Borrower: VA@ Call #: B07590 167 2015 Lending String: *DGU CLU Nul UI U,GDC Location: LAU Stacks AVAILABLE Patron: Journal Title: Tibetan Buddhism in diaspora: cultural re-signification in practice and institutions i Volume: Issue: Month/Year: 201 5Pages: 181-205 Mail Charge Maxcost: 40.OOIFM Shipping Address: University of Virginia Alderman Library ILL Borrowing 160 N. McCormick Rd. Charlottesville, Virginia 22904 - - Article Author: Lopes, Ana Cristina, author. Ana Cristina 0. Lopes Article Title: The Divine Theater of Kalachakra C Imprint: London; New York: Routledge, 2015. 0 ILL Number: 772361393 111111111 1 111111111111 1 111111111111 1 11111 li i (Ill Fax: 434-924-4337 Ariel: 128.143.156.41 THIS MATERIAL MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT LAW (TITLE 17 U.S. CODE) 180 Rebirth generations, owned property and wealth in the name of the entity, and had internal organization, While the monks came and w ent, the entity and its prop. erty continued. Moreover, it is essential to note that a monk’s loyalties were primarily rooted at the khamtsen and college leels, and there was often little feeling of brotherhood between monks of different colleges despite their being from the same monastery. (234—5) 7 For a detailed explanation of these contrasting religious organizational structures and their various implications. see Samuel (1993). 8 The mass Gelug monasteries were not places of tantric study and practice. This role was reserved for the specifically tantric colleges of the tradition. 9 The “second dissemination,” also called the “later dissemination” (Tib. phyi dat’) of Buddhism in Tibet, refers to the period roughly between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries during which Tibetans shared a renewed interest in the mass importation of Indian Btiddhist texts and traditions. This period, which began after roughly 1 50 years of political and social fragmentation in the wake of the disintegration of the Tibetan Empire. has recently come to be called the Tibetan renaissance in Ronald Dasidson’s study of this period bearing that name. For more details, see Davidson (2005). 10 This website has since changed to kadampa.org en, a revamped version of the previous site. 11 The title of “Venerable.” like the title of Gen-la, reserved for National Directors and director-generals, is used exclusively for members of the monastic community, which is another indication of the high regard in which monks and nuns are held within NKT. 12 For more on the mahasiddhas see Davidson (2002) and Gray (2007). 13 See Keith Dowman (2000) for a complete life-story of this master. 14 JoSo Clemente Jorge Trinta (1933—2011), a.k.a JoSosinho Trinta, was a Brazilian visual artist known for revolutionizing Carnival in Rio de Janeiro with his innovative contributions to the parades. 15 For a complete life-story of Trophu Lotsawa (Tib. Khro phu lo tsd ha), see B/tie Annals (Roerich 1976: 705 11). 16 For a life-story of Buton Rinchen Druppa (Tib. Ru stan rio c/ten sgrub pa), see Blue Annals (ibid.: 793—5). 17 3/iP,ni (Sanskrit) refers to the ten le\ els of attainment of a bodhisattva in Mahayana Buddhism. 18 For detailed description of the iconography and meanings of the fhe Dhyani Buddhas. see Alice Getty (1914: 25 42). 19 For a detailed description of the beliefs and practices associated with Tara, see Stephan Beyer (1988). 20 Amoghasiddhi, or Amoghasiddha, is one of the Five Dhyani Buddhas, particularly associated with enlightened activity. For more details, see Getty (1914 41). I 6 The divine theater of Kalachakra’ Wondeijul! Behind the rocky mountains, poweifidly robust Amazing! On the peak of the mountains in front, adorned by snow In all directions, encircled by mist, rainbows appear.2 Shabkar Tsogdrnk Rangdrol (1781 1851) On a cold day in late October 2002, the sun was not yet up in the city of Graz. Yet, the reddening of scattered clouds announced its imminent appearance. This would have been just another dawn, if it were not for the giant rainbow that strangely extended across the skies of that Austrian city without any ostensive signs of sunrays or rain. A Buddhist practitioner would have seen this as an aus picious sign, for at the precise moment the rainbow defied the laws of physics in the skies of Graz, inside the main auditorium of the recently built Stadt Hal the Dalai Lama began the last day of the most important event in the international Tibetan Buddhist circuit: the Kalachakra initiation rite.3 For nearly two weeks, about 10,000 people from over 70 countries4 trans formed the landscape of the quiet city of Graz with fresh hues (especially the traditional Tibetan colors of maroon and yellow), various accents, and in par ticular, a religious aspiration very different from the Catholicism traditionally practiced in Austria. This was the third time the Dalai Lama had bestowed the Kalachakra initiation rite in Europe, and the eighth time in the West. In each instance, this cosmopolitan mini-scenario was repeated. It should be said that the series of Kalachakra initiations conferred by the Dalai Lama is an unprecedented phenomenon. Sever before in Europe or in the United States had an event related to an eastern religion brought together in such a consistent manner such a large and eclectic group. The first Kalachakra initiation held by the Dalai Lama in the West took place in the US state of Wisconsin in 1981 and attracted about 1,500 people a number that would grow with every subsequent performance of the event. The charisma and high visibility of the Dalai Lama, who has won over a massive legion of fans and followers through his writings and public teachings, 182 Rebirth The divine theater ofKalachakra certainly help explain the huge popularity of the Kalachakra ritual. However, the Tibetan leader has bestowed other initiation rites in the West and in Asia without repeating (in numerical terms, at least) the success of the Kalachakra initiations. Bearing this in mind. I believe that to more ftilly understand the mass appeal of the Kalachakra ritual it is important to situate it in its Asian contexts. The Dalai Lama has granted the Kalachakra initiation in Asian countries On 22 occasions. While in Tibet. before going into exile, the Tibetan leader presided over the ritual in question twice (1954 and 1956), bringing together about 100,000 people for each initiation. During his exile in India, the Dalai Lama would attract 200,000 people to these events,5 According to Glenn Mullin, in Asia the Kalachakra initiation has all the characteristics of a major Buddhist festh al: Entire villages and tribes come, with babies, adolescents, middle-aged people and grandparents. Those too young. old or weak to walk are carried. Businesses spring up everywhere, to buy from and sell to the crowd. Most pilgrims bring a few items to sell in order to pay their way back home, small articles of antiquity being the most usual. Roadside shops-on-a-blanket are everywhere. In the Bodhgaya initiation of 1985 some entrepreneur even brought in a circus, with ferris wheels and merry-go-rounds. (Mullin 1991: 27) The tradition of granting the Kalachakra to the masses, certainly one of the most unique features of this initiation rite, underscores its exceptional and at the same time paradoxical role in the context of Tibetan Buddhism. Despite its association with large multitudes of people, the Kalachaicra Tantra is considered one of the most intricate systems of Vajrayana Buddhism. Its basic literature covers sub jects as diverse as astrology, geomancy. geography, history, human psychophys iology and eschatology (Geshe Lhundub Sopa eta!. 1985: 31). And although it has played a vital role in Tibet over the years the Tibetan calendar and medi cine, for example. are extensively based on that system due to its great com plexity. few! engage in an in-depth study of Kalachakra.h For example. it has never been included in the official curriculum of any of the great Gelug tantric colleges (ibid.: 116). What is the purpose then of initiating people into such a complex system through a mass ritual? First, there is the belief that these rituals can sow seeds in participants’ mental contimtu,n7 that will bear fruit in a Etture life, when they will have better opportunities to deepen their practice of the tantra in question. Second, most people take part in these initiation rites in hopes of receiving “incidental blessings,” or “jinlab” (Tib. byin briabs) in the Tibetan language (Samuel 1993: 260). The aura of a major festival that surrounds the Kalachakra initiation rite in Asia seems to confirm the appeal of possible blessings and the idea of creating future opportunities for spiritual practice. In the West where the initiation rites per se are also charged with a festive atmosphere the situation is not very 183 different. In Graz. the Dalai Lama. with his characteristic good humor, ironically observed that the number of participants was visibly larger on the three days when the initiation actually took place.” On the other days the Dalai Lama and other lamas gave several teachings on the Kalachakra Tantra and other essential texts for the practice of Vajrayana Buddhism. On that occasion, the Tibetan leader also pointed out that he considered his preliminary teachings, which focused on transmitting some of the basic precepts of Buddhism, such as compassion, to be more important than the initiation rite itself Clearly, the Dalai Lama does not expect most of the people in his audi ence to devote themselves to the complex practice of the Kalachakra Tantra. In fact, he always says that he performs this initiation merely as a blessing, setting aside the more secret practices involved. According to Robert Thurman, “with his habitual modesty, the Dalai Lama always advises the public that ‘this initi ation is being given by an unqualified lama to people who are also unqualified’” (personal communication, 1997). Another unique feature of Kalachakra directly explains its performance as a major mass ritual: its relationship with the mythic realm of Shambhala. The con nection between Kalachakra and Shambhala makes this system a unique case in the category of the Unexcelled Yoga Tantra.9 According to the Dalai Lama. other Unexcelled Yoga Tantras have their origin in relation to individual persons or adepts, as was the case with the Guhyasamdja Tantra and the King Indrabhuti. The Kdlachakra Tantra, however, has been intimately connected with the country of Shamb hala its ninety-six districts, its kings. and retinue. (Tenzin Gyatso and Hopkins 1999 [1985]: 166) - As we will see, this reference to Sharnbhala has many implications. Let us there fore begin with a discussion of the mythic origins of the Katachakra Thntra. — Interwoven realities According to the writings and teachings on the Kalachakra Tantra.’