Khri Srong lde brtsan the Tibetan Emperor.
The following three chapters chart the changing depiction of Khri Srong lde brtsan over four centuries. Yet, even during the course of his life (742-c.800 CE), Khri Srong lde brtsan evolved from a btsan po (“emperor”) into a religious king and a bodhisattva. This chapter begins with the records of his ‘taking the realm in hand' and his subsequent military victories. It then outlines the beginnings of the Buddhist depiction of Khri Srong lde brtsan, which is increasingly emphasised after the fall of the empire. The imperial documents are the oldest and most reliable representations of Khri Srong lde brtsan. I shall not dispute their antiquity, but rather problematise their reliability by highlighting the “self-presentational” aspect of their proclamations.
Imperial historical sources are court-sanctioned texts. They contain only positive depictions of their btsan pos, portraying them as beneficent rulers at the centre of a prosperous and powerful realm. However, the place that these sources inhabit in the public space of the empire suggests their legitimising role. Perhaps one reason for their dissemination was to create a positive impression of the btsan po in the minds of the Tibetan subjects throughout the empire. Nevertheless, most Tibetologists today would question the complete accuracy of these accounts of the btsan po. Michael Walter rightly raises the issue of their ‘self-presentation:'
Writing in Tibet developed to further the administration of the Imperium [and] ...for propaganda, its self-presentation. Old Tibetan documents of all sorts almost always evidence what the Imperium would allow or tolerate, what it supported. Documents adversarial to the Imperium are lacking; ... Walter here argues that an expanding empire and its corollary administrative structures led to increased literacy. Writing may also have developed among elite families or clans for trade, as Takeuchi's numerous examples of loans and contracts in Old Tibetan suggest. Scherrer-Schaub considers that, as Tibet emerged as a ‘textual society' in the seventh and eighth centuries, writing would have been increasingly evident in public spaces, in the form of inscriptions.
The earliest extant imperial inscriptions date from the reign of Khri Srong lde brtsan. They are chiselled into rock pillars to be displayed around central Tibet, including the grounds of bSam yas Monastery and near the royal tombs in 'Phyongs rgyas. The words inscribed on these pillars proclaim the type of political and religious practices that are acceptable in the btsan po's eyes. The bSam yas inscription was chiselled in large letters on a red rock that would undoubtedly have been conspicuous. The edict it contains establishes state patronage for Buddhism in perpetuity. Such inscriptions perhaps imposed a Buddhist world order on the public space in the same way as the architecture and murals of bSam yas did. The imperial documents in this chapter should therefore be interpreted carefully, with an eye for their ‘self-presentations.' I begin with the Old Tibetan Annals' records of his ‘taking the realm in hand' and his subsequent military victories. I then outline the imperial depiction of Khri Srong lde brtsan as a Buddhist.
The Empire in Transition
Let us begin with the royal representation of Khri Srong lde brtsan. In the Old Tibetan Annals, Prince Srong lde brtsan is born into a glorious Tibetan empire. He is enthroned as Khri Srong lde brtsan, bringing an end to the rebellion that marked the last days of his father's reign and ensuring the continuous dynastic lineage of btsan pos in Tibet. The Zhol inscription records that he rewarded a minister, Ngan lam sTag ra Klu khong, for remaining loyal to the royal institution throughout the uprising.
Version I of the Old Tibetan Annals (IOL Tib J 750) records the birth of Prince Srong lde brtsan in the year of the horse, between spring 742 CE and spring 743 CE. The entry for that year reads:
[742-743] In the year of the horse, in the summer the btsan po's court resided in Mtshar bu sna. The Chinese emissary An Da lang and the black Mywa emissary, La bri, paid homage. At Zlo they made an account of the [respective] removal and installation of Shud pu Khong zung and Lang gro Khong rtsan. They made a tally of jurisdictions. At Khu-nye Mon-gangs, Minister Mang po rje made an administration of 'A zha. bTsan po Srong lde brtsan was born at Brag-mar. The mother, [Sna nam] Mang-mo-rje [Bzhi steng], died. So one year.
