MULTIPLE SHIFTS IN BUDDHISM – UNDERSTANDING VAJRAYANA AS AN EXOTERIC RELIGION: PERSPECTIVE FROM ODISHA, Odisha Historical Research Journal, vol. LV No. 3&amp;4, (2016), pp. 18-33

Umakant Mishra

ecent years saw a spurt in writings on the forms and processes of changes in Buddhism in early medieval India. These changes in Buddhism, studied under the rubric of tantric Buddhism, has been regarded earlier by scholars in various ways ranging from ‘corrupt’ form of the earlier ‘pure Buddhism’ to mere ‘imitation’ of the Puranic Buddhism and therefore was easily amenable to incorporation and eventual extinction in the syncretic Puranic Hinduism. It has also been regarded as too esoteric, which was restricted to serious monkish communities. However, the present article argues that Buddhism in its Vajrayana version had brought about numerous shifts in the religion. These shifts include the emergence of new gods and goddesses within a mandalic structure, emphasis on instrumental aspects of religion, incorporation of folk practices in the Buddhist pantheon structure and emphasis on adept guru. These shifts in Buddhism occurred when Brahamanical religions were constructing temples, expanding pilgrimage and integrating folk cults. Studying the religious landscape of Odisha from circa 7th-12th centuries CE, the paper explores the multiple shifts in Buddhism in its Vajrayana form in response to an expanding Brahamanical religion in Odisha and argues that these shifts in Buddhism occurred in order to make the religion more laity oriented (lokika).

ISSN NO : 0474-7269 Govt. of Odisha THE ODISHA HISTORICAL RESEARCH JOURNAL Volume LV No. 3 & 4 Published by : Dr. Jayanti Rath Superintendent of Museum Odisha State Museum Bhubaneswar 2016 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 EDITORIAL BOARD Sri Manoranjan Panigrahi, IRS Commissioner-cum-Secretary to Govt., Culture and I & PR Department, Govt, of Odisha. Chairman Sri Amarendra Kumar Pattanaik, OAS Director & Addl. Secretary to Govt., Tourism and Culture (Culture) Department, Govt, of Odisha. Vice Chairman Dr. K. K. Basa Professor and Head of Department of Anthropology, Utkal University, Vani Vihar, Bhubaneswar. Member Dr. Prafulla Kumar Mishra Vice Chancellor, North Odisha University, Baripada, Mayurbhanj. Member Dr. Sadasiba Pradhan (Retired) Professor of A I H, C & A Utkal University, Vani Vihar, Bhubaneswar. Member Dr. Patitapabana Mishra Retired Professor of History, Jyoti Vihar, Burla, Sambalpur. Member Dr. Sisir Kumar Panda Retired Professor of History, Bhanja Vihar, Berhampur. Member Dr. Chandi Prasad Nanda Professor of Modern History, Ravenshaw University, Cuttack. Member Dr. Jayanti Rath Superintendent, Odisha State Museum, Bhubaneswar. Member Convenor & Managing Editor ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 CONTENTS Topic Author Page 1. SITUATING THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF NABIN KUMAR SAHU TO ODISHAN HISTORIOGRAPHY Subrata Kumar Acharya 1 2. MULTIPLE SHIFTS IN BUDDHISM – UNDERSTANDING VAJRAYANA AS AN EXOTERIC RELIGION: PERSPECTIVE FROM ODISHA Dr. Umakant Mishra 17 3. PADMASHREE KRISHNA CHANDRA PANIGRAHI 40 4. MEGALITHIC SITES OF SHERGAON, ARUNACHAL PRADESH: AN EXCLUSIVE ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDY REPORT NEWLY DISCOVERED TERRACOTTA FIGURINES FROM RECENT EXPLORATION IN NAGPUR DISTRICT, VIDARBHA Dr. Jayanti Rath Pura Koji 5. 42 Mohan S. Pardhi & Shantanu Vaidya 47 6. LITHIC TRADITION IN COASTAL ODISHA : AN EXCLUSIVE SURVEY REPORT ON THE MICROLITHIC INDUSTRY SITE AT TULASIPUR, TANGI-CHOUDWAR, CUTTACK, ODISHA Soumya Ranjan Sahoo, Dr. Shisir Tripathy, Pabitra Mohan Pradhan 56 7. REVISITING BATESWAR TEMPLE, KANTIAGADA, GANJAM, ODISHA Rudra Prasad Behera 82 8. PUNCH MARKED COINS IN ORISSA Kiran Sabat 89 9. COINS OF SONEPUR (FROM EARLIEST PERIOD TO 13TH CENTURY A.D.) Sangeeta Mishra 94 10. A STEP TOWARDS CULTURAL INVESTIGATION : A PRELIMINARY REPORT ON ARCHAEOLOGICAL VESTIGES OF NAYAGARH DISTRICT, ODISHA Manoranjan Jena 100 11. A GLANCE OVER HEADLESS STATUES OF KUSHANA RULERS Vindhyavasini 106 12. GODDESSES ASSOCIATED WITH MARITIME ACTIVITIES OF ODISHA Dr. Adweta Kumar Sahoo 113 13 CONSERVATION OF PALMLEAF MANUSCRIPTS IN ODISHA Arun Kumar Nayak 118 14 KANAK DURGA AND DASHERA IN JEYPORE -A HISTORICAL REVIEW Indrajeet Mohanty 126 15 TWO RARE SEALS FROM NUAPADA DISTRICT OF ODISHA Dr. Sadananda Agrawal 133 16 ARCHAEOLOGICAL VESTIGES OF HARIPURGARH, MAYURBHANJ, ODISHA : A PRELUDE Arabinda Bose 135 17 LEGEND AND RELIGION - A STUDY IN THE CONTEXT OF BUDDHISM IN ODISHA Kaibalya Charan Pati 141 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Situating the Contributions of Nabin Kumar Sahu to Odishan Historiography Subrata Kumar Acharya I Nabin Kumar Sahu was one of the greatest historians of his times. Together with many other historians like P. Acharya, K.N, Mahapatra, S.N. Rajaguru, and K.C. Panigrahi, he attempted to drift away from the colonial historiography and with all the attributes of a nationalist historian articulated in his writings a historical consciousness which proved in a long way in reconstructing the cultural past of Odisha. With an in depth study and a fresh interpretation of the available literary and archaeological sources he made a serious and sincere effort in rewriting the regional history of Odisha. For more than thirty-five years from 1950 to 1985, he researched on many aspects of the history and culture of Odisha and published more than a dozen of books and nearly one hundred papers. He wrote both in English and Oriya. Of course a few of his articles are also in Hindi. In the following pages a humble attempt is being made to present a critical assessment of his works. II During his early career as a researcher he mainly focused his attention on the areas like religious history of the region centering round origin of the cult of Jagannath as well as the Kalinga’s cultural and commercial contact with south India and Ceylon. It was during this time both the questions were widely debated among scholars and historians, but all the efforts apparently intended for establishing the regional identity of the Oriyas. On the question of the historical background of the cult of Jagannath, there were divergent views; some tried to establish its connection with Jainism and some with Buddhism. The foremost among them were Pt. Binayak Mishra, Pt. Nilaknatha Das, S.N. Rajaguru, P. Acharya, K.N. Mohapatra, K.C. Mishra and others. Sahu inclined to attribute the direct impact of Jainism in the origin and development of the Jagannath cult.1 This particular line of argument prompted him to look at the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela and development of Jainism. His articles on the date of Kharavela published in three installments in the Oriya magazine Nababharata in 1950-52 for the first time brought him to the limelight as an original researcher. His critical review of the opinions of several scholars like A. Sterling, W.W. Hunter, James Prinsep, J.F. Fleet, B.L. Indraji, Sten Konow, George Buhler, R.D. Banerji, K.P. Jayaswal, B.M. Barua, D.C. Sircar and others who placed Kharavela variously between 4th century BCE and 1st century BCE and his own argument in favour of assigning him a date in the 1st century BCE and to be more precise from 70-69 to 31 BCE admittedly demonstrated his potentialities of a original interpreter of facts.1 This opinion of Sahu which took definite shape in 1950-52 was been incorporated in his other later writings like 1 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 the Utkal University History of Orissa (1964) and Kharavela (1984). His forceful argument on the question of the date of Kharavela has not been challenged so far. While teaching in M.P.C. College, Baripada, Sahu contributed five historical fictions to an Oriya magazine titled Candrika published from Baripada with Mahesh Prasad Mahapatra as its editor. Candrika that was started publishing from 1951-52 was abruptly stopped after five issues. Sahu’s fictions on historical themes like “Hirakhanda”, “Nayabasana”, “Jagannatha-Aitihya”, “Padmasambhava” and “Prathama Buddha” earned for him the fame of a story teller. The dramatic style of opening up of the stories with the conversation of his characters till the end held the reader to keep pace with the progress of the stories. But after these, he did not try to write stories; instead he was seriously into historical research. Yuge Yuge Bharatiya Nauvanijya written in Oriya was apparently the first book published by Sahu. It was in fact a lengthy essay on the history of maritime trade of India for which he was awarded financial assistance from the Government of India. It was published in 1955.2 His interest for research on the maritime trade and cultural contact of India with countries of southeast Asia is also evident from the two articles on the medieval seaport of Balasore and cultural relations of Kalinga with south India and