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Gaekwad's Oriental Series
Published under the Authority of
the Maharaja Sayajirao University
of Baroda.
General Editor:
B. J. Sandesara,
M.A.,PhJX
No. 136
VAISESIKASUTRA
OF
K A NAD A
with the Commentary of Candrananda
Critically Edited by
MUNI SRI JAMBUVIJAYAJI
Disciple of the Late
HIS HOLINESS MUNIRAJA SRl BHUVANAVIJAYAJI MAHARAJA
ORIENTAL INSTITUTE
BARODA
1961
Printed Preliminarf -'Pages" arid PlaW J by teanianlal ]. Patel,
Manager, The Mahara^a^yajirao, University of Baroda Press
(Sadhana Press), Near Palace Gate^ Palace, Road^ Baroda and, .
:n age^ i tci 237-xxiv by Shri Himatlal IX Patel/at Mahodaya Press,
Bhavanagar, and published on behalf of the Maharaja Sayajirao
University of Baroda by Dr. Bhogilal ]. Sandesara, Director,
Oriental Institute, Baroda, ig6i.
\v
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FOREWORD
This edition of the Vaisesika Sutra with the hitherto unpublished com-
mentary of Candrananda will, I_am confident, be welcomed by all students of
Indian Philosophy. The first edition of VaiSesika Sutra with the commentary
Upaskara of Sankara Misra was published for the first time in 1860-61 in the
Bibliotheca Indica, No. 34, at Calcutta and was edited by Shri Jayanarayana
Tarkapancanana. From that time onwards it is the Upaskara commentary which
has been generally in use. A Second Edition of it was published in 1923 from
Banaras as Kashi Sanskrit Series, number 3. Now, after a lapse of a century
since its first publication a new edition of the Vaisesika Sutra with the comment-
ary of Candrananda is being placed in the hands of scholars. Vaisesika
JDar^ana is one of the principal Daranas of Indian Philosophy. Kanada is
regarded as its founder; he is said to be the author of the Vaisesika Sutras.
But the treatment of different subjects in the Sutras not being in good order,
Pra^astapada composed his Padarthadharmasarigraha which is referred to as
Padgrthapravesaka in the Tattvasangraha Panjika etc., and which came to be
known as Pra^astapada Bhasya. This Bhasya became very popular because of
its systematic treatment and methodical exposition of the subject and various
commentaries like the Vyomavati, Kandali, Kiranavali etc. were written on it.
Due to wide prevalence of this Bhasya and its commentaries, the study of
the original Vaisesika Sutras became less and less popular. However, though
the work is called Prasastapada Bhasya it is not really a regular commentary on
the Vaisesika Sutras ; gradually all the old commentaries on the Vaisesika Sutras
were lost, and it was possibly because of this that the order of the Sutras became
confused and there were interpolations and omissions in certain cases. The
original text of certain Sutras was largely changed and hence it became difficult
to obtain a correct interpretation of several of them.
In the I5th century, Sankara Misra obtained one of these|confused texts
of the Sutras on which he wrote his commentary Upaskara* in the style of the
Navya Nyaya. It is the Sutrapatha given by Sankara Misra that has been
current in our days, but the Sutrapatha obtained in references and also found
in old texts often does not agree with the text of Sankara Mira. Hence
Prof. Anantlal Thakur in his Introduction to his edition of Vaisesika Darsana,
published by the Mithila Research Institute, Darabhanga, in 1957, observes:
-".As a result, the Sutrapatha must have been vitiated [ in course of time.
Upaskara of Sankara Misra, p. i,
Vlll
Interpolations and omissions have been detected in the current Vaigesika Sutra
tradition. Mahamahopadhyaya Dr. Gopinath Kaviraja and Pandit Vira
Raghavacharya Siromani have shown many irregularities in the available texts
of these Sutras. The former has suggested the means of determination of a
more correct Sutra text by a careful study of all the commentaries and glosses
on the Sutras ". This being the state of affairs. Muni Shri Jambuvijayaji, a pro-
found scholar of Hindu, Buddhist and Jaina logic and philosophy, while editing the
Nayacakra of MallavadI KsamaSramana found that at many places the citations
of the Vaisesika Sutras were either not available .in the extant text or were
available with different readings. But when Muni Shri Punyavijayaji sent to
him a manuscript of Candrananda Vrtti from the Jaisalmer Bhandar, almost all
the citations could be traced and the MS was found" to be extremely useful.
Now when most of all the old commentaries and glosses on the Vaisesika Sutras
are lost, this commentary of Candrananda fortunately takes us very near to the
original Sutrapatha,
As already noted above, in 1957, the Mithila Research Institute, Par,
bhanga, published Vaisesika Dar^ana along with a isth-^th century commen^
tary. But that Vrtti is incomplete and since the Sutrapatha is mixed up with
the text of the Vrtti, it is very difficult to separate the Sutrapatha from '.the
Vrtti. Again, it is highly probable that because of the influence of the Navya
Nyaya style, the Vrtti has deviated considerably from the authentic Sutrapatha
and its original interpretations.
Of the two manuscripts utilized in this edition the manuscript .supplied by
Mum Shri Punyavijayaji gives the Sutrapatha separately which makes it easier
to determine the Sutrapatha. The meaning of the Sutras given in the commen-
tary of Candrananda is in a somewhat abridged form. However, since the
Vrtti of Candrananda is an old commentary composed on the basis of earlier
ones we are fortunate in having in it a comparatively early interpretation of
the Sutras. This commentary must have been written sometime after the
axth century very probably during the 7 th century. The Vrtti of Candrananda
pubished m tins volume is the oldest commentary on the Vaisesika Sutras
available at present. * OULlcli >
The editor f ked P the Sarada script of the Manuscript for the purpose
of this edrhon and became proficient iu it. He has also compared in the fir
two Append.es the older Sutrapatha and the current Sutrapatha. Appendix V
gl ves some new mformation about the Vaisesika Darsana drawn from an old
i and 7th the learned editor has thrown considerable
Vajseszka Darsana, with the help of references from
IX
the Nayacakra of Acarya Mallavadi Ksmasramana, which be is presently editing
for the Jaina Atmananda Sabha, Bhavnagar, and also with those from the
Pramanasamuccaya of Dirinaga.
Besides, with the help of his Gurudeva, he has collected several references
from old Tibetan works which have been utilized in Appendix 7. Appendix 7
is useful not only to the student of Vaisesika Darsana but also to all the stu-
dents of Indian Philosophy, and of Jaina and Buddhist logic in particular. The
Appendix also provides an excellent sample of a Sanskrit rendering of Tibetan
texts. One rarely comes across Tibetan texts rendered into Sanskrit on such
an extensive scale. Muni Shri Jambu vi j ay aj i has been able to render into
Sanskrit some parts of the Pramanasamuccaya cl Dirinaga, the father of Budd-
hist logic, from the Tibetan original. We are highly obliged to Muniji for his
fruitful labour in utilizing these Tibetan works which could not be obtained in
the original and of which he had to acquire photo-copies from Japan and other
countries. It is indeed a very creditable feat on the part of this great Jaina
monk and scholar to have learnt Tibetan in a short period without the aid of
any tutor. For the purposes of the present research work he collected Tibetan
texts from Japan, Europe and U.S.A. and with great patience selected all use-
ful passages referring to the Vaigesika Darsana ; he has also cited the passages
pertaining to Naiyayika Pratyaksa and Naiyayika Anumana from the Tibetan
Pramanasamuccaya. At great personal inconvenience he has prepared the
beautiful hand-written script of the original Tibetan passages which are publish-
ed in this volume from photo-plates of his hand-written press copy. His com-
parison of Sutrapatha with the Sutras cited in old texts, given in the Vrddhi-
patraka, bears ample testimony to his wide reading and critical acumen.
Our thanks are due to Professor Anantlal Thakur who, inspite of his
indifferent health, has contributed a learned Introduction in English to this
edition.
In the preparation of this edition Muni Shri Jambu vijayaji obtained help
and guidance in various ways from his late lamented father and Gurudeva His
Holiness Muni Shri Bhuvana vijayaji whose inspiration was largely responsible for
this valuable edition. It was at the instance of Muni Shri Bhuvanavijayaji that
the editor had agreed to undertake this edition, and he provided him with all
facilities for work, But he is no more before it could be completed.
It is indeed a great pleasure for us to be able to place in the hands of
scholars this excellent edition of the Vaisesika Sutra with an unpublished old
commentary prepared by a very competent scholar.
The book was printed at Bhavnagar, while the editor was constantly
travelling on foot from place to place, as is enjoined on a Jaina monk. Hence
X
st number of misprints have crept in. We crave the indulgence of the readers on
this account and request them tq correct the misprints as per errata before using
the book.
" Lastly, I take this opportunity to thank the University Grants Commission
and the Government of Gujarat for jointly giving full financial aid towards the
publication of this Volume.
_, Oriental Institute, B. J. SANDESARA
Baroda Director
..;-.., 1 2-g-'6i
Bibliography and Abbreviations
Introduction
xix-xxi
1-23
T.
( i )
(ii)
( i )
( ii )
ft-
( ii ) 1lf%%
o -
<:-
(ii)
( iii ) *torogwri ^^3 Choni edition f
(iv) ,, Berge edition
(v) Snar-than edition
(vi) Peking edition
(vii) swrapr'Rir f%s^Hfsi ^WT3^Ri ^^^ W-
(viii)
( ii ) 3TWF
V /
( iii )
( i )
( ii )
( iii ) s smioiH ^rm^ ? ^ s- ?
(iv)
( v ) pfff%%
(vi)
(vii)
(viii)
(iii)
( ii ) .
-^O
Errata (Introduction)
<
I-LI
Calcutta: Oriental Series No, 31, 1949,
Rft^cftR^r No, 3,
Madras University Sanskrit Series, A,D. 1940
( i ) 'Gaekwad's Oriental Series, Baroda 1926.
.. ii ) ^jEfa^RSTT l^f%l%?TT
, w$, 1926
, 1957
5^5=?: TrfSlW^FS %I2^Frp5T ; Nos, 38-39 ^.
*[
( ii ) ^fKTT H^cf ^P3T, ^Bl^ft, 1916
ffeT Calcutta Sanskrit Series.
. No. 1 06.
Ml' ] ^FOWT ^rT tff^ No. 17
f^ft IFT
KPJ Institute, Patna, 1953
: T 1 [ q-i^^r%cfwi%^ ^( Tibetan
T 2 [ ^ra^R^t $&( Tibetan
[ -Rt
*no=]
No. 3
~( i ) Viziana^ram Sanskrit Series
No. 6,
( ii )
i ) Benares Sanskrit Series No. 15
( ii )
, 193
; ^rer, ^t
Madras University Sanskrit Series, No. 9
j 957
Trivendrum Sanskrit Series
[ ^qftRTT^ ]
] U|f^5 r snwR^ OTT,
: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona.
Gaekwad J s Oriental Series, Baroda.
C. ed. = Choni edition
CCTBC. A Complete Catalogue of the Tibetan Buddhist Canons
Tohoku Imperial University, Sendai, Japan, 1934.
D. ed. = Derge-edition
K.
Melanges chinois et bouddhiques = The Name of a Journal,
Brussels, Belgium.
MS. = Manuscript,
N. ed. = Narthang edition
: Oriental Institute, Baroda.
"-- [
P. ed. = Peking edition
= Chinese Tripitaka
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS
An Alphabetical List of Manuscripts, Oriental Institute, Baroda. Vols. 1-2.,
G.O.S. Nos. 97, 114. ; 1942, 1950.
Anargharaghava of Murari Misra, Nirnayasagara Press, 1937.
A Primer of Indian Logic MM. S. Kuppuswami Sastri, Madras, 1951.
Aptapariksa of Vidyananda. Ed. Darbarilal Jain, Saharanpur, 1949.