° Shakya muni Buddha. the historical Buddha. taught the Kalachakra Tantra inside the stupa Shri Dhanyakataka, in southern India, one year after his enlightenment. In John Newman’s words: In the form of Kalachakra, the Buddha stood on the vajra lion throne in the middle of the great mandala of the “Sphere of Vajra” (vajradhatu), the abode of great bliss. He was absorbed in the Paramadibuddha (Kalachakra) samadhi. Inside the mandala he was encircled by a host of buddhas, bodhisattvas, wrathful kings, gods, nagas and male and female deities. Outside the mandala were the disciples. These included the ninety-six satraps of Shambhala, headed by the requestor of the tantra. King Suchandra of Sharnbhala. an emanation of Vajrapani. 184 Rebirth The entire three realms (the desire, form, and formless realms) saluted the feet of the Buddha. and bodhisattvas. demons and gods made Copious offerings of divine flowers, food, music, and so forth. Representing the entire assembly, Suchandra miraculously entered the dharniadhatu mandala, circumambulated the Teacher, and offered jeweled flowers at his feet. He saluted the Buddha again and again, and sat down before him. With folded hands. Suchandra requested initiation into, and instruction on. the Kalachakra. (Newman 1985: 53—4) Pleased with Suchandra’s request, the Buddha taught him the 12,000 verses of the Kaiachakra Mttlatantra (the root text for the Kalachakra Tantra) and gave the Kalachakra initiation to all those present. Afler receiiing these teachings, king Suchandra returned to Shambhala, where he wrote a 60,000-verse commen tarv on the Kalachakra lilulatantra, Then, lie propagated the Kalachakra tradi tion among his subjects. His successors maintained the tradition, gradually spreading the Kalachakra teachings throughout the country. The seventh sover eign after Suchandra, Manjushriyashas. made Kalachakra the official state reli gion. initiating so mans’ people (approximately 35 millions according to the literature on this tantra) into the Kalachakra mandala that “he and subsequent kings became known as kulika (rigs idan), ‘one who bears the lineage’” (Tenzin Gyatso and Hopkins 1999 [1985]: 59). Manjushriyashas wrote another 1,000verse summary of the Kalachakra Mulatantra, and his son, Pundarika, wrote a 12,000-verse commentary on that text, These two writings, respectively known as Laghutantra (Abbreviated Kalachakra Tantra) and Virnalaprabha (hnmacu late Light), were “brought to our world” by two Indian visionaries in the tenth and eleventh centuries. This is the first historical record of Kalachakra and the mythical narrative of the kingdom of Shambhala. Shortly after this “first contact” with our “ordinary reality.” the Kalactiakra Tantra and its system of measuring time were introduced into Tibet by the Indian master Somanatha. This is why the Tibetan calendar begins in 1026 AD, the year that marked the beginning of these teachings (Bembaum 2001 [1980]: 16). It would not be long before Buddhism (and consequently the Kalaehakra Tantra) ceased to have a strong institutional presence in India. The literature on the Kalachakra and the realm of Shambhala continued, nevertheless, to develop outside of India, more specifically in Tibet and Mongolia. Much has been written (and recounted) in these two countries regarding the Kalachakra and Shambhala, And naturally, these teachings have been propag ated on many levels. As Edwin Bembaum, author of the most complete study of Shambhala published in the West, tells us, a strong folk tradition about this kingdom including stories about the “the war and golden age to come, and others about mystics who have gone there and the treasures they brought back” spread among the Tibetans and Mongols. However, “the most secret aspects of the realm of Shambhala” have never been consigned to paper. and are only passed on orally from gum to initiate disciple (ibid.: 5). Thus, like the — The divine theater ofKalachci ken 185 Kalachakra initiation itself, which combines highly esoteric teachings’2 with the exuberance of mass rituals, the imagery regarding the mythic realm of Sham bhala shifts back and forth between the sphere of secrecy and the easily access ible world. In man senses, this ambiguity is also reflected in the very structure of the myth of Shambhala. As we have seen, the roots of this mystical kingdom lie in more than one reality, something that is in perfect harmony with the predomi nant worldview of Tibetan Buddhism. Tibetan Buddhist texts speak of a multidi mensional universe: there are ordinary perception, extraordinary perception (Thurman 1995a: 6) and multiple gradations therein. Thus, the realm of Shamb hala is believed to exist in our world, but hidden behind a “ring of mountains” or a “barrier of mist,” and therefore invisible to those who lack pure perception. According to Edwin Bernbaum: Although many lay Tibetans regard Shambhala as a heaven of the gods. most lamas consider it a Pure Land, a special kind of paradise meant only for those on their way to Nirvana. According to the texts, the kingdom pro vides the conditions under which one can make the fastest possible progress toward enlightenment. (Bembaum 2001 [1980]: 9) It should be added that, for those lamas concerned, Shambhala is the only Pure Land on this planet. The paths leading to this Buddhist paradise have been described in detail in countless “travel guides” (Tib. gnas yig). Although the “coordinates” given in these guides combine real and mythical elements, which makes them almost impossible for an ordinary person to follow, they give the feeling that the kingdom of Shambhala is actually within everyone’s (physical) reach (ibid.: 29—30). In many senses. the most fascinating aspect of Shambhala appears to be precisely that it affords the possibility of a meeting of two worlds. As we will see, there are several “paths” leading to Sharnbhaia, and. particularly. several instances in which the meeting between our reality and mythical realms can occur. In any event, this meeting is predicted to happen on at least one occasion. According to the mythical narrative. 3.000 years after the enlightenment of Buddha Shakyamuni (so in roughly 300 to 400 years) the kingdom of Shambhala will emerge from behind the barrier that makes it invisible. After a long period of degeneration during which men will lose sight of the truth and spirituality and the world will be dominated by a materialist dictatorship, the king of Shambhala, Rudra Chakrin, will lead an army of enlightened warriors against the “barbarians,” or labs (Tib. kla kb). Once the battle is won, the “nile of Shambhala will extend over the rest of the world.” ushering in a new, perfect era, “better than anything that has happened before” (ibid.: 22 3). The difficulties Tibetans faced after the Chinese invasion and in the wake of the Cultural Revolution are sometimes interpreted as a sign that we are entering the period of degeneracy that precedes the era of liberation. This interpretation 186 Rebirth The divine theater ofKalachakra of historic events on the basis of myth provides important clues for understand ing the worldview that guides the work of some lamas, demonstrating that “mythical consciousness” and “historical consciousness” are not mutually excftt_ sive. Jonathan Hill’s theoretical reflections in Rethinking Mvt/ and Histon are especially pertinent in relation to this point. Although his work focuses on indi genous South American societies. it is still extremely relevant to us. since it dis cusses precisely the impossibility of drawing clear boundaries between the notions of myth and history. Among the many points that Hill discusses in his book, the notion that history is “the totality’ of processes whereby individuals experience, interpret, and create changes within social orders” (Hill 1988: 2—3) is particularly important to this discussion, because it enables us to understand how myth can be a powerful “machine for negating time” and therefore history, as Levi-Strauss (1 995) has stated, while being at the same time an instrument for interpreting historical changes, such as those experienced by the Tibetans after the Chinese invasion. In this sense, it could be said that mythic atemporality and historical temporality are often combined in a certain Tibetan sensibility towards history, as we have seen, for instance, in the case of the Fifth Dalai Lama, The use of these parameters in the interpretation of historical events seems to be essential in the understanding of recent developments in Tibetan Buddhism, since the interpretation of realities on the basis of myth has a direct impact on the work of some lamnas in the diaspora, including the Dalai Lama. Indeed, the association between the Shambhala myth and the tragic fate of Tibet gives a feeling of urgency to the transmission of the Kalachakra initiation in particular. According to the Dalai Lama, The higher meditations of the Kalachakra Tantra can be practiced only by a select few; but because of past and future events, and in order to establish a strong karmic relationship with Kalachakra in the minds of the people. there is now a tradition of giving the initiation to large public gatherings. (Geshe Lhundub Sopa eta!. 1985: xviii—xix) It is interesting to note that the missionary connotation present here can also be perceived in the work of other larnas in exile. This is particularly the case with Lama Gangchen. As we have seen, Lama Gangchen structures his activities, and particularly his spiritual practice, on the basis of preparing his disciples for the final battle of Shambhala. Unlike Lama Gangchen, however, the