vol. 6 (’s-Gravenhage: Mouton, 1960), 11. 50) For the inscription, see DZSKMWL, 172-73. 51) Ibid. 52) Lüechu Catalog 1, T. 2155: 55.724b11-12, 17-18. In the Lüechu Catalog, Bodhiruci’s (fl. sixth century) translation (T. 236) is referred to as the “Pojiapo” 婆伽婆 version because of his transliteration of “bhagavat,” and Xuanzang’s 玄奘 (600/602-664) translation (T. 220: 7.979c3-85c25) is given the name of “Shiluofa” 室羅筏 due to his particular method of transliterating “Śrāvastī.” See Lüechu Catalog 1, T. 2155: 55.724b9-10, 15-16. 53) In the Taishō Canon, I find only two post-Tang texts, viz. the Seigen Tokuhō oshō goroku 西源徳芳和尚語録 (T. 2573) and the Ōbaku shingi 黄檗清規 (T. 2607), in which the term “Zhishulin” is referenced. The only post-Tang text wherein I find the term “Mingchengcheng” is Raihō’s 頼宝 (1279-1330) Shaku makaen ron kanchū 釋摩訶衍論勘注 (T. 2290). See Seigen Tokuhō oshō goroku 1, T. 2573: 81.487c8; Ōbaku shingi 10, T. 2607: 82.782a11; and Shaku makaen ron kanchū, T. 2290: 81.606a9. 54) DZSKMWL, 182. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 615 the humid climate and the soot from lamps and incense wafting in the nearby monastic complex. Only a few telling fragments have survived to the present day, making it possible to recognize titles of the following six texts in an indisputable manner: 1) Scripture on the Efficaciously Pivotal Gate of the Grandly Ultimate Super-knowledge Incantation Spoken by the Impure Traces Vajra-Being (Huiji jingang shuo shentong daman tuoluoni fashu lingyaomen 穢跡金剛說神通大滿陀羅尼法術靈要門, T. 1228); 2) Scripture on the Method of the Impure Traces Vajra-Being for Exorcising Hundred Transformations (Huiji jingang fajin baibian fa 穢跡金剛法禁百變法, T. 1229); 3) Incantation Manual of Thousand-Armed and Thousand-Eyed Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva of Vast, Ultimate, and Faultless Great Compassion (Qianshou qianyan Guanzizai pusa guangda yuanman wu’ai dabeixin tuoluoni zhouben 千手千眼觀自 在菩薩廣大圓滿無礙大悲心陀羅尼呪本, T. 1061); 4) Scripture on the Method of the Diamond-Peak-Sūtra Yoga for Practicing the Vairocana Concentration (Jingangding jing yuqie xiuxi Piluzhena sanmodi fa 金剛頂經瑜 伽修習毗盧遮那三摩地法, T. 876); 5) Scripture on the Esoteric Method of the Immovable Herald’s Incantation (Budong shizhe tuoluoni mimi fa 不動使者陀羅尼祕密法, T. 1202); 6) Scripture on the Dharma Gate of the Respective Sacred Stages of the Thirty-Seven Venerable Beings of the Diamond-Peak Yoga (Jingangding yuqie sanshiqi zun fenbie shengwei famen 金剛頂瑜伽三十七尊分別聖位法門, T. 870). To the best of my knowledge, the first extant catalog to include this hexad in toto is the three-fascicled Xu Kaiyuan Catalog by Yuanzhao 圓照 (fl. 766-804) in 794.55 In his thirty-fascicled Newly Authorized Catalog of Śākyamuni’s Teachings During the Zhenyuan Reign (Zhenyuan xinding shijiao mulu 貞元新定釋教目錄, T. 2157), compiled in the late 790s on the basis of his earlier works, is also found a reference to this hexad.56 A third reference was made more than a hundred years later by a certain Heng’an 恒安 (fl. 945) in his Continuation of the Zhenyuan 55) Xu Kaiyuan Catalog 1, T. 2156: 55.748b27-49a14. 56) Zhenyuan xinding shijiao mulu 1, T. 2157: 55.770a4-b6. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 616 Yang Xiaodong Catalog of Śākyamuni’s Teachings (Xu Zhenyuan shijiao lu 續貞元釋教 錄, T. 2158).57 Such an ambitious title notwithstanding, this short text is a mere collage of excerpts from Yuanzhao’s bibliographical works. In the subsequent Song period, the sixth scripture, whose translator is said to be the émigré Esoteric master Amoghavajra (705-774), was found neither in printed editions of the Chinese Buddhist canon nor in any of the scriptural catalogs postdating the tenth century. The only exceptions are the Zhaocheng Canon (Zhaocheng Jin zang 趙城金藏) and the Koryǒ Canon (K. Koryǒ taejanggyǒng 高麗大藏經), but the title under which it features in these editions is different.58 These textual clues, taken together, all point to a connection between the Xiaofowan bibliography and Yuanzhao’s Xu Kaiyuan Catalog. Yet, in the absence of more epigraphical data, the question of whether the connection is direct or not has to remain unanswered. Thus far, my discussion has presented a variety of evidence bearing on the textual base for the Xiaofowan bibliography. The cumulative weight of the evidence is heavy and makes it clear that the main body of the bibliography is equivalent to the Lüechu Catalog. Further, that a second catalog – probably the Xu Kaiyuan Catalog – has been consulted for making the bibliography is virtually certain, and given the frequent occurrence on the pagoda of the expression “great repository” (dazang 大藏, i.e. the Buddhist canon),59 probably all would agree that the bibliography was intended, at least in part, as a “symbolic” canon. That is to say, the bibliography, like the aforementioned Tang-dynasty Catalog of All Scriptures carved at Wofoyuan, “could be interpreted as a symbolic, but ritually and religiously effective evocation of the entire canon through the listing of its contents.”60 It may, then, invite comparison with a relatively late and popular Buddhist apocryphon titled General 57) Xu Zhenyuan shijiao lu, T. 2158: 55.1049b18-50a25. 58) In the Zhaocheng Canon and the Koryǒ Canon, the text is recorded under the title of “Lüeshu jingangding yuqie fenbie shengwei xiuzheng famen” 略述金剛頂瑜伽分別聖位修證法 門. This title is also attested in the Nittō shingu shōgyō mokuroku 入唐新求聖教目錄 (T. 2167) compiled by Enchin 円珍 (814-891) in 847. See Beijing tushuguan 北京圖書館, ed., Zhaocheng Jinzang 趙城金藏 (Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2008; hereinafter J), index:356; Takakusu Junjirō, ed., “Dazang mulu Gaoli ban” 大藏目録高麗版, in Shōwa hōbō sōmokuroku 昭和法寶總目録 (Tokyo: Taishō shinshū daizōkyō kankōkai, 1929; rpt. edn., Taipei: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 1974), 2.114; and Nittō shingu shōgyō mokuroku, T. 2167: 55.1079c7-8. 59) DZSKMWL, 172-73, 178. 60) Zacchetti, “Catalog of All Canonical Scriptures,” 93. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 617 Scriptural Catalog of the Great Canon (Dazang zong jing mulu 大藏總經 目錄, hereafter General Catalog), which has the Buddha say: In case there are good men [and] good women [who] obtain this scripture-title catalog, if [they] can wholeheartedly chant [or] recite [the catalog] one time, [it is] comparable with reading the Great Repository of Scriptures one time; if [they] inscribe ten scrolls [of the catalog], the accumulated merit [will be] immeasurable [and] boundless, [and they will] constantly get sages [and] worthies to protect [them]; [if they] rest [the catalog] atop [their] heads with respect once each day, [it is] comparable with reading the Great Repository of Scriptures one time. 若有善男子、善女子得此經題目錄,若能志心讀誦一遍,如看大藏經一遍;若 書寫十卷,所積功德無量無邊,常得聖賢護佑;每日頂戴一遍,如看大藏經一 遍。61 Having recently been a subject of fascination for several scholars, the General Catalog may be counted among the most revered devotional texts at the sub-elite level in late imperial China.62 Various versions of this apocryphon have survived to the present day, and the earliest of them may date no later than the opening years of the fifteenth century.63 Common to all extant versions of the text is a short and enumerative list of Buddhist writings, referred to as a “scripture-title catalog” (jingti mulu 經題目錄) in the above quotation.64 Texts therein enumerated are for the most part canonical, whereas a few of them, such as the Scripture of Five Nāgas (Wu long jing 五龍經) and the Scripture of the Western Paradise Treatise (Xitian lun jing 西天論經), are so obscure that they cannot be identified with any known Buddhist writings. Merely reading or reciting this list is, according to the General Catalog, meritorious enough to be compared to reading the entire canon, and much the same sort of 61) The passage presented here is cited from an unpublished 1512 carving of the General Catalog at the site of Wanfushan 萬福山 in Laiwu 萊蕪 (Shandong). Of the various versions of the General Catalog that I know of, this is the most elaborate. For an English translation of the corresponding passage in an 1888 xylographic edition of the General Catalog, see Jiang Wu, “Cult of the Book,” 65. For an incomplete transcription of a 1427 xylographic edition of the General Catalog, see Fang Guangchang, Dunhuang Fojiao jinglu, 291-94. 62) Notable discussions of this work include Fang Guangchang, Fojiao dazangjing shi, 194217; Zhou Shaoliang, “De Foshuo dazangjing mulu,” 56; Jiang Wu, “Cult of the Book,” 64-65; and Zacchetti, “Catalog of All Canonical Scriptures,” 95-96. 63) Fang Guangchang, Fojiao dazangjing shi, 194-217. 64) For a transcription of a 1427 xylographic copy of the listing, see Fang Guangchang, Dunhuang Fojiao jinglu, 284-90. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 618 Yang Xiaodong thing is already found in nuce in a tenth-century Dunhuang manuscript copy of the list (Pelliot chinois 2987), which says: This [list] is [the] Dharma Jewel. If [one] makes offerings [to the list] as a canon [of] scriptures, at [their] home [will be] a rise of good fortune [that is] immeasurable. 此是法寶。但供養如一藏經,在家長福無量。65 Although the target audience is the faithful “living at home” (zai jia 在家), this remarkable little passage is not very dissimilar from the above quotation in terms of general purport. Both are intended to promote a cult centering around the list under discussion, a list said to be equivalent, in terms of ritual and karmic efficacy, to the entire canon. This specific form of “book cult,” as evidenced by the list’s copies from the Dunhuang cache,66 may first make its appearance in the late Tang and Five Dynasties (907-960) periods or slightly before. To what extent the cult was prevalent in the subsequent Song remains to be determined, but some light is thrown on this by the broad diffusion of the General Catalog in Ming-dynasty China. At that time, not only was this apocryphon xylographically printed in large numbers, but the list it contains was reproduced in part in Wu Cheng’en’s 吳承恩 (1501-1582) immensely popular novel Journey to the West (Xi you ji 西遊記).67 Unless I am mistaken, it would appear, then, that we are dealing with a cultic tradition that had enjoyed a discreet but extensive popularity for centuries before late imperial times. This tradition, manifesting a profound belief in the potency of the buddhavacana as an object of devotion and a “field of merit” (S. puṇyakṣetra; C. futian 福田), is particularly relevant when trying to historicize the Xiaofowan bibliography. Viewed through the lens of this tradition, the bibliography is certainly not a purely local invention, but a local expression of ideas and practices already old and widespread before its carving. 65) Images of this manuscript can be downloaded from the International Dunhuang Project website. For an incomplete transcription of the manuscript, see Fang Guangchang, Dunhuang fojiao jinglu, 280-84. 66) In the Dunhuang manuscript Stein 3565 (British Library), dating on paleographical grounds to the tenth century, we also find a copy of the listing. Images of this manuscript can be downloaded from the International Dunhuang Project website. 67) Wu Cheng’en, Xi you ji (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1980), 98.1172-73, 1177-78. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 619 That having been said, there is no denying the idiosyncrasies and complexities of the Xiaofowan bibliography as a “symbolic” canon. Setting aside the bibliography’s intriguing combination with a pagoda, we can still note its considerable length, which is more than twenty times that of the most extensive version of the General Catalog that has come down to us. Notice, too, that the bibliography is not a haphazard list but a well-organized catalog in line with the overall structure of the Chinese Buddhist canon. And equally noteworthy is the bibliography’s canonical textual base, which comprises two of the most authoritative texts prepared in the Tang for systemizing Buddhist texts and ferreting out apocrypha. All this, coupled with the great care that went into the carving process, would seem to suggest that the mastermind had paid much attention to the bibliography’s integrity, coherence, and canonicity. And a not dissimilar situation also occurs in the inscriptional program of the Kongquedong pagoda, to which we shall turn presently. Realizing the Buddha’s True Body Kongquedong, or the Peacock Grotto, is a small cult site in the remote, southeastern corner of Anyue. It is named after a Song-dynasty niche dedicated to Mahāmāyūrī (Kongque Mingwang 孔雀明王), which is located at the foot of a wooded mountain overlooking the surrounding countryside.68 On the summit of the mountain, enclosed within a modern Buddho-Daoist temple named State-Requital (Baoguosi 報國寺), is the pagoda to be discussed in the following section (Fig. 2).69 This lithic structure, hitherto far less well-known than its counterpart at Xiaofowan, has recently obtained protection from the government due in part to the severe damage it suffered in the devastating earthquake of 2008.70 During the course of restoration, the pagoda was partially dismantled and reassembled under the supervision of conservators from 68) On the iconography of this Mahāmāyūrī niche, see Howard, Summit of Treasures, 139-42. 69) The pagoda was first mentioned by Wu Juefei 吳覺非 in his “Sichuan Anyuexian de shike” 四川安岳縣的石刻, Wenwu cankao ziliao 文物參考資料 5 (1956): 48. Another brief reference to it is found in Howard, Summit of Treasures, 139. 70) On the conservation project, see Zhang Rong 張榮, Li Zhen’e 李貞娥, and Xu Shichao 徐 世超, “Anyue shiku jingmuta 5.12 Wenchuan da dizhen hou qiangjiuxing xiushan” 安岳石窟 經目塔5. 12 汶川大地震後搶救性修繕, Wenwu baohu yu kaogu kexue 文物保護與考古科學 22 (2010): 40-47. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 620 Yang Xiaodong Tsinghua University. This process of restoration, albeit causing some epigraphical details to be lost forever, allowed the pagoda’s technical and physical characteristics to be examined up close for the first time. In the conservation report, the team provides detailed information regarding the pagoda’s architectonic features as well as the craftsmanship of the images and texts carved on it.71 Yet other than this, very little has been said about the pagoda’s date and its historical significance vis-à-vis other rock carvings in Anyue and Dazu. Architecturally speaking, the Kongquedong pagoda is instantly recognizable as a variant of the “revolving wheel storage cabinet” (zhuanlun zang 轉輪藏).72 It is three-storied and eight-sided, reaching a height of about eleven meters. Each story is comprised of a solid octagonal prism and an external peristyle formed by eight faceted columns. The columns are eight-sided as well, with the un-inscribed facets facing inward. For the sake of clarity, the inscribed facets will be numbered clockwise, beginning with the column to the viewer’s right on the northern side of the ground story; the facet facing south on this column will be referred to as “1-1-1” (Fig. 3). On the pagoda’s lintels, seated buddhas enclosed in shallow roundels are finely engraved in a calm and naturalistic style (Fig. 4). They bear a close resemblance to the Thousand Buddhas carved at Xiaofowan and thus date the pagoda to the Southern Song period (Fig. 5). The titling inscription, reading “True Body Relics” (zhenshen sheli 真身舍利), is inscribed in regular script on the northern lintel of the ground story. Atop the lintel, on Facets 2-1-5 and 2-2-2, is a couplet excerpted from Emperor Renzong’s 仁宗 (r. 1022-1063) panegyric on the tooth relic that was thought to have belonged to the Buddha Śākyamuni himself: 71) Zhang Rong, “Anyue shiku jingmuta,” 40-47. 72) On the form and function of zhuanlun zang, see Luther Carrington Goodrich, “The Revolving Book-Case in China.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 7 (1942): 130-61. See also Gregory Schopen, “A Note on the ‘Technology of Prayer’ and a Reference to a Revolving Repository in an Eleventh-Century Indian Inscription,” in Figments and Fragments of Mahayana Buddhism in India: More Collected Papers (Honolulu: Univ. of Hawai’i Press, 2005), 345-49; and Huang Minzhi 黄敏枝, “Guanyu Songdai fojiao siyuan de zhuanlun zang” 關於宋代佛教 寺院的轉輪藏, in 1995 nian foxue yanjiu lunwen ji: Fojiao xiandaihua 一九九五年佛學研究論 文集: 佛教現代化 (Taipei: Foguanshan wenjiao jijinhui, 1995), 360-96. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 621 There are only the golden bones of our master that survive, and [although] having been refined by fire one hundred times, still the colors are fresh. 惟有吾師金骨在,曾經百鍊色長新。73 On the remaining inscribed facets, titles of Buddhist scriptural texts are found in considerable numbers (Table 1). While half of them are too badly weathered to allow for any epigraphical and textual analysis, there are still 124 readable titles, surviving on eighty-one facets of the lower two stories.74 Each of these facets is carved with a maximum of nine characters. The characters are even-sized and well proportioned, displaying an angularity that seems to be intentionally aesthetic. An additional attempt has been made by the artisans to enclose the characters with individual decorations. This framing device is conducive to a more formal impression, thereby endowing the bibliography with a uniform and standardized appearance. Unlike its counterpart at Xiaofowan, the Kongquedong bibliography is not attested in the Dunhuang manuscripts or in any of the scriptural catalogs found in such “standard” collections as the Koryǒ Canon or the Taishō Canon. Compared with the former, it consists of a relatively smaller number of texts, which might be caused by the limited space available on the pagoda’s columns. Equally noteworthy is that in the bibliography are a number of textual corruptions that are only occasionally found in xylographic editions of Buddhist scriptural catalogs. The title of the Scripture on the Way-Practice Wisdom (S. Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitāsūtra; C. Daoheng bore jing 道行般若經, T. 224), for example, is erroneously carved as “Scripture on the Wisdom of Practicing the Way” 73) Confirmation of this couplet’s royal authorship can be gleaned from both secular and Buddhist literary sources. See Wang Gui 王珪 (1019-1085), Huayang ji 華陽集, Yingyin Wenyuange Siku quanshu 影印文淵閣四庫全書 1093 (Taipei: Taiwan shangwu chubanshe, 1983), 46.14a-16b; Fayun 法雲 (1088-1158), Fanyi mingyi ji 翻譯名義集 52, T. 2131: 54.1138b16-c2; Zongjian 宗鑑 (fl.1237), Shimen zhengtong 釋門正統 4, in Manji shinsan Dai Nihon zokuzōkyō 卍新纂大日本続蔵経, 150 vols, ed. Maeda Eun 前田慧雲 and Nakano Tatsue 中野達慧 (Kyoto: Zōkyō shoin, 1905-1912; rpt. edn., Taipei: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 1968-1970; hereafter abbreviated as Z), 1513: 75.308b14-18; Qian Yueyou 潛說友 (1216-1277), Xianchun Lin’an zhi 咸 淳臨安志, Yingyin Wenyuange Siku quanshu 490 (Taipei: Taiwan shangwu chubanshe, 1983), 42.3a-b; and Zhipan 志磐 (1220-1275), Fozu tong ji 佛祖統紀 45, T. 2035: 49.413c25-14a9. 74) The number of readable titles is incorrectly recorded as 144 in the conservation report. See Zhang Rong, “Anyue shiku jingmuta,” 41. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 622 Yang Xiaodong (Xingdao bore jing 行道般若經) on Facet 1-1-3.75 The title of the Scripture on the Grand Triple Precepts (S. Trisaṃvaranirdeśaparivartasūtra; C. Dafangguang sanjie jing 大方廣三戒經, T. 311), seen on Facet 1-1-2, is wrongly inscribed as “Scripture on the Triple Realm” (Sanjie jing 三界經), and so is that of the Scripture on the Pratyutpanna Concentration (S. Pratyutpannabuddhasaṃmukhāvasthitasamādhisūtra; C. Banzhou sanmei jing 般舟三昧經, T. 417 and 418), which is carved incorrectly as “Scripture on the Wisdom Concentration” (Bore sanmei jing 般若三昧經) on Facet 1-4-4.76 These transcription and transposition mistakes, at first glance, may seem to indicate that the Kongquedong bibliography was inscribed in a hasty fashion and was not given a thorough textual collation. But even if this were to be the case, still we cannot afford to dismiss the bibliography as an arbitrary list of Buddhist texts, given the evidence to which we turn next. In terms of the overall structure, the Kongquedong bibliography may remind us of many premodern editions of the Chinese Buddhist canon. Its beginning is marked by titles of the “four great sūtras” (si bu da jing 四部大經), which are inscribed symmetrically on Columns 1-1 and 1-2.77 Seen on the remaining columns of the ground story are titles of scriptures belonging to the five prime divisions of the “Bodhisattva Sūtra Piṭaka.”78 And more sūtra texts, along with some Mahāyāna vinaya and abhidharma works, are listed by name on columns of the second story.79 In addition, inscribed in conjunction with many of these scripture titles is the plural suffix deng 等, obviously intended to show the inclusion of further, similar items.80 It is thus almost certain that the bibliography is an abridged catalog of the Chinese Buddhist canon, making it legitimate to ask what the textual base for the bibliography was and how it was abbreviated. 75) See Table 1. 76) Ibid. 77) This tetrad, termed by Alexander Schweizer (1808-1888) “a canon within the canon,” is comprised of the Prajñāpāramitāsūtra, the Nirvānasūtra, the Avataṃsakasūtra, and the Ratnakūṭasūtra. It has often been treated in East Asia as a “small canon” (xiaozang 小藏) that can embody the very essence of the Buddha’s teachings. See Alexander Schweizer, Die christliche Glaubenslehre nach protestantischen Grundsätzen I (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1863), 165. 78) See Table 1. 79) Ibid. 80) Ibid. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 623 To narrow down the range of textual sources we need to examine, it is useful to consider two inscriptional details found on the pagoda. The first is a term reading “bejeweled king” (baowang 寶王), forming part of a semi-illegible scripture title on Facet 2-2-4.81 As far as I know, the earliest canonical texts with this term in their titles are the Mahāyāna Scripture on the Ornament of the Bejeweled King (S. Guṇakāraṇḍavyūhasūtra; C. Dasheng zhuangyan baowang jing 大乘莊嚴寶王經, T. 1050) and the Unsurpassed Mahāyāna Scripture on the Diamond Grand Teachings of the Bejeweled King (S. Vajragarbharatnarājatantra; C. Zuishang dasheng jingang dajiao baowang jing 最上大乘金剛大教寶王經, T. 1128). They were translated respectively by Tianxizai 天息災 (d. 1000) in 983 and Dharmadeva (d. 1001) in 994 when they settled in Bianliang 汴梁 (present-day Kaifeng 開封) and joined the translation bureau sponsored by the newly established Song state.82 Both translations, closely associated with the religious movement that would come to be categorized as Vajrayāna, first appeared in the Chinese Buddhist canon circa 999 as part of the supplement to the Kaibao Canon (Kaibao zang 開寶藏).83 It would thus be an error, I think, to try to date the textual base for the Kongquedong bibliography back much earlier than the closing years of the tenth century. The second noteworthy detail is found on the upper parts of Facets 1-4-2 and 1-4-3. Carved respectively on these facets are titles of the Scripture on the Great Compilation of the Moon Repository (S. Candragarbhaparivarta; C. Daji yuezang jing 大集月藏經, T. 397: 13.298a3-381c12) and the Scripture on the Great Compilation of the Sun Repository (S. Sūryagarbhaparivarta; C. Daji rizang jing 大集日藏經, T. 397: 13.233a397c8).84 Both texts now form part of the Scripture on the Spaciously Great Compilation (S. Mahāsaṃnipātasūtra; C. Dafangdeng daji jing 81) Ibid. 82) For translations by Tianxizai and Dharmadeva, see Sen Tansen, “The Revival and Failure of Buddhist Translations During the Song Dynasty,” T’oung Pao 88 (2002): 27-80. See also Jan Yün-hua, “Buddhist Relations Between India and Sung China,” History of Religions 6 (1966): 24-42; 6 (Nov. 1966): 135-68. 83) An incomplete inventory of translations yielded between 983 and 1013 is found in Yang Yi 楊憶 (974-1020) and Weijing 惟凈 (973-1051), Dazhong xiangfu fabao lu 大中祥符法寶錄 3-17, J. 1501: 111.679b1-12.99b8. See also Weijing, Tiansheng shijiao zonglu 天聖釋教總錄 2, J. 1499: 110.682b2-702a1, 703b7-06b8. 84) See Table 1. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 624 Yang Xiaodong 大方等大集經, T. 397) compiled by Sengjiu 僧就 (fl. 586-594) in 586, yet they were apparently translated previously, according to the colophons, by the Indian monk Narendrayaśas (517-589) in 566 and 585 respectively.85 For quite some time before the birth of the first printed canon, these translations were often reproduced as stand-alone works under the titles of “Scripture on the Moon Repository” (Yuezang jing 月藏經) and “Scripture on the Sun Repository” (Rizang jing 日藏經). They were thus inventoried as individual works in most Buddhist canons compiled between the tenth and thirteenth centuries, with the exception of the Kaibao Canon, the Zhaocheng Canon, and the Koryǒ Canon. This piece of information, coupled with the aforesaid terminus post quem, would seem to allow little room to doubt that the Kongquedong bibliography was derived from a “southern” catalog postdating the tenth century.86 That is, within extant catalogs of the Chinese Buddhist canon, the most likely candidates are those of the Chongning Canon (Chongning zang 崇寧藏), the Pilu Canon (Pilu zang 毗盧藏), and the Sixi Canon (Sixi zang 思溪藏).87 Because a great deal was already said about the textual histories of these three editions, mainly by Suzuki Munetada 鈴木宗忠, Li Fuhua 李富華, He Mei 何梅, Zacchetti, and Jiang Wu,88 I shall not recapitulate 85) For the transmission of the Mahāsaṃnipātasūtra in East Asia, see Bill M. Mak, “The Transmission of Buddhist Astral Science from India to East Asia: The Central Asian Connection,” Historia scientiarum 24 (2015): 59-75. 86) Among the post-Tang “textual lineages” of the Chinese Buddhist canon are the “Central Plain lineage” represented by the Kaibao Canon, the “Northern lineage” represented by the Khitan Canon (Liao zang 遼藏), and the “Southern lineage” represented by the editions to which we now turn. Basis for this classification includes not only the geographical provenance of these editions, but also their differences in both cataloging system and printed format. On the “textual lineages” of the Chinese Buddhist canon, see Chikusa Masaaki 竺沙 雅章, “Sō Gen ban Daizōkyō no keifu” 宋元版大藏經の系譜, in Sō Gen bukkyō bunkashi kenkyū 宋元佛教文化史研究 (Tokyo: Kyūko Shoin, 2000), 271-362. See also Jiang Wu, Lucille Chia, and Chen Zhichao, “The Birth of the First Printed Canon,” in Spreading Buddha’s Word, 145-80. 87) For catalogs of the Chongning, Pilu, and Sixi editions, see, respectively, Takakusu Junjirō, ed., “Tōji kyōzō issaikyō mokuroku” 東寺経蔵一切経目録, in Shōwa hōbō sōmokuroku, 1.791823; Kunaishō zushoryō 宮内省図書寮, ed., “Zushoryō kanseki zempon shomoku furoku: Daizōkyō saimoku” 図書寮漢籍善本書目附録: 大蔵経細目, in Zushoryō kanseki zenpon shomoku 図書寮漢籍善本書目 (Tokyo: Bunkyūdō shoten, 1931), 4.1-121; and Takakusu Junjirō, ed., “Anjizhou Sixi Fabaozifu chansi dazangjing mulu” 安吉州思溪法寶資福禪寺大藏經目 録, in Shōwa hōbō sōmokuroku, 1.908-26. 88) Suzuki Munetada, “Sōhan zōkyō no kihon mokuroku ni tsuite” 宋版蔵経の基本目録に 就いて, Bunka 文化 8, 12 (1941): 1-36; idem, “Sōhan zōkyō no shohan to sono soshiki oyobi T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 625 here what is adequately covered elsewhere but only mention in passing one of the most salient commonalities between these editions. This commonality, namely the enormous bulk of literature that these editions contain, means that if we wish to identify the Kongquedong bibliography with one of their catalogs, we must explain how such a long catalog was abridged and fitted into the limited space for inscription on the pagoda. To this end, one might refer to the omission of “repeated translations” (chongyi 重譯) as a working hypothesis since many urscriptures have been rendered, in whole or in part, multiple times into Chinese.89 But if this hypothesis is seen in light of the following evidence, its soundness substantially disappears. On Facets 1-1-3 and 1-2-1, we see titles of the Scripture of the Way-Practice Perfection of Wisdom and the Scripture of the Great Wisdom Perfection (Damingdu jing 大明度 經, T. 225), respectively (Table 1).90 The first was rendered by Lokakṣema (fl. 178-198) in 180, and the second by Zhi Qian 支謙 (fl. c. 220-252) in the early years of the third century. Both texts were translated from the fabled Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitāsūtra, which was among the very first Buddhist scriptures to become known in China.91 The occurrence of their titles on the pagoda, therefore, is unequivocally against the working hypothesis under consideration.92 naiyō” 宋版蔵経の諸版とその組織及び内容, Bunka 10, 10 (1943): 1-20; Li Fuhua and He Mei, Hanwen fojiao dazangjing yanjiu 漢文佛教大藏經研究 (Beijing: Zongjiao wenhua chubanshe, 2003); Stefano Zacchetti, In Praise of the Light: A Critical Synoptic Edition with an Annotated Translation of Chapters 1-3 of Dharmarakṣa’s Guang zan jing 光讚經, Being the Earliest Chinese Translation of the Larger Prajñāpāramitā, vol. 8, Bibliotheca Philologica et Philosophica Buddhica (Tokyo: The International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology, Soka Univ., 2005), 109-15; He Mei, Lidai hanwen dazangjing mulu xinkao 歷代漢文大藏經目錄新 考 (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2014); and Jiang Wu, “A Brief Survey of the Printed Editions of the Chinese Buddhist Canon,” in Spreading Buddha’s Word, 311-20. 89) On “repeated translations,” see, among others, Hayashiya Tomojirō, Iyakukyōrui no kenkyū 異訳経類の研究 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1941); Ui Hakuju 宇井伯寿, Yakukyōshi kenkyū 訳経史研究 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1972); and Erik Zürcher, “A New Look at the Earliest Chinese Buddhist Texts,” in From Benares to Beijing; Essays on Buddhism and Chinese Religion, in Honour of Prof. Jan Yün-hua, ed. Koichi Shinohara and Gregory Schopen (Oakville: Mosaic Press, 1991), 277-304. 90) For an introduction to these translated texts, see Lewis R. Lancaster, “The Oldest Mahāyāna Sūtra: Its Significance for the Study of Buddhist Development,” The Eastern Buddhist 8 (1975): 30-41. 91) On the Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitāsūtra, see ibid. 92) More counterexamples like this can be gleaned from Facets 1-2-2, 1-3-2, 1-3-6, 1-5-5, 1-6-1, 1-6-4, and 1-8-3, which display titles of different Chinese translations of the Avataṃsakasūtra, T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 626 Yang Xiaodong There is, however, another hypothesis that may bring to light the basic design principle for making the Kongquedong bibliography. To set the stage for this hypothesis, I shall first give a brief overview of how the Chinese Buddhist canon as a library was managed in medieval times. At that time, as in the present, the Chinese Buddhist canon was in effect a bibliographic enterprise.93 Managing such a massive corpus of literature required an efficient cataloging system to store and retrieve each text with precision. To address this functional requirement, Buddhist catalogers devised a variety of approaches such as the methods of “title initials” (jingming biaozhi fa 經名標誌法) and “fixed shelf storage” (dingge chucun fa 定格儲存法).94 But only one of them was to become ubiquitous in East Asian book culture, and that is the cataloging system based on the Thousand Character Classic. As is now well known, the Thousand Character Classic is a tetra-syllabic poem authored by the scholar-official Zhou Xingsi 周興嗣 (d. 521) in the Liang dynasty (502557). It consists of a thousand orthographically distinct sinographs and was thus ideal for ordering texts written in such logographic systems as Chinese. This poem, by the late tenth century, had become the most oftused abecedarium for sequencing the encasement of canonical Buddhist literature.95 Its influence was profound and clearly expressed in every printed edition of the Chinese Buddhist canon, with the exception of such modern versions as the Manji Canon (J. Manji shōzō 卍正 藏) and the Taishō Canon.96 The application of the Thousand Character Classic as a cataloging system is inseparable from the canon’s “fascicle-case” structure. This structure grew out of the flourishing textual culture of medieval China, the Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra, the Suvarṇaprabhāsottamasūtra, and the Aṅgulimālasūtra. See Table 1. 93) Timothy H. Barrett, The Woman Who Discovered Printing (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 2008), 53. 94) On these cataloging methods, see Jiang Wu, “The Chinese Buddhist Canon Through the Ages,” 29-31. See also Fang Guangchang, Zhongguo xieben dazangjing, 419-76. 95) The first extant catalog to include the Thousand Character Classic as a cataloging system is the Lüechu Catalog. See Fang Guangchang, Zhongguo xieben dazangjing, 419-513. 96) The Manji Canon was the first modern edition that abandoned the Thousand Character Classic system. It directly influenced the classification of the Taishō Canon, which completely delegitimized the authority of traditional Chinese bibliography. See Greg Wilkinson, “Taishō Canon: Devotion, Scholarship, and Nationalism in the Creation of the Modern Buddhist Canon in Japan,” in Spreading Buddha’s Word, 284-310. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 627 wherein the production and reproduction of the canon had become a highly standardized enterprise. At that time, the establishment of a Buddhist canon was realized by copying or printing Buddhist texts on paper. Following this was the process of bookbinding, in which a craftsman would glue several pieces of paper together to form a continuous scroll. These scrolls, after having been bound, were subsequently enshrined in numerous cases for shelving. Then, one of the caretakers or librarians – perhaps a high-ranking cleric – would number each of these cases with a sinograph following the sequence of the Thousand Character Classic as an “identifying code.” During this process, if a given text was multifascicled, it may have been assigned under a long string of sinographs;97 but if otherwise, it would share one congruent identifying code with some other texts.98 The cataloging sequence given to each case (but not the text) according to the Thousand Character Classic is of particular interest to my analysis of the Kongquedong bibliography. It reveals an interesting but rarely noticed issue between the massive scale of the canon as a whole and how this can be most effectively presented and perceived. Inspired by this quintessentially Chinese cataloging method, I argue that the Kongquedong bibliography represents the entire canon by selectively extracting a specific title from each case that is sequenced according to the Thousand Character Classic. That is to say, from a case containing multiple texts, a specific scripture was pulled out as a representative, and thereby the selected titles constituted a unique summary of the entire canon. Albeit abridged, this summary is nevertheless a “snapshot” of the original canon in both symbolic and bibliographical terms. Some titles were not included, but this does not eclipse the integrity of the canon represented on the pagoda. To evaluate the validity of my argument, the Kongquedong bibliography was compared, respectively, with catalogs of the Chongning, Pilu, and Sixi editions. Judging from the results of my comparison (Table 2), it 97) One such example is the six-hundred-fascicled Dabore boluomiduo jing, whose identifying code is comprised of sixty sinographs (Tian 天1-Nai 柰60) in most pre-modern editions of the canon. 98) One such example is the two-fascicled Zhufa wuxing jing 諸法無行經 (T. 650), which shares the identifying code “Chang 常152” with the Wuji baosanmei jing 無極寶三昧經 (T. 636) and the Baorulai sanmei jing 寶如來三昧經 (T. 637) in the Lüechu Catalog. See Lüechu Catalog 1, T. 2155: 55.727c25-28a1. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 628 Yang Xiaodong seems that the bibliography is almost certainly an abridged catalog of the Chongning Canon. The basic principle for abridgment is the cataloging sequence based on the Thousand Character Classic, and the primary evidence for this conclusion lies in the following three aspects. First, according to the catalog of the Chongning Canon, the identifying sinographs of texts referenced in the Kongquedong bibliography are all distinct and can easily be formed into a coherent passage that is part of the Thousand Character Classic.99 Second, almost without exception, all scripture titles constituting the Kongquedong bibliography are listed as the first in their respective cases in the Chongning Canon.100 Third, when compared to the cataloging sequence of the Chongning Canon, the sequential order of the Kongquedong bibliography is virtually identical. Generally imitating the latter, the bibliography has its beginning on Column 1-1, continues clockwise, and proceeds counter-clockwise from Column 2-1 to Column 2-2. Some relocated titles, as exemplified by those of the Prajñāpāramitāsūtra, the Nirvānasūtra, the Avataṃsakasūtra, and the Ratnakūṭasūtra on Columns 1-1 and 1-2, were carved in their present locations due to their perceived religious significance.101 And the seemingly random relocation of such titles as that of the Scripture of the Compassion Lotus (S. Karuṇāpuṇḍarīkasūtra; C. Beihua jing 悲華經, T. 157) on the lower part of Facet 1-2-6 is explainable partly by their “shortness,” and partly by the spatial limit of each facet.102 To clarify the last point, let us take a closer look at the inscription carved on Facet 1-2-6. Located on the upper part of this facet is the title of the first text in Case Fu 服86 – that is, the Scripture on the Realm of Akṣobhya (S. Akṣobhyavyūha; C. Achufoguo jing 阿閦佛國經, T. 313).103 Nevertheless, the title listed first in Case Yi 衣87 – viz. that of the 99) See Table 2. 100) One exception, seen on the lower part of Facet 1-5-1, is the title of the Baiyu jing 百喻經 (T. 209). It is located, in the Chongning Canon, in Case Guan 觀430, wherein the first text is the Dasheng xiuheng pusa xingmen zhujing yaoji 大乘修行菩薩行門諸經要集 (T. 847). The latter’s title, however, is obviously too long to conform to the space of Facet 1-5-1. It is thus easily understandable why inscribed on the lower part of this facet is the title of the Baiyu jing. On the catalog numbers of these titles in the Chongning Canon, see Takakusu, “Tōji kyōzō issaikyō,” 813. 101) On the religious significance of this tetrad, see note 78 above. 102) See Table 2. 103) On the catalog number of the Achufoguo jing in the Chongning Canon, see Takakusu, “Tōji kyōzō issaikyō,” 792. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 629 Scripture on Ugra’s Inquiry into the Bodhisattva Path (S. Ugraparipṛcchāsūtra; C. Yujialuoyue wen pusaheng jing 郁迦羅越問菩薩行經, T. 323) – is too long to conform to the remaining space.104 Therefore, the latter was moved to the upper part of the neighboring Facet 1-3-1, and the short, three-character title of the Scripture of the Compassion Lotus was relocated to Facet 1-2-6 to fill the space.105 This kind of relocation occurs a number of times on the ground story of the Kongquedong pagoda.106 It would seem to suggest that in choreographing scripture titles onto the pagoda, such practical concerns as the availably of space were also considered. Up to this point, my discussion is oriented principally towards the textual base for and design principle behind the Kongquedong bibliography. The evidence at hand is fairly conclusive, making it hard to see how the bibliography could be anything other than an abridged catalog of the Chongning Canon. Although incomplete in terms of content, this abridgment is both symbolically and bibliographically comparable to the Chongning Canon and can thus be safely interpreted as a “symbolic” canon intended for worship and merit-making. But it is my impression that there is more to our focus piece than this interpretation, given that the emic, period designation of the Kongquedong pagoda is – as shown by its titling inscription – “True Body Relics.” When the Kongquedong pagoda was under construction, both the terms “true body” (zhenshen 真身) and “relics” (sheli 舍利) had been in use for centuries among the Buddhist faithful in China. While the latter’s referent is too well known to require much comment here, it is worth noting that the former, whose etymology has yet to be settled, is a multivalent expression.107 Most commonly, this expression was associated with the transcendent “dharma body” (S. dharmakāya; C. fashen 法身), which has been customarily regarded as a kind of formless 104) On the catalog number of the Yujialuoyue wen pusaheng jing in the Chongning Canon, see ibid. 105) See Table 2. 106) More cases of this kind of relocation are found on Facets 1-3-2, 1-3-3, 1-3-4, and 1-4-1. See ibid. 107) On the semantic multivalence of “true body,” see Robert H. Sharf, “The Buddha’s Finger Bones at Famensi and the Art of Chinese Esoteric Buddhism,” The Art Bulletin 93 (2011): 47. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 630 Yang Xiaodong Buddhist absolute.108 Yet by the Sui-Tang period, the very same expression had also begun to be associated with the “physical body” (S. rūpakāya; C. seshen 色身) – or even “living body” (shengshen 生身) or “flesh body” (roushen 肉身) – of either a buddha or a bodhisattva.109 To invoke a relevant example from the well-known Dharma-Gate Monastery (Famensi 法門寺), there are a number of Tang-dynasty votive inscriptions in which the term “true body” occurs as an allusion to the fingerbone relic thought to have belonged to the Buddha Śākyamuni himself.110 We are also presented with three instances in Daoxuan’s 道宣 (596-667) Records of Miraculous Responses of the Three Jewels in China (Ji shenzhou sanbao gantong lu 集神州三寶感通録, T. 2106), where this term is mentioned unambiguously in relation to the physical remains of the historical Buddha.111 A similar trend recurs throughout Song-period Buddhist literature, especially, in accounts that describe historical events centering around the worship of the Buddha’s or eminent monks’ somatic remains. For instance, the lacquered mummy of Huineng 慧能 (638-713) housed currently at the Bejeweled Forest Monastery (Baolinsi 寶林寺) in Shaoguan 韶關 (Guangdong) is described as a “true body” by Zhipan 志磐 (1220-1275) in his Chronicle of Buddhas and Patriarchs (Fozu tong ji 佛祖統紀, T. 2035).112 Because the term “true body” is semantically multivalent, it is, of course, difficult if not impossible to know for certain what specific meaning the titling inscription of the Kongquedong pagoda held for its Southern Song audience. The point here is that by titling the pagoda “True Body Relics,” the mastermind has furnished us with some hints of how they understood the scripture titles constituting the Kongquedong bibliography. From their point of view, each of these scripture titles was probably indistinguishable from the true relics of the Buddha in terms of sacrality and religious efficacy. It follows naturally that if the 108) Gadjin M. Nagao, “On the Theory of Buddha-Body (Buddha-kāya),” The Eastern Buddhist 6 (1973): 25-53. See also Lancaster, “The Oldest Mahāyāna Sūtra,” 36-38; and Paul Harrison, “Is the Dharma-kāya the Real ‘Phantom Body’ of the Buddha?” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 15 (1992): 44-94. 109) Robert H. Sharf, “The Idolization of Enlightenment: On the Mummification of Ch’an Masters in Medieval China,” History of Religions 32 (1992): 2. 110) Sharf, “Buddha’s Finger Bones,” 47. 111) Ji shenzhou sanbao gantong lu 1, T. 2106: 52.407b15, 411a19; 2, T. 2106: 52.419b18. 112) Fozu tong ji 53, T. 2035: 49.467a14. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 631 bibliography as a whole and, by extension, the pagoda were believed to share the same level of sacredness as the “entire body of the Tathāgata” (S. ekaghanaṃ tathāgataśarīram; C. rulai quanshen 如來全身). In this interpretation, not only is the bibliography conflated as nondual with the Buddha’s body, but so too is the pagoda as an architectural reliquary. However bizarre this conflation may appear to modern readers it is significant to note that there are a considerable number of Mahāyāna sūtras in which we find ideas comparable to this conflation. This is the case, for example, in such early Prajñāpāramitā texts as the Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñā pāramitāsūtra, where a comparison is set up between the merit derived from relic worship and that derived from worshipping Prajñāpāramitā scriptures.113 It is also the case in the famous Lotus Sūtra, where the bodhisattva Bhaiṣajyarāja asks the Buddha to explain the superiority of the scripture, upon which the Buddha answers: Bhaiṣajyarāja! Wherever [the Lotus Sūtra is] preached, read, recited, copied, or located in the form of a book, a seven-jewelled stūpa is to be caused to be erected – lofty, great, heavily decorated – and relics [of the Buddha] are not necessarily to be enshrined in it. What is the reason for that? Just in the stūpa the entire body of the Tathāgata is already deposited. 藥王!在在處處,若說、若讀、若頌、若書、若經卷所在處,皆應起七寶塔, 極令高廣嚴飾,不須復安舍利。所以者何?此中已有如來全身。114 In both vocabulary and conception, this oft-cited passage has fairly close parallels elsewhere in Mahāyāna sūtra literature.115 A thorough treatment of these parallels is clearly beyond the scope of the present essay, but worthy of special notice here is that they all have a comparison between a stūpa and a sūtra drawn at first, which is followed by an equation of that sūtra with the somatic presence of the Buddha.116 By thus conflating textuality and corporeality, these and similar passages have made it clear that the Buddha, after the parinirvāṇa of his physical body, is still present in and concretely accessible to his worshipers through Mahāyāna sūtras. This alluring idea, which has inspired the 113) Harrison, “Dharma-kāya,” 44-94. 114) Miaofa lianhua jing 妙法蓮華經 4, T. 262: 9.31b26-29. Translation mine, but see also Schopen, “Phrase sa prthivīpradeśaś caityabhūto bhavet,” 38. 115) Schopen, “Phrase sa prthivīpradeśaś caityabhūto bhavet,” 25-62. 116) Ibid. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 632 Yang Xiaodong creation of numerous icons, ritual objects, and architectural complexes, is the conceptual basis for what Gregory Schopen described as the “Mahāyāna book cult.”117 In East Asia, the most simplistic and widespread artistic expression of this cult was – and still is – the deposit of the “Verse of Dependent Origination” (S. Pratītyasamutpādagāthā; C. Yuanqifa ji 緣起法偈) as “dharma relics” (S. dharmaśarīra; C. fasheli 法 舍利) within pagodas.118 Yet in the case of our Kongquedong pagoda, what was commonly enshrined inside and hidden from view is now displayed on the surface of the reliquary that housed it. The pagoda’s inscriptional program was fashioned ingeniously, pointing to the unseen hand of a mastermind with both artistic vision and a thorough knowledge of Buddhist bibliography. As with the mastermind behind the Xiaofowan bibliography, they might have paid much attention to the integrity and canonicity of the Kongquedong bibliography. Promoting the Bodhisattva Precepts Moving on from the textual base for and design principle behind the Kongquedong bibliography, let us now shift our attention to some easily neglected decorations on the pagoda. By taking these decorations as a starting point, I believe that we will open the way to a better understanding of not only the bibliography itself but also at least a part of its Sitz im Leben. As noted earlier, each of the characters constituting the bibliography is enclosed in a well-executed decoration in intaglio. Most of these decorations exist in the form of a fringed roundel, whereas a few of them are identically shaped as quatrefoils (Fig. 6).119 These fourpetaled exceptions, when viewed separately, do not seem to have a meaningful relation to the inscriptional program. But if we understand them together as part of the bibliography, it becomes clear that they are 117) Ibid. 118) On the use of the Pratītyasamutpādagāthā as “dharma relics,” see Daniel Boucher, “The Pratītyasamutpādagāthā and Its Role in the Medieval Cult of the Relics,” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 14 (1991): 1-27. See also Shen Hsueh-Man, “Realizing the Buddha’s Dharma Body During the Mofa Period: A Study of Liao Buddhist Relic Deposits,” Artibus Asiae 61 (2001): 263-303; and idem, Authentic Replicas: Buddhist Art in Medieval China (Honolulu: Univ. of Hawai’i Press, 2019). 119) These four-petaled decorations are found on Facets 1-6-3, 2-2-4, 2-3-3, and 2-3-4. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 633 a design choice created consciously by the mastermind to highlight the five scriptures listed below: 1) Scripture of the Good-Thinking Child (S. *Sucittisūtra; C. Shansi tongzi jing 善思童 子經, T. 479); 2) Scripture of the Great Adornment Treatise (S. Kalpanāmaṇḍitikā or Sūtrālaṃkāraśāstra; C. Da zhuangyan lun jing 大莊嚴論經, T. 201); 3) Scripture of the Upāsaka Precepts (S. Upāsakaśīlasūtra; C. Youposai jie jing 優婆 塞戒經, T. 1488); 4) Scripture of the Inner Precepts for Bodhisattvas (Pusa neijie jing 菩薩內戒經, T. 1487); 5) Treatise on the Stages of Yoga Practicants (S. Yogācārabhūmiśāstra; C. Yuqieshidi lun 瑜伽師地論, T. 1579). Because of the wide range of topics dealt with in the first two scriptures, I have yet to reach any definite conclusion as to the highlighting of these texts in the Kongquedong bibliography.120 What I can conclude with some certitude is about the highlighting of the remaining three scriptures, which, though varying in length from one to one hundred fascicles in the Taishō edition, share a common topic. Here, we may note, first, that the seven-fascicled Scripture of the Upāsaka Precepts, translated by Dharmakṣema in Guzang 姑臧 (present-day Wuwei 武威, Gansu) around 426, is devoted exclusively to the practice of the bodhisattvaśīla or, alternatively, the bodhisattva precepts.121 So is the one-fascicled Scripture of the Inner Precepts for Bodhisattvas translated by Guṇavarman (367-431) after his arrival at Jiankang 建康 (present-day Nanjing 南京) in the eighth year of the Yuanjia 元嘉 era (424-453) for the propagation of 120) For some recent and useful discussions pertaining to these scriptures, see Mark Allon and Richard Salomon, “New Evidence for Mahayana in Early Gandhāra,” The Eastern Buddhist 41 (2010): 11; Stuart H. Young, Conceiving the Indian Buddhist Patriarchs in China (Honolulu: Univ. of Hawai’i Press, 2015), 51-53; and Douglas Osto, “Alerted States and the Origins of the Mahāyāna,” in Setting Out on the Great Way: Essays on Early Mahāyāna Buddhism, ed. Paul Harrison (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 2018), 210. 121) On the reception of this text in China, see Funayama Tōru 船山徹, “The Acceptance of Buddhist Precepts by the Chinese in the Fifth Century,” Journal of Asian History 38 (2004): 112. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 634 Yang Xiaodong the bodhisattvaśīla.122 Likewise, in the fortieth to forty-third fascicles of the Treatise on the Stages of Yoga Practicants translated by Xuanzang 玄 奘 (600/602-664) is a detailed discussion of the bodhisattvaśīla that has exerted a many-sided and lasting influence on the training of bodhisattvas in East Asian Buddhist circles.123 Given that all three of these highlighted scriptures are closely associated with the bodhisattvaśīla, the least we could say is that the śīla, as a guide for religious behavior, was in all likelihood of some particular significance for either the mastermind themselves or the Buddhist faithful involved in the Kongquedong project. As if to prove the whole point here, no “Śrāvaka” vinayas, such as the Dharmaguptakavinaya (Sifen lü 四分律, T. 1428) and the Mahīśāsakavinaya (Mishasaibu hexi wufen lü 彌沙塞部和醯五分律, T. 1421), are highlighted in the Kongquedong bibliography.124 And to add another bit of circumstantial evidence, I want to introduce below two Buddhistinspired monuments that are close in date and location to the Kongquedong pagoda. The first of the monuments to which we now turn is, again, located at the Baodingshan complex. Enclosed within the aforementioned SageLongevity Monastery is a stone chamber commonly referred to in modern scholarship as Guandingjing 灌頂井, or the Consecration Well.125 The chamber itself is about two and a half meters wide, two meters deep, and slightly over two meters high with a vaulted ceiling. Its focal point is a triptych-shaped stela erected against the far wall, each side of 122) On Guṇavarman’s activities in Jiankang, see ibid. 123) Michael Zimmermann, “The Chapter on Right Conduct in the Bodhisattvabhūmi,” in The Foundation for Yoga Practitioners: The Buddhist Yogācārabhūmi Treatise and Its Adaptation in India, East Asia, and Tibet, ed. Ulrich Timme Kragh (Cambridge, Mass.: Department of South Asian Studies, Harvard Univ., 2013), 872-83. 124) The “Śrāvaka” vinayas included in the Kongquedong bibliography are the Sifen lü, the Mishasaibu hexi wufen lü, the Pinimu jing 毘尼母經 (T. 1463), and the Shisong lü 十誦律 (T. 1435). Their titles are carved respectively on Facets 2-1-2, 1-8-4, 1-7-4, and 2-8-5. See Table 1. 125) The designation of “Consecration Well” is not attested in inscriptions found in situ at Baodingshan or in any of the local gazetteers of Dazu compiled in premodern times. When the chamber was restored in 1921, the name by which it was known among the locals was “Avalokiteśvara Cave” (Guanyindong 觀音洞). However, as the current name suggests, there was indeed a water well located in front of the chamber. It is this unusual spatial feature that has inspired such scholars as Howard to identify the chamber’s intended function with abhiṣeka. For more information about this chamber, see DZSKMWL, 194-95. For Howard’s analysis of this chamber, see Summit of Treasures, 76-77. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 635 which has a rectangular stela around the same height of 150 centimeters (Fig. 7). At the center of the triptych, a crowned bodhisattva is shown standing motionless in an elliptical mandorla. He is clad in gently flowing garments, with a willow twig in his right hand and a small bowl in his left. The lush floral decoration in his tiara is typical of the Southern Song dynasty, and the refined way in which the folds are sculpted and arrayed is also definitive of this period. On either side of the bodhisattva is a pair of standing attendants clothed in raiments of Song-period literati. Another pair of attendants, dressed as dvarapālas and staring with widely opened eyes, is carved on the flanking rectangular stelae. Perched on each of these attendants is a small seated buddha, who is enclosed in a shallow roundel. Each figure dates back to the Southern Song dynasty and is characteristic of that period in its detailed, complex character. In addition, a large-sized quatrain inscribed in regular script can be seen on the lateral sides of this triad of stelae. Obviously intended as an exhortation to ordained Buddhists, it reads: Observing the Buddha’s disciplinary rules [is the cause of] immediate auspiciousness, Violating the Buddha’s disciplinary rules [is the cause of] immediate inauspiciousness. I would rather keep the precepts and die of poverty than break the precepts to live in wealth. 持佛戒律現受吉祥,犯佛戒律現受不祥。 寧以守戒貧賤而死,不以破戒富貴而生。126 While the general purport and much of the phrasing of this quatrain are quite clear, there is one thing that is not. There is some ambiguity as to the expression “fo jielü” 佛戒律, which I translate above as “the Buddha’s disciplinary rules” and allows for two different readings. In addition to being taken as referring to the vinaya discipline as a whole, this expression may also be understood – which seems, in part at least, to be confirmed by the central deity’s bodhisattva identity – as hinting at the 126) For the inscription, see DZSKMWL, 195. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 636 Yang Xiaodong bodhisattvaśīla. Further evidence in favor of the second reading is available in such Mahāyāna “śīla sūtras” (jie jing 戒經) as the Scripture on the Karmic Necklace of Bodhisattvas (Pusa yingluo benye jing 菩薩瓔珞本業 經, T. 1485), where this and similar expressions are always used in reference to the bodhisattvaśīla.127 However – and this is the crucial point – even if the drafter intended the first reading, the fact remains that those who had accepted the bodhisattvaśīla constituted part of the target audience to which this quatrain was meant to be addressed. We are thus left, it seems, with the apparent fact that the practice of the bodhisattvaśīla was a major preoccupation of at least a part of the Buddhists involved in the Guandingjing project. Interestingly, the same kind of preoccupation is also observable in an image cave excavated at the site of Piludong 毗盧洞, or the Vairocana Grotto, in Anyue.128 The site is medium-sized, located less than ten kilometers northwest of the Kongquedong pagoda. The cave to be discussed, numbered 10 by local archaeologists, is about five meters high, six meters wide, and slightly over three meters deep with a flat ceiling. No original dedication survives, but there are a number of inscriptions that appear to have formed part of the original design. This is the case, for example, with the large-sized titling inscription reading “Cliff of Treasures” (baoyan 寶巖) at the apex of the entrance. It is also the case with the allusive couplet that flanks the titling inscription and reads: “Hah, may the thought be directed to the interior of hot iron wheels, and let the laborious struggle be transferred to the blazingly fire furnace to save those in an overturned state!” 阿呵呵意向熱鐵輪里, 翻筋鬥猛火爐打倒 懸.129 Another couplet, reading: “There are only the golden bones of our master that survive, and [although] having been refined by fire one hundred times, still the colors are fresh,” is inscribed on either side of the entrance. It is, as we have seen, an excerpt from Renzong’s panegyric on 127) Pusa yingluo benye jing 2, T. 1485: 24.1021b28; Fanwang jing 梵網經 2, T. 1484: 24.1004a6,19, 20; and Qingjing pini fangdeng jing 清淨毘尼方廣經, T. 1489: 24.1079c11. 128) For some basic information about this site, see Cao Dan 曹丹 and Zhao Ling 趙昤, “Anyue Piludong shiku diaocha yanjiu” 安岳毗盧洞石窟調查研究, Sichuan wenwu 四川文物 3 (1994): 34-39; and Liu Changjiu, “Yelun Anyue Piludong shiku” 也論安岳毗盧洞石窟, Sichuan wenwu 5 (1995): 37-43. 129) This couplet, according to the “epitaph” (ming 銘) of Zhao Zhifeng found at Xiaofowan, is a “commandment” (jie 誡) addressed by Zhao to his adherents. For the epitaph, see DZSKMWL, 211. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 637 the Buddha’s tooth relic and also has some chance of being part of the original design. Inside Cave 10, the focus of iconographic attention is centered on a life-sized triad carved against the rear wall (Fig. 8). All these three figures are fashioned in seated positions, showcasing the calm, naturalistic style that is characteristic of rock carvings produced in Southern Song Sichuan. On the viewer’s left is a monastic figure, quite clearly a Buddha, whose left hand is lowered in the dhyānamudrā and whose right hand is raised in the gesture of preaching. At the center is a crowned and bejeweled Buddha, with his forearms raised slightly upwards at the shoulder level and his hands held in some variation of the vitarkamudrā. The third figure, sitting on the viewer’s right, is clad in “monastic garments” (S. kāṣāya; C. jiasha 袈裟), with his head tonsured and the right hand raised up at chest level in a fist-like gesture. Particularly noteworthy is his left arm, which is sculpted in a way that depicts him as having been severely maimed. This disfigurement saves us much trouble by immediately identifying the figure as Liu Benzun. We know that Liu was a Sichuanese layman who earned his fame by a regimen of gruesome selftorture that he was known to have inflicted upon his own body,130 and further support for our identification is provided by the figure’s female attendant, who is depicted as holding a tray on which an ear, an eyeball, and a severed forearm are placed (Fig. 9). However, if in fact the third figure in Cave 10 was intended to represent Liu, we still have to explain a number of things. We have to, for example, account for the fact that Liu, a layman who had never “gone into the homeless” (qu yu feijia 趣於非家), is represented here as decked in monastic garments. This fact is worth explaining not only for the widely held notion that monastic garments are “a sign that marked the monk as a distinctive type of person,”131 but also because no other extant images of Liu represent him as vested in monastic garments. All 130) On Liu’s self-mutilation, see note 21 above. 