A Record of the Buddhist Religion as practiced in India and the Malaya
Archipelago by I-tsing, Tr. J. Takakusu, 1896.
Avasyakasutravrtti of Haribhadra Agaraodaya Samiti,. Surat.
Bharadvajavrttibhasya of Gangadhar Vaidya, Berhampur, Sak. 1700.
Bhatta Vadindra The Vaisesika Journal, Oriental Institute :(JOI) Baroda,
Vol. X. No. i, Sept. 1960.
Brahmasutrasankarabhasya with BhamatI etc., Nirnayasagara, 1917.
Catuhsataka of Aryadeva V. Bhattacharya.
Chandqgyopanisat with Sankarbhasya and Comm. by Anandagiri, Edited by
Kasinath Sastri, Agashe 1890.
Citsukhi ( Tattvapradlpika ) of Citsukhamuni, Kasi, 1956.
Dharmottarapradlpa of Durvekamisra, K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute,
Patna, 1955.
Dinnaga, Sein Werk and Sein Entwiklung-Wiener Ziteschrift fur die Kunde Sud-
und Ostasiens BD III, Wien, Austria, 1959.
Dvadasaranayacakra (DANC) with Nyayagamanusarim ( NAA, ^^l^l )
Jaina Atmananda Sabha, Bhavnagar.
Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. XII, 1949.
Hetubindutikaloka of Durvekamisra, Gaekwad- Oriental Sesries No. 113, ( GOS ),
Baroda, 1949.
Hinayana and Mahayana Kimura.
Jainas in the History of Indian Literature M. Winternitz,
Journal and Proceedings, Asiatic Society of Bengal ( New Series), Vol. XXIII,
1937-
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1947.
Kanadarahasya of Sankarami&ra Chawkhamba, 1917.
Kanadasutranibandha O f Bhatta Vadindra Transcript, Mithila Institute,
Darbhanga.
Kiranavali of Udayanacarya ( a ) Chawkhamba, ( b ) Bibliothica Indica.
Kiranavalibhaskara of Padmanabhamisra Sarasvatibhavana Series, Baranasi,
1920.
Lankavatarasutra, Kyoto Edn., 1956.
XX
Madhyamakavrtti-Ed. Pussin.
Mahabharata Gita Press, Gorakhpur.
Nyayabhasya of Vatsyayana:with Nyayavartika of Uddyotakara, Tatparyafika
o"f Vacaspatimisra and Vrtti of Visvanatha Calcutta Sanskrit Series.
Nyayakandali of Sridharacarya , Baranasi, Samvat 195 1.
Nyayakusumanjali ( Kusumanjali) of Udayanacarya, Chawkhamba, 1912.
Nyayalilavati of Srivallabhacarya Nirnayasagara, 1915-
Nyayavataratippana of Devabhadra Ed. Dr. P. L. Vaidya.
Nyayaviniscayavivarana of Vadiraja, Vols. I & II Bharatiya Jnana Pitha, KaSI f
' 1949, 1954.
Padarthadharmasamgraha ( = Praastapadabhasya ) .
Pramaaaminiamsa (ST.'*.) of Hemacandra ; ed v and comm. by Pt. Sukhlal
Sanghvi, 1939.
Pramanasamuccaya of Dinnaga with the Vi^alamalavatl of Jinendrabuddhi
as reconstructed in Sanskrit by Muni Sri Jambuvijayaji. ( See appendix 7 ).
Prasastapadabhasya ( sr. ^T. ) (= Padarthadharmasamgraha (PDS) with Vyoma-
vati (s%) of Vyomasiva, Prasastapadabhasyasukti (%. *rr. gj^fi ) of Jagadi^a
Tarkalamkara and Pra^astapadabhasyasetu ( 5T. ^T. %g) of Padmanabhami^ra
Chawkhamba, Samvat, 1986.
Ravanabhasya MM. Kuppuswami Sastri Journal of Oriental Research,
Madras, Vol. III.
gabara and the Nyaya-Vaiesikadaranas Journal of Oriental Research, Madras,
Vol. XVIII.
SaddarSanasamuccaya vrtti ( = Tarkarahasyadlpika ) of Gunaratna, Bibliothica
Indica. '
Sanmatitarka with Tika Ahrnedabad.
Saptapadarthi of Sivadityamisra.
Sarasvatibhavana Studies, Vol. VII, Baranasi, 1929.
Sarvadarsanasarhgraha attributed to Madhavacarya Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute, loona, 1951.
Sarvasiddhantapraveaka Ms in Jaisalmir Jaina Jnana-Bhandara.
Siddhahema^abdanusasana of Hemacandra, ed. by Vijayalavanyasuri 1957.
Sutralamkara of Asvaghosa, French Translation.
vetavataropanisat Gita Press, Samvat 2009.
Syadvadamanjari of Mallisena J. C. Jain, 1935.
Syadvadaratnakara of Vadideva Arhatamataprabhkara, Poona.
Tattvasaingraha (TS ) of Santaraksita with Panjika (TSP) of Kamalaslla GOS,
Nos. 30-31. Vol.1 (1926) & II (1926).
XattvQpaplavasimha of Jayara^i, GOS., No. 87, 1940.
Uddyotakara as a Vai^esika Proceedings and Transactions, All India Oriental
Conference, Bombay Session, 1949.
XXI
Uttaradhyayanasutrabrhadvrtti of Santisuri, D. L. Ed., Surat.
Vadanyaya of Dharmakirti with the comm. of gantaraksita, edited by Rahuia
Sankrtyayana Appendix 20. Bihar Research Society, Vols. XXI & XXII,
1935-6-
VaiSesikadarSana with Vyakhya (ft 5 ft. f ) of Bhatta Vadindra Mithila Institute,
IQ57*
Vai^esikadarsana (%. ^.) with Upaskara (3) of Sahkaramisra, Vivrti of Jaya-
narayana Tarkapancanana and Bhasya of Candrakanta Tarkalamkara,
Gujrati Printing Press, 1913.
Vaisesikadarsana with Rasayana of Viraraghavacarya, Madras, 1958.
Vai^esika Philosophy H. Wi, London, 1917.
Vaisesikasutravrtti anonymous Ch. 1X-X (C. 1158-78 A.D. ) Ms. in the Asiatic
Society, Bengal.
Vaisesikasutropaskarapariskara of MM. Pancanana Tarkaratna, Calcutta,
Vakyapadiyatlka of Punyaraja, Chawkhamba, 1887.
ViSesavaSyakabhasya (with Vrtti of Hemacandra) of Jinabhadragani Yaso-
vijaya Jaina Granthamala, Kasi,
TIT:. II
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INTRODUCTION
The Manuscripts etc.
The Vais'esikasntravrtti of GandiSnanda is being presented
in the following pages to the lovers of Indian philosophy for
the first time along with the Vais'esikasfttras of Kanada. The
edition is based upon two Manuscripts :
(a) A S'arada manuscript belonging to the Oriental Institute,
Baroda. It bears the serial No. 393 in the Nyaya section and
Accession No. 1831 (h) in the Alphabetical List of Manuscripts,
Oriental Institute, Baroda, Vol. I, p. 666. It has been referred'
to as ' O ' in the present edition. It consists of twenty one
folia with 23 lines of about 21 syllables to a page. The Mb.
gives the Su^rapatka mixed with the Vrtti. It is complete,
bears no date and is not very old. _
(b) This is in Jaina Devanagari script and ^belongs to Mum
S'ri Punyavijayaji. It contains separate Sutrapatha in the first
five folia The sutras again recur in their proper places in the
Vrtti which extends from folio No. 6 to folio No. 34. The
Sntrapatha and the Vrtti have respectively been marked as Pb
and P in this edition. Each page of the MS. contains 12 lines ;
of about 42 syllables. Here also the date is not given. Bui
the paper used and the hand-writing point out that it is iairly
old and possibly belongs to the 13th or to the 14th century
A. D. This is also complete.
Both the manuscripts abound with scribal mistakes as
the foot-notes will show. The learned Editor, Jaina Mum
Tambuvijayaji, the disciple of His Holiness Muniraja Sn
BHUVANAVIJAYAJI MAHARAJA had to consult various
Vais'esika and Non-Vais'esika works including Tibetan versions
of Sanskrit texts in order to fix up the correct readings. He has
added learned and critical notes and several appendices which
will be of immense value to the readers. It is a matter of great
satisfaction that the Vrtti of Gandrinanda known since long in
Mss 1 is now sedngjhej^t^f_tiie_day._______ ?
~ i7~H7Wi^is'esfe* Philosophy, 1917, Intro, p. 13 . .
2 Vais'esikasutra
The Vaisesika system-its relation with other speculations.
The Vais'esika-dars'ana of Kanada has been acclaimed as
beneficial to the study of all other S'astras just like the grammar
of Panini. 1 This system is known as Aulukya 3 or Kanada 3
according to the name of its propounded It is again called
Kas'yapiyadars'ana on the basis of the Gotra-name of the same. 4
But the title Vais'esika darsana is more often used. Serveral
explanations have been adduced for its origin. It is generally
held that the title comes from vises ( particularity ), the sixth
category in the system which is accepted by the Vais'esikas
alone. 5 Udayana derives the title from the word ' vis'esa' in
the sense of vyavaccheda ascertainment of the true nature of
entities. 6 Wi gives a different tradition from Ci-tsan's commen-
tary on the S'atas'astra of Deva in Chinese: 7 "Vais'esika the
name of the Sutra, means superior or excellent and distinguished
( or different). The origin of the name is in the fact that the
system is distinguished from and superior to the Samkhya".
Durvekamis'ra gives still different origin of the Title. According
to him, substance, quality, action, universal, particularity and
inherence are the special categories ( padarthavis'esah ) meant
here. The S'astra dealing with them is called Vais'esika or the
1. Cf.
2. Gf. Nyciyctvzrtikat&paryatika, Gal. Sans. Series, p. 845.
3. Gf. 5BI*n4 W* frlf&cm. Dharmottarapradzpa, KPJI; p. 240.
4. i*t *nen *6RTft4 33% &ftifo-Nyciyavttrtika, Gal. Sans. Series,
p. 836.
Gf. *6iR: I ^^5ir^l4 51^: iftzfo 3^ ^ Dharmottaraprcuhpa, p 228.
5. ftc^sir-ifi^s^T [ f^t^P, ]
muccayavrtti ( of Gunaratna ) p. 23. Cf. Nyayavatdratippan't,
( Ed. Dr. P. L. Vaidya ), p. 9.
6. f^Ptt &&&(, ^^^-q:, %T -sjRi^iq: Kiranctvali, Bibl. Ind.,
p. 613.
7. Vfi-Vaisesika Philosophy: Intro, p. 4.
Introduction
S'astra is distingnished from the rest as it has the six categories
for its subject-matter.
Thers is some controversy as regards the affiliation of the
S'astra in its initial stage. An anti-Vedic logic and epistemology
of the pre-Buddhistic Vais'esika" has been supposed. But the
available literature does not support such a supposition.
On the other hand, the Vedic Samhfaa, Brtfimanas and
Upan^ ds evince a strong urge to know the properties of
entities and often record the results of investigations of the seers
which bear close resemblance to the Vais'esika tenets. The sutras
accept the authority of the Vedas ( Amisya ) and refer to the
Brjimanas and the Vedic rituals showing their Vedic affiliation.
In the commentary presented here, Gandrananda makes the point
clear (and we suppose, he had good grounds if not an unbroken
tradition behind him), that the knowledge of the six categories
through similarity and dissimilarity produces non-attachment to
the mundane entities and thus becomes the cause of final
release Aeain our worldly prosperity to be attained through
V^sacdLs also depend" upon the true knowledge thus
attained, of entities required to perform the prescribed rites.
Here the examples of substance ( like earth, and water) quality
and action areall culled from the Vedic texts. This seems to
support our contention that the word <<*/' in Vs ,1. 1. 1 &
2 means < p-tdfirthadlwrma* The authority of the Vedas may
be assumed by a Vais'esika since they enlighten us on the true
characteristics of the entities.