Dalai Lama rarely, if ever, makes ref erences to Shambhala in terms of the need to prepare for the struggle alongside the illuminated warriors in the battle ahead (Gangchen 1997 [1993]). The Tibetan leader primarily discusses the mythical kingdom in the form of scholarly digressions, presented during the initiation ceremony. furthermore, the Shamb hala myth is implicit in the very structure of the Kalachakra ritual. Such associ ations with the Sharnbhala myth have numerous implications. The most prominent one as in the case of Lama Gangchen is once again the question of world peace. The full title of the event that took place in Graz expresses this — — 187 clearlY “Kalachakra for World Peace Graz 2002.” Therefore, the main focus worldwide here IS the numerous ways in which the question of peace (certainly comes see) will we as Buddhism, Tibetan but also within the institutions of together in the Kalachakra ritual. Ritual time, mythical time first of all, it is crucial to emphasize that commentaries on the Kalachakra describe the battle of Shambhala not only in historical tern’is but also as a “spir itual battle” in which each individual must struggle against his or her own neg ative feelings and barbarous attitudes. which arise from ignorance of the true nature of reality. As Khenpo Noryang explained to Bembaum: We can talk about three Shambhalas corresponding to the three divisions of the Kalachakra teachings. The outer Shambhala exists as a kingdom in the extemal world, the inner lies hidden in the body and mind, and the other [altemative] is the Kalachakra mandala with all its deities. (Bembaurn 2001 [1980]: 141) Clearly, based on this description of the kingdom of Sharnbhala in its different layers of meaning, the mythical narrative not only figures in the history of the origins of the Katachakra Tantra, but it is also directly incorporated into the ritual. This proximity with the myth spotlights, among other things, a highly unique elaboration of the concept of time. Literally. “Kalachakra” means “wheel of time.” Nonetheless. “Kala. or time is not linear time, but the flow of all events, past. present. and future. This is similar to our concept of space. which does not imply any particular direction or limitation” (Bryant 1992: 24). The Kalachakra system includes three time cycles: external, which has to do with the passing of hours, days. months. years. etc.: internal, which deals with the sequence of daily breaths that an individual takes: and finally, the alternative cycle, which deals with all of the spiritual practices related to the tantra in ques tion. Therefore, “the external and internal cycles deal with time as we normally conceive it. while the aiternati e cycle refers to the methods that lead to libera tion from the first two” (Berzin 2010 [1997]: 27). A unique characteristic of the Ka!achakra Tantra, the correspondence that the ritual establishes between the external and internal time cycles, or in a broader sense, between the macrocosm and microcosm. brings the system as a whole closer to the concept of myth as it is discussed by Levi-Strauss. Comparing myth with music, the French anthropologist concludes that both operate on the basis of a “twofold continuum.” [O]ne part of it is external and is composed in the one instance of historical. or supposedly historical, events forming a theoretically infinite series from which each society extracts a limited number of relevant incidents with which to create its myths: and in the other instance, the equally infinite 188 Rebirth series of physically producible sounds, from which each musical systetu selects its scale. The second aspect of the continuum is internal and is situ ated in the psychophysiological time of the listener, the elements of which are very complex: they involve the periodicity of cerebral waves and organj rhythms, the strength of the memory, and the power of attention. (Levi-Strauss 1979: 16j In many ways, the form in which the Kaiachakra ritual deals with what Lëvi_ Strauss calls a “twofold continuum” sheds light on the conscious and uncon scious mechanisms involved in the narration and reception of myths. For example, it is precisely through the imaginary performative alignment in the external and internal cycles that the power of “suppressing time” that the French anthropologist directly associates with myth is transformed into “experience” in the ritual. Robert Thurman’s interpretation of the etymology of the word “Kalachakra” is particularly germane to this discussion. Thurman gives the extended meaning of the term “chakra,” which can also mean “machine.” According to this interpretation, “Kalachakra” would mean “Time Machine,” “not in the science-fiction sense that it travels through time, but in the special sense that it is the artistic creation with which universal compassion turns time into a machine to produce the enlightenment of all sentient beings” (Rhie and Thurman 1991: 384). In this context, the idea of a “time machine” is very close to the effects wrought by myth and ritual: the suspension of the “normal” course of rime. This is one of the most essential properties of tantric practice, which consists of accel erating the process of spiritual development, making it possible to “reverse” the logical order of the religious path. In the tantra, the practitioner takes the future outcome of his or her practice as the starting point. This means that during the ritual, initiates “act,” “speak” and “think” as if they were already fully enlight ened. In this regard, the ritual could primarily be thought of as a “chain of mirrors” in which the body, speech and mind of the practitioner are “trans formed” into the body. speech and mind of the chief deity. in this case, the Kalachakra deity, through the meditation techniques of mudra, mantra and visti alization.’3 In the ritual, the method of identification can be interpreted as a the atrical performance. In a carefully constructed scenario based on the elaborate art of citation, the practitioner plays his part in what can be poetically describe as a “cosmic drama without beginning or end.” The theatre of enlightenment The c/nine theater t?fKa/achakra practitioners mentally construct a “virtual reality” in which they and the world that surrounds them are viewed as perfect. in their fully enlightened nature. ccording to Jeffrey Hopkins, “much of tantric practice is structured around mimicking ordinary, uncontrolled processes in a manner that serves to puri’ those processes and bring them under control. In this case, the process of taking febirth is being mimicked, purified, and brought under control” (Tenzin Gyatso and Hopkins 1999 [1985]: 94). Here, we see the structural proximity that clearly exists between tantric ritual and theatre. While there are many points of similarity that confirm this proxim ity,’5 two are particularly relevant for the present discussion, First, it is important to stress the direct relationship between text and performance even imaginary performance within the sphere of tantric ritual. The text that the lama follows when conducting the rite can, in a way. be understood as a script (clearly a very rigid one) that “leads” the practitioner along an imaginary route or an equally imaginary performance throughout the initiation rite. In this context, there is little or no room for improvisation. Recalling Hopkins’s words once again, habitual processes are reproduced in a controlled environment for the ultimate purpose of perfecting them, To a great extent, the text of the ritual can be con sidered the chief basis for creating this controlled environment. The idea of repetition is another important factor, Both in the initiation rite and the daily practice of Kalachakra. the steps involved in the practitioner’s imaginary transformation are repeated countless times. It can generally be said that transformation is expected to occur through repetition during which the body and mind gradually become “accustomed” to the new principles. Basically, the practitioner arrives at a sense of experience by directly superimposing imagi nary performances involving similar (or even identical) cycles of transformation (Turner 1986, 1982). The concept of experience has been an important part of Buddhism since the doctrine first developed. Among other things, the emphasis on experience has had the practical result of creating a varied range of methods ostensibly aimed at fur thering spiritual growth. However, it is only within the context of Vajrayana Bud dhism to which the Kalachakra rite pertains that meditation methods have given special meaning to the concept of peijormance in Buddhist rituals by pro posing an imaginary identification betu een practitioners and meditational deities. This brings us to a second aspect of the structural similarities between ritual and theatre that I would like to spotlight: the close connection between performance and experience, and its place in the religious system as a whole. The entire range of tantric ritual practice has proven to be an effective way of presenting abstract concepts such as non-duality, emptiness and Buddha nature in a concrete form, or performance. It could be said that this method is capable of focusing all of the practitioner’s energy and concentration on the assimilation of the doctrine. In this regard, it is essential to stress that all tantric initiation rites form part of a dramatic narrative. In the specific case of the Kalachakra rite, this narrative mirrors birth and the other seven stages of childhood that are represented by the seven main initiations into which the rite is divided.’6 The central place of the — — — — Just as in most initiation rites in all cultures, the basic structure of the Kalachakra ritual is based on the cycle of death (the former personality) and rebirth (as a new person), therefore constituting at some level a rite of passage. ‘‘ During the initiation process, this cycle is repeated several times, culminating in the initi ate’s final rebirth as the Kalachakra deity. To a great extent, the main idea here has to do with rebirth in an idealized form. Following the lama’s instructions, 1 89 190 Rebirth The divine theater ofKalachakra concept of narrative