Ceylon published in different journals.3 Between 1953 and 1958, Nabin Kumar Sahu wrote a number of scholarly articles in the Orissa Historical Research Journal, the Journal of Bihar Research Society, the Proceedings of Indian History Congress, the Proceedings of the All India Oriental Conference and so on. The themes included mostly historical narratives of various dynasties like the Eastern Gangas, Somavamsis, Bhanjas, Imperial Gangas, Suryavamsi Gajapatis as well as the religious movements in early Odisha particularly Buddhism. All these endeavours were directed towards rewriting the history of Odisha by interacting with the source materials without any prejudice and at the same time to improve upon the history of land written by R.D. Banerji and H.K. Mahatab. The need to correct many conflicting and irreconcilable problems inherent in the writings of these scholars and some others was his top priority. At this stage he felt the need to compile the writings of the 19th century British scholars and their observations on Orissa. A History of Orissa in two volumes published in 1956 incorporated the selected works of three prominent British administrators/scholars namely A. Sterling (1793-1830), W.W. Hunter (1840-1900) and John Beams (1837-1902), who wrote on the history and culture of Odisha.4 Volume I contained five chapters and three appendixes all written by Hunter. The two volumes of Hunter‘s Orissa; Or the Vicissitudes of an Indian Province under Native and British Rule first saw the light in 1872 as the second and third volumes of the Annals of Rural Bengal. The first five chapters of Volume I are reprinted from the historical portions of Hunter’s Orissa. The chapters are I. Jagannath, II. The Pilgirms of Jagannath, III. Orissa under Indian Rule (3101 B.C. to 1532 A.D.), IV. Orissa under the Foreign Governors, 2 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Mughal and Marhatta (1568-1803 A.D.), and V. The English as Settlers and Governors in Orissa (1635-1871). In Volume II Sterling’s two articles such as “Orissa: Chronology and History” and “Religion, Antiquities, Temples and Civil Architecture” which first appeared in Vol. XV of the Asiatic Researches in 1825, are compiled as Chapters VI and VII respectively, and in Chapter VIII, John Beam’s “Notes on the History of Orissa under the Muhammadan, Marhatta and English Rule” is reproduced from The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LII, Part I, 1882. N.K. Sahu’s paper on “Orissa from the earliest times to the Present Day” figured as Chapter IX of the work. In the Preface Sahu writes, “A History of Orissa is a reprint from the selected works of three famous OrientalistsSterling, Hunter and Beams. These three British scholars, in spite of their limitations and prejudices, have given a very faithful picture of the development of history and culture of Orissa based on materials available to them and their writings have made the glories of Orissa known to the outside world.”5 He further observes, “No doubt, their accounts are sometimes inaccurate and unhistorical, at times distorted by mendacious information of the local Pundits and occasionally blurred by their sense of superiority complex which leads to wrong conclusions. But notwithstanding these limitations, their works present striking exposition(s) of Orissa’s past and depict faithfully important features of her history and culture. These are still fountain-head of historical inspiration and a solid foundation for building further superstructure. In fact these are illuminating as works of history and are honoured to-day as classics.”6 In his long article, Sahu made an attempt to trace the political history of Odisha starting from the Nandas and Mauryas to the Suryavamsi Gajapatis and then discussed about the history of Odisha under the Afghans, Mughals, Marhattas and finally under the British up to the independence of India on 15 August 1947.7 In his book Buddhism in Orissa, Sahu has made an exhaustive study of the development of Buddhism in Odisha from the 6th century BCE to the 16th century CE.8 It covered all aspects of the religion as it evolved in the course of its more than 2000 years of existence. On the basis of the Jataka stories he tried to prove that Buddhism penetrated into Kalinga before Asoka. Sahu argued that after the Kalinga war, Asoka laid more stress on the promulgation of the raja-dharma, consisting of the politico-moral principles than on propounding the Buddhist upasaka-dharma, with its guiding principles of the socio-moral order. 9 The spread of Hinayana Buddhism in Kalinga is attributed to Mahadeva, the propounder of the five Mahasanghika doctrines. The presence of an Asokan pillar at Bhubaneswar has long been a subject of discussion among the historians and archaeologists. As early as 1880, Rajendralal Mitra suggested that the unusually large lingam in the Bhaskaresvara temple might be the remnant of an Asokan pillar10 and later this has been accepted by scholars like B.M. Barua11 and others. But many other historians like M. M. Ganguli12 and N.K. Bose13 did not subscribe to this. A few 3 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 kilometers away from the Bhaskaresvara temple and close to the Ramesvara temple there is an old tank named Asoka jhara, on the north-east corner of which a pillar capital is seen, consisting of an abacus and the bell capital. K.C. Panigrahi strongly believed that the capital was an Asokan one and that it was originally resting upon the Asokan pillar now enshrined in the Bhaskaresvara temple.14 After the recovery of the frontal portion of a colossal lion figure, Panigrahi claimed it to be the animal surmounting the so-called Asoakn pillar at Bhubaneswar. N. K. Sahu after a thorough discussion on the question concluded, “Thus, the Asokan pillar at Bhubaneswar remains as a disputed problem, and nothing conclusive can be said about it with the data available at present. The identification of the Bhaskaresvara lingam as the remains of the Asokan pillar in the capital of Kalinga may be taken as probable, if not as certain, but its suggested association with the bell capital of the Asoka jhara rests on unsure ground, while the idea that the lion, noted above, was the crowning figure of the so called Asokan pillar and the capital appears far fetched.”15 On the question of the origin of Pali, Sahu inclined to believe that it was the language of territory of ancient Kailnga and that it could spread to Burma, Ceylon and Siam along with the spread of Buddhism by the missionary activities.16 In the post-Asokan period, Odisha is known to have made striking contributions towards bringing out Buddhism from monastic exclusionism to the level of common man. Sahu seems to have relied much on Lama Taranath’s observation that Odavisa (identified with Odisha) was the cradle of Mahayana Buddhism and that Prajnaparamita originated in Odisha. According to him, “Thus, Orissa offered a unique field for the interaction of the ideas of Mahasanghika and the Sravastivada, and hence, the evidence of Taranath that the Prajnaparamita, and along with it Mahayana Buddhism had their origin in Orissa may well be taken as a historical fact.” 17 The development of Mahayana Buddhism in Odisha has been studied through the historical growth of the monasteries and through the activities of the sages and philosophers of this religion, rather than in the light of any ruling dynasty or the patronage of any royal personage. While exploring the monastic establishments at the religious centres like Tosali, Bhora Saila, Tamralipti, Ce-li-ta-lo, Viraja and its environment, Ratnagiri, Jayasrama vihara, Arghaka varatika, Bha-ra-ha, Munjashi and Jagaddala vihara, and while narrating the activities of the Mahayana dialecticians and philosophers like Nagarjuna, Aryadeva, Asanga, Vasubandhu, Dignaga, Vasumitra, Triratnadasa, Sthiramati, Dharmapala, Candragomin, Candrakirtti, Silabhadra, Simharasmi, Dharmakirtti, Santideva and others, he has made a thorough investigation of many original Buddhist texts including Tibetan and Chinese, as well as the available archaeological sources.18 On the question of the origin of Tantric Buddhism, Sahu inclined to place the period sometime in the 7th century CE. It was during this time Mahayana Buddhism was divided into two schools, 4 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Paramitayana and Mantrayana, the latter being regarded as superior to the former because of the fact that it was free from any doubts and delusions and at the same time was inaccessible to the people of ordinary caliber.19 The various schools of Tantric Buddhism like Vajrayana, Kalacakrayana and Sahajayana, although maintained to some extent the altruistic and subtle philosophical position adumbrated in Mahayana, yet they had their respective autonomous and exclusive esoteric practices for attainment of salvation by realizing the ultimate truth. Odisha had a