We have pointed out that the attitude of the Vais'esikas is
much akin to the Vedic Rsis. The SamWv give the true
Characteristics of the duties, the_^^^^
p. 240.
2. APnmer of Uiian Logic, Madras, 1951, Intro, p. x.
3 Candranandavrtti, p 3. _
4] Intro : Vaisfesikzdard'tn'*, Mithila Institute, p.
4 Vais'esikasutra
aive the characteristics of the sacrificial objects and the Upanisads
are engaged to discover the true nature of the Brahman. ;
The later Vais'esikas show special attraction towards the
Svet-as'vataropanis'tt and Udayanncarya identifies the Vais'esika
paramami with patatra, mentioned in it. 1
The' Mahabharata is found to use terms which are common
in this Dars'ana. Thus An>i' 2 comes several times in it.
Paramnnu* is once met with. Terms like Vis<sika guna,*
NiMreyasa' and Samdmya* are also used._ In the Dars'una
they have attained special significance. But in.
flan
f2rf%si^ft vriffoiaL H M. B!I. xn. 141. 39-40
we find close relation with
. Again.
r: ^1: ft* ft iw M. Bh. XII.
i, 3. Of.
V. 3.
' 2. aiflft i ^^ M. Bh. Gita Press Ed. V, 16. 12; m qrs?j w-
i, VI. 119. 72; sis *n ^ ^T ?'i^ XIII. 8. 16.
-3. Jfi^ifq *rg: WTojm^ft^Tm ^1 ^ ^6ic/.., II. 67. 38.
4. (a) gTTst 3
(b)
?d , XII. 47. 71.
- 5. (a) lsi ^ %'3 TO^ ^t r^i^Tg ^rrf^rr^i^ fe^ i /?'tZ., V. 25.
12; (b) '%^'3ir*r % ^ ^ ^^ m i Ifciti., V. 33. 15; (c) ra^qgi-
ff^W.w TTH H:mg q<n ^>id., V. 163. 40; (d) s? T>:&TO sirfki T>rart-
tffa Ibid., V. 63. 9; (e) v^ ^^ 517^4 ^ Vwj g^r: V. 95. 4;
(f) T?S fn^TO -t?^T nr? ct^nfimer V. 124. 24; (g) OTR ^rsrr I'Srwi^
f^^g ^^:. Ibid^VI. 43. 51, 77; (h) wfrwtii t% /6ol., XII. 180. 2.
6. J^'JT 'jai^ 5ETW^ ^I'^f ^ffHF 5fl: I
t^ fit n //n'rf., VI. 2. 17.
Introduction
reminds one of the Vais'esikasntra ^mi ^TfH^KTd^ V. ii. 6.
The explanation of Bhatta Vadindra 7 on it exactly corresponds
to the content of the present verse. The Mafrablmrata does not
refer to Kanada or to his S'astra. But it helps us to understand
the significance of the name of the RSI and shows a method of
investigation much akin to that of the Vais'esikas. 2 The name
of the Sutrakara ( Kanada=atom(?)eater ) has sometimes been
rediculed by the opponents to which the report of the Vais'esika 15
The Mahabhurata shows that liviug: upon the unclaimed
grains culled from the fields or roads (called unchavrtti )" was
regarded as highly sacred and this c life of pigeon ' of our %i
has been pointed out by S'ndhara. 4 This also supports the
relation of the Vais'esikas with the Vedic culture.
S'ankaracarya refers to the Vais'esikas as ardha Vainas'ikas
(half-nihilists) 5 . This should not carry much weight as we find
similar strictures against the Mayvmdins* as well as the
Prabhakaras 7 also. ^ ___ . _ ___ ______
"" " ~Y.^Vai$esikadays'ana > Mithila Institute, p. 53,
2. Gf. the distinction of the five Mahftbhwas from one
another with refernce to their attributes so often met with in
the Mahabharata.-
3. (a) ^^rafe^i m '*3R*fa$( ^: i
^-fTfi^wg^fF^: ?&3i ^ 3pw- ii ' -W- Bh., XII. 191. 18
Gf. 55^3^3^55 %^ i Manusamhita, IV. 4,
(b) 3R*rret ^W^ ^5: fq^j^r ^ HRcT i
^5T^t ^ gl ^ ^^T r -g^ ii Ibid., XII. 131. 43.
(c) ar^cpftsqf ^iqi^mm^t 11%^^ i Ibid. y XII. 243. 3.
4. ^-m^ftfa cf^ ^at ^Rr^afcis
rffT m\ \ Nyayakandalt, p. 2.
5. Brahmasmra-S'ahkwabkasyam IL ii. 18.
6. Gf.
? Cf.
6 Vais'esikasutra
In the extensive philosophical literature, ancient and mediae-
val, the Vais-'esika philosophy has often been quoted or referred
to. The Ny&yadars'arut,, as the kindred system has many things
in common (including some Sutras) with it. The Nyuyabhnsy^
of Vatsyayana and the Nynyamrtika of Uddyotakara hold the
tenets of both the systems as equally authoritative. The relation
deepened and ultimately the systems merged into a single unit
The Brahm<Mutras of Badarayana, according to all the Commen-
tators criticise the Vais'esika views. The later Advaitins like
S'riharsa and Gitsukha are more critical about them. The
Mimamsa and the Saiikhya seem to have been earlier in origin
than the Vais'esika, But in their development, the Vais'esika
contributes its mite. The Bkusya of S'abara shows some knowledge
of the Vais'esika system. 1 In the Subschools of Kumarila and
Prabhakara its stamp is marked. The extant Sankhyautras
refute the Vais'esika categories,
The Buddhists and the Jainas also show some connection
with the Vais'esikas. The Jainas have their own paramaauvada.
The Trairas'ikas'akha founded by Saduluka Rohagupta 2 ( A. D. 17)
shows man JL^JjjJjj? s i n common with this dars'ana.
L S'abara and the NyayavaVesika Dars'anas. JOR, Madras,
Vol xvm.
2 Vide Vis'esavas'yakabhasya of Jinabhadraganiksamas'ramaiia
with the commentary by Maladhari Hemacandrasuri, Yas'ovijaya
Jaina Granthanaala ( Kas^i ) edition, pp. 981-1002.
JT, ^ SRq ^TR ^??ct ^fS^tS^ \
?J%<JT
Uttaradhyayanasutrabrhadvrtti by S'antismi D s L. edition,
Surat, pp. '
q: i Ibid, p. 1002.
rad
p.
: TOflt -
^rqr ^terrar CTI^TT wf% n^^r .^kr
n [
i
Introduction
535135 -
} ?rr%sq-d dts
^5^755
Tfltftfrr
I! U\s I! [
qagRT, j^fir JBPESUJRT ?in
3KT1T ^r,
i ^ *rrj[ ft ^r qwil ftgffcgf ?
?& m^ra: i ^f^ ^ % .aifwftg- f^, '^ ^ ft
, at *$
fft-7T ai5&5ir Jit
8 Vais'esikasutra
f it, crat at
oi ?i ^ffcMf&fa ? faft ?i*fr qsrcs qq; gft
i t ^psef, ?TT ^ afrsr^r ftent i s^t g^rt ^ffqaJt ^r^?, t
? 3?f?zr % fcrr% ^mt, STR^T sns- -BI^
i ^ n% * qfe^rt, crat ^t aiR^ai n4 ^R ^i i cn
^ ^^ u^ft,
, %m ^^o^ifq ^fc^T, 3Jl3tf sft^ aisft^ ^jft^ q, cTi|
f^ 07 ii ^i ^i^ft^T ^fci i ^mf^^T^HiToi J^T-JI Rmf^ n
1 ^r^t f^^rr ar^iaft ?T^T\ % f% i gorr
i
i ^TTIT^ %r5--^ tffmtsnrot I,
* cf^T
I
: i Uttaradhyayanasutrabrhadvrtti by
S'antisuri. p. 172a.
, cT^sqr HiTT, *TT*TT^ , ^RPqf^itq%fcf I
: ^mr t swM ^^^3^^^ i ^
q^ i Vi^esavas'yakabhasyavrtti by Maladhari
Hemacandrasuri p. 996.
Introduction 9
Dr. M, Winternitz 1 is of the opinion that " there is little doubt
that Rohagupta adopted Vais'esika theories for the purposes of his
own systematical teachings/' The Buddhists are highly critical
about the views of the Vais'esikas. We have seen that the
Lctnk&vafrfirasut'ra shows knowledge of the Vais'esikasutras 2 . The
Sutralamkcira attributed to As'vaghosa confutes the Vais'esika;
doctrines 3 . Nagarjuna in his Ratn&vak ( as quoted in the
Madhyamakavrtti (p. 275 ) refers to the system of Uluka. Kimura
informs us that in his Ekas'lokasci<tra, Nagarjuna mentions Uluka
along with Kapila*. Aryadeva deals with the Vais'esika conceptions
at a greater length in his Catuhgataka. The Tattvopaplavasimha
of Jayaras'i, the only extant work of the Laukayatika system
also quotes and refutes the Vais'esika views.
The Problems of the Vais'esika system and the lost Vais'esika
literature*
The Va'sesikasutras are thus a very important document >
of ancient Indian Philosophical thinking. They are supposed, to
be pre-Buddhistic in date. But as the early works are mostly!
lost various problems confront a student of this system which
defied any solution so long. The problems have been classified
as (a) historical, (b) textual and (c) exigetical. In the broadest
t
^Ava^yakamtravftti by Hari-
bhadrasuri, Agamodayasamiti edition, Surat, pp. 318-321.
1. /atna* w *Ae History of Indian Literature, p. 26.
2. FaVsi*od!ars'aa ( Mithila Institute), Intro, p 1.
3. Sutralamkara, Gh. L
4. Hinayana and Mahaydna, p. 23.
10 Vais/esikastltra
view, they are connected with ' one another. Welcome light has
recently been thrown on each of these problems by the discovery
of hidden materials. Fresh problems also have cropped up. We
are glad to note here that the sutra-text of Candrananda along
with his Commentary, presented here, substantiates many conjec-
tures and fills many obscure lacunae.
As The History .:'..,-
As regards the History of the Vais'esika system, we had,
so long, a very little knowledge. It is particularly true about
the dark period between the time of Kanada, the first exponent
of the system and that of Pras'astapada. The learned editor-
could gather much material from little known sources. His
critical studies in the Doftdas'aranayacakra of Mallavadin with
the Nyayagamunumrin-i of Simhasuri and the Pramanasamuccaya
of Ditinaga with the Vis'alamalawti of Jinendrabuddhi among
others have proved immensely fruitful. The Nayctcakra is a
mine of informations and was partly and imperfectly known.
It freely quotes the Vaifjesiknmtras, the readings of which, it
is curious to note, agree with the Sii'.rapatha of Candrananda 1 .
Moreover, Mallavadin makes exhaustive use of the Vais'esika
Literature available at his time. Most of the Vaisesika works:
known to Mallavadin belong to the dark period mentioned
above.: The Tibetan version of the Prawa^isamuccaya with the
Vis'dlmidavati also gives valuable informations. We give below
a sketch of the lost, Vais'esika works that came to be known
through references and quotations.
Bhattavadmdra, in his Kanitd-csutranibandha informs us .that
there was one Przanavais'esikasutra composed by Lord S'iva
The present -V^esitamtra presupposing it is said to have been
taught to Kanada by the Lord in the form of an owl. 2
^ to be an elaborate work based..
of
M ^fW^ with elaborate notes and appendices by
hTll h 1 Ja ^rT J ^ Ji 1S in the Pr ^ SS and is ex P e ^ ed ^rdy
It ^ U be pubhshed by the Jaina Atmananda Sabha, Bhavnagar.