within tantric ritual cannot be overstated. According to Hayden White, [N]arrative might well be considered a solution to a problem of genera’ human concern, namely, the problem of how to translate knowing into telling, the problem of fashioning human experience into a form assimilable to strictures of meaning that are generally human, rather than culturespecific. (White 1990: lj In this sense, it could be said that the overall structure of tantric ritual sums up the abstract concepts of Mahayana Vajrayana doctrine. Through this “narrativi zation” a practice that, as White observes, is capable of creating a form of trans-cultural communication practitioners are prepared to experience these abstract concepts in the course of the performance. A brief description is in order here to give an example of the “internal initi ation” that, as the first step in the ritual, introduces the practitioner to tantric reality, preparing him or her for the principal initiations the seven initiations that represent seven different “stages” of childhood.’7 In any event, without delving too deeply into the complexities of these concepts, we can say that this process involves the abovementioned mechanism of imitating “routine processes that are out of our control” and thereby controlling them. In this case, the initi ations as a whole represent the initiates’ conception, gestation and birth. At the end of the ritual, the practitioner is reborn as the “child of the lama” or the “child of the deity” and thus, an “uncontrolled” process birth, or better yet, re-birth has been placed under control within the context of the initiation.’8 This is also true for “childhood” the time of learning in society and the practice of Bud dhist teachings beyond the ritual which should follow the same logic and be controlled in accordance with the divine sequence of “stages” represented by the seven initiations mentioned above, Therefore, it could be said that the “internal initiation” the initial stage of the Kalachakra ritual plays an important struc tural role that, in a way, reflects the significance of the ritual as a whole. It is important to stress that within the context of tantric ritual the practition er’s performance begins with the construction of the setting in which he or she will “perform.” On the basis of the ritual text, which is a “script” permeated with doctrinal and historical mythological references, the Dalai Lama invites the prac titioners to set aside their usual view of reality, replacing a perception that is considered “impure” with “a pure perception.” The Dalai Lama himself should be seen as a Kalachakra deity and, similarly, the place where the initiation takes place should be seen as the deity’s divine palace. The Dalai Lama “manifests” as Kalachakra, ith a blue body, four faces and 24 arms, in sexual union with his consort, Vishvamata, who is pictured with a yellow body, four faces and eight arms. There are countless complex references behind this description of Kalach akra and Vishvamata. For now, however, I will focus on their essential meaning: the depiction of a fully enlightened being. - - 191 placing their trust in this basic understanding, practitioners must visualize rays of light emanating from the lama’s heart. Each practitioner is then captured by a ray of light and transported inside the lama’s mouth, travelling through the lama’s body to fall into the womb of Vishvamata, who is understood here as an archetypal mother Within Vishvamata’s womb, practitioners are transformed into emptiness. This is the critical moment of the initiation rite, because it is the time when the practitioner becomes aware of the emptiness of existence inherent to all phenomena. According to the Dalai Lama, the mind that perceives and understands emptiness “serves as the substance of each student’s appearance as Kalachakra” (Tenzin Gyatso and Hopkins 1999 [1985]: 175). This mind that “understands emptiness” is successively transformed into the seed-syllable’9 hum, into a vajra2° and finally into the form of the Kalachakra deity not with all the faces and arms of the mandala’s tutelary deity, but with just one face and two arms. This brief example provides a glimpse into an important aspect of the ritual’s general structure: the dramatic narrative in which the practitioner’s actions take place is replete with metaphors. Thus, if there is a direct reference to the concept of emptiness during the initiation, there is also an indirect reference to it through a figure of speech. In fact, the multiple transformations that each practitioner undergoes before emerging as Kalachakra can be interpreted as a powerful meta phor for the concept of emptiness. They express the multiple possibilities for representing something, and its consequent lack of inherent existence (Dagyab Rinpoche 1995: 6). The realization and experience of emptiness plays an essen tial role in the ritual, as it forms the basis for self-transformation in the context of this esoteric practice. Emptiness can be understood as an antidote for the reifi cation of the self. The glimpse of the non-existence of a fixed identity creates some of the conditions for a concrete change. Here, Victor Turner can help us understand other elements of the language of this ritual. Indeed, the concept of emptiness and its role within the sphere of tantric ritual are, in a way, analogous to Turner’s concept of “anti-structure.” Turner uses this term to describe the moment in rituals when social structures and roles are not present, emphasizing that it is not a reference to a “structural reversal, a mirror-imaging of ‘profane’ workaday socioeconomic structure, or a fantasy-rejection of structural necessities, but to the liberation of human capa cities of cognition, affect, volition, creativity, etc.” (Turner 1982: 44). Just as anti-structure is the basis for social change in Turner’s interpretation of ritual, so the notion of emptiness is the basis for inner transfornation that is sought in tantric ritual. One of the most interesting points Turner discusses in regard to the concept of anti-structure has to do with the nature of the language used at this stage of the ritual. Based on the findings of Van Gennep. Turner observes that in ritual, language “moves from the indicative mood of cultural process, through culture’s subjunctive mood back to the indicative mood, though this recovered mood has now been tempered, even transformed, by immersion in subjunctivity” (Turner 1982: 82). The subjunctive mood is related to the anti-structural aspect of the 192 I Rebirth ritual, and indicates a wish, a desire, a possibility or a hypothesis. It is, in fact, the language of “wishful thinking.” In Turner’s words: “It is ‘as if it were so’, not ‘it is so’” (ibid.: 83). In esoteric Buddhist ritual, the subjunctive mood is always coupled ith the indicative mood. In the rite in question. if the multiple transformations that prac titioners undergo before emerging as Kalachakra can be interpreted as a powerful metaphor for the concept of emptiness, then this method of transformation also aims to reveal their true essence, which is already “fully enlightened.” This is implicit in the identification between each practitioner and the deity. However, if each of us is a/reath’ fully enlightened in the latter sense, we are “imprisoned” on a relative or conventional level by our mental defilements. One of the aims of the tantric ritual is precisely to “purii” these defilemems. thereby enabling the emergence of the practitioner’s true “self.” Thus, the tantric ritual combines the indicative and subjunctive moods to create a basis for transformation. Para phrasing Turner, it is “as if it were so” now, because “it is so” a/ready. Implicit in this coupling of the subjunctive and indicative moods is one of the main concepts developed by Mahayana thought. which has become one of the pillars of the practice of Vajrayana Buddhism: the notion of the non-duality of samsara and nirvana. Achieving liberation or enlightenment ceases to become a question of leaving this world. Nirvana is taking place in the here and now, but the impurity of our vision prevents us from seeing it. In this sense, the idea of personal transformation that is expressed in various ways in tantric ritual can be translated, first and foremost, into a transformation of the practitioner’s per spective. In effect, the “stage of creation” that is being dealt with in the Kala chakra initiation concentrates essentially on transforming each practitioner’s perception, informing and shaping it through symbols and concepts that are potentially capable of shaking the fottndations of their worldview. The purpose of the imaginative performance of the tantric ritual may be precisely to influence this perception in practice by encapsulating abstract doctrinal concepts in “con crete metaphors” that are lived out through the performance. By means of the enacted experience of the ritual, the image that the practitioners themselves have of their bodies and surrounding environment (extending as far as the entire uni verse) is remodeled and takes on new meaning. In regard to this transformation, the ritual contains a double progressive movement that confers new meanings not only on the practitioner’s body but also on his or her environment. During the second part of the ritual, the practi tioners who had previously been outside the mandala palace visualize them selves entering one of its doors. During this process, they circle around the mandala, climbing each of its levels in their imaginations until they reach the center. The lama narrates this journey, describing every detail of the environ ment while the practitioners proceed through the mandala. The varied aspects of the mandala are associated with the signs of the Zodiac, the main planets and constellations, as well as the 360 days of the year (following the lunar calendar). Here, each month is symbolized by a deity, who is accompanied by 30 assist ants, one for each day of the month. A comparison can be made here with the The divine theater ofKalachaltTa 193 Japanese method of accentuating the obscure aspects of an object, known as ,nitate. As Masao Yamaguchi explains. “The Japanese tise