great share in the development of Tantric Buddhism, and according to Sahu, it was as the cradle of the esoteric system and it could be identified with the famous land of Uddiyana.20 It is known from the tradition embodied in the Pan-Sam-Jon-Zang that Tantric Buddhism first developed in a place called Uddiyana. Long before Sahu, H.P. Shastri and Binyatosh Bhattacharya tried to identify Uddiyana with Odisha, while a strong section of opinions represented by M. Levy and P.C. Bagchi located it in the Swat valley in Kabul. The conviction with which Sahu took his position on this issue has induced many subsequent scholars working on Odisha not only to subscribe to his view but also to boast the indebtedness of Tibet to Odisha. But the question is still open and needs to be resolved without any bias. While discussing the role of Siddhacaryas in the spread and popularization of the Tantric Buddhism in Odisha, he refrained from the philological debates on the language of Bauddha Gana O Doha then going on among the scholars like H.P. Shastri, Rahul Sankritayana, S.K. Chaterjee, B.C. Mazumdar, Karunakar Kar, Pt. Binayak Mishra and others as out of scope of his work; but maintained that the corpus of literature was ‘the parent stock from which the modern Oriya, Bengali, Maithili and Assamese developed in later times’.21 He admitted the difficulty of ascertaining proper time and chronology to the Buddhist Siddhacayas, and focused on the works and achievements of some of them namely, Saraha, Nagarjuna, Savaripa, Luipa, Vajraghanta, Kambala, Padmavajra, Anangavajra, Indrabhuti, Padmasambhava, Laksmikara, Jalandharipada, Virupa, Kanhupa, Tilopa, Naropa and others. He has also dealt with Nathism which he considered as an aspect of late Buddhism but different from Tantric Buddhism and has concluded the chapter by a short account of the sixteenth century saints and writers of Odisha, who were interested in Tantric religion and philosophy. Sahu has done a very synoptic discussion on this aspect which has been rightly pointed out by Nalinaksha Dutt, who has written a learned foreword to the book. Dutt remarks, “It would have been better if he had given more details and discussed the essential teachings of the Sunya-samhita of Achyutananda dasa, of the Gupta-gita and Siddhanta-dambari of Balaram Dasa, of Visnugarbha Purana of Chaitanya Dasa, Dharmagita of Mahadeva Dasa, and of Stuti and Bhajanas of Bhima Bhoi, the promoter of Mahima-dharma. Most of these works preserved the philosophy of Sunyata but do not refer to the secret Tantric practices. A close study of these texts would reveal that the essence of Buddhism was retained by the thinkers of Orissa up to a very late date and at 5 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 the same time show how Buddhism was absorbed by Vaisnavism. Mahima-dharma like Nathism should be treated as a new religion and not a later phase of Buddhism.” 22 The book also contained a chapter on Mahayanic and Tantric art in Odisha which was in fact a pioneering attempt at looking into the Buddhist art heritage of Odisha. It amply substantiated the contention of the author that Buddhism had a long and popular career though chequered by ups and downs and gave an impetus to the development of artistic and literary cultures. It may be noted here that by the time Sahu prepared this monograph the Archaeological Survey of India had not started the excavation work in any of the major sites of Odisha. Archaeologists who did extensive spade work at Ratnagiri (1958-61), Lalitgiri (1985-91) and Udayagiri (1985-89 and then in 1997-2000), three important Buddhist sites of Odisha, were immensely benefitted from the writings and observations of Sahu. An abridged summary of the work in Oriya titled Odishare Baudhadharma (in 50 pages) was published by the Odisha Sahitya Academy in the year 1960.23 On the occasion of the Centenary celebration of the Orissa Police in 1961, it was mooted that a volume on the history of Orissa police was to be released and Nabin Kumar Sahu was requested to write the book. In seventeen chapters, Sahu traced the development of police administration from the early times to the colonial period. The transition from the indigenous police operation in ancient period to the imposition of Mughal and Maratha police administration and then to the East India Company’s regulations in matters of functioning of this institution have been narrated.24 An exhaustive analysis of the criminal records, village police arrangement, military police, railway police, intelligence agency and allied institutions, police training and a trajectory of the police administration during one hundred years from 1860 to 1960 have been attempted. Although the book is not so much publicized, it adds to the historical acumen of the scholar in handling specific issues and their connected development from the past to the present. Nabin Kumar Sahu’s Utkal University History of Orissa, Vol. I published in 1964 is a significant contribution to Odishan historiography.25 A comprehensive history of Odisha from the earliest times to independence was a long felt need and the idea of compiling such a monumental work in several volumes was mooted by Utkal University since 1944.26 By this time R.D. Banerji’s History of Orissa (1929) in two volumes was the only work, covering the history of this land from the pre-historic times to the British period based on archaeological and archival data, available to scholars.27 This was the first systematic and comprehensive treatment of the history of this land before independence and served as a model for future scholars who worked on the different aspects of history and culture of Odisha. Later on Harekrishna Mahatab wrote the History of Orissa again in two volumes in the year 1947 and made a sincere attempt to correct some misconceptions in the interpretation of the regional history of Odisha.28 6 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 In the first volume of the Utkal University History of Odisha, Sahu compiled the history of Odisha from the earliest times up to 500 CE. The first chapter of the volume on Prehistory was written by G.C. Mohapatra, then Lecturer, Department of Ancient Indian History and Culture, Punjab University, Chandigarh. The chapter is in fact an abridged discussion of his major work on the Stone Age cultures of Odisha published in 1962, just two years before the publication Sahu’s volume one.29 However, his exhaustive study of the historical geography of early Odisha and origin of the kingdoms like Utkala, Kalinga, Odra and Kosala basing on the literary and archaeological sources reveals his range of scholarship in interpreting the sources. This is again reflected in the treatment of the dynastic history of Odisha from the Nandas to the Matharas. Some of his arguments and observations on the identification of Nandaraja of the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela with Mahapadmananda, the king of Magadha; on the factors responsible for the Kalinga war of Asoka; on the date of Kharavela in the first century CE; on the successors of Kharavela; on the narrative of the political instability in the early centuries of the Christian era and the possible Murunda rule in Odisha; on the question of the so-called Gupta rule in Odisha; and many similar issues still hold ground and have passed unto the history text books. The texts and translations of the Rock Edicts found at Dhauli and Jaugada30 as well as the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela31 appended to the volume at places contain his own readings and interpretations. In the successful collection of source materials, scientific arrangement of chapters and effective interpretations of intricate issues pertaining to the history of early Odisha, Sahu’s History of Orissa still remained unrivalled. K.C. Dash writes, “Although according to K.C. Panigrahi, a famous historian of Odisha, this volume was unnecessarily long and with many unwanted descriptions, Sahu’s Utkal University History of Orissa is a magnum opus and provided a formal paradigm for the compilation of the history of Odisha in the subsequent phases.”32 It is learnt that he had also prepared the second volume of the series covering the period from 500 CE to 1110 CE, but for reasons unknown to us it remained unpublished. While teaching in Ravenshaw College, Cuttack, Sahu was appointed by the Government of Orissa as the state editor of the Orissa District Gazetteers with Nilamani Senapati, IAS, as the Chief Editor. Sahu joined the project in 1960 and continued up to the end of 1967. During this time he travelled throughout Odisha extensively and collected data for compilation of the gazetteers. The District Gazetteers of Koraput (1966), Mayurbhanj (1967) and Bolangir (1968) were edited by him and he wrote the chapters on history of the above districts. The history chapters of District Gazetteers of Sambalpur (1971), Puri (1977) and Kalahandi (1980) were also written by him. In 1967 a State Committee was formed by the Government of Odisha to compile the who’s who of the freedom workers of Odisha and the responsibility of compilation was given to Nabin Kumar Sahu and Sushil Chandra De. Both the editors collected brief introduction of the freedom workers and their activities from the districts of Dhenkanal, Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar and Balasore 7 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 and published the book in two parts.33 While Part I contained the freedom workers of Dhenkanal district, the reports relating to the other three districts are included in Part II. It is not known whether reports have been compiled for other districts. A seminar was organized by the Odisha Jayadeva Samskrutika Parishad on Jayadeva and his immortal creation the Gitagovinda in Bhubaneswar sometime in 1968. Many eminent scholars including S.N. Rajaguru, K.N. Mohapatra, P. Acharya, Surendra Mohanty, Nilamani Mishra, Mamata Mishra, Devaraja Pathi, Kali Charan Patnaik, N.K. Sahu and others presented thought provoking papers on the occasion. The Parishad finally gave the charge of editing the papers to N.K. Sahu. The papers were compiled and edited in the form of a book titled Souvenir on Jayadeva. Sahu’s own paper addressed the question of the nativity of Jayadeva and proved Kenduli in the Praci valley as his birth place. He remarked, “Kenduli on the bank of the river Ajaya in the Birbhum district of West Bengal was never a Sasana, whereas Kenduli on the Prachi river in the Puri district was actually a Sasana. Judging from all these facts it is reasonable to conclude that this village can be satisfactorily identified with Kendu-vilva of the Gitagovinda.” 34 III A major shift is perceptible in the writings of Sahu after 1968. It was in this year he joined Sambalpur University and remained there up to 1981 in different capacities. During this period he took serous efforts to explore the history and archaeology of western Odisha. In his articles on “Sambalpur Through Ages” (1970)35, “A Survey of the History of South Kosala” (1971)36, “Budharaja Mandira” (1973)37, “Sambalapurare Sarki Sahi” (1973)38, “Printed Sources on Chauhan Rule in Orissa” (1974)39, “Two Obscure Dynasties of South Kosala” (1974)41, “Pascima Odishara Ramaniya Stahna” (1978)41, “University Museum- Its Bearing on History” (1978)42, and in many others he made a sincere endeavour to trace the history and culture of western Odisha and to ink an identity for the people of western Odisha. This mission is also reflected in the biographical sketches of important historical personages of region. The biographies of Bhima Bhoi, Asa Kumari, Ratna Kumari, Mohan Kumari and Vaijjaladeva published in 1972-73 also point to the same direction. The article on Madhu Singh, the martyr (1983)43, Dharanidhar Mishra (1983)44 and the book on Veer Surendra Sai (1985)45 further bear the testimony to the faithful depiction of the biographies of the celebrated freedom fighters of western Odisha. Most of these biographies are popular articles. Sahu also attempted to identify the Ramayana fame Pancavati and Dandakaranya with the territories around Kalahandi and Koraput districts of Odisha and the present Bastar district of Chhatisgarh.46 He further inclined to believe that Citrakuta in Dandakarnaya as mentioned in the epic was later on named as Ramagiri and it was found mentioned in the Meghaduta of Kalidasa.47 According to him Kalidasa’s Ramagiri could not be located anywhere else other than Ramagiri in Koraput district of Odisha. It will be discussed below that he made a similar conjecture in the 8 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 identification of Lanka with modern Suvarnnapura or Sonepur, on the confluence of the rivers Mahanadi and the Tel.48 He imagined it as an island and the Dravidian name Lanka was probably given to this city and the goddess Lankesvari was its presiding deity. To establish his conjecture he went to the extent of telling the existence of the cave of Ravanachaya at Sitabinji in the Keonjhar district of Odisha and the existence of two stones pieces lying close to the site, locally called as Lava-Kusa. The stone pieces were worshipped by the Savaras. Asuragatrh in the Kalahandi district has been identified with a fortified township of the asuras or demons. All these writings created a sensation in the intellectual circles in Odisha and outside. The veracity of some of these contentions of Sahu have been widely debated and refuted. In a lengthy essay published in three installments in the Oriya magazine Pancajanya, S.N. Rajaguru had contested all the claims and out rightly rejected them as historically untenable.49 The small scale excavations conducted by Sahu at Narla-Asurgarh (1973) and Ganiapali (1978) further facilitated him to solve many intricate problems relating to the history of South Kosala. The excavations at Asurgarh revealed a culture sequence ranging from about the 3rd century BCE to about the 5th century CE and thus the site is contemporaneous with the early historical site of Sisupalgarh.50 Sahu observed that Asurgarh seemed to be an important area of the Attavika people about whom mention has been made in Asokan edicts. He further mentioned that the recovery of the Northern Black Polished ware (NBPW) and the similarity of the punch marked coins of Asurgarh with those of Bijnor and Paila near Kausambi indicated that Asurgarh had brisk commercial intercourse with important centres like Kausambi and Ahichhatra in north India during Mauryan times. Asurgarh was no doubt an important political and commercial centre located on the high road joining South Kosala and Mahakantara with Kalinga. From the excavation it is known that the site was deserted around 5th-6th century CE and there is no mention about it in Huien Tsang’s account.51 From Ganiapali excavation he could unearth the remains of a Buddhist monastery and after a careful analysis of the Buddhist sculptures of the site argued that the Mucalinda Buddha image discovered from the site was chronologically the first Buddha image (5th century CE) found in Odisha and could be predated to the Buddhist images found in Ratnagiri-Lalitgiri.52 The State Archaeology of Odisha under the direction of Nabin Kumar Sahu made extensive spade work in the areas of Trisul mound, Mahala mound and the Rani Mahala mound in the Maraguda valley of the Kalahandi district in 1983-84.53 A brick temple and a congregational hall with several chambers around it were recovered in the Trisul mound. These together with a number of coins, seals, icons and architectural fragments unearthed from the site led the scholar to opine that they were the remains of a Saivite monastery of the 5th century CE. A double storied building with twelve rooms was discovered from the excavation at Mahala mound. The excavator argued that it was a court house of the early medieval period. Excavations at Rani 9 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Mahal exposed two halls and it was believed that they could have been used as assembly halls for administrative and political purposes. The site of Manmunda, locally known as Asurgarh, is situated at the confluence of the Tel and the Mahanadi near Sonepur. From the Kelga copper plate grant of Somavamsi Somesvaradeva of the 11thcentury CE, the region was known as Lanka and its ruler as Pascimalankadhipati or lord of western Lanka.54 On the basis of this piece of information and some circumstantial evidences, Sahu had already written a few articles on the identification of Lanka and advanced the hypothesis that Suvarnnapura or Sonepur was the Lanka of the Ramayana. In collaboration with H.D. Shankalia of the Deccan College, Poona, N.K. Sahu conducted the excavations at Manmunda in 1981 with the hope to prove his hypothesis. But the excavation could not yield any artifact that could substantiate the hypothesis of Sahu. Shankalia left the excavation in the midway and Sahu’s conjecture was criticized as polemical and was dubbed as a figment of imagination.55 IV In the last two/three years of his life Sahu devoted wholeheartedly in writing two books; one on Kharavela56 and the other on Veer Surendra Sai.57 It may be reminded that the first major scholarly work of Sahu for which he was acclaimed among scholars in Odisha and outside was on the fixation of the date of Kharavela in the first century BCE. It was published way back in 1950. Since then he had been trying hard to supplement and improve upon this hypothesis through his other writings. A substantial part of the work was already there in the Utkal University History of Orissa, Vol. I published in 1964. The chapters on Kharavela-Pioneer in Dramaturgy, Architecture and Sculptural Art of Khandagiri and Udayagiri Caves, Language and Palaeography of the Hathigumpha inscription and Kharavela in literature are added to the