2. Bhattavadindra-the Vai s ' e sika-JOI y Baroda, Vol. X, No 1
- Introduction 1 1
on the slitras tff Kanada* It has twice been referred to by
Mallavadin as we learn -from Sirhhasuri-'s
The first passage relates to VS. IX, L 12.. while the "second
is an advocacy in favour of the Vais'esika theory of asathzryavada
against the Jaina theory of sadsadvada. Needless to say that
Mallavadin would elaborately refute these views in support of the
Jain contention. He quotes a few more observations of his
opponent in this connection; It seems that all these come frbm
the selfsame Kat an ii though Simhasuri offers -iio help here; One
passage among these deserves particular 'mention 2 . 'Mallavadin
records an interesting point that the passage T^STH^^I^Tc5^!t!:
along with the Blmsya on it, had to be reconsidered by Pras^asta,
The amended explanation of this Pras'asta also is quoted and
refuted 3 ,: The passage in question is called -a. V'akya. Subsequent
references 4 show that this VdJcya was also a commentary on
.the Vaidesikasutras. The Vahja and the Katandi are different
: from each other. The former seems to have been written in the
1. (i) ^^dt^^k ^ ^^TIT ^ [ I, . & \ i n ]
i- Dvizdasttranayacakra, Jaina Atma-
nandasabha, Bhavnagar Edition, p. 498. Gf. ?TR
T:' \ N yayng ami nusurinit Ibid, p. 498.
(ii) 3?ftr%* H^ein, *T3cqfa;
^TC^ ^i^^i^T^iTT', ^Tc
-TT, 3fHc5Tqc5rRrfc I^-T cff|
4JV P a, p. 499. Gf.
,. p. 499,
2. ^nr ^TR^^7^T?d
DANG, p/508
3. ai^^^TRf^ ^r .
5?n^.i -DANQ, p. 512. Vide the/V^owav^' PP- 126 & , 690 *
4. F^RTO %mm\ ?m<w^%miw\...*..DANG s 516 \ - . -^
12 Vais'esikasutra
aphoristic style 1 for all- the quotations present an aphoristic
character. The title Vakya may be due to this fact.
It is clear from the same source that a Bh'dsya was written
on the Vaigesikasiitras axi& the Vakya taken together. The l\k^
of Pras'asta, in its turn> covered all the three works viz. the
Vais!esikasUtras t the Vakya and the
In the Nyayngum^numrini Simhasuri points out that the
and the fika have again been referred to by Mallavadin
in connection with the examination of the Vais'esika concept
sqttft. Here the commentator gives a summary of the Vais'esika
position 3 .
The Vois'esikakatandt was long lost and forgotten. We find
another solitary reference to it in Murarimis'ra's Anargharayhava*
in which Ravana, the mythical king of Lanka presents himself as
* one well-versed in the Va>'gesika>k>ttandt.' MM. Kuppusvami
S'gstrin on the basis of the commentary of Rucipati on Murari's
drama puts forward a suggestion that this Vaisesikakatardi may be
identical with the Rzmn'xhkus'ia referred to in the Prakatftrtha-
vivarma and the Rvtnaprabhn* . The identification of the author
of the Bhusya with the king of Larika needs no serious refutation,
1. Individual aphoristic sentences found in
( Vide Intro, to the V&isesikadars'ana, Mithila Institute p. 14 )
seem to have been taken from this
2. mrt wrs* srinteror ^^ \ DANC, p. 512
Gf. w^KffiTT^s?^ wwt:..^rcr ^raecr^sRrsr^i DANC DD
* PP "
516 f.
3.
[^^^K , DANG
p. 458. Cf. - w
I lVAA> I bid., p. 458.
4.
rughava, Kavyamala 3 1937, p. 235.
' Ku PP USVSmi S'astrin, JOR 3 Madras,
Introduction
It proceeds from the identity of names. The ancient Bhusya on
the Vais'esikadars'ana known to Mallavadin is related to the
Vakya .which might have been a suppliment to the sutras. of
Kanada. It is highly probable that Ravana's work was based
on the V-cikya and not identical with the Katandi. In that case
also the passage of Murari does not present any difficulty. For
Havana writing on the Vais'esika works including the Katnndi
must have been well-versed in the Katandi. We have seen above
that the author of the Katandj, was conversant with the philoso--
phical views of the Jainas which plecludes the identity of this
Ravana with the mythical king.
T'he KirctnavaU of Udayanacirya refers to a Vais'esikabhasyu
and remarks that it was very extensive 1 . Here Padmanabha in
the Kiranavahbhaskra says that this Bkasya was written by
Havana 2 . The V^sal-amalavan of Jinendrabuddhi also refers to
the views of Ravana and a Bhasyakara 3 . There are references to
an Atreyabhasya and passages from it have been quoted by Vadi-
deva and Vsdiraja*. Bhattavsdindra in his Kanmln^tranibandha
shows close knowledge of this Atreyabhasya. Vadindra's work is
called the Va\^esikasutramrtika\ A Vartika, generally adds to
and amends the current Bhmya of a system. In the extant
portions of the Kanctdasutranibandha Ravana is not mentioned.
But though the materials at our disposal are not sufficient to
prove the identity of Atreya with Ravana legitimate doubts are
entertained to this effect. We hear from Vadideva that this
1. ^wnftrlRcre:^ Kira,nmali, Bibl. Ind., p. 34.
2. w 3 -^ ^Pi'TO'ft^ Kiranavalibhcislcara, SB Texts, p. 12.
Gf. Des. Gat. Sans. Mss- ASB, Vol. VI, pt. 1. p. 70 also.
3. sm^ft flrsi*^^^^ sE^wi^aft^:
i ......... WR*r swri?! ^sr^t T ^fe ...... art:
i ...... irsrnrcWTf^r i anwsprah- s^rara. awftnefenft
[ ww^:?ri%i> l l ] w3t \ Vistalnmalavatt, Muni S'r
Jambuvijayaji's restoration fromTibetan, p. 174.
4. Introduction : Vais'esikadars'ana, Mithila Institute, p. (17).
5. Bkattavadmdra-The Vais'esika, JOI, Baroda, Vol X.
o$4 Vaisfesikasutra
Atreya was a highly old leading Brahmin 1 . In the Vakyapadiyatiku
of Punyaraja we come across a reference to one Ravana who
was a grammarian 3 * He may or may not be indentioal with
the Vais'esikabhasyakara.
The next work of importance is the Tikz of Prasasta or
Pras'astamati. Unfortunately for us it is also lost. We have
already seen that Mallavadin and Simhasuri regard it as a
commentary on the Vaigesikablmsya and it seems to have
covered iht Sutras, the Vakya and the Bhasya. Mallavadin
profusely quotes passages from tais elaborate sub-commentary
and devotes a large section in the Seventh c Ara ' to the
refutation of Pras'astamati's views, Mallvsdin's treatment
clearly points out that the Tika of Pras'astamati was regarded
as one of the standard Vais'esika works at the time 1 '. Pras'as'ta
also criticised the Jaina views in this work 4 .
Some Vais'esika views of Pras'astamati have been referred to
by S'antaraksita in his Tattvasamgrah'i and the correspon ding-
extracts have actually been quoted by Kamalas'ila in the Tattya-
samgrahapanjika' Abhayadeva in his Sanmatifoka is found to repro-
duce some of these fragments 5 . These refer, to the problems of
God, 5amav3ya;an-d Vtsesa. Two of these are identical both in
sense and language with the passages in Pras'astapada's Pad&rtha-
. dharmasamgraha* This goes to prove that this Pras'astamati is
1. ^T^K fq[5(3I^: Syadvadaratnakara t p 847.
2. qicrcsfTW *^\ ...... i <rtm f^fl^^%few^Tft[m \
Vakyapadiyatikn, p. 285.
3. m tttt$m?fa:..N'AA 9 .p, 461, sr^iiTsrFgfi^/Wd, p. 462,
DANG, p. 5 12. srra^ir^s^H: Ibid, p. 216
f. etc/etc,
4,'SOTif TOr*rat wsifr* m%;.. NAA, p. 495;
5/ Gf. rSP, pp.' 43, 44, 57. 78, 264 and 269. Gf. also
Sarrnatitifa pp. 101, 1328, 716.
6. (a) w% T^^nftjffT ( ra.817-8)-
cririrfq
264,.
Introductlofi: " 15'"
identical with Pras'astapada. We have seen above that Pras'asta-
mati has been referred to as Pras'asta also. Elsewhere he is called
Pras'astakara, 1 Prasastakara, 3 Pras'astadeva/ 5 Pras'astakaradeva 4
etc. It is highly probable that the. same author wrote a compre-
hensive commentary on the Vais'esikasutras (along with some
subsequent works there on) and a separate compendium of the
Vais'esika tenets.in the form of the Padarthadharmasamgraha.The
necessity of writing such compendiums was often felt by later
commentators on the Vais'esikasutras also. Thus we find S'ankara'.
mis'ra writing the Katmdarctkasya along with his Ya^esikasutro*
paskara: . and Jayanarayana adding a Samgraha to his Vivrti. The
arrangement of topics in the Sutras is clumsy and the literatm-e
PDS, Ed, with the Vyomavati,
, 841 ) ^
?rri if
x x x x i|r
^
xxx x ^?
5% i. rSP, p. 269.
Gf. ^ r ^: ^q^w: ^^:, ^MI^R!^mms I
S^^, ^^^ Wc^firfff I X x x x
1^: ^T^m |T% Wet l
I WT f| f^^v:^; ^frr
sftf 5^f ^q^^^r%^7T^T^R!^f^TO ?% I PDS > p. 697.
L: Aptapanksd, p. 106; ' Hetubiriduiikciloka, p. 393; Nyaya-
irmi^cayavivarana I, p. 418.
2. Tarkarahasyadipika, Bibl. Ind. p. 277; Syadvadamanjan
Ed. J, C.Jain, p. 29.
-3. Vamsikasutropashjra, Bibl Ind. pp. 28, 165, 204,411..
4. Gf. Raja s^khara's Sub-commentary. on the Nyayakandah
Viz. Ed. 5 Iwtro. p, IS*.. .- . . .- ,
1 6 Vais'esikasu tr a
on them grew bulky, Hence the crave for a compendium at the
time of Pras'astapada. This explains the popularity of the
Padarthadkarmasamgraha which drove the earlier works on the
Sutras into oblivion, It will, indeed, be a miracle if any of the
lost works prior to Pras'astapada in date is ever discovered.
That Pras'astapada wrote a commentary on the Vaisesikasntras
is clearly attested by the Vaigesikasutravynkhya also. It shows that
the Sn^.i WIST^T?: jRrssrf THE*^ VII. 1, 10. has been split up into
two by Atreyaand Pras'astapada 1 . As the Padurthadharmasamyraha
does not mention this sutra some other work of this author
commenting on these sutras must have been referred to here.
S'rayaska, mentioned in the Vis'alamalavati may be a Vais'esika
author, because his view is referred to in connection with the
examination of the definition of the direct perception as accepted
by the Vais'esikas. But nothing about him or his work is known,
It should be noted that the Tibetan writers sometimes distort
the original Sanskrit tytles.
B. The Vais'esikasutrapatha
The above account shows that the Padurthadliarmasamgraha
belongs to the line through which the Vais'esika system flourished
and though the work is not a direct commentary on the sutras it
preserves the results of investigations spread over a long period.
Through the overwhelming popularity of the Padttrthadharma-
samgraha, all the important and ancient works of the Vais'esika
system went out of use. Even the Sutras of Kanada receded to the
back-ground. The Vais'esikas for long centuries were occupied
with Pras-'astapada's shorter work. It was studied in the Vais'esika
seminaries and series of sub-coramentries were written on it. It
r>as, and is generally regarded as the Vais'esikabh'asya* and
Vaislesikadars'ana, Mithila Institute, p. 65.
2. Gf. Vyomavato, pp. 20 Ca, 462; Nynyalilavati NSP, pp
23 & 31 & Citsukh, Kasi Ed. 3 1956 p. 515. etc. etc.