initate to extend the image of an object. By so doing they transcend the constraints of time” (Yamaguchi 1991: 58). According to Yamaguchi. in the Japanese context, initate which, in many regards. could be described as an “art of citation” is a uni versal tendency to bring the invisible to light through the visible organization of objects. In the case of the Kaiachakra ritual, which gradually becomes visible bit by bit albeit in the practitioners’ imaginations it is a certain conception of the universe that is inherent to this system. and in which microcosms and macro cosms are closely connected. In this cosmic environment. practitioners are invited to carry out the so-called “internal initiation” four more times in conjunction with the main initiations of the ritual. The first of these four internal initiations is received together with the “water” and “crown” initiations on the northern (white and peaceful) face of Kalachakra represented by the mandala. Following the same pattern, the second initiation is received together with the “silk ribbon” and “vajra and bell” initi ations on the southern (red and voluptuous) face of Kalachakra. The third initi ation, which is associated with the “conduct” and “name” initiations, occurs on the eastern (blue and wrathful) face of Kalachakra. Finally, the fourth initiation and the final “permission” initiation are received on the western (yellow and contemplative) face of Kalachakra (Tenzin Gyatso and Hopkins 1999 [1985): 74). The four “faces” or aspects of Kalachakra are respectively associated with the body, speech, mind and “bliss.” The initiations held on the first three of these faces are therefore directly related to the purification of the body, speech and mind. The sequence of the four sets of internal initiations reproduces the circular movement inherent to the figure of the principal deity. Thus. the dramatic experi ence of being “reborn” countless times in four different directions gives practi tioners the means to achieve awareness of the concept of the simultaneity of time during the performance. As Paul Mus explains, the multiplication of faces or aspects confers the power of blessing in not just one direction but in all direc tions at once. In this regard. the four-faced form of Kalachakra indicates some type of succession in time. This image denotes a circular movement, constituting an “axis” for a ritual procession (Mus 1964: 6). It could be said that the perform ance in the Kalachakra ritual has the power to convert time into space in the practitioners’ imaginations, giving them elements that can influence the manner in which they perceive time. In the ritual, this particular characteristic of Kalachakra is expressed in more than one way. One of the most inspiring and concise forms of transformation of time into space may be the representation of the 360 days of the year in the mandala. According to Edwin Bernbaum: — — — — [Ajs a particular deity. each day takes on a divine quality that partakes of eternity. Along the way he comes to see them as different manifestations of the main tutelary deity of the Kalachakra, who embodies the timelessness 194 Rebirth of every passing moment. Through the visualization of these deities, he experiences the secret that past and future are but different phases of one time that happens now. By identifying himself with the tutela;y deity who rules them all, he eventually becomes master of time itself (Bembaum 2001 [1980]: 129—30) In many regards, it could be said that the Kalachakra Tantra’s capacity of “manipulating” time gives it a special connection to the idea of world peace. Jhado Tulku Rmpoche, who between 1997 and 2004 served as abbot of Namgyal Monastery. the Dalai Lama’s personal monastery, addressed this question directly in a lecttire he gave in Graz: Although in the other major tantric systems like the Guhvasamaja. lajrab harava. chakrasannarci, there is a meditation and analogy regarding the paths to be purified. Nevertheless, you do not have a result, which is similar to this. You do not have an extensive system of analogy as you have in the Kalachakra. In the Kalachakra, you have a presentation of the external world to be purified with the passage of the years and months and days and the signs of the zodiac. We have an internal basis to be purified, which refers to the body with the passage of the 21,600 breaths during the course of one day. analogous to the 2 1,600 hours in the course of the year. and we have a meditation in analogy with this in order to purify both the internal and exter nal basis. And doing this purification we are able to overcome the effects of the influence of these internal and external cycles. Now in connection with world peace. if on the external level the passage of the year. and month and day happens in a peaceful way, we can bring about a peaceful situation. And if it is confused, we know the way the time passes is filled with a great deal of problems. Similarly [this is what happens] with the body and the passage of breaths and so on. If this is all confused and the basis of it is confused, then we experience great difficulties, problems with health and so on, whereas, if it goes smoothly, we experience our bodies in a peaceful situation. The chime theater of’Kalachakra 1 95 1neaning to the ritual as a whole that can only be discussed on the basis of the element5 of the Sharnbhala myth. Myth and peace in which ritual It can generally be said that the construction of the sacred setting As a mass practice. ritual of practitioners “act” goes beyond the strict boundaries must be under that significance ritual, the Kalachakra initiation has a broader of theatre divine the stages Lama stood in this light. Every time the Dalai mythic the to reference explicit an Kalachakra for thousands of people he makes kingdom of Shambhala. As we have seen. after receiving initiation from Buddha Shakyamuni. king Suchandra returned to Shambhala and made Kalachakra the state religion. Also according to tradition. after king Suchandra received the Kalachakra initiation from the Buddha. 26 kings would govern the kingdom of Shambhala, and all of them would propagate the teachings of Kalachakra, Every year. each of these kings gave, gives and will give the Kalachakra initiation to his entire kingdom. Among all the stories of the sovereigns of Shambhala, one is particularly rel evant to Kalachakra as a mass ritual related to world peace. Manjushriyashas, the seventh king after Suchandra. initiated so many subjects during his reign that, as mentioned earlier, he became known as the first kuhika. or “he who bears the lineage.” According to Alex Berzin and Jhado Rinpoche. the association with the concept of peace is derived from the occasion on which king Manjushriyashas gave the Kalachakra initiation to the entire population of his kingdom in order to unite his people against the threat of a barbarian invasion. In Berzin’s words: At that time, Shambhala was a land comprised of people from many dif ferent backgrounds and religions. Most, in fact, were Hindu. Caste prejudice was rampant and different groups within society refused even to eat with one another. 1s a divided society, Sharnbhala was weak.2 It was not king Manjushriyashas’s intention to convert his subjects.u The sover eign knew that most people would take part in the initiation as observers which is precisely what happens in the rituals presided over by the Dalai Lama today. As stated by Berzin: — I The basic idea expressed here is that external peace begins with inner peace, which is a central idea in just about every line of Buddhism. However, because it is incorporated into a ritual, this notion takes on new outlines and has different offshoots. This reference to peace was probably the main reason why the Kalach akra has become an important stage of activities for the Dalai Lama. The cause of peace enables the Dalai Lama to rub shoulders with the world’s political leaders and has raised the Tibetan cause to a universal level. In a way, the Kalachakra initiation rite permits the Tibetan leader to implement in practice (albeit through an action “of a magical nature” his theoretical discourse on defending world peace. There are several ways through which the question of peace is voiced in the Kalachakra initiation. We have already seen some exam ples of this in the ritual performance. Nevertheless, there is an underlying The King of Shambhala said that he gathered his people in the Kalachakra mandala palace to join them together and convince them to re-examine their own customs and religions. He hoped to provide the circumstances for them to think about ethics and examine if they were really living up to the stand ards that their religious taught.23 In many ways. the Dalai Lama also reproduces the spirit that drm e Manjcishri yashas to disseminate the Kalachakra in the mass initiation rites. The Tibetan leader literally states that the most important part of the event occurs before the 196 Rebirth ritual is held. As we have seen, for the Dalai Lama, the preliminary teachings that generally deal with subjects like compassion, love and ethics are the most essential part of the event. He also says that the main reason for giving the Kalachakra initiation is to lead a large and diverse group of people to spend ten days in a peaceful atmosphere. He made this clear on the first day of teachings: Among the people who are gathered here. it is possible that there are some who practice their own religion. It is also possible that there are people who do not have any religious practice. Among those who already follow a reli gious tradition, it is possible that listening to Buddhist teachings will provide you some new insights. In the past, I had the opportunity to give talks in many places to Protestants, Catholics. and many of them came to me and said that it has benefited [them] in strengthening their own religious tradi tion. And even if that is not the case, it will definitely help to bring harmony and unity among the different traditions. In fact, the Dalai Lama goes beyond his inter-religious statements, encouraging those present to follow the traditions of their “forefathers,” or at least, not to dis respect