131) John Kieschnick, “The Symbolism of the Monk’s Robe in China,” Asia Major 12 (1999): 31. For more on the symbolism of monastic garments in China, see idem, The Impact of Buddhism on Chinese Material Culture (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 2003), 86-107; Bernard Faure, “Quand l’habit fait le moine: The Symbolism of the Kāṣāya in Sōtō Zen,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 8 (1995): 335-69; Izutsu Gafū 井筒雅風, Hōishi 法衣史 (Tokyo: Yūzankaku, 1974); and Guo Huizhen 郭慧珍, Hanzu fojiao sengqie fuzhuang zhi yanjiu 漢族佛教僧伽服裝 之研究 (Taipei: Fagu, 2001). T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 638 Yang Xiaodong surviving visual representations of this layman, with the exception of the figure under discussion, are similar in their rendition of him as a Song-dynasty literatus. To give just one intriguing and telling example, in Niche 5 of Xiaofowan is a large-sized triad that reminds us immediately of what we see in Cave 10 (Fig. 10). At the center of this triad is the primordial Vairocana, who is flanked by a buddha to his proper right and Liu to his left. The compositional balance between Liu and the flanking buddha suggests that the program in toto was intended to emphasize the sanctity of Liu as on a par with that of a buddha. Yet in spite of this intention, little effort was made to render Liu’s appearance as anything more than that of a Song literatus. Obviously, examples of this sort make the image of Liu in Cave 10 seem odd and out of the ordinary. It is thus worthwhile to ask: what is the rationale behind the portrayal of Liu as clothed in monastic garments in Cave 10? In attempting to answer this question, the most important clue is furnished by a Chinese Buddhist scripture containing references to lay use of monastic garments. The scripture is the two-fascicled Brahmā Net Sūtra (Fanwang jing 梵網經, T. 1484), whose origin was allegedly ascribed to the Buddha Rocana (Lushena 盧舍那) dwelling in Padmagarbhalokadhātu (Lianhuataizang 蓮花臺藏).132 Although modern scholars have concluded that this “sūtra” is an apocryphon fabricated in China around the middle of the fifth century, its influence extended well beyond the period and milieu in which it originally appeared.133 It affected Buddhist practices, especially in the Tiantai 天台 and Chan 禪 traditions, by providing a major scriptural source for the conferral and reception of 132) On the textual history of this scripture, see esp. Funayama Tōru, “Gikyō Bonmō kyō seiritsu no shomondai” 疑経『梵網経』成立の諸問題, Bukkyō shigaku kenkyū 仏教史学研究 39 (1996): 54-78. See also idem, “Acceptance of Buddhist Precepts,” 110-13; and idem, “Bonmō kyō no gairyaku” 『梵網経』の概略, in Higashi Ajia bukkyō no seikatsu kisoku Bonmō kyō – saiko no katachi to hatten no rekishi 東アジア仏教の生活規則『梵網経』 – 最古の形と発展 の歴史 (Kyoto: Rinsen shoten, 2017), 1-45. 133) Funayama, “Bonmō kyō no gairyaku,” 1-45. See also Paul Groner, “The Fan-wang ching and Monastic Discipline in Japanese Tendai: A Study of Annen’s ‘Futsū jubosatsukai kōshaku,’” in Chinese Buddhist Apocrypha, 251-90; and Erik Zürcher, “Buddhist Chanhui and Christian Confession in Seventeenth-Century China,” in Forgive Us Our Sins: Confession in Late Ming and Early Qing China, ed. Nicolas Standaert and Ad Dudink (Nettetal: Steyler, 2006), 119-20. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 639 the bodhisattvaśīla.134 The śīla recorded in this text consists of ten major and forty-eight minor precepts, and in the fortieth minor precept is a short passage that is particularly germane to our discussion: Buddha’s sons, when imparting to others the precepts, [you] should not be discriminatory. All kings, princes, chancellors, officials, bhikṣus, bhikṣuṇīs, faithful males, faithful females, libertines, prostitutes, the eighteen Brahmā deities, the sixdesire celestial children, [people] without genitals, hermaphrodites, eunuchs, slaves, [and] all ghosts [as well as] spirits are eligible to receive the precepts. [The preceptors] should instruct [the recipients to dye their] kāṣāyas in muted colors [and] in accordance with the way. All [kāṣāyas should be] dyed in blue, yellow, red, black, [or] purple. All dyed clothes, as well as bedding, should be of muted color. [Whatever] clothes are worn should be dyed [in muted] color. 佛子,與人受戒時,不得蕑擇。一切國王、王子、大臣、百官、比丘、比丘 尼、信男、信女、婬男、婬女、十八梵天、六慾天子、無根、二根、黃門、奴 婢、一切鬼神盡得受戒。應教身所著袈裟皆使壞色,與道相應。皆染使青、 黃、赤、黑、紫色。一切染衣乃至臥具盡以壞色。身所著衣一切染色。135 In a precept concerning who are qualified for the bodhisattva ordination, the occurrence of the above passage is itself significant. What this passage establishes at a minimum is that the redactor could only have taken for granted that the right to wear monastic garments is not a privilege of those who have gone into the homeless. The passage does not rule on, but assumes, that all those who have received the bodhisattvaśīla are eligible to dress themselves in monastic garments. However odd this assumption may appear to those in the habit of thinking of monastic garments as “an emblem of the monk,”136 its influence on lay Buddhist behavior in China is, as we shall see, profound. Consider the passage cited below from the “Essay for Cleaning up the Confusion over the Three Garments” (Sanyi bianhuo pian 三衣辨惑篇, Z. 950: 57.19c-20b) written by the Song Tiantai master Zunshi 遵式 (963-1032) in 1007: 134) Zürcher, “Buddhist Chanhui,” 119-20. See also Daniel Getz, “Popular Religion and Pure Land in Song-Dynasty Tiantai Bodhisattva Precept Ordination Ceremonies,” in Going Forth, Visions of Buddhist Vinaya, ed. William Bodiford (Honolulu: Univ. of Hawai’i Press, 2005), 161-84; and Paul Groner, “The Role of Confession in Chinese and Japanese Tiantai/Tendai Bodhisattva Ordinations,” in Sins and Sinners, Perspectives from Asian Religions, ed. Phyllis Granoff and Koichi Shinohara (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 216-42. 135) Fanwang jing 2, T. 1484: 24.1008b21-27. 136) Kieschnick, “Symbolism of the Monk’s Robe,” 31. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 640 Yang Xiaodong [On] earth [there are people] saying [that] the Brahmā Net Sūtra contains permission for the laity to use [monastic garments]. People see that scripture extensively listing [such passages as] “kings and subjects, clerics and laics can all receive the precepts” and “[preceptors] should teach [the ordained] to wear kāṣāya,” thus requiring males and females [who have] received the bodhisattvaśīla to wear sevenstrip garments. 世云《梵網經》有通俗著者。人見彼經廣列「王臣道俗盡得受戒」、「應教身 所著袈裟」等言,便令士、女受菩薩戒者著七條衣。137 Even before something is said about the immediate context of this passage, a number of things are already clear. It is all but self-evident, for example, that as with the diffusion of the Brahmā Net Sūtra in medieval China, the practice of wearing monastic garments was already not uncommon among lay recipients of the bodhisattvaśīla in Zunshi’s day. After this passage, Zunshi continued the essay by complaining of the practice of lay bodhisattvas wearing monastic garments, bemoaning that the practice blurred the distinction between clergy and laity.138 But his remonstration did not carry the day, and from the eleventh century onwards, we can even find textual references to monastic garments custom-built for lay bodhisattvas.139 In contemporary China, laypeople who have taken the bodhisattva injunctions continue to wear monastic garments when participating in Buddhist liturgies.140 With all this in mind, it is very difficult – if not impossible – to avoid assuming a correlation between the bodhisattvaśīla and the portrayal of Liu Benzun as clad in monastic garments in Cave 10 at Piludong. This correlation is perhaps finally confirmed by the cave’s central figure, which, in light of a Southern Song xylographic frontispiece to the Brahmā Net Sūtra (Fig. 11), can be identified as the Buddha Rocana. We are thus justified in arguing that the excavation of the cave was closely associated with the bodhisattvaśīla, although whether the cave was meant to serve as a 137) Zunshi, Jinyuan ji 金園集 3, Z. 950: 57.19b13-15. 138) Ibid.19b15-20. 139) One such reference is found in Miaosheng’s 妙生 (fl. c. early twelfth century) Sanyi xianzheng tu 三衣顯正圖 (Z. 1103). Dated no later than 1146, this work contains a detailed illustrated guide for the production of monastic garments, including those intended for lay use. See Miaosheng, Sanyi xianzheng tu, Z. 1103: 59. 617a20-c16. 140) Holmes Welch, The Practice of Chinese Buddhism 1900-1950 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ., 1967), 361-66. See also Charles B. Jones, “Stages in the Religious Life of lay Buddhists in Taiwan,” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 20 (1997): 113-39. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 641 ritual space for the conferral of the śīla will have to remain unanswered until more evidence is available. Having looked so far at two Buddhist monuments located respectively at Baodingshan and Piludong, we might now pause briefly to summarize our findings. We have detected a strong connection between these monumental projects and the bodhisattvaśīla, a connection testifying to the preoccupation of at least some of the devotees engaged in these projects with the śīla as a guide for religious behavior. This same preoccupation also appears, as we have seen, in the Kongquedong bibliography, where three of the five highlighted scriptures are concerned with the bodhisattvaśīla. It would thus seem that unless, and until there is evidence to the contrary forthcoming, we must conclude that the śīla, by the Southern Song period, was already an integral part of the practice of Buddhism in the local society. Unfortunately, but perhaps not unexpectedly, we have no way of knowing how many of the local Buddhists took the śīla, let alone their percentage of the total local population. What is abundantly clear, however, is that in order to take and keep the śīla, some of the local laypeople must have made a series of alterations in their lifestyles. In Song-dynasty collections of canonical Buddhist literature, there are altogether seventeen scriptural sources for the bodhisattvaśīla.141 Not only do they vary considerably in date, length, and style,142 but so do their codifications and interpretations of the śīla.143 As to which version of the śīla is most appropriate for laypeople, no consensus existed in 141) All these scriptures, with the exception of translations of the Ākāśagarbhasūtra and the Yogācārabhūmiśāstra, are situated in the “vinaya section” (J. ritsu bu 律部) of the Taishō Canon. The earliest of them are probably those translated by Dharmakṣema and Guṇavarman, and the most recent is the Daji da Xukongzang pusa suowen jing 大集大虚空藏菩薩所問經 (T. 404) translated by Amoghavajra. 142) Many of these scriptures, such as the two-fascicled Brahmā Net Sūtra and the sevenfascicled Scripture of the Upāsaka Precepts, have a regular sūtra form; but some of them, such as the one-fascicled Scripture of the Inner Precepts for Bodhisattvas, are more like free compositions, lacking the standard opening and closing formulas. 