Introduction 17
sometimes we find it referred to as a Sutra-work also. l
The Sutras of Kanada possibly remained negleted for long. We
hear of a Bhwadvajavrlti on them. It may be identical with the
Vrtti quoted by Candrananda 2 or by S'ankaramis'ra 3 . But we
have no evidence to establish this identity. S'ankaramis'ra does
not attach much importance to the Vrtti before him as he is
found to regret not to have any important commentary to depend
upon 4 . It is also quite probable that the Vrtti quoted by S'ankar
is different from that utilised by Gandrananda. The last two
chapters of an anonymous Vais'esilcastiti^avrtti written under the
patronage of king Vallalasena (c, 1 158-1 178A.D. ) are extant in
manuscripts. It seems to have been influenced by the Nyiya
theories and no influence of ancient Vais'esika tradition is
visible in it. Sankaramis'ra's Upaskura is available in print fcr the
last one hundred years. His SiUrapatka and interpretation were
generally taken as authoritative. MM, Dr. Gopinatha Kaviraja
and Pt Viraraghavacarya felt the necessity of a critical edition of
the Vaisesikasutras* . The materials available from various sources
now point out that S'ankara does not always preserve the ancient
Vais'esika tradition and that his Sutrapatha is also defective The
work under consideration wonderfully agrees with the ancient
Sutrapatha as preserved in the Kaniidasntranibandha of Bhattava-
dmdra or to its Summary as published by the Mithila Institute. 6
1. Cf. ft^sqfFflits^T ft^qr: ( PDS, Viz. Series p. 13. ) 5
aad cfcT ^igcr^Hi^ ( PDS,Viz, Series p. 14. ) $fc *$\ The second
is called a sutra by Devabhadra also. Cf. Nyaymatttratippanaka,
Ed. Dr. P. L. Vaidya 3 p. 1.
2. Gandrmandavrtti, IX. 18 ( p. 69) & IX. 21 ( p. 70 ).
3. Vais'esikasutropaska^a Li. 2; I.ii. 3; I.ii. 6; Ill.i, 17; IV.i,
7; VI i. 5; IV.i. 12; VILi. 3.
4. Gf. ^mT^TT^^ff HU^^sfq TX^CI: i % %^^WF^ ^r?^ fefe^fci i
Ibid, p.'.l.
5. (a) Sarasvatibhavana Studies, Vol. VII, p. 71. (6) Intro:
Vais'esikadars'ana. p. 10.
6. Vais'esikadardana with Vy'akhyu } 1957, Cf, Bhattavadindra
as a Vais'esika, JOI, Baroda 3 Vol. X,
18 Vais'esikasutra
Candrananda's Su^rapntha further agrees with the ancient sutra
readings available in the works of Uddyotakara, Mallavidin etc.
We propose to give below a few prominent instances showing (a)
the agreement of Candrananda and Bhattavadmdra and (b) their
difference from S'ankaramis'ra's text.
(1) Candrananda is one with the author of the Vyakhya in not
accepting w^msjmci; Li. 4 ( S'arikara's version ) as a sutra. It
has not been accepted as such by any other authority prior to
S'ankaramis'ra. Probably this has come to S'aiikara from the
Padctrthadharmasamgraha. l
" (2) Candrananda and Bhattavadindra ($K*I^ II. ii. 28) have
$R^ f^ERTcun II. ii. 34 and they are supported by Uddyotakara
(Of. Nyuyamrtika, CaL Sans. Series, p, 228) It is now clear that
arftsraR and ?f ^Tfe? in II, ii. 28 & 29 have been introduced from
some earlier commentary in S'ankara's sutra-text.
(3) a^ipgra is a part of III. i, 8 in the present text while it is
an independent tfflra dn the Vyakhya ( III. i. 16 ). The yadvad&
ratnakara (p. 532 ) accepts it as such though it is absent in the
Upaskara-version,
(4) Another part of III. i, 8 i. e,, WT SRROIFCT^ i s a separate
sutra ( III. 1. 12 ) in the Vynkhya. S'arikara does not recognise it.
(5) ^oq^Tct TOTTOT^qsfN: ( Candrananda's text, IV. i. 7 ) is
absent in S'ankara's text. It is there in the Vyakhya ( IV. i. 6).
Uddyotakara ( Nynyavartika, CaL Sans. Series, p. 490 ) and
Kamalas'iia ( Tattvasamgrahapanjikd, GOS, p. 41 ) also accept
it as a Vais'esikasutra,
(6) 5f ^w?^ft^ fisjq^: i s a separate sutra ( VI. i. 2 ) in the
present text but it is absent in the Upastera version It has
its counterpart in the Vyakhya ( VI. i. 2 ) and has also been
mentioned as a sutra in the Kiranavak ( Baranasi Edn. p. 315)
and the Nyayakandah (Viz. Series, p. 216) with some
variation in readings.
1. Of. ^S^^WP^tq^RRf ,tnrl
i PDS, Viz. Series, pp. 6 f.
Introduction *"
(7) The Pa<ixrth'lk-tnniiifimjrahn ( p. 139, Viz. Series ) and
its Commentaries ( Gf. Kand*h, Viz. Series p. 142; Kirapwah,
Baranasi Ed. p. 221; & Vyomavatt, CSS, p. 486) agree with
the present text to hold <ror ^cftfc *$$*% fttf%wt* ( X. 7 ) as a
Vais'esikasutra. S'ankara omits it. The VyaMiya, available^ upto
IX. i. only offers no help here. The anonymous Vrtti, mentioned
before accepts it as a sutra.
(8) But in one case ( ar*n*i&3ft3 srai^f^mm TO ip wm VIII.
5 ) we find Candrananda agreeing with the Upaskdra version
(VIII. i. 5 ). Uddyotakara ( Nynyawartika, Gal. Sans. Series,
p. 668 ) and Jayaras'i ( Tattvopaplavasimka, GOS, p. 7 ) accept
it. The Vyztkhyv does not recognise it.
In a few cases, where Canrananda's sutra-text differs from
that of S'ankara, the sutras are found actually present in the
VyzMyv, though they could not be distinguished in the Mvthila
Institute Edition 1 .
In five cases the anouymons Bengal Vrtti is found to support
Gandrananda's Sn'rxpztka*, though other authorities are of
no help.
The above, when considered along with the agreement of
the present sutra-text with that utilised by Mallavadin (^ See
foot-notes, ), will suffice to show that Candrananda's sutra-
tradition is closer to the ancient Vais'esikawtrapat'io,.
But Candrananda's sutra-text also presents a difficult problem.
He gives a number of s&ras* the authenticity^ which is not
^ ^Ti^^ ^^=1 VII. i. 2. Gf. Vynkhya, p. 63.
(6) ^JNaiBRitfanfrft ^1 VII. i. 3. Cf. Ibid., p. 63.
(o) ?ra ; Tf ^^n-^q^ aiftw tp VII. i. 4. Gf. Ibid., p. 63.
(d) aifJiri^n* VII. i. 5. Gf. Ibid., p. 63.
(e) w\*W * VIII. 4. Cf. Ibid., p. 75.
(/) cw ^3mg wwi^iraL VIII. 11. Gf. Ibid., p. 77.
2. Cf. Candrananda's text IX. 15; X. 1; X. 5; X. 6 and X. 19.
3. (a) ctftq^ $5* ^H 31 ^ra 4$ra: II. ii. 25.
(6) swim, II. ii. 33.
20 Vais'esikasutra
attested by any other source known to us. Minor disagreements
in the readings have been shown in the foot-notes. ' In some
cases more than one sutras of other sutra-texts form single units
in Candrananda's version. Thus, I. i. 2u consists of two sutras,
II. i. 24 of two and III. i. 8 of seven sutras.
^ The following comparative table will give a general idea
with regard to the difference in the number of the sutras in
the three main versions as found in the Upaskara, the Vyakhm
and the Vrtti of Gandrananda :
Chapter Upaskara Vyakhya 1 Vrtti
I 31+17=48 31+16=47 29+18=47
II 31+37=68 32+37=69 28+43=71
III 19+21=40 21+14=35 14+17=31
IV 13+11=24 12+10=22 14+19=23
V 18+26=44 16+24=40 18+28=46
VI 16+16=32 14+18=32 18+19=37
VII 25+28=53 27+28=55 32+31=63
VIII ll + 6=17 12+ 5=17 17
IX 15+13=28 7+ 0= 7 28
X 9+ 7=16 21
^ One thing more should be noted in connection with the
Sutra-text of Gandrananda. In all other editions and commen-
' been divided into ten chapters.
" ..............
(c ) i^reNra; II. ii. 39.
(d) ffistfr'iTfs^iffcnj; V. ii. 4.
(e ) gon^Rsn^T^. VII. i. 6.
(/) ^3^ ^sqpr 3SJTCTT^ 3%iiT argiJT: VII. i. 12
(g ) ^tf^znftc^ tsrgt ^rmrfwrt ^v^ VII. ii.^2
(h) R5<rrar VII. ii. 3.
() ssc^issr^q: VII. ii. 21.
(j ) ^r U^RT^IST: VII. ii. 22.
(*) ^wg^m^Ri ^ g% : VII. ii. 93.
(0 ^re^^STTT ?fct ^s;irra srffi^: IX. 11,
(m) WQfifaafa qfi xwff q- IX. 12.
1. The table gives the numbers according to the printed text.
Introduction 21
Each chapter again is split up into two daily lessons ( Ahnikas ),
But Candrananda presents a unique departure. In his text,
Chapters I-VII have two Ahnikas each while Chapters VIII-X
show no such division. This cannot be a mere scribal error*
The Sarvadarstanasamyraha attributed to Madhavacarya also
seems to give a similar indication. Its table of contents of the
Aulukyadargana gives the subject-matter of the first seven
Chapters with specific mention of two Ahnikas in each case.
In the last three Chapters, it is silent about mentioning the
Ahnikas 1 . The last two Chapters of the anonymous Vrtti
consulted by us also do not refer to Ahnikas and support
Candrananda in this respect. It may now be concluded that
Candrananda followed a tradition which did not divide the last
three Chapters into Ahnikas.
C. The Exegetical Problem
We have iust shown that the concise and systematic Padartha-
dharmasamgraha of Pras'astapada attracted the scholars and the
older works based on the Sutras were neglected. It preserved
the traditional Vais'esika tenets, but exerted a very bad influence
upon the Sutras which were not studied with the attention
they deserved. The only feeble link between the old sutra-
tradition and the modern commentators seems to be supplied by
the Vrtti or Vrttis utilised by Candrananda and S'ankara. But
S'ankara attaches little importance to the Vrtti before him
as he says that c he had the sutras alone in his hand ' ( Sutra-
matravalambena ) when he wrote the Upaskara. As the
modern commentators had no regular commentary on these
Sutras before them, they had to depend mostly upon their
knowledge of other systems of Indian philosophy in order to
give some interpretation to the Vais'esika sutras.
Thus S'ankaramis'ra in the Upaskara and his followers,
i
Sqrvadars'anasamgraha, BORI, p.
22 Yais'esikasutra
Jayanarayana Tarkapaficanaua and Pancanana Tarkaratna in
the V'ivfti and the Upnskimpansfaw respectively show marked
influence of the Neo -logical system. Candrakanta Tarkalankara
gives it an advaitic interpretation in his c Bkjsya. > The
Bkaradvajtwr&Mlrasya of Gangadhara Vaidya shows the influence
of 'SumViya, Vaidyaki etc. The traditional interpretation of
the Vdigesikadars'aria is, therefore, partly vitiated. Here also
the Vyakhyd and the Vrtti of Gandrananda are of immense
help. Their interpretations are often supported by ancient
sources including the Jaina and Buddhist texts. Gandrananda
shows close acquaintance with the Padarthadharmasamgraha of
Pras'astapada and is singularly free from non-Vais'esika bias.