them. During the event, an inter-religious conference was also held at a Graz university. “On this occasion,” the Dalai Lama declared later during his farewell speech. “the religious leaders of five major religions of the world spoke of the need for peace and harmony in the world.” thereby calling on everyone, Buddhists and non-Buddhists alike, to follow this advice. It is also important to stress that the Dalai Lama takes pains to ensure that Btiddhists from other tradi tions play an active role in the event. E cry day, before he began his teachings, the Tibetan leader invited a group of Buddhists present there to recite a text or recite a prayer. In his words: Normally, when I give this initiation in India, there is a recitation in Pali, and then if there is a large number of Chinese audience members this will be followed by the recitation of the Heart Sutra in Chinese. But today the recitation of the Heart Sutra will be done in Vietnamese. After this, we are going to do the refuge prayer in Tibetan. Here we have examples of how the Kalachakra initiation is one of the most ideal platforms for the Tibetan leader’s activities, for it enables him to spread his message of peace and harmony throughout the world and among all faiths from a prominent position, with the support of a mythical narrative. Kalachakra and the state Another aspect of the Kalachakra initiation that correlates with the widespread teaching of the value of peace, but whose outcomes can be x cry different, is the Dalai Lama’s trans-sectarian posture in relation to the different lines of Tibetan Buddhism. Without a doubt, the Xalachakra initiation has become one of the The divine theater olKalachcikra 197 most (if not the most) important events related to Tibetan Buddhism in the diaspora, bringing together representatives of all of its traditions. In Graz, lamas from the four schools of Tibetan Buddhism.21 and also the Bön tradition, gave lectures and took part in the ritual alongside the Daiai Lama. One of the event’s organizers, Chungdak Koren a Tibetan woman who for many years was the representative of the Dalai Lama’s government in Geneva says that the initial intention was to invite leaders from all lineages to the initiation, but some could not attend only the head of the Sakya School. Sakva Trinzin. was present in Graz. In any case, it is important to stress that all the other schools were repres ented by important lamas. The Dalai Lama’s significant opening address showed clear signs of his trans-sectarian posture on multiple levels. On the first day of teachings. the Tibetan leader discussed the introduction of Buddhism in Tibet. He particu larly mentioned the roles that Abbot Shantarakshita and Padmasambhava played in establishing Buddhism in his country. He also spoke about Atisha and his role in the second period of the dissemination of Buddhism in Tibet. finally. he observed: — — When you hear all these accounts, it becomes very clear that the tradition of Buddhism that is practiced in Tibet is none other than the Nalanda tradition. Texts like Nagarjuna’s fwiclamental Wisdom, Chandrakirti’s introduction to tile Middle Way, and Aryadeva’s four Hztiith’ed Verses, are still studied in the main establishments. [...] In the Indian Nalanda Monastic University there was a complete practice of all the traditions that have been preserved in Pali, and Sanskrit. So all these teachings were available there in Nalanda Monastic University. It is very clear that all these teachings that were prac ticed in Nalanda were preserved in Tibet itself. These words express the Dalai Lama’s clear intention of stressing the common origins of all schools of Tibetan Buddhism. This aim was further confirmed because, in the course of his talk, he also underlined the common provenance (the Nalanda Monastic University) of the precursors of each of the Tibetan tradi tions. In this regard, it is also worth citing another reference that the Dalai Lama made to Nalanda at Graz. The Tibetan leader introduced his western audience to a prayer he had written in honor of the founding masters, entitled “A Prayer to the 17 Great Pandits of the Glorious Nalanda.” With this prayer, which was to be said every day before the teachings, the Dalai Lama cemented his trans-sectarian posture in a moment of religious communion. Echoes of the Dalai Lama’s trans-sectarian discourse could also be heard in the lecture given by Sakya Trinzin. the leader of the Sakya School, on his own spiritual tradition. Sakya Trinzin also stressed the points that the different line ages share in common. Inside Tibet there are many different spiritual lineages. Now we speak of four. All those four have followed a common path, which begins with the 198 Rebirth The c/i’diie theater of Kalachakra bodhicttta. generating the altruistic mind of enlightenment, and culminate with the union of the path of the sutras and the secret mantra. And there ha e been lots of extraordinary beings that could write about the frnit of their accomplishments in all four traditions. So in truth all those main schools and traditions and lineages are certainly not contradictory expres sions of the Buddha’s teachings. And, promoting beneficial and enlightened activities for the benefit of all sentient beings, all of them have worked in the same way. I Sakya Trinzin also discussed the other three schools’ influences on his own school. Thus, both speakers expressed an alignment with a certain non-partisan view of Tibetan Buddhism.25 In fact, the Dalai Lama does not limit himself to the framework of spiritual practice pertaining to Gelug. his school of origin. On more than one occasion he has given initiations and lectures on the traditions of other schools, and in particular, Dzogchen. the spiritual practice exclusive to the Nyingma and BOn schools. Moreover, the Tibetan leader also often expresses a personal interest in finding academic support for his defense of the harmony among the many and varied viewpoints of the different schools. According to Alex Berzin, the Dalai Larna personally asked him to carry out an in-depth study of the four Tibetan Buddhist traditions in order to create a “unified field theory” that shows how they all fit together (personal communication. 2002). This trans-sectarian posture regarding the other schools of Tibetan Buddhism sheds light on the clearly political aspect of the Kalachakra initiation, because, in many ways. it indicates a structural relationship with the state as it was organ ized in Tibet. Recall the discussion in Chapter 2 concerning the establishment of the state of the Dalai Larnas that demonstrates how the fifth Dalai Lama skill fully united religion and politics in a governmental structure that endured for centuries. The Fifth Dalai Lama sought to go beyond the bounds of his own school in order to create a symbolic apparatus for the state that assimilated refer ences from most of the other Tibetan Buddhist traditions, in particular the Nyingma School.26 By taking a trans-sectarian stance, the current Dalai Lama follows in the example of his predecessor. This strengthens his position as the leader of Tibetan Buddhism as a whole, which is proving to be crucial to the Tibetan cause. It should also be underscored that probably more than at any other perform ance of the Kalachakra initiation before it. this political aspect was expressed in many ways at the event held in Graz, First, unlike previous events, the Dalai Lama was not invited to give the initiation by a Buddhist organization. In fact, it was the mayor of Graz himself, Alfred Stingl, who formally requested the Kalachakra teachings. Stingi, a recognized champion of human rights, was declaredly more interested in the ethical and humanitarian message the Dalai Lama could communicate at the event than in the religious aspect per se. Second. partly due to that official invitation, different levels of government including city, state and federal provided ample funding: roughly three million euros. Generally, funding for these events is obtained from the private sector. through — — 199 donations. Graz was designated the cultural capital of Europe in 2003. and a number of activities were already scheduled. The generous supply of govern ment funding. and the mayor’s invitation, were therefore justified in light of the belief that the Kalachakra would be a good way to publicize how the city pro posed to fulfill its designated role. finally, a number of side-programs spotlight ing the cause of Tibetan independence were also held during the ten-day initiation entitled “Kalachakra for World Peace Graz 2002.” To a great extent, the presence of Chungdak Koren (who, as we have seen, was the representative of the Dalal Lama’s government in Geneva) among the organizers is directly related to the pciblicity for the Tibetan cause throughout the initiation. As she explains: Normally. wherever His Holiness gives teachings. the organizers do not have much political issue awareness of Tibet. They are just focused on the it is lucky that I have been here, and that I had teaching. Whereas here the responsibility for Hall 12 [where the restaurants and the stores selling Buddhist-related products were located], which I made a condition. I said, “I’ll come, but then I’ll have responsibility for the marketing, and the control of the side-programs,” because I knew how it normally works.... Of course this is a religious teaching, but you cannot ignore the political issue if His Holiness is there. After all. His Holiness is the head of 6 million people. and he has been working for the Tibetan issue for the last 40 years. So how can you ignore this? If you really respect him, you have to support his concern, his interest. And his interest is to solve the problem of Tibet. in a peaceful solution. So I was happy I could organize these three things. ... The side-programs that Chungdak Koren organized included screenings of several films, including a documentary about the boy recognized by the Dalai Lama as the reincarnation of the Panchen Lama, whom the Chinese imprisoned together with his family in 1995. As we have seen in Chapter 1, the Panchen Lama’s current whereabouts are unknown, and many believe that he has been assassinated. Koren