volume. While writing this biographical history of Kharavela he had not only properly scrutinized all the published literature on the subject staring from James Prinsep but also made fresh interpretation of the inscriptional materials at his hand. In the Preface of the book he writes, “Historical judgment is history itself, and such judgment has to take into consideration the standard of the ideas and values of the age concerned. For scientific investigation of the age of Kharavela proper decipherment and rational interpretation of the available epigraphic records and art objects are indispensable. It is by such intellectual efforts that one tries to analyze and understand what the historical facts are and through that one proceeds from the obscurity to the realm of history. Improper decipherment and irrational interpretation lead to controversy and dogmatic views. The history of Kharavela suffers mostly from such scepticism the elimination of which will make the ancient history of India to a great extent clean and sober.”58 His biographical sketch of Veer Surendra Sai is a brilliant narrative on a martyr who unleashed a relentless struggle against the British for the emancipation of his motherland and sacrificed his 10 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 life fighting against the colonial rule. The book contains a faithful depiction of the events from his early career, the rebellion that he staged against the British between 1827 and 1840, his incarceration in the Hazaribagh jail, his indomitable courage during the mutiny of 1857-58, and his last days in the remote Asirgarh hill fort in the East Nimar district of Madhya Pradesh. He was not only great for his courage and sacrifice in fighting against the imperial domination, but also for keeping the flame of rebellion ablaze for a long period with uncompromising tenacity after it was extinguished in other parts of India. This monograph on Veer Surendra Sai is the outcome of a painstaking research where Sahu took extreme care of revisiting the official correspondences, letters and documents, jail records and judicial papers of the British Government preserved in many archives. Throughout the work he tried to project the rebel as a national hero who fought against the British Raj not for his regional or personal gain but for the emancipation of the country from the clutches of the alien rule. Sahu writes, “A dispassionate analysis of the revolutionary activities of the Veer Surendra Sai reveals that the ideal for which he fought was much above regional pettiness as his aim was against alien domination over the country.”59 Although at places the author appears to be more rhetorical, yet the lucidity of the language and the bold presentation of the profile of the fighter appeals to the general readers. Among the other notable contributions of Sahu mention may be made of Odia Jatira Itihasa (Oriya)60, History of Orissa61 and Mahdusudan Das, the Legislator.62 The first two are text books on history of Odisha while the last one is a collection of speeches delivered by Madhusudan Das as a legislator between 1896 and 1923. A majority of speeches were collected by him from the Delhi, Calcutta and Patna archives. Edited jointly with P.K. Mishra this compilation of the speeches of Madhusudan Das is considered as an important archival record for the scholars working on modern history of Odisha. His Odia Jatira Itihasa although written as a text book, yet it is more than a text book. As the title of the book suggests it is the history of the Oriyas as a race. In this as well as in many of his other writings, Sahu seems to have been inspired by the nationalist historians. He was more concerned about establishing the identity of the Oriyas through a regional history of their own from the earliest times to the present day. Written in vernacular, this book of Sahu popularized him among the Oriyas, who were till then eagerly looking for a book on early history of Odisha written in Oriya. V Some of his works are published posthumously in the volumes of the Orissa State Gazetteers.63 Among the unpublished books of Sahu it has already been referred to above that the manuscript of the Utkal University History of Orissa, Vol. II was submitted to the Utkal University for publication but could not be published. Similarly he completed the manuscript of another book titled History and Culture of Western Orissa in two volumes. The first volume was on the history and the second on the cultural heritage of western Orissa. It was written jointly with J.K. Sahu. 11 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 The manuscript was submitted to the Sambalpur University. But it could not be published. It is also learnt that he had written another manuscript called Utkalara Paricaya in Oriya (An Introduction of Utkala) which is now preserved in the archival records section of the Sambalpur University Museum. There was yet another unpublished work named Tosalira Bhauma Rajavamsa in Oriya (The Bhauma Royal Family of Tosali). Sahu prepared this after several rounds of discussion with Ajaya Mitra Shastri, the noted epigraphist, on the texts and interpretations of the Bhaumakara copper plate grants. Towards the later part of his career he started writing a book on Orissa’s Cultural Contact with South East Asia. But unfortunately he passed away when the work was half way through and thus remained incomplete. 64 To sum up, Nabin Kumar Sahu was a professional historian of high repute who devoted his entire life for the cause of historical research on various aspects of the history and culture of Odisha. He further tried to bring to light the history of South Kosala from its obscure past through archaeological excavations, coin hoards, inscriptional texts, art heritage, sectarian literature and dynastic accounts of ruling houses. He made an incessant effort in situating the regional history in the broader spectrum of Indian history. Like many of his contemporaries, he was in favour of writing the cultural past of Odisha free from the prejudices of the colonial historiographers and from the early writings of the regional history by native historians who laid undue emphasis on traditions and chronicles. No doubt he was successful in his approach to write a scientific and an objective history of the region, but his perspective can still be evaluated as ‘narrative history’ of the Rankean model. L.K. Mishra while evaluating the works of the historians of Odisha in the post-colonial phase aptly remarked, “The major achievement of this period was reconstruction of the chronology of the early political history of Orissa. From the point of view of methodology, the major weakness of most of these works whether in textual form or article or monograph form was that political history, social and economic life, administration, culture, etc., were all treated as entirely separate entities, with hardly any organic relationship between them. An integral part of this methodology, which had also been adhered to by the nationalist historians was the emphasis on narrative history of the Rankean School.” 65 It is pertinent to quote here one of statements which by and large defines Sahu’s perspectives and understanding the history of a region. He observes, “The historical perspective knows no consideration of regional, provincial or state ivory towers and the advancement of knowledge always aims at wider orbit of human activities even when it revolves round the regional axis. We, however, cannot forget and ignore the urge for regional history as an integral part of the history of the nation as a whole. The Indian sub-continent exists as a conglomeration of variegated lands and people and history as well as her culture remains multicoloured and multidimensional. A centralized history of India bereft of provincial study is bound to be a mutilated composition and likewise, a regional history divested of national plane becomes hackneyed compartment. One is inseparable from the other and both exist parts of the organic 12 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 whole. In this context the historical studies of Orissa, Bihar, Bengal, Assam, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat and Maharahstra, etc., are of far reaching importance and such centrifugal studies make our national history more comprehensive and more integral. Even then there are critics who scoff at our endeavour for study of the History of Orissa. But for us such a study primarily aims at the fundamental unity of India and Indian history.” 66 Notes and references: 1 “Adinatha Risabha ki Jagannatha?”, (Oriya), Nababharata, Vol. II, No. 8, April 1950, p. 247. Also see N.K. Sahu and Surendra Mohanty, “Sindhu Sabhyata O Jaina Dharma”, (Oriya), Nababhrata, Vol. II, No. 9, July 1950, pp. 295-303; and N.K. Sahu, “Jagannathanka Aitihasika Bhumika”, (Oriya), Nababharata, Vol. III, No. 1, January 1951, pp. 1-8 and Vol. III, No. 3, March 1951, pp. 113-22. 