This terse statement displays the imperial Tibetans' literary debt to China. First, there is the use of the animal cycle to identify years. Second, this annalistic style of recording only the major court events of the year strongly resembles the same literature in China. However, the text also marks time with reference to Tibetan imperial power. It records where the older btsan po held his court that summer, to distinguish it from other horse years. As Dotson rightly comments, ‘[i]n this way, time itself was centralized by the figure of the Tibetan emperor.'
Furthermore, this account portrays events at court as evidence of the power of its empire. This entry recounts the homage that the Chinese emissary paid to bTsan po Khri lDe gtsug brtsan (704-55 CE), suggesting parity between Tibet and China. It shows other areas to be under Tibetan control, including the 'A zha principality whose own annals describe them participating in rituals to show their fidelity to the Tibetan btsan po. While the Annals' literary style suggests the overarching cultural hegemony of China, this entry describes Prince Srong lde brtsan as born into an independent, ordered and powerful Tibet.
In contrast, version II of the Annals (OR 8212 (187)) implicitly depicts the year of his enthronement as marred by rebellion. In 756-757, it records that Prince Srong brtsan was renamed with the addition of the metonymic title khri (“throne”) :
[756-757] It fell on the year [of] the monkey. In the summer the btsan pho resided in Zung kar. The name of the btsan po was adopted as Khri Srong lde brtsan. He took the realm in hand. The subjects in the four directions received a great dice edict. Minister sKyes bzang rGyal kong convened the summer council at Bu cung in gLag. They finished calculating (confiscating) Lang and 'Bal's wealth. In the winter the Btsan po resided at Zung kar.
Lang and ’Bal are the clans of two ministers who rebelled against the royal family. The Annals’ account of the previous year and the Zhol inscription (below) give further details of this unsuccessful coup d'etat?0 The entry then records that Khri Srong lde brtsan ‘took the realm in hand,’
confiscated the treasonous ministers’ wealth and sent a new judicial edict to the four corners of his realm. These three details together give the impression that he thereby regained control over Tibet. The text further bolsters this notion by referring to “the four directions.” It implicitly places the btsan po at the centre of the compass. While this particular account impugns certain ministers, it depicts the young btsan po as restoring order.
Finally, version II of the Annals records that Khri Srong lde brtsan further expanded the Tibetan empire, briefly seizing Chang’an in 763 CE. It blames the new Chinese emperor for his own downfall:
[762-764] .After the Lord of China died at the end of winter, [another] Lord of China was newly installed. As he found it unsuitable to offer [[[Tibet]]] silk tribute and maps, and so forth, political ties were destroyed and. Zhang [[[mChims]] rgyal] rGyal gzigs [Shu theng], Minister [[[Ngan]] lam] sTag sgra [[[Klu]] khong], Zhang sTong rtsan, bTsan ba, and others led a military campaign to the capital and sacked the capital. The Lord of China fled, [another] Lord of China was newly appointed, and the
military campaign returned. Zhang [[[mChims]] rgyal] rGyal gzigs [Shu theng] went to Tibet for a great consultation. So one year.
The narrative does not include a depiction of Khri Srong lde brtsan, but rather reflects positively on his reign. This is History written by the victors of this particular campaign, which glorifies not only the btsan po but also the top ministers and generals—against the common enemy of the expanding empire, China.
The so-called Zhol inscription portrays the young btsan po as superior to the Chinese emperor. Its account purportedly comes ‘from the mouth' (zha snga nas) of Khri Srong lde brtsan himself. This self-presentation of Tibet largely agrees with the ministers' accounts of the same period in the Annals, depicting the Tibetan btsan po and his ministers as superior to the lord and ministers of China. The inscription on the south face of the stone reads:
In the time of bTsan po Khri lDe gtsug rtsan, Ngan lam Klu khong loyally performed the duty of rje blas.
'Bal lDong tsab and Lang Myes zigs, while acting as Great Ministers, became disloyal and did harm to the person of the btsan po, the father, Khri lDe gtsug rtsan, so that he went to heaven. They nearly also did harm to the person of the btsan po, the son, Khri Srong lde brtsan. After the governance/realm (chab srid) of the black¬headed Tibetans was disrupted, Klu khong brought the facts of the disloyalty of 'Bal and Lang to the ears of the btsan po, the son, Khri Srong lde brtsan. Then, 'Bal and Lang were disgraced on it being proved that they were disloyal. Klu khong was [proved] loyal.