is also a member of the International Campaign for Tibet (ICT). which has organized an exhibition on the Chinese occupation of Tibet and was presented the “Light of Truth” award. This annual award is bestowed to “individuals who have made a significant contribution to public understanding of the situation in Tibet and the cause of independence.” In Graz, the honorees were Petra Kelly (in mernoriam). co-founder of the German Green Party and a leading champion of the Tibetan cause in Europe, and Heinrich Harrer,26 the Austrian mountaineer who recounted his adventures in Tibet during World War II in the celebrated book Seven Years in Tibet. (As mentioned before, Brad Pitt played Harrer, a native of Graz, in the film version). Therefore, a setting could be care fully built up around the ritual, making transparent what was once implicit: the political meaning of the event presided over by the Dalai Lama. 200 Rebirth Spectacle as politics In the past, mass rituals like the Kalachakra initiation were exceptional “theatres” in which the power of the Tibetan state was staged and reaffirmed. As I have already indicated, in the Austrian performance of the Kalachakra initiation, this connection with political power was also far from peripheral. In fact, it is an integral part of the very structure of the ritual and the underlying myth. In a way, the ambivalence surrounding Kalachakra not only the most esoteric of all the secret tantric systems but also a mass ritual has a close connection to the very concept of power, something that is held by few but which concerns everyone, It is therefore no coincidence that the two main niches in which the Kalachakra Tantra received particular attention were Tashilhunpo. the headquarters of the Panchen Lamas (second in the Gelug School’s hierarchy), and Namgyal, the per sonal monastery of the Dalai Lamas. It was precisely the representatives of these two spiritually and politically high-ranking lineages that popularized the practice of Kalachakra in Tibet. Several Panchen Lamas and Dalai Lamas have written commentaries and prayers on Kalachakra. According to the anthropologist Geoffrey Samuel, major Kalach akra initiations were given by the Panchen Lama in the 1 920s, and in those years, the audience numbered in the hundreds of thousands (Samuel 1993: 260). There is also a connection between these lamas and two important kings of Shambhala. As Jhado Rinpoche explained during his lecture at the Graz initiation: Like Pundarika, son of Manjushriyashas [the first kulika king], who wrote down the Stainless Light, the commentary on the Root Kalachakra Tantra, was an emanation of Chenrezig [Avalokiteshvara], so is the Dalai Lama. Also receiving the initiation from the Panchen Lama is very significant, for like Manjushriyashas, he too is an emanation of Manjushri. So, receiving the Kalachakra initiation from both the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama is very special. r This association of the Dalai and Panchen Lamas with kings of Shambhala cer tainly has a wealth of implications. For the puiposes of this discussion it is par ticularly germane to remark that allying politics and religion in the mythical context as well points to the tendency of the Kalachakra initiation rite to expand into multiple levels of meaning, in which the same “story” is told and retold, In the end, this is a story of power, the power of the Dalai Lamas, which unfolds in settings that seem to extend (almost) infinitely from the core of the ritual. In this regard, much like the example of the Yellow Procession described in Chapter 2, the Kalachakra is excessive in its profusion of symbols. This sense of excess, and its accompanying expression of exuberance, could be seen as one of the reasons why this particular initiation came to be the most popular among the initiations conferred by Dalai Lama in exile (and certainly before). In the par ticular case of the Kalachakra ritual, the connection between excess, beauty, superiority and glory put forth by Paul Veyne in his famous article (1988) gains The divine theater ofKalachakra 201 yet another dimension. The keyword here is experience, and any experience “would be incomplete,” to quote Victor Turner, “unless one of its ‘moments’ is performance” (Turner 1982: 18), even if it is an imaginary one, as in the context of tantric ritual. The crucial moment of the initiation, the internal initiation in which disciples imagine their rebirth as the children of the lama creates in this setting an experiential glimpse of the kingdom of Shambhala, or at least a sense of belonging to a larger community that has at its center the figure of the Dalai — Lama. In view of all of that, it could be said that the Dalai Lama, by staging the Kalachakra ritual (even after foniially stepping down as the secular leader of Tibetans in 2011), keeps the symbolic power of the former Tibetan state alive, using similar means to those utilized in the past, such as recourse to the spec tacle. However, if in the past the ritualization of power made reference to the religious dimension that sustained the state, today it is the sacred that takes on a political dimension or, better yet, which gives power one of its possible forms outside the former Tibetan context, after the dismantling of the social and polit ical structures that once served as the foundations for the religion and the state. Notes 1 This chapter was initially translated by Sabrina Gledhill. Later, several changes were made to the text, 2 This poem by the great Nyingma master Shabkar Tsogdnik Rangdrol can be found in his autobiography (Shabkar Tsogdnik Rangdrol 2003: 320b). F or the works of Shabkar in English, see Ricard (2002; 2001). 3 Some texts in the tantric literature actually recommend that practitioners look for internal and external signs of a ritual’s effectiveness. A rainbow also appeared, for example, during the Kalachakra initiation presided by the Dalai Lama in Wisconsin in 1981. In that case, too, there was no rain (Lopez 1907: 227). 4 This is according to the figures in the final report produced by the event’s organizers. 5 These numbers are official numbers of the Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama; see www.dalailama.com teachings kalachakra-initiations. 6 An exception is the followers of the Jonang School, who have practiced and still con tinue to practice the tantra in retreat. In any event, the exclusivity surrounding the Kalachakra Tantra endangered its survival after the invasion of Tibet. According to the Buddhist Studies scholar Alexander Berzin, who studies this system, during the initial years of exile, just one lama who managed to escape the Chinese occupation, Kirti Tsenshab Rinpoche (1926—2006), had the lineage of one of the two basic texts of the Kalachakea Tantra (personal communication, 2002). Over the years, Kirti Tsenshab passed on this text to a few lamas, including the Dalai Lama himself. After spending 19 years in retreat, Kirti Tsenshab began travelling the world at the Tibetan leader’s request in order to give the Kalachakra initiation. In December 2001, the lama visited Rio de Janeiro to preside over the first performance of that ritual ever held in Brazil. 7 According to Robert Thunnan, the term mental continuum or life—continuum, as this author puts it has to do with what could be called the “energy-continuity” of a living being that flows from one moment to another, and from one life to another. “It is an important concept, because the Buddhist critique of fixed self makes language of ‘soul’ and ‘essence’ relatively rare though not totally absent in most contexts” (Thurman 1994: 252). — - 202 Rebirth $ This proximity between East and West in what concerns the general festive atmo sphere of the Kalachakia’s initiations pub into relief, on the one hand. the uniqueness of this religious event, and on the other, a certain (and perhaps unforeseen) common basis between western and eastern Tibetan Buddhists in their devotional propensities Even if it is true that westerner lay followers tend to be more focused on the medita,, tional aspects of Tibetan Buddhism than Tibetan lay followers, very few participants in the Kalachakra initiations be they from Asian or western countries have the hope of becoming serious practitioners in the intricate Kalachakra tantric system, i recently (2012) had a chance of attending the Kalachakra for World Peace in Bodh gaya and once more this assessment was confirmed: clearly the absolute majority of the people I came across, regardless of their region of origin, were there first and fore most to obtain blessings from the Dalai Lama and to accumulate merit. On the occa. sion, the Tibetan leader even mentioned that the harsh conditions the participants were facing in Bodhgaya such as air and sound pollution, extremely dry weather. the crowds, power failcires and so forth would increase by seven times the merit accumulated through taking the initiation. It is important to note furthermore that in other initiations, the Dalai Lama makes sure that only people willing to take the com mitment of doing the related practices for the rest of their lives would take part. This discussion brings to mind the controsersial book by Stephen Batchelor, Buddhism Without Beliefs (1997). Underlining the book is the idea that karma and rebirth are difficult concepts to be reconciled with modern “Euroamerican” mentalities. Without making any definitive statement, one could venture to say that the ever-growing interest among westerners in the Kalachakra initiations conducted by the Dalai Lama seems to suggest quite the opposite. 9 According to the classification of Indian Buddhist scriptural teachings among the “New Translation” (Tib. gsar ma) traditions of Tibetan Buddhism, the tantras are divided into four main classes’ Krya. Upa. Yoga and Anuttara Tantra, the latter of which is also known as the Unexcelled Yoga Tantra. The tantras in this class are con sidered the most superior, complex and secret of all, 10 The Kalachakra teachings’ narrative of origin is told in the Laghutanri’a (Abbreviated Ku/ac halo’a Taiiti’a) and in its commentary, the Vimalaprabha (Immaculate Light), and subsequently reproduced in the vast literature connected to this tantra. F or an authoritative discussion on the view of the “nature of the individual and one’s place in the universe and society” in accordance to the Kalachakra Tantra and the (‘imalapra b/ia, see Wallace (2001). 