2 “Kalinga Samrat Kharavelanka Samaya Nirupana”, (Oriya), Nababharata, Vol. II, No. 10, August 1950, pp. 371-74; Vol. II, No. 11, September 1950, pp. 408-12; Vol. II, January 1951, pp. 84-87. 3 N.K. Sahu, Yuge Yuge Bharatiya Nauvanijya, (Oriya), Baripada, 1955. 4 “Medieval Orissa’s Seaports: Balsore”, Journal of Bihar and Orissa Society, 1953,; “Cultural Relations of Kalinga with South India and Ceylon”, Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. III, No. 4, March 1955, pp. 181-85. 5 N.K. Sahu, (ed.), A History of Orissa, Two Volumes, Susil Gupta, Calcutta, 1956. 6 Ibid., Vol. I, Preface, p. XI. 7 Ibid, pp. XIV-XV. 8 Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 321-401. 9 Buddhism in Orissa was the doctoral thesis of Nabin Kumar Sahu. It was prepared under the scholarly supervision of Nalinaksha Dutt, Professor of Pali of Calcutta University, Calcutta, and approved by Utkal University in 1955. The work was enriched by the valuable suggestions offered by H.N. Sinha, then Principal, Agra College, and J. N. Banerjee, the Carmichael Professor of Ancient Indian History and Culture, Calcutta University. Sahu expressed his indebtedness to two eminent historians and archaeologists of his time, namely, Krushna Chandra Panigrahi, then Superintendent of Archaeology, Central Circle, Bhopal, and Prabhat Mukherji of Ravenshaw College for sharing their ideas respectively on Buddhist art and Buddhist siddhas. The thesis was published by Utkal University in 1958. 10 N.K. Sahu, Buddhism in Orissa, Utkal University, Bhubaneswar, 1958, pp. 20-21. 11 R.L. Mitra, Antiquites of Orissa, Vol. II, first published, Calcutta, 1880, reprinted K.L. Mukhopadhyaya and Co, Calcutta, 1963, p. 98. 12 B.M. Barua, Ashoka and His Inscriptions, Part II, New Age Publications, Calcutta, 1946, p. 3. 13 M.M. Ganguly, Orissa and Her Remains: Ancient and Medieval, Thacker and Spink, Calcutta, 1912, p. 324. 14 N.K. Bose, “Some Ancient Remains from Bhubaneswar”, Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. XV, Nos. 1-2, 1929, pp. 259-62. 15 K.C. Panigrahi, “New Light on the Early History of Bhubaneswar”, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Letters, Vol. XVII, 1951, p. 100. 16 Sahu, Buddhism in Orissa, p. 31. 17 Ibid., pp. 37-38. It was Herman Oldenberg, the editor of the Tripitakas, who asserted in his Introduction to the Mahabhagga that the language of the Hathigumpha inscription was no other than the language of the people of Kalinga for whom it was meant, and according to him that the language being the old Pali, Kalinga-Andhra has to be regarded as the land of Pali language. He further believed that Kalinga seemed to have been the medium 13 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 for transplanting the Buddhist literature into Ceylon. European Buddhist scholars like Kern and Woolner, and Indian scholars like Bhandarkar and N. Dutt are inclined to believe that Kalinga was the homeland of Pali. Sahu also subscribed to the ideas of these learned scholars while writing an article on the historical background of the evolution of Oriya language. (vide “Historical background of the Evolution of the Oriya language”, Souvenir on Utkal Divas and Utkjal Gaurav Madhusudan Das, Pragati Utkal Sangha, Rourkela, 1972, pp. 1430). 18 Ibid., p. 71. 19 Ibid., pp. 79-121. 20 Ibid., p. 131. The Mantrayana School of Mahayana was transformed into Mantrayana which developed as a composite system of Tantrism incorporating within itself various heterogeneous and mystic practices like mudra, mandala, abhiseka and samadhi, while seeking bliss and immortality through psychophysical exercises, bisexual rites and alchemic preparations and the like. The six forms of esoteric rituals, technically known as abhicaras such as marana (killing), mohana (enchanting), stambhana (paralyzing), vidvesana (envying), uccatana (exciting) and vasikarana (subduing) together with the five accessories generally known as the panca makaras such as madya (wine), mamsa (flesh), matsya (fish), mudra (women), maithuna (sexual intercourse) generally made their way into Tantrayana, and thus Buddhism eventually lost its identity in this new yana or vehicle and all the established ideals and moral values of life were thereby completely repudiated. 21 Ibid., pp. 141-55. 22 Ibid., p. 157. 23 Ibid., p. xv. 24 N.K. Sahu, Odishare Bauddhadharma (Oriya), Odisha Sahitya Academy, Bhubaneswar, 1960. 25 N. K. Sahu, History of Orissa Police, Orissa Police, Cuttack, 1961. 26 N.K. Sahu, Utkal University History of Orissa, Vol. I, Utkal University, Bhubaneswar, 1964. 27 The Academic Council of Utkal University formed a Committee on 19th August 1944 consisting of members like Chintamani Acharya, S. Ray, Ghanashyam Das, Prabhat Mukherji and H.N. Sinha. The Committee met on 27th October1944 and submitted its report to the Academic Council which was accepted by the Council on 22nd March 1945and forwarded to the Syndicate for necessary action. The scheme was not accepted upon for some years. In 1954 the matter was again taken up and an editorial board consisting of H.K. Mahatab, G.S. Das, D.C. Sircar, H.N. Sinha and R.P. Das was appointed for the purpose. The meeting of the editorial board was held in Bombay on 27th June 1955 and it was decided to write three comprehensive volumes. For various reasons the above decision did not materialize. The Committee was reorganised in May 1959 with H.K. Mahatab, the then Chief Minister as its Chairman and P. Parija, the Vice Chancellor as Vice Chairman. The book was named Utkal University History of Orissa and it was divided into seven volumes to be written by a team of scholars. Nabin Kumar Sahu was entrusted with the task of compiling the first four volumes covering he period from the earliest times to 1568 CE. The compilations of the fifth (1568 -1803 CE), sixth (1803-1901 CE) and the seventh (1901-48) volumes of the series were given to B.C. Ray, P. Mukherji and M.N. Das respectively. Only Volume I and VI of the series could see the light of the day while others remained unpublished. 28 R.D. Banerji, History of Orissa, two volumes, R. Chaterji and Co., Calcutta, 1929. 29 H.K. Mahatab, History of Orissa, two volumes, Cuttack, 1947. 30 G. C. Mohapatra, The Stone Age Cultures of Orissa, Deccan College, Poona, 1962. 31 Sahu, Utkal University History of Orissa, pp. 287-97. 32 Ibid., pp. 397-409. 33 K.C. Dash, “Nabin Kumar Sahu and His Historiography”, in B.K. Tripathy (ed.), Nabin Kumar Sahu Commemoration Volume. (forthcoming). 14 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 34 N.K. Sahu and S.C. De, (eds.), Who’s Who of Freedom Workers in Orissa, Part I and II, Government of Orissa, Bhubaneswar, 1967. 35 “Jayadeva, the Poet of the Gitagovinda- His Date and Place”, Souvenir on Jayadeva, Bhuvaneswar, 1969, p. 22. 36 Souvenir, Orissa History Congress, 1st session, Sambalpur, 1970, pp. 1-10. 37 New Aspects of History of Orissa, Vol. I, 1971, pp. 9-23. 38 Saptarsi, 1973, pp. 39 Saptarsi, 1973, pp. 40 Souvenir on Utkal Divas and Utkal Gaurav Mahdusudan Das, Rourkela, 1974, pp. 23-25. 41 Sambalpur University Journal, Vol. VII, 1974, pp. 21-24. 42 Souvenir on Utkal Divas and Utkal Gaurav Madhusudan Das, Rourkela, 1978, pp. 31-35. 43 New Aspects of History of Orissa, Vol. II, 1978, pp. 66-71. 44 Utkala Prasanga, January 1983, pp. 41-43. 45 “Jana Neta Dharanidhar Mishra” (Oriya), [Dharanidhar Mishra, the People’s Leader], Utkala Prasanga, August 1983, pp. 13-16. 46 Veer Surendra Sai, Department of Culture, Government of Orissa, Bhubaneswar, 1985. Prior to this some of his articles have already been published. Vide “Jatiyavira Surendra Sai”, (Oriya), [Surendra Sai, the National Leader], Utkala Prasanga, April 1984, pp. 8-12; “Veera Surendra Sai”, Souvenir on Utkal Divas and Utkal Gaurava Madhusudana Das, Rourkela, 1984, pp. 5-9. 47 “Dandakaranya” (published in five installments), Pancajanya, Vols. 3-4, 1983-84. 48 “Identification of Ramagiri of Kalidasa’s Meghadoota”, Souvenir on Utkal Divas and Utkal Gaurav Madhusudan Das, Rourkela, 1973, pp. 23-30. 49 N.K. Sahu, “Lanka Anvesana”, in P.M. Nayak (ed.), Smaranika, Jilla Lekhaka Sammilani, Sonepur, 1980-81, pp. 1-16. Sahu was not the first scholar to start the debate on this problem. In 1933, Digambara Das argued in favour of Sonepur as the birth place of Ravana, identified Balangir with Balinagara and Khadiala or Khariar with Khara demon’s seat (alaya). Vide Digambara Das, “Ravanara Janmasthana eka Prativada” (Oriya) [The Birthplace of Ravana: A Protest], Nabeena, (Oriya weekly), Berhampur, 31 October 1933. This piece of reference is quoted from K.C. Dash’s recent article “Nabin Kumar Sahu and His Historiography”, in B.K. Triapthy (ed.), Nabin Kumar Sahu Commemoration Volume. (forthcoming). 50 Indu Bhusan Kar (ed.), Dr. Nabin Kumar Sahu Smaranika, (Oriaya), Odisha Sahitya Academy, Bhubaneswar, 1990, pp. 1-3. 