The Commentator
As regards the author of the commentary we know very
little. The concluding verse shows that his name was Candra-
nanda and that he was a source of delight to the learned. A study
of the commentary substanciates his claim. He was well-versed
in various s'astras including the Vedic texts and the PUTW.M'S
from which he is found to quote, Among the philosophical
works, our author once quotes a passage from the Alyayaviirtika
of Uddyotakara ( p. 29 ). It may incidentally be remarked here
that the Nyciyamrlika preserves some ancient views of the
Vais'esikas including fragmentary explanations of a few Vais'esi-
kasulras 1 . We have already noted that one VaigesifatsWravrtti also
was known to Gandrananda. One Vaidesikasntravrtti has been
utilised by S'ankaramis'ra also. Candrananda must have been
different from the author of this Vrtti as none of the fragments
preserved by S'ankaramis'ra occurs in the work presented here.
Gandrananda does not show any knowledge of neo-logical
speculations. This may either be due to his ancient date prior
to the flourish of the neo-logical school of Mithila or to his
belonging to a part of the country which remained uninfluenced
by neo-logic even after its growth. The former alternative
seems to be probable.
1. Vide Uddyotakara as a Vais'esika-Proceedings and
Transactions, A IOC, Bombay Session, 1949, pp. 326-334,
23
Introduction
lindra was a southerner but as a commentator of
>Zi he belongs to the Maithila school and Udayana s
influence' is visible in the Vyn^yn also. But Gandrananda
gives no such clue to fix up his affiliation, date or birth-place.
The Commentary is lucid. It explains all the sutras and
does not enter into intricacies introduced by other commentators
of the Sutras. Thus he passes over the minute discussions on
dvitva, pakajotpatti, vibtegqcmbteg* etc., a knowledge of winch
is essential for a Vais'esika scholar even to-day.
Candrananda's Vrtti did not receive the circulation it deserves
and we find no mention of him in later Vais'esika literature.
Conclusion
The present volume will be a valuable addition to the too
few works on the Vais'esika system available in print. The
learned editor spared no pains to make it useful by adding
learned foot-notes and a number of important appendices in-
cluding portions of ancient texts restored from Tibetan wlnle
he was under a serious handicap like the bereavement at the
sad demise of his revered father and Gurudeva ( m theworldly
and spiritual lives respectively), His Holmess Mumraja _SRI
BHUVANAVIJAYAJI MAHARAJA at the famous Jama Tirtha
fholv Place) of S'fi S'ankhes'vara PARS' VANATHA ( Gujrat )
on 16th February, 1959. The learned editor derived constant
and earnest help in all his actvities from his Gurudeva. It was
aUheTn'ttnceo? the late Munir.ja that the learned editor took
up this onerous task ( in 1957 ), the accomplishment where of
has also been possible through his profound grace and active
te p May H" blessings from heaven give the editor more
strength 'in his endeavour to propagate the lost treasures of
the S'astras.
. , .. T .. f Anantalal Thakur
Mithila Institute _
Darbhanga Buddhapurnima, 1961
( Bihar )
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I M ^ I ? ^ I ^ 3 I,
Bibliotheca Indica No. 84, Calcutta 1860-61 i
: qi3 ^F^cf: I Ka6i Sanskrit Series No 3
[ Benares, 1923 A. D. ]
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l^g The commentary gives the Sutra-texfc also. Bub the manuscript
does not distinguish the subras from the commentary. The commentary
in its burn, generally does not give any introduction to, or a word for
word explanation of, the sutras. Hence it was sometimes fouud very,
difficult to assertaia the siitrapatsha followed. The lacunae were also
go formidable hurdles It is at times felt that some sutras have been
covered by them iu the mauuscrtpt, Moreover, some sutras have only
been referred to while many others are found untouched. The Sutra-
patha in the present edition should riot be regarded as the the exact
version followed by our commentator. Thus we have not changed
25 'abhavas tamah ' into ' bha'bhavas namah/ in V. ii, 19 thoughjjhe commen-
tary suggests it-. The frequent use of brackets both in the Sutffras as
well as in the commentary will show that we had to take liberty in
many cases wherever the manuscript was found defective. Sometimes
we thought ourselves fortunate as the word of words lost iu the Sutra-
go text were suggested by the commentary. In others, we had to follow
S v ankara Mis v ra for want of a better authority. But no Sutra has been
accepted here the existence of .which was not somehow suggested either
by the commentary or by direct mention in the manuscript.
Introduction of the %^rRr^?r?r. p. 9.
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^E^%| . ^ v ^, I^VIM 1^ TE^ ^ffr^i p ro f.
Dr. E. Frauwallner JT^^^ ^ftn Dignaga, sein Werk and seine 15
Entwiklung ( Wiener Ziteschrift fur die Kunde Sud-und Osta-
siens, BD. m, Wien, Austria 1959 ) pp. 83-164
Prof. Dr. E. Frauwallner
: 20
i Prof. Dr. E. Frauwallner
( Vienna, Austria ) ^faV^^ ^ ^W^^^ftsrnn: ^^TftcWi^cfiT
The Kuan-tsung-hsiang-lun-Sung ( = ^rrm^^qq^r, T. 1623)
is a small treatise of 11 verses only. A Chinese translation of 25
a verse text of Digniga without a commentary is difficult to
understand. But as far as I can see, there recurs none -of the
verses of the Pramiaasamuccayab, The text speaks of S'abdah
and arthah, S'abdajfianam and arthajnanam, but I can't find
any allusion to the doctrine of apohah. 30
^o
=fopnrort
10
353
15
" .[psv 2 N.ed
n ^ " ^3 tf 3% ftfe^.
s m n
;
A-B]
i
20 Quarterly DC/ 1933 (5. ^-^, ?
r: n <
: ' wr 557^^3 n
Indian Historical
Indian Historical
25 Quartery iv / 1928 ( 3. ^x-^ ) ^^ ^ rte: , ^^^ %J ^ ^
5.^^ teTWTg*frr ?T5 Journal and Proceedings, Asiatic Society of
Bengal (New Series) Vol. xxm / 1927 ( *. ^^-^ '
^i%ff: n ^ ^^r^r^if^s^ SRB Prof. Giuseppe Tucci
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London, 1947 (3
30 $w* ^^raipi^^ Hf srwftra: H ^ ^ a f ? . ,^ fto , , GGTBa<
4204, 4205, 4206, 4207, 4208, 4209 & w f T: n
No 4203
'
SRToregV* 3ft ro, *
1
i s ^f ^orir or qsr, ^rr } choni 15
edition, ^ Derge ( Sde-dge ) edition, * Narthang ( Snar-thaft )
edition, v Peking edition.
( Ghoni ) tfWIW lt: ^C: The Library of
^ When a priest wishes to distinguish himself in the study
of Logic he should thoroughly understand Ghenna's ( Dinna's ) 2 Q
eight S'astras. These are : 1 IrosqqfagtT, 2 eTJjr'^^q^^T, 3 anssf^R- :
4 lif^, 5 tc*rmwprq;, 6 ^TPig^iq., 7 ^R^qfi^Rs^rfR: ( mism-
), 8 iWT'TOg^^: i "A Eecord of the Buddhist Religion by
I-tsing (Chinese Tripitaka No. 2125. p. 230, edited by J.
Takakusu and Watanabe, Tokyo Japan ) translated by J. 25
Takakusu. pp. 186-187.
f %
Congress, Washington, U. S. A. f^RT I *1$t* Mr. Walter
H. Maurer ( Reference Librarian for the South Asia Section )
I The Toyo Bunko keeps the Kanjur and Tanjur of the
5 Cone edition. This edition was explained by T. Mibu...A
comparative list of the Tanjur Division in the Cone, Peking,
Sde-dge and Snar-than editions was accomplished by T. Mibu.
( Taisho Daigaku Kenkyo Kiyo, No. 44. March, 1959, Tokyo,
Japan, pp. 1-69 ) Tibetan Studies in Japan by Hajirne Nakamura
10 (Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies. Vol. VIII No 2,
March, 1960 Tokyo, Japan ) p. 54.
The Choni texts were purchased in 1926 for the Library of
congress by. Dr. Joseph F. Rock at the Choni monastery in
15 Kansu Province, China, near the Tibetan border. They were
struck off in Dr. Rock's presence from wooden blocks which he
himself informed me must have been about 400-500 years old,
and hence, their exact age is known. They were incised in
hard wood, probably walnut; as may be ascertained from the
20 most cursory examination of the prints, these xylographs were a
superb example of the art of Tibetan woodcarving. No other
known version of the Tibetan canon approaches the clarity,
the grace and legibility of the Choni edition. Shortly after the
Choni texts were purchased for the Library of Congress the
2g monastery was entirely gutted by fire and every wooden block
was destroyed in the tragic conflagration. The Choni recension
has never been as well known as the Derge, Narthang, and
Peking editions and probably very few copies were struck off.
In fact, apart from the xylograph in this library, only one
g other is definitely known to exist elsewhere. I refer to a set of
Kanjur volumes deposited in the Toyo Bunko, Tokyo, Japan.
But be it noted that the Tanjur is not included in that collection]
A catalog is being currently prepared of the Kanjur in the
possession of the Toyo Bunko and should be available before
The Choni version was printed at the Choni lamasery in
Kansu province from wooden blocks believed to have been
carved 500 years ago. This recension contains both the Kanjur
and Tanjur, unlike certain of the others which consist fre-
quently of merely one or the other of the two parts. It is also 5
the most easily legible of all the differing recensions, and is
particularly to be treasured because the Choni monastery has
since been burned to the ground by bandits and all the
thousands of wooden blocks destroyed.
fgfll^ Derge ( Sde-dge ) tfWW W? Mte5^ 10
" The Tibetan Buddhist canons have been published at
Peking, Snar-than, Sde-dge etc; and the Sde-dge edition is said
to be the best with regard to the accuracy of text and beauty
very long. A project has been initiated for the cataloging of
this Library's copy of the Choni Tanjur in Germany from a 15
microfilm copy. The work is to be done by Dr. R. O. Meisezahl
of Bonn.
You may be interested to know that during their transporation
across the vast reaches of Western China the entire collection
was very nearly irrevocably lost, for some of the crates containing 20
the texts were opened by bandits on the supposition that they
were filled with treasures or valuables of some sort. Further
in the course of transit one of the boxes fell into the Yangste
River and although all the crates had been carefully lined
with wax at Choni, sufficient water seeped into waterlog 25
volume 202 of the Tanjur. The text, however, was not seriously
damaged due doubtlessly to the tough and durable character
of the paper. The whole collection arrived in this library
about two years after its purchase in far-off Choni.
Should you care to have additional details you might consult gQ
the November, 1928 issue of the National Geographic Magazine
(Vol. LIV ) pp. 569-619, where Dr. Rock has given the entire
story with photographs of the monastery and various stages of
the procedure involved in printing the texts, packing and
transporting them to Peking. , , . . , 3$
in printing. The printing blocks are kept at Sde-dge, a remote
eastern district of Tibet, and it is not easy to get printed copy.
...... The collection is a complete set oftheSde-dge edition, con-
sisting in 4569 Volumes, and is in perfect condition without one
5 missing leaf, "preface, A Complete Catalogue of the Tibetan
Buddhist Canons ( Bkah-hgyur and Bstan-bgyur ) published by
Tohoku Imperial University, Sendai, Japan. 1934,
Snar-than tf*Wl*1 *?*ri Dr. H. Kitagawa (Japan )
10 History of Snar-than edition : Around the 13th century a
Tibetan Buddhist monk, Hjam-dgab, who propagated Buddhism
among Mongolians made a vow that the Tripitaka should be
compiled in the Tibetan language. For this sake, he collected
money and materials and offered them to Dharma-senge.