143) For example, in the Scripture of the Upāsaka Precepts, the śīla is described as consisting of six major and twenty-eight minor precepts, only about half the number of precepts recorded in the Brahmā Net Sūtra. A much longer and rather different version is found in the Treatise on the Stages of Yoga Practitioners, where the śīla is divided into the “precepts for holding to restriction” (S. saṃvaraśīla; C. yi lüyi jie 依律儀戒), the “precepts for practicing virtuous deeds” (S. kuśaladharmasaṃgrāhakaśīla; C. she shanfa jie 攝善法戒), and the “precepts for benefiting sentient beings” (S. sattvārthakriyāśīla; C. raoyi youqing jie 饒益有情戒). T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 642 Yang Xiaodong Song Buddhist circles. It was generally agreed, however, that even the simplest version of the śīla, if taken, will subject the practicant to a series of obligations. To put it more specifically: after taking the vow of being a bodhisattva, a Song Buddhist laic would be expected to be a strict vegetarian, to avoid lying and stealing, to refrain from sexual misbehavior, and to be abstinent from alcohol; participation in the “semimonthly retreat” (S. poṣadha; C. busa 布薩) for the recitation of the śīla would become obligatory, and when participating in the retreat, they would be expected to don garments resembling those worn by a cleric; in addition, if the version of the śīla they received was that recorded in the Brahmā Net Sūtra, they would be expected to burn some “incense scars” (xiangba 香疤) on their forearm.144 Not every lay recipient of the śīla followed the same pattern of religious life, or reached the same degree of strictness, it goes without saying, but what is undeniable is that there must have been laypeople who sincerely intended to keep the śīla strictly, among whom we may find some of the devotees involved in the monumental projects we have analyzed above. Conclusion As suggested by the present essay’s title, the scope of my investigation so far is clearly limited, and so are the conclusions drawn from it. It brings into focus a small but significant group of Southern Song Buddhist monuments in the Sichuan basin, an exploration of which has allowed us some fresh glimpses into the multivalence of scriptural catalogs as sacred texts capable of potentially endless re-creation and reinterpretation. In the course of this exploration, it has become clear that the cataloging system based on the Thousand Character Classic can be used to abridge the Chinese Buddhist canon with no diminution in its integrity and sacrality. Equally clear is the significance of the bodhisattvaśīla and its role as a guide for religious behavior in the actual practice of 144) On the relationship between this scripture and the practice of burning “incense scars,” see James A. Benn, “Where Text Meets Flesh: Burning the Body as an Apocryphal Practice in Chinese Buddhism,” History of Religions 37 (1998): 295-322. See also idem, Burning for the Buddha: Self-Immolation in Chinese Buddhism (Honolulu: Univ. of Hawai’i Press, 2007), 11218. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 643 Buddhism in Southern Song eastern Sichuan. To sum up, in addition to shedding new light on the signifying potential of scriptural catalogs, this essay also responds to the need for locality-specific research in religious studies. Further inquiry into the precise interrelationship between the monuments discussed above is needed, and careful comparisons with medieval carvings of Daoist scripture lists would be, I think, illuminating. Just as in the case of Buddhism, cataloging scriptural texts also has a long and fascinating history in the Daoist tradition. It can be traced back at least to the time of Ge Hong 葛洪 (283-342), who devoted an entire section of his Inner Chapters of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity (Baopuzi neipian 抱樸子內篇) to the bibliography of Daoism as he knew it.145 In the centuries that followed, there arose in Daoist circles a large number of bibliographical works, of which we may mention those compiled by Lu Xiujing 陸修静 (406-477) and that by Wang Qinruo 王欽若 (962-1025).146 Various scholars have discussed the role that these texts played in the formation and transformation of the Daoist canon,147 but still there is unfinished work in detailing how texts like these could be used for devotional purposes that transcend the practical needs of bibliographical classification. To give an example of such devotional uses, in Niche 53 at the site of Niujiaozhai 牛角寨 in Renshou 仁壽 (Sichuan) is a Tang-dynasty stela-shaped inscription showing “contents of the thirty-six-fold repository of [Daoist] scriptures” (sanshiliu bu jingzang 145) Wang Ming 王明, ed., Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi 抱樸子內篇校釋 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), 19.331-38. On the bibliographical section of the Baopuzi neipian, see Kristofer Schipper, “Introduction” to The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang 1, ed. Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 2014), 8-9. 146) The two works compiled by Lu Xiujing, namely the Lingbao jingmu 靈寶經目 and the Sandong jingshu mulu 三洞經書目錄, are often considered, respectively, the first list of Lingbao 靈寶 scriptures and the earliest systematic catalog of Daoist canonical literature. The work compiled by Wang Qinruo, namely the Baowen tonglu 寶文統錄, may invite comparison with the Lüechu Catalog because it exerted a strong effect on the development of the Daoist canon in the Song period. On these bibliographical works, see Schipper, “Introduction,” 14-17, 26-29; Lü Pengzhi, “Daoist Rituals,” in Early Chinese Religion, 1268; and Wang Ka, “From Yiqie daojing to Zhonghua daozang – A Retrospective of the Study of the Taoist Textual Heritage,” in Taoism, ed. Mou Zhongjian (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 45-64. For a useful survey of Daoist bibliographical works postdating that by Ge Hong, see Schipper, “Introduction,” 9-52. 147) Schipper, “Introduction,” 1-52. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 644 Yang Xiaodong mu 三十六部經藏目).148 Titled “A Record of the Southern India Temple” (Nanzhuguan ji 南竺觀記), it forms part of an intricate iconographic program, at the center of which is a triad of seated Daoist figures divine in appearance. Another twenty-three Daoist figures, mostly appearing in standing and frontal pose, are carved directly onto the inner walls. Altogether twenty-seven donors were involved in the excavation of this niche, a niche intended for the worship of, as recorded in the donative inscription, the “Three Jewels” (sanbao 三寶). Because the expression “three jewels” is semantically multivalent in the Daoist context, a precise identification of the icons carved in Niche 53 is difficult. Whether they are representations of Tianbao 天寶, Lingbao 靈寶, Shenbao 神寶, and their celestial entourage or not,149 however, it is undoubted that the carving of “contents of the thirty-six-fold repository of scriptures” in this niche can aptly stand in the place of the Daoist canon as an object of veneration. The carving can be, in other words, taken as a “symbolic” canon, originally intended for worship and merit-making. If this was the case, it would parallel the pagoda inscriptions we have seen so far, which illustrate vividly the devotional uses and symbolic functions of scriptural catalogs. Needless to say, a coherent way of seeing these and other related inscriptions against the longue durée of traditional Chinese bibliographical science will take us to a vantage point from which to view how bibliography shaped and reshaped the imagination and material culture of premodern Chinese people. But this would require and deserve separate treatment. 148) On this stela-shaped inscription, see esp. Florian C. Reiter, “The Taoist Canon of 749 AD at the ‘Southern Indian Belvedere,’” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 148 (1998): 123. On Niche 53 and the site of Niujiaozhai, see Liu Yang, “Images for the Temple: Imperial Patronage in the Development of Tang Daoist Art,” Artibus Asiae 61 (2001): 240-42. 149) Besides this interpretation, one can also identify these images as representations of Daobao 道寶, Jingbao 經寶, and Shibao 師寶. T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 645 Table 1: Transcription of the Kongquedong bibliography and corresponding scripture titles in the Taishō Canon Facet nos. Inscriptions Corresponding scripture titles in the Taishō Canon 1-1-1 月燈三昧經宝光 明經 月燈三昧經 (T. 639) 佛說月燈三昧經 (T. 640) 佛說月燈三昧經 (T. 641) 大方廣總持寶光明經 (T. 299) 1-1-2 小品般若 等經 小品般若波羅蜜 (T. 227) 大方廣三戒經 (T. 311) 1-1-3 光讃般若行道般 若 光讚經 (T. 222) 道行般若經 (T. 224) 1-1-4 曩謨大藏佛說涅 經 大般涅槃經 (T. 374) 1-1-5 南無大般若波羅 蜜經 大般若波羅蜜多經 (T. 395) 1-1-6 南無文殊般若雜 文殊師利所說摩訶般若波羅蜜經 (T. 232) 文殊師利所說般若波羅蜜經 (T. 233) 1-2-1 南無大明度無極 大明度經 (T. 225) 1-2-2 南謨大方廣佛華 嚴經 大方廣佛華嚴經 (T. 279) 1-2-3 南無大蔵佛說寳 積經 大寶積經 (T. 310) 1-2-4 放光般若摩訶般若 經 放光般若經 (T. 221) 1-2-5 南無大乗地蔵十 輪 大乘大集地藏十輪經 (T. 63) 1-2-6 阿閦佛國等 華經 阿閦佛國經 (T. 313) 悲華經 (T. 157) 1-3-1 郁迦羅越等經普 曜 郁迦羅越問菩薩行經 (T. 323) 普曜經 (T. 186) 三界 悲 摩訶般若波羅蜜經 (T. 397) 摩訶般若鈔經 (T. 226) 摩訶般若波羅蜜大明呪經 (T. 250) T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 646 Yang Xiaodong Table 1: Transcription of the Kongquedong bibliography and corresponding (cont.) Facet nos. Inscriptions 1-3-2 得無垢女 華經 1-3-3 Corresponding scripture titles in the Taishō Canon 得無垢女經 (T. 339) 正法華經 (T. 263) 慧上菩薩經大灌 頂經 慧上菩薩問大善權經 (T. 345) 佛說灌頂經 (T. 1331) 1-3-4 大方等大集經寳 雨□ 大方等大集經 (T. 397) 佛說寶雨經 (T. 660) 1-3-5 南無大方廣十輪 等 大方廣十輪經 (T. 410) 1-3-6 虛空藏等 明 金光 虛空藏菩薩經 (T. 405) 虛空藏菩薩神呪經 (T. 406) 虛空藏菩薩神呪經 (T. 407) 觀虛空藏菩薩經 (T. 409) 金光明經 (T. 663) 合部金光明經 (T. 664) 1-4-1 念佛三昧 名 大佛 菩薩念佛三昧經 (T. 414) 大方等大集經菩薩念佛三 昧分 (T. 415) 佛說佛名經 (T. 440) 1-4-2 大集月蔵 等 大雲 大方等大集經 (T. 397) 大方等無想經 (T. 387) 大雲無想經 (T. 388) 1-4-3 大集日藏經入楞 伽 大方等大集經 (T. 397) 入楞伽經 (T. 671) 1-4-4 般若三昧 末 般舟三昧經 (T. 417) 般舟三昧經 (T. 418) 阿差末菩薩經 (T. 403) 1-4-5 譬喻王等經蘓悉 地 大集譬喻王經 (T. 422) 蘇悉地羯羅經 (T. 893) 蘇悉地羯羅供養法 (T. 894) 1-4-6 寶女所問等經賢 劫 寶女所問經 (T. 399) 賢劫經 (T. 425) 1-5-1 方廣大莊嚴經百 喻 方廣大莊嚴經 (T. 187) 百喻經 (T. 209) 正法 阿差 T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 647 Table 1: Transcription of the Kongquedong bibliography and corresponding (cont.) Facet nos. Inscriptions Corresponding scripture titles in the Taishō Canon 1-5-2 大般泥洹經般泥 洹經 大般泥洹經 (T. 376) 佛般泥洹經 (T. 5) 般泥洹經 (T. 6) 佛說大愛道般泥洹經 (T. 144) 佛母般泥洹經 (T. 145) 佛說方等般泥洹經 (T. 378) 1-5-3 一切智德等經出 曜 漸備一切智德經 (T. 285) 出曜經 (T. 212) 1-5-4 入印法門等 世經 起 信力入印法門經 (T. 305) 因本經 (T. 24) 起世因本經 (T. 25) 1-5-5 古譯華嚴經大華 嚴 大方廣佛華嚴經 (T. 278) 大方廣佛華嚴經 (T. 293) 大方廣佛華嚴經入法界品 (T. 295) 大方廣佛華嚴經不思議佛境 界分 (T. 300) 1-5-6 法華三昧經十住 等 佛說法華三昧經 (T. 269) 十住經 (T. 286) 佛說菩薩十住經 (T. 284) 1-6-1 南無大乗妙法蓮 華 妙法蓮華經 (T. 262) 添品妙法蓮華經 (T. 264) 1-6-2 維摩詰等經中隂 等 佛說維摩詰經 (T. 474) 維摩詰所說經 (T. 475) 無垢稱經 (T. 162) 中陰經 (T. 385) 1-6-3 善思童子 大庄 厳 善思童子經 (T. 479) 大莊嚴論經 (T. 201) 大莊嚴法門經 (T. 818) 1-6-4 金光明㝡勝□□生 經 金光明最勝王經 (T. 665) Unidentifiable 1-6-5 緊那羅王經長阿 經 大樹緊那羅王所問經 (T. 625) 長阿含經 (T. 1) T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 648 Yang Xiaodong Table 1: Transcription of the Kongquedong bibliography and corresponding (cont.) Facet nos. Inscriptions 1-6-6 不退轉輪等 愚經 賢 不退轉法輪經 (T. 267) 佛說廣博嚴淨不退轉輪經 (T. 268) 賢愚經 (T. 202) 1-7-1 衆德三昧等 實論 成 等集眾德三昧經 (T. 381) 成實論 (T. 1646) 1-7-2 思益梵天經雜阿 思益梵天所問經 (T. 586) 雜阿含經 (T. 99) 雜阿含經 (T. 101) 1-7-3 持人菩薩等經佛 性論 持人菩薩經 (T. 481) 佛性論 (T. 1610) 1-7-4 現寶藏等經毗尼 母 說文殊師利現寶藏經 (T. 461) 毘尼母經 (T. 1463) 1-7-5 深密解脫等經破 邪□ 深密解脫經 (T. 675) 破邪論 (T. 2109) 1-7-6 解脫了義等 □□□ 相續解脫地波羅蜜了義經 (T. 158) Unidentifiable 1-8-1 南無大乗入楞伽 等□ 大乘入楞伽經 (T. 672) 1-8-2 南無大薩遮□□□□ 大薩遮尼乾子所說經 (T. 272) Unidentifiable 1-8-3 諸法無行經鴦崛 髻經 諸法無行經 (T. 650) 佛說鴦崛髻經 (T. 119) 1-8-4 如來本願等經五 分律 佛說藥師如來本願經 (T. 449) 藥師琉璃光如來本願功德 經 (T. 450) 藥師琉璃光七佛本願功德 經 (T. 451) 彌沙塞部和醯五分律 (T. 1421) 1-8-5 寳星陀羅尼經華 首經 寶星陀羅尼經 (T. 402) 佛說華手經 (T. 657) Corresponding scripture titles in the Taishō Canon T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 649 Table 1: Transcription of the Kongquedong bibliography and corresponding (cont.) Facet nos. Inscriptions Corresponding scripture titles in the Taishō Canon 1-8-6 無所希望等經廣 百論 佛說無希望經 (T. 813) 2-1-1 □□無字宝篋等□ 無字寶篋經 (T. 828) 2-1-2 六度集等 律 2-1-3 南無弥勒上生等 經 觀彌勒菩薩上生兜率陀天經 (T. 452) □住秘密陀羅尼 大寶廣博樓閣善住祕密陀羅尼經 (T. 1005) 廣大寶樓閣善住秘密陀羅尼經 (T. 1006) 2-1-4 四分 六度集經 (T. 152) 廣百論本 (T. 1570) 大乘廣百論釋論 (T. 1571) 四分律 (T. 1428) 2-1-5 惟有吾師金骨在 2-1-6 …… 2-2-1 □□□□□□…… 2-2-2 曾經百鍊色長新 2-2-3 金剛般若波羅蜜□ 金剛般若波羅蜜經論 (T. 1510) 金剛般若波羅蜜經論 (T. 1511) 2-2-4 □□師地論寳王□ 2-2-5 大藏優婆提捨等□ 妙法蓮華經憂波提舍 (T. 564) 2-2-6 佛說□□金□…… Unidentifiable 2-3-1 □□弥勒所問經論 彌勒菩薩所問經論 (T. 1525) 2-3-2 大智度論攝大乗□ 大智度論 (T. 1509) 2-3-3 大蔵諸菩薩內戒 Unidentifiable 瑜伽師地論 (T. 1579) 佛說大乘莊嚴寶王經 (T. 1050) 最上大乘金剛大教寶王經 (T. 1128) 攝大乗論 (T. 1592) 攝大乗論 (T. 1593) 攝大乘論本 (T. 1594) 佛說菩薩內戒經 (T. 1487) T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 650 Yang Xiaodong Table 1: Transcription of the Kongquedong bibliography and corresponding (cont.) Facet nos. Inscriptions Corresponding scripture titles in the Taishō Canon 2-3-4 南無優婆塞戒等 優婆塞戒經 (T. 1488) 2-3-5 大□□□□□經□ Unidentifiable 2-3-6 …… 2-4-1 …… 2-4-2 …… 2-4-3 南無智炬陁羅尼□ 智炬陀羅尼經 (T. 1397) 2-4-4 南無寳蔵陀羅尼 經 文殊師利寶藏陀羅尼經 (T. 1185) 2-4-5 成佛加持經十地 大毘盧遮那成佛神變加持 經 (T. 848) 佛說十地經 (T. 287) 佛說大方廣菩薩十地經 (T. 308) 十地經論 (T. 1522) 2-4-6 □□□□楞厳呪□ Unidentifiable 大佛頂如來密因修證了義諸 菩薩萬行首楞嚴經 (T. 945) 2-5-1 南無大乗密嚴等 大乘密嚴經 (T. 681) 大乘密嚴經 (T. 682) 2-5-2 南無英崛魔羅等 央掘魔羅經 (T. 120) 2-5-3 菩薩 等 2-5-4 大方便佛報恩等 經 大方便佛報恩經 (T. 156) 2-5-5 南無觀佛三昧海 佛說觀佛三昧海經 (T. 643) 2-5-6 南無大方等陀羅□ 大方等陀羅尼經 (T. 1339) 2-6-1 南無五千佛名等 胎經中論 菩薩從兜術天降神母胎說 廣普經 (T. 384) 中論 (T. 1564) 五千五百佛名神呪除障滅罪經 (T. 443) T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 651 Table 1: Transcription of the Kongquedong bibliography and corresponding (cont.) Facet nos. Inscriptions Corresponding scripture titles in the Taishō Canon 2-6-2 千佛名經法集 等經 過去莊嚴劫千佛名經 (T. 446a) 佛說法集經 (T. 761) 過去莊嚴劫千佛名經 (T. 446b) 現在賢劫千佛名經 (T. 447a) 現在賢劫千佛名經 (T. 447b) 未來星宿劫千佛名經 (T. 448a) 2-6-3 2-6-4 □無大威德陀 羅尼 …… 未來星宿劫千佛名經 (T. 448b) 大威德陀羅尼經 (T. 1341) Unidentifiable 2-6-5 南無超日月三 昧經 超日明三昧經 (T. 638) 2-6-6 菩薩璎珞經高 僧傳 佛說菩薩瓔珞經 (T. 656) 大唐西域求法高僧 (T. 2066) 高僧傳 (T. 2059) 續高僧傳 (T. 2060) 宋高僧傳 (T. 2061) 2-7-1 南無諸佛要集□□ 諸佛要集經 (T. 810) 2-7-2 □□經十住斷 結…… Unidentifiable 2-7-3 …… Unidentifiable 2-7-4 大藏佛說須賴 等 佛說須賴經 (T. 328) 最勝問菩薩十住除垢斷結 經 (T. 309) 佛說須賴經 (T. 329) T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 652 Yang Xiaodong Table 1: Transcription of the Kongquedong bibliography and corresponding (cont.) Facet nos. Inscriptions Corresponding scripture titles in the Taishō Canon 2-7-5 隨心呪 際經 觀自在菩薩怛縛多唎隨心 佛說無崖際總持法門經 陀羅尼經 (T. 1103b) (T. 1342) 2-7-6 南无十一面觀 音經 佛說十一面觀世音神呪經 (T. 1070) 2-8-1 …… Unidentifiable 2-8-2 …… 2-8-3 …… 2-8-4 釋□□不空羂索 無涯 十一面神呪心經 (T. 1071) Unidentifiable 不空羂索毘盧遮那佛大灌 頂光真言 (T. 1002) 不空羂索神變真言經 (T. 1092) 不空羂索呪經 (T. 1093) 不空羂索神呪心經 (T. 1094) 不空羂索呪心經 (T. 1095) 不空羂索陀羅尼經 (T. 1096) 不空羂索陀羅尼自在王 呪經 (T. 1097) 2-8-5 ……依等經十誦律 Unidentifiable 2-8-6 □…… 佛說不空羂索陀羅尼儀 軌經 (T. 1098) 十誦律 (T. 1435) Unidentifiable T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 653 Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs Table 2: Comparison of the Kongquedong bibliography with the catalog of the Chongning Canon Facet Inscriptions nos. Corresponding scripture titles in the Chongning Canon 1-1-1 月燈三昧經宝光明經 月燈三昧經 鞠155 (T. 639) 大方等總持寶 相492-1 光明經 (T. 299) 1-1-2 小品般若 三界等經 小品般若波羅蜜經 1-1-3 光讃般若行道般若 大方廣三戒經 乃85-1 潛70 (T. 227) (T. 311) 佛說光讚般若波羅蜜經 河67-淡68 道行般若波羅 鱗69 蜜經 (T. 222) (T. 224) 1-1-4 曩謨大藏佛說涅 經 大般涅槃經 邇122-率125 (T. 374) 1-1-5 南無大般若波羅蜜經 大般若波羅蜜多經 天1-柰60 (T. 395) 1-1-6 南無文殊般若雜 文殊師利所說摩訶般若波羅蜜經 翔72-1 (T. 232) 1-2-1 南無大明度無極 大明度經 羽71-1 (T. 225) 1-2-2 南謨大方廣佛華嚴經 大方廣佛華嚴經 拱110-臣117 (T. 279) 1-2-3 南無大蔵佛說寳積經 大寶積經 龍73-字84 (T. 310) 1-2-4 放光般若摩訶般若經 放光般若經 1-2-5 南無大乗地蔵十輪 大乘大集地藏十輪經 1-2-6 阿閦佛國等 悲華經 佛說阿閦佛國經 菜61-芥63 摩訶般若波羅 薑64-鹹 蜜經 (T. 221) 66 (T. 397) 唐96 (T. 63) 服86-1 (T. 313) 悲華經 食135 (T. 157) 衣87-1 (T. 323) 普曜經 鳴129 (T. 186) 1-3-2 得無垢女 正法華經 得無垢女經 裳88-1 (T. 339) 正法蓮華經 在130 (T. 263) 1-3-3 慧上菩薩經大灌頂經 慧菩薩經 推89-1 (T. 345) 佛說大灌頂經 恭153 (T. 1331) 1-3-4 大方等大集經寳雨□ 大方等大集經 位90-有93 寶雨經 (T. 397) 1-3-1 郁迦羅越等經普曜 郁迦羅越問菩薩行經 1-3-5 南無大方廣十輪等 佛說大方廣十輪經 1-3-6 虛空藏等 金光明 虛空藏菩薩經 草139 (T. 660) 吊97-1 (T. 410) 民98-1 (T. 405) 金光明經 T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 化-1 (T. 664) 654 Yang Xiaodong Table 2: Comparison of the Kongquedong bibliography with the catalog of the Chongning (cont.) Facet Inscriptions nos. Corresponding scripture titles in the Chongning Canon 1-4-1 念佛三昧 大佛名 佛說大方等大集菩薩念 伐99 佛三昧經 (T. 415) 佛說佛名經 1-4-2 大集月蔵 大雲等 大方等月藏經 1-4-3 大集日藏經入楞伽 大方等日藏經 陶95 (T. 397) 虞94 (T. 397) 大方等大雲經 五151-1 (T. 387) 入楞伽經 髮148 (T. 671) 1-4-4 般若三昧 阿差末 般舟三昧經 罪100-1 (T. 418) 阿差末菩薩經 周101-1 (T. 403) 1-4-5 譬喻王等經蘓悉地 大集譬喻王經 發102-1 (T. 422) 蘇悉地羯羅經 讚198-1 (T. 893) 1-4-6 寶女所問等經賢劫 寶女所問經 殷103-1 (T. 399) 賢劫經 談178 (T. 425) 1-5-1 方廣大莊嚴經百喻 方廣大莊嚴經 王128-鳴 百喻經 129 (T. 187) 觀430-2 (T. 209) 1-5-2 大般泥洹經般泥洹經 大般泥洹經 己183-長 184 (T. 440) 賓126-1 (T. 376) 方等般泥洹經 歸127-1 (T. 378) 佛說般泥洹經 澄278-1 (T. 5) 漸備一切智德經 戎119-9 (T. 285) 出曜經 1-5-4 入印法門等 起世經 信力入印法門經 伏118-1 (T. 305) 起世因本經 取279 (T. 24) 起世因本經 瑛280 (T. 25) 1-5-3 一切智德等經出曜 宮425-殿 426 (T. 212) 1-5-5 古譯華嚴經大華嚴 大方廣佛華嚴經 坐105-垂 大方廣佛華嚴 遐121 經續入法界品 (T. 295) 109 (T. 278) 1-5-6 法華三昧經十住等 法華三昧經 鳳130-3 (T. 269) 1-6-1 南無大乗妙法蓮華 妙法蓮華經 十住經 羌120-1 (T. 286) 樹132-1 (T. 264) T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 655 Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs Table 2: Comparison of the Kongquedong bibliography with the catalog of the Chongning (cont.) Facet Inscriptions nos. Corresponding scripture titles in the Chongning Canon 1-6-2 維摩詰等經中隂等 無垢稱經 白133-1 (T. 162) 中陰經 墨193-1 (T. 385) 1-6-3 善思童子 大庄厳 善思童子經 駒134-1 (T. 479) 大莊嚴經論 君244-曰 245 (T. 201) 1-6-4 金光明㝡勝□□生經 金光明最勝王經 場136 (T. 665) Unidentifiable 被138-1 (T. 625) 長阿含經 深258-履 259 (T. 1) 1-6-6 不退轉輪等 賢愚經 不退轉法輪經 賴141-1 (T. 267) 賢愚經 盤427-鬱 428 (T. 202) 1-7-1 衆德三昧等成實論 等集衆德三昧經 及142-1 (T. 381) 成實論 西414-二 415 (T. 1646) 1-7-2 思益梵天經雜阿 思益梵天所問經 萬143-1 (T. 586) 雜阿含經 之271-不 275 (T. 99) 持人菩薩所問經 方144-1 (T. 481) 佛性論 竭251-1 (T. 1610) 文殊師利現寶藏經 蓋145-1 (T. 461) 毘尼母經 猶349-1 (T. 1463) 此146-1 (T. 675) 破邪論 既473 (T. 2109) 1-6-5 緊那羅王經長阿 1-7-3 經 大樹緊那羅王所問經 持人菩薩等經佛性論 1-7-4 現寶藏等經毗尼母 1-7-5 深密解脫等經破邪□ 深密解脫經 1-7-6 解脫了義等 □□□ 相續解脫地波羅蜜了義 身147-2 經 (T. 158) 1-8-1 南無大乗入楞伽等□ 大乘入楞伽經 1-8-2 南無大薩遮□□□□ 薩遮尼乾子受記經 Unidentifiable 四149-1 (T. 672) 大150 (T. 272) Unidentifiable T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 656 Yang Xiaodong Table 2: Comparison of the Kongquedong bibliography with the catalog of the Chongning (cont.) Facet Inscriptions nos. Corresponding scripture titles in the Chongning Canon 1-8-3 諸法無行經鴦崛髻經 諸法無行經 常152-1 (T. 650) 佛說鴦崛髻經 思284-1 (T. 119) 1-8-4 如來本願等經五分律 佛說藥師如來本願經 惟154-1 (T. 449) 彌沙塞部和醯 卑328-和 五分律 330 (T. 1421) 湯104 (T. 402) 華首經 使186 (T. 657) 養156-2 (T. 813) 廣百論釋論 競240 (T. 1571) 1-8-5 寳星陀羅尼經華首經 寶星陀羅尼經 1-8-6 無所希望等經廣百論 佛說無所希望經 2-1-1 □□無字宝篋等□ 無字寶篋經 2-1-2 六度集等 四分律 六度集經 2-1-3 南無弥勒上生等經 觀彌勒菩薩上生兜率陀天經 2-1-4 □住秘密陀羅尼 廣大寶樓閣善住秘密陀羅尼經 絲195-1 (T. 1006) 大寶廣博樓閣善住祕密陀羅尼經 說557-1 (T. 1005) 2-1-5 毀159-1 (T. 828) 敢158-1 (T. 152) 四分律藏 下331-隨 336 (T. 1428) 豈157-1 (T. 452) 惟有吾師金骨在 2-1-6 …… Unidentifiable 2-2-1 □□□□□□…… 2-2-2 曾經百鍊色長新 2-2-3 金剛般若波羅蜜□ 金剛般若波羅蜜經論 2-2-4 □□師地論寳王□ 瑜伽師地論 2-2-5 大藏優婆提捨等□ 妙法蓮華經優波提舍 2-2-6 佛說□□金□…… Unidentifiable 2-3-1 □□弥勒所問經論 彌勒菩薩所問經論 虛221-1 (T. 1511) 習223-慶 佛說大乘莊嚴寶王經 232 將491-1 (T. 1050) (T. 1579) 最上大乘金剛大教寶王 經 高505-1 (T. 1128) 堂222-1 (T. 564) 傳219-1 (T. 1525) T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 657 Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs Table 2: Comparison of the Kongquedong bibliography with the catalog of the Chongning (cont.) Facet Inscriptions nos. Corresponding scripture titles in the Chongning Canon 2-3-2 大智度論攝大乗□ 大智度論 2-3-3 大蔵諸菩薩內戒 佛說菩薩內戒經 作207-1 (T. 1487) 2-3-4 南無優婆塞戒等 優婆塞戒經 克205-1 (T. 1488) 2-3-5 大□□□□□經□ Unidentifiable 聖208-空 攝大乗論 217 (T. 1509) 嚴246-1 (T. 1592) 2-3-6 …… 2-4-1 …… 2-4-2 …… 2-4-3 南無智炬陁羅尼□ 智炬陀羅尼經 羊200-1 (T. 1397) 2-4-4 南無寳蔵陀羅尼經 文殊師利寶藏陀羅尼經 羔199-3 (T. 1185) 2-4-5 成佛加持經十地 大毘盧遮那成佛神變加 詩197-1 持經 (T. 848) 十地經論 2-4-6 □□□□楞厳呪□ Unidentifiable 大佛頂如來密 染196 因修證了義諸 (T. 945) 菩薩萬行首楞 嚴經 2-5-1 南無大乗密嚴等 大乘密嚴經 悲194-1 (T. 681) 2-5-2 南無英崛魔羅等 央掘魔羅經 量192-1 (T. 120) 2-5-3 菩薩 菩薩處胎經 胎經中論等 難191-1 (T. 384) 中論 谷218 (T. 1522) 寸237 (T. 1564) 2-5-4 大方便佛報恩等經 大方便佛報恩經 器189-1 (T. 156) 2-5-5 南無觀佛三昧海 觀佛三昧海經 覆188 (T. 643) 2-5-6 南無大方等陀羅□ 大方等陀羅尼經 可187-1 (T. 1339) 2-6-1 南無五千佛名等 五千五百佛名神呪除障滅罪經 信185-1 (T. 443) 2-6-2 千佛名經法集等經 三千佛名經 法集經 長184 (T. 446a, T. 447a, T. 448a) T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 欲190-1 (T. 761) 658 Yang Xiaodong Table 2: Comparison of the Kongquedong bibliography with the catalog of the Chongning (cont.) Facet Inscriptions nos. Corresponding scripture titles in the Chongning Canon 2-6-3 □無大威德陀羅尼 大威德陀羅尼經 2-6-4 …… Unidentifiable 2-6-5 南無超日月三昧經 佛說超日明三昧經 2-6-6 菩薩璎珞經高僧傳 靡181-恃182 (T. 1341) 罔177 (T. 638) 佛說菩薩瓔珞經 忘176-罔17 (T. 大唐西域求法高僧傳 通 656) 466-1 (T. 2066) 菩薩瓔珞本業經 念206-1 (T. 1485) 高僧傳 通466-廣477 (T. 2059) 續高僧傳 內468-承471 (T. 2060) 2-7-1 南無諸佛要集□□ 諸佛要集經 莫175-3 (T. 810) 2-7-2 □□經十住斷結…… Unidentifiable 十住斷結經 2-7-3 …… Unidentifiable 2-7-4 大藏佛說須賴等 佛說須賴經 必171-3 (T. 329) 佛說須賴經 必171-18 (T. 328) 2-7-5 隨心呪 無涯際經 觀自在菩薩怛縛多唎隨 知169-1 無崖際持法門 過170-1 心陀羅尼經 (T. 1103b) 經 (T. 1342) 2-7-6 南无十一面觀音經 佛說十一面觀世音神呪經 2-8-1 …… Unidentifiable 能174莫175 (T. 309) 良168-1 (T. 1070) 2-8-2 …… 2-8-3 …… 2-8-4 釋□□不空羂索 Unidentifiable 不空羂索神變真言經 慕 162-潔164 (T. 1092) 不空羂索呪經 男165-1 (T. 1093) 2-8-5 ……□等經十誦律 Unidentifiable 十誦律 2-8-6 □…… Unidentifiable T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 職310甘315 (T. 1435) Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs 659 Acknowledgments Much of the research reported in this essay was initially presented at an art history seminar held at the Harvard-Yenching Institute in 2018 and later included in my unpublished doctoral dissertation, “The Cult of Liu Benzun and Its Artistic Expression in Southern Song Sichuan” (The Chinese Univ. of Hong Kong, 2019). I would like to take this opportunity to express my deepest gratitude to my dissertation advisors, Profs. Minku Kim 金玟求 and Puay-peng Ho 何培斌, whom I have always been able to count on for guidance and encouragement. I also want to thank Profs. James Robson, John Lagerwey, Maggie C. K. Wan 尹翠琪, Liao Yang 廖暘, Deng Fei 鄧菲, and two anonymous reviewers, whose constructive comments and insightful suggestions I have incorporated into this essay. Additionally, I am grateful to Mr. Eric Sinski and Dr. Chi Mingzhou 池明 宙 for improving my English and Sanskrit, respectively. All errors remain mine. Abstract Commonly referred to in Chinese by the term jinglu, scriptural catalogs constitute a specific sort of Sinitic bibliographical literature that deals primarily with texts accepted in East Asian Buddhist circles as authoritative in matters of religion. The role that these catalogs played in the history of the Chinese Buddhist canon has become the subject of various important studies, but still oft-neglected are the functional places that such texts filled in the sphere of Buddhist devotional practice. To try to redress the balance, this essay brings into focus a small but significant group of Southern Song (1127-1279) Buddhist monuments in the Sichuan basin. Not only do these monuments allow us a rare glimpse into the devotional uses and symbolic functions of scriptural catalogs, but they offer a vantage point from which to view at least a part of what premodern Buddhists in the Sichuan basin actually believed and practiced. Résumé Les catalogues de sutras, généralement appelés jinglu en chinois, constituent un type spécifique d’ouvrage bibliographique consacré aux textes considérés dans les milieux bouddhiques d’Asie orientale comme faisant autorité en matière religieuse. Le rôle joué par ces catalogues dans l’histoire des canons bouddhiques chinois a fait l’objet de travaux approfondis mais la place qu’ils occupent dans les T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 660 Yang Xiaodong pratiques dévotionnelles reste largement négligée. Afin de compenser un tel manque, cet article se concentre sur un petit groupe de monuments bouddhiques des Song du Sud (1127-1279) dans la plaine du Sichuan. Ces monuments nous offrent non seulement une perspective inédite sur les usages dévotionnels et les fonctions symboliques des catalogues de sutras, mais éclairent aussi d’un jour nouveau ce que les bouddhistes du Sichuan prémoderne croyaient et pratiquaient concrètement. 提要 華言「經錄」者,係漢文書誌之一種,其列載文獻多為東亞佛教界視作宗教權 威。該類書誌在漢文佛教藏經史上的角色雖已頻獲檢討,然鮮有學者留心其於 佛教虔敬活動中所發揮的功用。為了補益相關研究,本文考察了一批見在四川 盆地的南宋佛教文物。這些文物不僅使我們得以管窺經錄的虔敬用途與象徵功 能,亦為瞭解當地部分前現代佛教信眾的觀念和行持提供了一個視點。 Keywords Scriptural catalog – jinglu – pagoda – inscription – Buddhist canon – bodhisattvaśīla, Southern Song – Sichuan T’oung Pao 106 (2020) 602-660 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV FIGURES 1. The Xiaofowan pagoda. Southern Song period. Photo, the author, 2019. 2. The Kongquedong pagoda. Southern Song period. Photo, the author, 2020. 3. (Above) Plan of the Kongquedong pagoda’s ground story. Drawing and numbering, the author. (Lower) Plan of the Kongquedong pagoda’s second story. Drawing and numbering, the author. 4. Seated buddhas carved on lintels of the Kongquedong pagoda. Photo, the author, 2013. 5. Seated buddhas carved at Xiaofowan. Southern Song period. Photo, the author, 2019. 6. (Left) Decorative roundels on Column 1-4. Photo, the author, 2013. (Right) Decorative quatrefoils on Column 2-3. Photo, the author, 2013. 7. Triptych-shaped stela in Guandingjing. Southern Song period. Photo, the author, 2019. 8. Triad in Cave 10, Piludong. Southern Song period. Photo, the author, 2007. 9. Severed body parts displayed on the tray held by Liu’s female attendant in Cave 10, Piludong. Photo, the author, 2014. 10. Vairocana triad in Niche 5, Xiaofowan. Southern Song period. Photo, the author, 2019. 11. Seated Rocana, part of a 1248 replica of a Southern Song xylographic frontispiece to the Brahmā Net Sūtra. Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University. Photo, the author, 2018.