51 N.K. Sahu, “Archaeological Findings in Asurgarh”, New Dimensions of Tourism in Orissa, Government of Orissa, Bhubaneswar, 1976, pp. 9-12. 52 Ibid., p. 12. 53 “Odishara Pracinatama Buddha Pratima”, (Oriya), [The Earliest Buddhist Image of Odisha], Souvenir, Sambalpur District Writers’ Conference, Sambalpur, 1976, pp. 3-4. 54 “Preliminary Report on excavation of the Trisul Mound in Kalahandi District”, Centenary Souvenir (18831983), Khariyar Sahitya Samiti, Khariar, 1983, pp. i-v; “Report of Archaeological Excavation on the Upper Jonk Valley in Nawapara Subdivision of Kalahandi District”, ibid., pp. vi-ix; Indian Archaeology: A Review, 1983-84, pp. 61-63. The State Archaeology with the help of N.K. Sahu made extensive exploration of the Maraguda valley in 1975-76. Even a trial excavation was conducted at the site and Sahu had brought a few antiquities from the site and housed them in Sambalpur University Museum. (S.C. Panda, “Antiquities of Maraguda Valley Preserved in the University Museum”, New Aspects of History of Orissa, Vol. II, 1978, pp. 48-52. 55 D.C. Sircar, “Kelga Plates of Somesvara, Year 1”, Epigraphia, Indica, Vol. XXVIII, 1949-50, pp. 322-26. 15 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 56 Subsequently the site was excavated by Sambalpur University between 1983 and 90 and a report was published. C.R. Mishra and S. Pradhan, Manamunda Excavation 1990: A Preliminary Report, Sambalpur University, Jyoti Vihar, 1990. 57 Kharavela, Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, 1984. 58 Veer Surendra Sai, Department of Culture, Government of Orissa, Bhubaneswar, 1985. 59 Kharavela, Bhubaneswar, 1984, Preface, p. vi. 60 Veer Surendra Sai, Department of Culture, Bhubaneswar, 1985, p. 326. 61 Odia Jatira Itihasa (Pracina Kalinga), (Oriya), [History of the Oriya Race, (Ancient Kalinga)], Part I, The Orissa State Bureau of Text Book Preparation and Production, Bhubaneswar, 1974. The State Bureau of Text Book originally planned to bring out Odia Jatira itihasa in three parts, viz. Part I- Pracina Kalinga (Ancient Kalinga), Part II- Madhyayugiya Utkala (Medieval Utkal) and Part III- Adhunika Odisha (Modern Odisah). Only Part of the series was published and other two parts could not see the light of the day. 62 N.K. Sahu, P.K. MIshra and J.K. Sahu, History of Orissa, Nalanda, Cuttack, 1978. 63 N.K. Sahu and P.K. Mishra (eds.), Madhusudan Das, the Legislator, (His Speeches), Pragati Utkala Sangha, Rourkela, 1980. 64 “Origin of the Name of the State”, in N. C. Behuria (ed.), Orissa State Gazetteer, Vol. I, Government of Orissa, Bhubaneswar, 1990, pp. 1-2; “History of Orissa from Early Period to 1568”, ibid., pp. 137-45; “Currency and Coinage right from the earliest times”, ibid, Vol. III, 1992, pp. 290-93. 65 The details about the unpublished and incomplete works of Sahu have been collected from J.K. Sahu and D. Chopdar, Aitihasika Nabin Kumar, Pragati Utkal Sangha, Rourkela, 1996, pp. 1-55; S.K. Maharana, Professor Nabin Kumar Sahu, Odisha Sahitya Academy, Bhubaneswar, 2014. 66 L.K. Mishra, “Situating Twentieth Century Historiography of Orissa: A Study of Concepts, Approaches and Methodology”, in S.C. Padhy, (ed.), Historians and Historiography, Twentieth Century Orissa, Sandeep Prakashan, Delhi, 2007, p. 120. 67 “Presidential Address”, Proceedings of Orissa History Congress, 6th session, 1978, pp. vii-xii. ■■■ Dept. of History Ravenshaw University, Cuttack 16 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Multiple shifts in Buddhism – Understanding Vajrayana as an Exoteric Religion: Perspective from Odisha Dr. Umakant Mishra Abstract Recent years saw a spurt in writings on the forms and processes of changes in Buddhism in early medieval India. These changes in Buddhism, studied under the rubric of tantric Buddhism, has been regarded earlier by scholars in various ways ranging from ‘corrupt’ form of the earlier ‘pure Buddhism’ to mere ‘imitation’ of the Puranic Buddhism and therefore was easily amenable to incorporation and eventual extinction in the syncretic Puranic Hinduism. It has also been regarded as too esoteric, which was restricted to serious monkish communities. However, the present article argues that Buddhism in its Vajrayana version had brought about numerous shifts in the religion. These shifts include the emergence of new gods and goddesses within a mandalic structure, emphasis on instrumental aspects of religion, incorporation of folk practices in the Buddhist pantheon structure and emphasis on adept guru. These shifts in Buddhism occurred when Brahamanical religions were constructing temples, expanding pilgrimage and integrating folk cults. Studying the religious landscape of Odisha from circa 7th-12th centuries CE, the paper explores the multiple shifts in Buddhism in its Vajrayana form in response to an expanding Brahamanical religion in Odisha and argues that these shifts in Buddhism occurred in order to make the religion more laity oriented (lokika). Key words: Esoteric and exoteric, instrumental, maṇḍala as a structure, dhāraṇis, Siddhācārya as Guru, lokika Introduction Recent years saw a spurt in writings on the forms and processes of changes in Buddhism in early medieval India and its eventual decline from India in 12-13th century (Sarao 2012; Amar 2012; Prasad 2013; Davidson 2004; Verardi2011). 1 These changes in Buddhism, studied under the 1 Birendra Nath Prasad argues that Vajrayana Buddhism tried to incorporate Brahamanical cults and practices within monastic Buddhism through mandalic appropriation. Such appropriation of Brahmanical cults by monastic Buddhism created a disconnect between Buddhist followers and Sangha because for the masses this development indicated a gradual blurring of ritual and institutional boundaries between Buddhism and Brahmanism. This argument has two limitations. One, brahmanical cults within the monastic structure is very few in comparison to ‘purely’ Buddhist deities such as Buddha, Avalokitesvara, Manjusri, etc. Second, the imitation is largely in the realm of ritual practices, such evocation of deities, mandalas, rituals, conceptualisation of Buddhist deities in the line of brahamnical deities such as Durga and Siva. But such mutual borrowing was nothing new. As shown, the Jainas used Vasudhara dharanis, worshipped Lakshmi, Ganesa. This did not lead to blurring of lines in the eyes of Jainas. Ronald Davidson, on the other hands, locates Vajrayana Buddhism in the ‘feudal polity’ context of early medieval India. Both Sanderson (1995) and Davidson (2004) locate origin and development of Vajrayana Buddhism as adoption of Saiva ‘Atimarga’ practices. However, it is important to notice that Vajrayana Buddhism expanded in Odisha at time when other religions, especially Jainism and brahamnical orders were also expanding. Therefore, it can be located as merely a response to feudal polity of early medieval times. Abhisek Singh Amar (2012) has made a very interesting study on the competition and transformation in Bodh Gaya. According to him there was a concurrent presence of Saivism, Vaisnavism and Buddhism in Bodh Gaya regions between 6h-12th centuries and all religions were competing with each other in the religion, soteriological and societal domains.. 17 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 rubric of tantric Buddhism, has been earlier regarded by scholars in various ways, ranging from the representation of it as a corrupt form of the earlier ‘pure Buddhism’ to mere imitation of the Puranic Buddhism, especially Saiva order, and therefore was easily amenable to incorporation and eventual extinction in the syncretic Puranic Hinduism. Scholars point out that Buddhism from 7th century onwards lost its distinct character and ‘imitated’ various features of Puranic Hinduism for which it declined (Bhattacharyya 1981, 15; Chakrabrti 2001).2 Another assumption, especially applied with respect to Puranic Hinduism is that it is eclectic and syncretic. The classic example of eclecticism-syncretism is the incorporation of the Buddha as the ninth avatār of Visnu (Agni Purāṇa:16 1–4).The Puranic version of Buddha as an incarnation of Visnu is not an example of syncretism; rather it is a case of intense competition between Buddhism and Brahamnical religions. According to the Puranic version, Visnu’s descent as the Buddha avatar was accomplished so that the wicked and the demonic could be only further misled away from the truth in this current age, Kali Yuga.3 These characterisations of Vajrayana Buddhism as corrupt, imitative or esoteric stem from many sources, and are located in the trajectory of the Buddhist historiography in India. Alexander Cunningham initiated the Buddhist archaeology in India by undertaking explorations and excavations of Buddhist sites of India based on Yuan Chwang’s account of India. Further, our view on Buddhism was further shaped by the Buddhist Pali canon, which was finally redacted in the Anuradhapura during the time of Dutthagamini in 2nd century-1st century BC. This overreliance on the textual account, especially on Pali Canon, led to glossing over the large amount of epigraphic, sculptural, architectural evidence from the archaeological context. The archaeological materials – epigraphic, sculptural, and iconographic – have many advantages over literary sources. For example, much of the epigraphical materials from Sanchi, Sarnath predate by several centuries our earliest actually datable literary sources. As Schopen points out, it tells us what a fairly large number of Indian Buddhists actually did, as opposed to what according to 2 3 N. N Bhattacharyya argues that Buddhism of this period was departure from the earlier Buddhism and lost its distinctive features. It survived on royal patronage for some times in eastern India after which it declined. “If Buddhism declined after Pala period… What was the real condition of Buddhism? Was it not a bundle of popular cults and superstitions, which could be called in any name? ... Had Buddhism in its later forms been an organised religion with followers among the people it could not perish all of a sudden.”