15 Dharma-senge compared the Vinaya texts that had already
been translated into Tibetan with those in the Chinese
Tripitaka, and published an edition of the Tibetan Vinaya-
pitaka at La-stod. This is the beginning of the publication of
the Tibetan Tripitaka.
30 Around 1312...1320 A.D. Hjam-dbyan published the Sutra-
pitaka and the Abhidharma-pitaka together with the Vinaya-
pitaka mentioned above. This edition is called the Old Snar-
than edition, which is not available now.
In 1731, during the reign of Dalai Lama VII another Tri-
25 pitaka was published on the basis of the Old Snar-than edi-
tion. However, this edition added many texts that were not
contained in the older edition. Since this edition was published
at Snar-than temple in the State of Gtsan, it is called the
(New) Snar-than edition. This is the edition that is most widely
30 used both inside and outside Tibet.
Peking Wipr<?RT3?q Tibetan
Tripitaka Research Institute
Gekkoin, Otsuka-Saka-shitamachi, Bunkyoku, Tokyo, Japan
Peking ^^ w^ wr%^ n
Publication of Peking edition of the Tibetan Tripataka
Dr. Susumu Yamaguchi, President of Otani University
TO
In any attempt to say a few words on the Tibetan Canon, one must first
enquire how the Buddhist Canon itself came into existence. To do this, one 5
must go back to the time of King Asoka some three centuries before the
Christian era.
The great Emperor Asoka was the grandson of the renowned Candragu-
pta, founder of the Mauryan dynasty, and reigned from 274 to 232 B.C. At
first he was the ruler of Central India only, but eventually conquered almost [Q
the whole country. During this campaign of conquest, the sight of the grievous
suffering he had caused to thousands of innocent people particularly by his
victory over the Kalingas, made him realize that force is not the final arbiter.
He^became disgusted, on reflection, with his own conduct, and this produced in
its turn a revolution in his whole character. He was converted to Buddhism 15
and resolved henceforth to put " dharma " into practice in both his personal
and public life, feeling moral conquest to be far more valuable and enduring
than conquest by arms. The effect of his conversion was truly remarkable, and
his dynamic personality was felt in every corner of the Empire. He called not
only upon his subjects but upon the neighbouring countries also to accept this 20
'greatest of gifts ' and sent imperial messengers and. missionaries to various
parts of Asia to spread the teaching of the Buddha. As a result a number of
countries embraced Buddhism and in due course there developed in each district
a collection of literature, known later as < Tripitaka ' or Buddhist Canon.
Among these collections there are at least three the contents of which are 25
sufficiently comprehensive and systematized to merit being called the Sacred
Canon of Buddhism. First and foremost, there is the Pali Tripitaka. These
scriptures of the Theravada School are used principally in the Southern School
in Ceylon, Burma, Siam and Cambodia. Next come the scriptures written in
the Chinese Language, and used in China, Korea and Japan. The third is the 30
voluminous collection of works known as the Tibetan Tripitaka.
With regard to the Pali Canon, it is well known how, thanks to the
scholarly and indefatigable efforts of Dr. & Mrs. T. W. Rhys Davids and
others, the Pali Text Society was founded, and nearly all the books ef the
Canon published in modern form, the more important ones having, further, q K
been translated into English, French and German. In Japan, under the editor-
ship of the late Dr. Takakusu Junjiro, the Pali Tripitaka or Nanden Daizokyo
( the Tripitaka of the Southern Transmission ) was translated into Japanese
and published in sixty volumes between the years 1937 and 1941. In this way,
Japan, was able to make a modest contribution to a clearer understanding of
Primitive or Theravada Buddhism.
In the case of the Tripitaka in Chinese the situation is not so simple. In
5 fact, quite a number of different Canons existed in China, Korea aud Japan
and all in antiquated forms, until some years ago, they were thoroughly collated,
brought up-to-date and published under the title of "Taisho Sinshu Daizokyo"
by the joint efforts of the late Drs. Takakusu and Watanabe Kaikyoku. The
work, it seems, has since its publication been used with profit as a work ef
10 reference in many parts of the world.
To turn now to the Tibetan Tripitaka, it is necessary first to say a few
words on how it carne to be written.
1. Compilation of the Tibetan Tripitaka.
Buddhism was first introduced into the country in the first half of seventh
15 century, when Tibet was under the rule of King Sron-bstan sgam-po. Realis-
ing the pressing need for a written language if the country were to adopt
Buddhism, the King decided to send Thon-mi-san-bho-ta to India to learn
both the Indian language and its literature. In the course of time Thon-mi~
san~bho-ta mastered the Indian language sufficiently well to be in a position
20 to compile both a Tibetan grammar and a written language according to the
system and construction of phrases then prevaling in India.
This having been accomplished the Tibetans were able to translate the
Sanskrit texts into their own language. When a short while later in the second
half of eighth century, King Khri-sron-lde-btsan came to the throne Tibet
25 became a most powerful nation, so much so that its army was able to capture
Ch'ang-An, the capital of the Tang dynasty at the time. This period coincided
with a great cultural activity and with it the translation of Sanskrit works
carne to be undertaken in real earnest and on a larger scale than before. How-
ever, it was in the reign of King Ral-pa-can in the first half of the 9th century
30 that it reached its peak. During this period those scriptures which had been
translated in a slipshod fashion were freely revised and those which had not
been rendered into Tibetan were at once properly translated. More than half
the books composing the present Tibetan Tripitaka were translated about this
time; they were, undoubtedly, done with meticulous care, for one notices
35 uniformity both in the use of technical terms and in mode of expression
Unfortunately, however, some of the influential subjects of King Ral-pa-can
entertained a dislike for the King's overzealous protection of Buddhism and
decided to get rid of him. He was eventually assassinated. The next King
Glan-dar-ma, was a rabid anti-Buddhist and, during his reign, Buddhist
activity in every form came to a standstill, the nation sunk into utter spiritual
darkness. However, in the second half of the 10th century, Rin-chen-bzan-po
appeared and after him in the first half of the llth century, the famous
Buddhist scholar-priest Atisa, head of the Buddhist Institute Vikramasila in
India. Both these events revived interest in Buddhism, and the translation work 5
was undertaken again. It was, then, the Sung period in China which, although
a great era, saw, as far as Buddhistic contact with the neighbouring state of
India was concerned, a gradual diminishing of interest. The case was just the
reverse in Tibet, however. From this day until the seventeenth century trans-
lation work in Tibet continued whithout interruption. According to the supple- 10
merit attached to the Sde-dge Edition the number of Indian scholars engaged
in the translation work was 107 and of those from Tibet 222. However, since
there are a number of works on which the names of the translators are not
inscribed, one can safely guess that their number was greater than that men-
tioned in the Sde-dge supplement. ] 5
2. Outline of Contents of Tripitaka
Thus, the whole translation of the Tripitaka was done 'by a number of
different scholars and translators over a period of many centuries. Finally the
various works were carefully co-ordinated and properly classified, thus coming
to assume the appearance of the Tripitaka we know to-day. One must, how- 20
ever, bear in mind the fact that the contents of the Tibetan Tripitaka are
classified in quite a different way from the method adopted in the Chinese
Tripitaka. The Tibetan Canon is divided into two main parts -one is known
as Bkah-hgyur ( Kanjur ) and the other as Bstan-hgyur ( Tanjur ). The
subject matter of Bkah-hgyur consists of the teachings and sermons (Sutra) '25
of the Lord Budhha, as well as the discipline (Vinaya) to be observed by
Buddhists. Bstan-hgyur is no more than a collection of treatises and exposi-
tions, together with rules and regulations in connection with religious rites
and hymns. The latter also contains items dealing with more secular subjects
such as history, language, logic, medicine and arts and crafts. This Tripitaka 30
has seen many editions since the 13 th century, but those which are best
known are the Peking, Sde-dge and Snar-than editions. These three editions
differ slightly in the number of volumes they contain and in their subject
matter, but otherwise they remain identical.
The Peking edition belonging to Otani University is classified as follows... 35
(a) The Bkah-hgyur Division
Classification Cases Number of Books.
Tib. (Skt.)
1. Rgyud (Tantra) " ' 25 729
40
2. Ser-phyin (Prajnaparamita) 24 30
3. Dkon-brtsegs (Ratna-kuta) 6 1
4. Phal-chen (Avatamsaka) 6 1
5. Mdo-sna-tshogs (Sutranta) 32 268
5 6. Hdul-ba (Vinaya) 13 26
7, Dkar-chag (SucI-lipi=Index) 1
Total T67 1055
(b) The Bstan-hgyur Division.
Classification Front cases Number of books
10 Tib. (Skt.)
L Bstod-tshogs (Stotra-gana) 1 64
2. Rgyud-hgrel (Taritra-vrtti) 87 2640
Mdo-hgrel (Sutra-vrtti) Rear Cases
1. Ser-phyin (Prajnaparmita) 16 41
15 2. Dbu-ma (Madhyamaka) 16 158
3. Jo-bohi chos-hbyun (Mainly Madhyamaka
commentary of Atlsa-Sri-Dipamkaraj nana) 1 103
4. Mdo-sde-sna-tshogs-hgrel-pa (Sutrantavrtti) 10 39
5. Sems-tsam (Citta-matra) 18 67
20 6- Mnon-pahi bstan-bcos (Abhidharma-sustra) 11 20
7. Hdul-bahi hgrel (Vinaya Commentary) 18 45
8. Skyes-rabs ( Jataka) 3 6
9. Gtam-yig (Parikatha & Lekha) 1 45
10. Gtan-tshigs rig-pa (Hetuvidya) 21 67
25 ll - Sgra-rig-pa (Sabda-vidya) 2 28
12. Gso-ba rig-pa (Cikitsa-vidya) 5 7
13. Bzo rig-pa (Silpa-vidya) * ]
14. Thun-mon-ba lugs-kyi-bstan-bcos -
(Niti-Sastra) 44
30 15. No-mtshar bstan-bcos (Ascarya-sastra) ]
16. ditto. (9 cases: Gsar-bcug) 13 147
17. Dkar-chag (Suci-lipi-Iridex) 1 1
Total 225 3522
18. Works by Tibetan Scholar Priests 27
35 Rtson-kha-pa 20
Lcan-skya 7
Thus the major part of the Tibetan Canon consists of works on
Buddhism, but as mentioned before, and particularly in the case of Bstan-
hgyur, it also contains a number of books on secular subjects-history, logic etc.
It is thus not-only an important collection of Buddhist works, but indispen-
sable if one wishes to study the cultural conditions prevailing in ancient and
medieval: India and its neighbouring countries.
3. Value of the Tibetan Tripitaka, $
We have already seen that the Tibetans, for the purpose of adopting
Buddhism, were obliged to create a classical or literary language of their
own, in order to cope with the translation of Buddhist texts, enshrining as
they do one of the world's most erudite system of thought and written in a
well-nigh perfect language, Sanskrit. Under the circumstances and in conside- J10
ration of time factor, there was no other alternative but to invent a purely
artificial language, rather after the fashion of original Sanskrit. Then in
collaboration with Indian scholars, the Tibetan translators simply made a
verbatim translation. This accounts for the fact that the translated texts are
for the most part faithful copies of Sanskrit originals. It was quite otherwise 15
with the Chinese translations. China was, we must remember, already a
highly civilised nation at the time Buddhism was introduced into the country,
one with a long traditional culture of her own and possessed of one of the
most highly developed and elaborate languages. It was, accordingly, possible
to turn the Sanskrit expressions into pure Chinese without much difficulty. 20
There is a vast difference in value between the two translations. If one is
justified in calling the Chinese Tripitaka a genuine translation, then the
Tibetan is only a sham one. Notwithstanding these drawbacks, the Tibetan
Tripitaka has a scholarly value of its own, in as much as it is so similar to the
Sanskrit text that one can. with a slight exercise of the imagination arrive at 25
the original wording, which helps in deducing the latter in cases where it is
no longer extant. This undertaking is all the more important from the acade-
mic point of view, in that the number of original Sanskrit texts found in
Nepal, the only Buddhist state in India, and of those discovered in the deserts
of the North- Western Provinces and various other out-of-the-way places in gQ
India is by no means great. Even where the Sanskrit text is extant, if one
wishes to publish a revised edition of it with commentary, collation with the
corresponding Tibetan text becomes indispensable. All these considerations
give a peculiar value to the Tibetan Tripitaka.