11 The idea here is very close to the practice of discovering termas, or treasures, in Tibetan Buddhism. As we have seen in previous chapters, termas are texts that were hidden by the old masters and discovered later by tertons, or treasure-finders, There fore, the Indian visionaries cannot be considered the authors of the texts in question, btit only the “res ealers.” or “receivers.” 12 Despite the highly esoteric nature of the Kalachakra, this tantra is considered to be the “most explicit tantra,” according to Vesna Wallace, since it “imparts its teaching by revealing the actual meanmgs: whereas the other anuttara-voga-ianti’as. which are regarded as secret, or concealed, tant,’as, convey their meanings only in an implicit manner” (Wallace 2001: 6). 13 The tantras pertaining to the category of Un excelled Yoga Tantra often include two stages known as the “stage of creation” and the “stage of perfection.” During the stage of creation, practitioners cultis ate the construction of their self-image as a deity. The stage of perfection, which involves complex yogic techniques. is believed to complete this transformation, giving rise to a ness physical structure through the transformation of the body, speech and mind of the practitioner into the body. speech and mind of a Buddha. In the Kalachakra initiations usually given by the Dalai Lama, the participants are only authorized (and instructed) to practice the “stage of creation.” The divine theater o/Kalachala’a 203 14 Van Geirnep describes “rites of passage” as rituals accompanying all changes of place. state, social positIon and age. According to Van Gennep, these rites are characterized by three stages: separation, margin or liminarity and aggregation. As described by Victor Turner, The first phase (of separation) comprises symbolic behavior signifying the detachment of the indis idual or group either from an earlier fixed point in the social structure, from a set of cultural conditions (a “state”). or from both. During the inters ening “liminal” period, the characteristics of the ritual subject (the “passenger”) are ambieuous: he passes through a cultural realm that has few or none of the attributes of the past or coming state. In the third phase (reaggrega tion or reincorporation), the passage is constimmated. (Turner 1995: 94- 5) As ss e will see, this same ritual structure can be detected in the Kalachakra initiation. 15 In a sense, the Tantric ritual “redoubles” theatre. If the Dalai Lama, ins ested with the Kalachakra “character.” is the lead actor. he is also the director of this uniqtie per forniance, guiding the actor-spectators on an imaginary journey to the heart of the mandala. 16 The Kalachakra initiation is considerably different from other initiation rites pertain ing to the category of Unexcelled Yoga Tantra. According to Glenn Mullin, the mainstream tantric initiations are comprised of four individual empower ments. known as vase, secret, wisdom, and sacred word, each of ss hich is gis en only once during the ceremony. In Kalachakra, however the initiation process is in three separate sets: “entering like a child.” which is comprised of seven phases: the four higher initiations: and the four higher than higher initiation. The focir phases of each of the last t\vo sets has e the same names as the four initi ations of the mainstream tantras, and the meditations pursued during them are similar to those in the mainstream tantras, (Mtillin 1991: 101) The seven initiations in the first stage of the Kalachakra rite the only ones covered by the Dalai Lama in the mass initiations over which he presides authorize the pupil to practice within the sphere of the “stage of creation,” which. as we have seen, has the os erarching aim of building a self-image as a fully enlightened deity. The eight final initiations authorize the pupil to practice the advanced yoga techniques pertain ing to the “stage of perfection” in order to transform his body, speech and mind into the body, speech and mind of a Buddha, During the second part of the ritual, however, other “internal initiations” given this name because they occur “svithin” the womb of the principal deity’s consort svill also take place in association with the principal initiations. Here there are clear similarities between the psycho-physiological processes initiated in the Kalachakra rite and the “symbolic effectis eness” of the healing ritual analyzed by Levi-Strauss (1983), which displays, among other things, the “magical” aspect of the Tibetan initiation rite. Seed-syllables are monosyllabic mantras that contain the essence of a deity or a state of absorption (samadhi). Va/ru (Sanskrit) means “lightning,” “diamond,” “unbreakable,” etc. The sajra is the most significant symbol in Vafrayana Buddhism, and essentially refers to the “unbreakable, ““indivisible,” “immutable” enlightened aspect of the mind and enlight enment itself. In Tibetan Buddhist iconoeraphy. vajras are depicted in the form of scepters in the case of peaceful deities, or even as “weapons” in the case of svrathftil deities. www.berzinarchives.com web en archives ads anced kalachakra kalachakra world peace attending kalachakra initiation.html. — — 17 1$ 19 20 21 204 Rebirth 22 Vesna \\ allace discusses the same account of king \Ianiushrivashas’s mass initiation event s ith a slightly different take. In her words. The KSlacakra tradition expresses the concern that due to the similarity between the Vedic and Barbarian Dharmas with regard to killtng. future generations of BrähmaiJical communities may well convert to Islam, unless they join their Bud. dhist compatriots in the vajra-family. The Vbnalapabha’s account of Mafijuri Yaas’s teaching of the Kãlacak,atantiv to thirty-fi’e million BrShmaiJic Sages in Sarnbhala attests to that concern. According to the Viinalaprabhd, the king Yaas was aware that Br5hmaas in Sambhala were originally from different countries with contrary customs regarding eating meat, drinking liquor, and the like. Therefore, he deemed it necessary to unite them into a single vajra-family by initiating them into the kdlacakm-maiala, which he constructed in a sandal. wood grove, south of the village of Kalapa [the capital of Shambhala]. (Wallace 2001: 117) 23 www.berzinarchixes.com web en archives advanced kalachakra kalachakra world peace attending kalachakrainitiation.html. 24 There are four principal schools of Tibetan Buddhism. The Ny ingma School was the first school of Buddhism established in Tibet in the eight and ninth centuries. During the second stage of the spread of Buddhism in that country (beginning in the eleenth century) there emerged thc other three of the four most important schools in Tibetan Buddhism: Kagvu. Sakya and, as we have discussed in Chapter 2, a few hundred years later, in the fourteenth century’. the Gelug School. The schools created during the second period belong to the sarma tradition. In the Tibetan language. “sarma” basically means “new translation.” In contrast, the only important school that emerged during the previous period became known as Nyingma. or the “old translation.” 25 This kind of non-sectarian posture is sometimes controversially referred to as “rime” (Tib. na mcd) after the homonymous nineteenth centurr’ movement. For a detailed discussion of the Rime mo\ement, see Smith (2001: 235—72). 26 Despite the Fifth Dalai Lama’s trans-sectarian posture in what concerns the creation of a symbolic apparatus for the nascent state, after gaining power he persecuted repre sentatives of other schools. The Fifth Dalai Lama established a particularly harsh policy against the Kagyu and Jonang schools since their representaties were allies with the Tsang king. 27 In a certain sense, a more recent performance of the Kalachakra initiation rivaled the esent at Graz in terms of its explicitly political nature. Partly due to the evident polit ical symbolism of Washington D.C., the “Kalachakra for World Peace 2011” that took place at the Verizon Center in the American capital, was particularly revealing of the alliance between the political and the spiritual that, I believe, underlines these initiations. During the event, for instance, the Dalai Lama was received by president Obama at the White House and invited to Congress by Speaker John Boehner and congressional leaders from both the Republican and the Democratic parties. Also during the event, more specifically on July 6. 2011, the day the Dalai Lama celebrated his 76th birthday, he gae a very significant speech in the presence of several illustri Otis guests. such as Ann Gandhi, the grandson of Mahatma Gandhi, and Martin Luther King III. the son of Martin Luther King, Jr. After the gtiests and the Dalai Lama himself proffered words about world peace. the Tibetan leader announced that he would deliver a speech in his nati e tongue to be broadcast to the people in Tibet. In a statement rich in historical associations and positioning, the Dalai Lama reiter ated his decision to abdicate as political leader of the Tibetan people which, as we have seen in Chapter 3. was announced a few months earlier that year and his deep commitment to democracy. Between the lines we can also read messages being delivered indirectly to the Chinese Government. In 2009. when I was staying at Harvard University as a visiting scholar. I had the opportunity to witness another — — I I Time divine theater ofKaiaehcikra 205 instance of this kind of indirect dialogue with the Chinese government in the context of a conference about Sino-Tibeian relations. Lobsang Sangye. the current Prime Minister ot’ the Tibetan gox emment in exile. ss as then a Ph.D. student at Harvard and one of the main organizers of the conference, The cs ent also included other Tibetan scholars active in the United States and Chinese scholars coming from China. During the talks, the exchange of political messages between the two parties ‘a as quite clear. 28 Heinrich Harrer died a few years later. on January 7, 2006, aged 93.