The Zhol inscription here refers to Tibetans as ‘the black-headed.' This epithet suggests a traditional national identity of some sort under the leadership of the btsan po. The Zhol inscrition represents this identity as under threat from 'Bal and Lang's attempt to put an end to the existing dynastic line. Yet sTag ra Klu khong's loyalty to Khri Srong lde brtsan foils their plot and saves the Tibetan people. The Zhol inscription is again History written by the victors: Klu khong's loyalty is celebrated because he kept close to the symbolic source of power in Tibet, the btsan po. Later, the same inscription briefly describes Khri Srong lde brtsan specifically. It is written in the third person, though perhaps with his blessing:
...By the greatness of [[[Klu]] khong's] counsel to bTsan po Khri Srong lde brtsan, who was of profound mind, whatever was done in the administration of the kingdom turned out well. Many districts and fortresses belonging to China were brought into subjection. The Lord of China He'u 'ki wang te (Emperor Suzong) and his lords and ministers were terrified. They offered regular tribute yearly of 50,000 pieces of silk. China was compelled to pay tribute.
This depiction glorifies the sagacity and imperial power of bTsan po Khri Srong lde brtsan. It describes him as of profound mind (thugs sgam), perhaps a phrase evoking not only wisdom but also continuity with other btsan pos. One may speculate that omission of this stock-phrase could have implied a dull or immature btsan po that Klu khong had to lead through the complex decisions of imperial rule. Instead, the honorific thugs suggests that the btsan po is of highest status, while his minister is a faithful and able counsellor.
Our extract also contrasts Tibetan imperial power with that of the Chinese Lord (rgya rje) and ministers (rje blon). It represents the Chinese as inferior in both strength and character, cowering beneath the Tibetan attack. Their imputed fear (skrag) could either be a literary flourish or drawn from the reported experience of Tibetan generals returning from Chang’an, or both. Most importantly, the Zhol inscription questions the bravery of Tibet’s neighbour. It denigrates the Chinese emperor in order to compliment the btsan po’s character in comparison.
The Zhol inscription portrays Khri Srong lde brtsan as a magnanimous and grateful emperor. In return for Klu khong’s loyalty to the btsan po, and achievements on behalf of the Tibetan court, the inscription declares:
bTsan pho Khri Srong lde brtsan himself took an oath and decreed that the great silver insignia should be granted to the descendants of the minister sTag sgra Klu khong, forever and ever in perpetuity without reduction. [He further] decreed that in each generation of the btsan po and his sons and grandsons one of the descendants of Zla gong shall be appointed to be in personal attendance ranking above the private retinue and be a royal retainer. .. ,
The btsan po both rewards his faithful minister Klu khong and promises to patronise the Ngan lam clan in perpetuity. This assurance is safeguarded by the perceived continuity of the btsan pos' lineage.
These imperial sources are infused with a sense of tradition. Over a century's worth of Annals entries, written since the time of Khri Srong lde brtsan's ancestors, continue to use the same positive epithets and phrases to depict the btsan pos. Their form suggests the court's interest in the ordering of events by date, of decisions to include or omit certain details based on some idea of self-presentation and cultural values. Their content depicts the might of the empire, with the btsan po at its head. Khri Srong lde brtsan is not specifically portrayed, but rather inherits the divine imperial status from his idealised royal predecessors.
The Zhol inscription represents our earliest evidence of written public proclamations. It reflects an oral and literary tradition that probably predates Khri Srong lde brtsan. He bestows royal favour on the Ngan lam clan, which his sons and grandsons will be bound to maintain, in perpetuity.
He no doubt continued to patronise other clans (like the dBa's and Myang), fulfilling the promises of his royal ancestors. The authority of the btsan po stretches beyond any single lifetime, and entails certain responsibilities to ministers who help protect the throne. Khri Srong lde brtsan is not able to rule alone. He is dependent on his imperial lineage and the continued loyalty of the ministers who serve him at court.