Thanks to careful investigations made by Professor Sakai Shin ten of ^5
Koyasan University by contrasting the Sde-dge edition with the Chinese
Tripitaka, it has been verified that the number of Sanskrit texts, rendered
into Tibetan but not into Chinese is quite numerous. They are as follows ..
Bkah -hgyur... Out of a total of 1,114 books, 444 are found in the Chinese
Tripitaka, and 670 are missing, Of the latter, 1.15 belong to the exoteric or 40
revealed teaching and 555 to -the esoteric or secret teaching.
In the case of the Bstan-hgyur, only a 107 of a total of 3559 books have
been translated into Chinese, leaving 3452 untranslated. Of the latter, 774
belong to the revealed or exoteric teaching and the remaining 2678 to the
| esoteric or secret teaching.
It is clear from what we have seen so far that the number translated into
Chinese is comparatively small, since there are over four thousand books
found in the Tibetan canon which are missing from the Chinese. . The same
can be said of the Pali Tripitaka. One can easily infer from these facts that in
10: Buddhism there still exists a large unexplored field which needs thorough and
careful investigation, and we feel that once this was accomplished, satisfactory
answers could be found to many of the unsolved problems existing at present,
4. Value of the Peking Edition.
The Peking edition was, as the nams suggests, printed and published in
jg Peking. To speak in greater detail, the oldest edition of Bkah-hgyur belong,
ing to the Peking Edition was printed in the eighth year of Yung-lo (1410
A. D. ) during the Ming Period and is known as the Yung-lo edition. It is
said that this edition is an exact reprint of the old Snar-than edition printed
between 1312 and 1320 A. D. Next came another reprint of the same edition
20 to the 33rd year of Wan-li (1605 A. D.) known as the Wan-li Edition. Some
years afterwards, during the Gh'ing dynasty, in the reign of the Emperor
K-'ang-hsi Yung-Cheng in 1684 A. D. another reprint was made from the.
old Yung-lo edition, and this is the one generally known as the Peking
Edition. However, in the second year ( ' 1737-A. D. ) of the reign of the
25 Emperor Kanlung, the same edition was thoroughly revised and some new
material added to it.
According to Professor Sakai, who stayed on Wu-tai-shan for the purpose
of doing research on the Peking edition of 1737-A. D., the two new Sutras
added to this edition were in the Ratnakuta section. In revising the work, he
30 thinks, the editors must have relied mainly on the Sde-dge Edition. Several
new pages were also inserted here and there, and a number were newly printed
from new blocks. On the whole the revision was very thorough and the
edition presents an entirely new appearance,
^ This, we believe, is the edition in the possession of Otani University,
3g being a revised and enlarged one, it is also the most up-to-date and complete!
:It is perhaps not out of place to say a few words on the Bkah-hgyur of
the Sde-dge -edition. The exact date of its publication is not known,* but it
was sometime round about 1733 A. D. in the town of Sde-dge in the'present
Hsi Kang Sheng province; it originates from the same group as the Li~Than
Edition and is consequently different from the Peking Edition. This Li-Than
Edition is believed to have been published later than the K'ang-hsi Peking-
edition, but the exact date is not known. The Bkah-hgyur of the Sde-dge
Edition is said to have been compiled by using the Li-Than as the basic .text,
with much care lavished on the revision of the language by grammarians. A fi
comparison of the Bkah-hgyur of the revised Peking Edition and that of the
Sde-dge reveals quite a number of accurate points in the latter, but since the
former was thoroughly revised it is on the whole more reliable. The
Bkah-hgyur of the New Snar-than edition in the "possession of Otani Univer-
sity, with a publication dated given as 1730 A. D., belongs to the Sde-dge \Q
group. The Peking Edition is very important since it belongs to the old
Snar-than Edition group 'in contradistinction to the Sde-dge and the new
Snar-than Editions.
Let us now glance at the Bstan-hgyur of Peking Edition. This part of the
Edition has not been printed so often as the Bkah-hgyur as far as we know, 15
in fact, only once-by -the command of the Emperor in the year 1724. A. D,
The Bstan-hgyur of the new Snar-than Edition, published about 1742 A,D;
originates from the same source as that of the Peking Edition and consiquent-ly
both of them differ in every respect from that of the Sde-dge Edition. Persual
of the Bstan-hgyur of the Peking Edition and careful comparision with that of 2Q
the Sde-dge Edition show that the same remarks apply with regard to its
value as have already been made in connection with the Bkah-hgyur in the
preceeding pages.
It is well known that the Peking Edition was printed by command of
the Emperor during the Ch'ing period, when China was in a most prosperous 25
state and that no expense was spared. It is beautifully bound and clearly
printed.
5. Significance of the publication.
We have mentioned a few salient features of the Peking Edition, it only
remains for us to make one or two further observations. As far as we are 30
aware, only a few copies of the Edition were printed, nearly all of the wooden
blocks used were either lost or destroyed by fire. A few of these blocks might,
be found at remote Buddhist historical sites in China such as Je-ho and Wu-
Tai-Shan, but it is very doubtful. As far as our knowledge goes there are only
two complete editions of the Peking Tripitaka, at present, "extant in the 35
world. One of them is in Paris at the Bibliotheque Nationale and the other
at Otani University in Kyoto.
There may be some truth in the statement that it was from consideration
of the political necessity of conciliating the Mongolian tribes, that the Emperor
K'anghsi of the Ch'in dynasty and other rulers wh.o followed him. lavished 40
so much wealth on the Peking Edition and on building Lama temples. On
the other hand, however, consideration of the considerable services rendered'
by ihe Emperor in the promotion of culture shows that this is not the whole.
truth. On the contrary, we believe his actions to be mainly due to his long.
cherished ideal, to put it in modern terms, of establishing an oriental culture-
on a sounder footing.
\
10
Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies. Vol. IX No. 2 ( June
191-8) pp. 53-62, Vol. XII No. 3-4 ( 1949 ) pp. 477-481.
The introduction to the article of A Kunst, " Kamalas'ila's
15 commentary on S'antaraksita's anumanapanksa " Melanges
chinois et bouddhiques. Vol. VIII.
'< Tsnww3*rwn^sn: The Tibetan texts give not different
readings but different translations. So the question is not, what
is the better or the original reading, but what was the text
20 which was translated in this way. And to find out the original
text is in many cases pure guesswork, for both translations are
bad. As a rule, psv 2 is the better one. psv 1 in many places dis-
torts the sentences and changes the order of the words. So one
is adduced to believe that the translators, often cannot have
25 grasped the meaning. But sometimes psv 1 is better than psv 3 and
must ^ be perf erred. psv a translates according to the meaning and
occasionally omits details of minor importance. Therefore,* you
may find in psv 1 words preserved, which were omitted in psv 2 . VT.
is very good But even here mistakes occur. Especially the pra-
30 tlkas are not free from errors. Since the pratikas contain only
parts of sentences, which could not be understood without the
mula they could easily be corrupted. If the translator did not
refer continually to the mula mistakes were nearly unavoidable.
... Prof. Dr. E. Frauwallner.
rfrori
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N . ed.-p. ed.
c . ed.- D . ed.
15
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10 N. ed.=Narthang edition.
P. ed.=Peking edition.
15
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?w P.
\\
f; u R A Third
JQ Report of Operations in Search of Sanskrit Mss. in the Bombay
Circle, April 1884-March 1886, Extra Number of the Journal
of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 1887
Peter Peterson ^I^^T %TT^[Cambay]n^ qi^^^R 3 * (?)
^^Ti^^^ 5?^ic5^ ^^cfT^t i%%SHt ^v ,^^t ^f%: [ List of the more
important paper Mss, preserved in the Library of the late
15 Kalyanachandra,, Gambay, pp. 243-284]
" 20 ...... ^^ticiTCr ?mg^?^T: qfei i [ ^crt ] 11^^: i Folios.-!,, to
70.. Dated Samvat 1480=A, D. 1424. '.
20 Begins: ^ q-^r: ^I^R II
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* Prof. Dr. E. Frauwallner ?^f*i: T^gi^ ^rtrtj: ^^17^7^^ 15
f gferff 'W '
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P. ed. T 1 ? -^b T 2
T
1569, p. 180a 3f. [ in the translation by G. Tucci, p. 76.], 25
JnTf^frft nfi5r?rrqRfrr^q%?r: T. 1509,p.65b 18-20 [ in the transla-
tion by Lamotte, p. 76 ], gpr^wirew; [ The Vais'esika Philosophy
according to the Das'apadartha-S'astra, Chinese Text with In-
troduction, Translation and Notes by H. Ui, Royal Asiatic
Society, Oriental Translation Fund, New Series, Vol. XXIV 30
London, 1917 } T. 2138, p. 1262 C 21f. [ in the translation by
5 VI $ I U l~
H. Ui. p. 93 ] i 35*n "gw&<3t: firs
lo
.
15
, cf^T
20 f f. 133b 25 [ in the translation . by
Lamdtte p. 596 i grt^f 1 ^^ ? .'R.^ n ^ ^r^rir^r gfgf^r ^t*r. F. 180a
29 f. 180b 1 [ in the translation by G. Tucci. p. 78 3 Notes p.
56] II ^ g35TT-5lW^^ ? V*
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30
r. P. ed. T 1
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30 ^^r^ ' ^Rf K qist ^^RT^ 51^, ^o ^^^ qo ^ ICWN ci .qi.5- I
q. ^, 3 Q HV;4o ^o ? J6 ^oH qo ^ \ "
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[ ^ i ^ i ^ 30 ^ ] K
. ?o vx i " There must have existed in the
6th Century -A. D. a text of the Vais'esikasutras to which were
added short supplementary sentences. But Candrananda doesn't
make use of this tradition. " E. Frauwallner || R io ^^ q ^ n
? " $qfa^*i%f^ $w: ^HT^ >; ^g^rw^T. ?o HO\ || <f^T^!^lf^ fo
ii '^. gr^mn^RTf^ 't^qr. tp qis: ?o ^^ i
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ERRATA
n
5
Vakya$>a~ V.akya- 5
diyal >,
n
Vakyg,
titles
S'ankara,
.S'anikara 10
(Introduction)
Page line for read Page line f for read
1 25 Jambu Jambu 11 31 Vyomavati Vyomcwatt
27 Yais'esika Vais'esika- 14
3 2 matter, matter. 1
8 Thers There
'. J3 the the
19 : depend depends 17
29 duties deities
4 . 10 in. r in-
16 Again.
',.'. 22
32
2 Bhatta Bhatta-
Vadmdra 7 Vadmdra 1
^ 8 report..- report
>, 11
16
, V 30
\ 33 o*&m
,, j ... 16 refute refer to
, >? .17 Jainas ..... Jainas
6 ' ^19 Sacluluka 7 Saduluka
10 20 exhaustive extensive
liviug living
ardha ardha-
18 11
49 13
22
16 o 17 tytles
8 S'ankar
14 Sankar
ii 19 _ Kaviraja Kaviraja
36-7 Intro : Vais'e- .*
sikadars'ana,
T A ir*
p. 10 ^^T^^p. 17
Vadindra vadTndra- 15
17 Syadvada" Syadvada -
22 Candra .
Canra
17 anouympns anonymous
21 3 each each, , 25
1 paiicanana p^ncanana
,, Pancanana Paiicanana
17 substanci- substan-
?r - ates ; - tiates ;
., : ,27 profound ; profound 30
23 on : 16% on the 16th
rt 11
1* *R?
11
35
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