(Bhattacharyya 1981, 15). Similarly, in an important contribution to the study of early medieval religious process, Kunal Chkarabarti holds the view that there was no difference between Buddhism and brahmanical religion. in popular understanding Buddhist and brahmanical icons came to perform the same function. Even in the realm of underlying metaphysical premises tantricism brought the Buddhist and brahmanical ways of worship closer. When both the religions began to receive royal patronage irrespective of the personal faiths of the rulers it carried the universal message that the differences between them, if any, were marginal and that both were entitled to be venerated in almost equal manner. (Chakrabarti 2001, 142). Agni Purana states, ‘Those, who had abandoned the path laid dowm in the Vedas, became the Bauddhas, and from them others who had abandoned the Vedas. He then became Arhats (Jaina). He then made others as Arhats. Thus the heretics came into being devoid of Vedic dharma.’ (Agni Purā a 16.1– 4 ). Thus, the Buddhists are represented as misled religionists and Buddha misled his followers through his preaching against varna-jati (caste). 18 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 our literary sources-they might or should have done. But in addition to these two advantages there is a third: ‘material, in a considerable number of cases, tells us what theindividuals themselves – whether laymen or monks-hoped to accomplish by those religious acts which they chose to record.’ (Schopen 1984, 110 –126). The third source which shaped our understanding of Buddhism is the way the history of Buddhism has been explained by the Pali Text Society. In this account of the history of Buddhism, the religion is seen as a protestant religion against the Vedic orthodoxy in the Buddha’s period which underwent modification in the Mahayana period due to influence of Bhakti ideology and which finally declined because of the degeneration in the religion in the Vajrayana period (Wedermeyer 2001, 223 –259). Such characterisation of Vajrayana Buddhism as a corrupt, degenerate religion largely fails to take into account the laity oriented nature of Vajrayana Buddhism which innovated dhāraṇis, mantras, gods, goddesses and temples and rituals, stotras (litanies), etc, associated with the worship of these deities by the laities (Mishra 2009). Vajrayana made numerous shifts from earlier Buddhism and integratedthese changeswithin the tradition of Buddhism. The Tattvaratnavali section of Adhavayavajrasaṁgraha, a Buddhist text of 10th century AD, considered Buddhism as one religion (Eka Yāna) which was further divided into various yanas (vehicle) in its long historical evolution (Shastri 1927).4According to the text Buddhism is broadly divided into Sravakayana , Pratyekabuddhayana and Mahayana. Mahayana Buddhism consisted of Paramitayana and Mantrayana. The latter is broadly divided into Vajrayana, Sahajayana and Kalacakrayana. In Vajrayana, the emphasis was on proper recitation of the mantras in ritualised context in which vajra is used as a ritualised object. It is also called Vajrayana (Adamantine vehicle) because like vajra (the thunderbolt), the ‘Absolute’ (identified with sunya) is firm, substantial, indivisible, impenetrable, incapable of being burnt and imperishable (Snellgrove 1959 I, 37). Sahajayana, as the name suggests, aims at realising the ultimate and innate nature of the ‘self’ as well as of the dharma and it is sahaja because it prescribes the way in the most natural way i.e. by following the path along which human nature itself leads him. Kalacakrayanais associated with the development of wrathful deities in Vajrayana Buddhism and involved kalacakra ritual. Some other texts distinguish between Vajrayana and Mantrayana Buddhism, and consider the latter to be of later period and offshoot of Vajrayana, but no such tight boundary can be drawn between 4 The Tattvartnavalisection (Section 3) of the 10th century text Advayavajrasamgraha states Buddhism is one vehicle (Ekayana), which consists of three sub vehicle- Sravakayana, Pratyekayana and Mahayana. Mahayana comprise of two subdivision- Paramitayana and Mantraya. Mantrayana is further divided into Vajrayana, Sahajayana and Kalacakrayana. The Sanskrit text states thus: “tatra trīni yānāni,śrāvakayānaṁ pratyekayānaṁ mahāyānaṁ ceti | sthitayaścatastraḥ,vaibhāṣika-sautrāntika-yogācāra-madhyamakabhedena | tatra vaibhāṣikasthityā śrāvakayānaṁ pratyekayānaṁ ca vyākhyāyate | mahāyānaṁ ca dvividham,pāramitānayo mantranayaśceti | tatra yaḥ pāramitānayaḥ sautrāntika-yogācāra-madhyamakasthityā vyākhyāyate | mantranayastu yogācāra-madhyamakasthityā vyākhyānayate | yogācāraśca dvividhaḥ,sākāra-nirākārabhedena | evaṁ madhyamiko'pi māyopamādvayavādisarvvadharmmāpratiṣṭhānavādi-bhedāt dvividhaḥ | tatra śrāva[kaḥ]trividhaḥ,mṛdumadhyādhimātrabhedena | atra ca mṛdumadhyau paścātyavaibhāṣikau,adhimātrastu kāśmīravaibhāṣikaḥ |” (Tattvarantavali section of Advayavajrasamgraha; (http://www.dsbcproject.org/node/8503). 19 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 the three forms of esoteric Buddhism even though each of them retained their distinguished character (Nakamura 1987, 321). The normative goal of tantric Buddhism is the attainment of ‘bodhicitta’, which is a state of mahāsukha (great bliss). This is an ineffable state. The summon bonum is described both in earlier Buddhist literature as well as in Brahamanical literature as an ineffable state and hence, the emphasis on mahāsukha is essentially a continuum of earlier tradition even though the nomenclature changed in this period. However, the soteriological means it prescribes distinguishes Vajrayana Buddhism from earlier yanas. In Buddhism of the early period, the highest state of Nibbana is located either in the next birth as in the career of bodhisattva (in Mahayana Buddhism) or at the termination of one’s rebirth as in canonical Buddhism. However, the Vajrayana was unwilling to postpone this soteriological aspiration to future existence; for them, salvation is an imminent goal to be achieved in the present and immediate existence (Bhattacharyya 1967,167). This highest goal can be achieved by means of rituals, recitation of mantras and some secret rituals.5 Vajrayana Buddhism as an exoteric religion However, Vajrayana Buddhism was not an esoteric religion alone. It existed as an exoteric religion as well. It involved many of the older practices and adoption of new practices.Consecration of stupas, rituals, worship of many gods, goddesses, Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, and adherence to many practices of Saravakayanaand Paramitayana. Vajrayana Buddhism also involved use of dhāraṇis (magical spell) and worship of Buddhist deities in the form of concentric circles (maṇḍala s).6There were stotras (litanies), and vows (vratas) which originated in the Mahayana period but which were further expanded in the Vajrayana period (Gellner 1996).There are numerous texts which elaborate the proper way of worship of deities. The tantric texts have been classified into four classes: Kriya tantras, which treat the ceremonies at the building of temples, images of gods, etc; Carya tantras which the practical cult; Yoga 5 6 Vajrayana Buddhism did not lead to sharp break from the past. It involved many practices of Sravakayana and Paramitayana. In the first work of Advayavajrasamgraha, the Kudrustinirghātanam (Refutation of Wrong views), Advayavajra sets out to show that even those who are beyond teachings ( (asaiksa) and enlightened like Sakyamuni himself, and even those who perform the Observance of the Madman (unmattavrata), will continue to perform and carry out beginners’ rites and observance (adikarma) i.e they will continue to observe and respect the rituals of the less advance practitioners. ( Shastri 1927: 1-12). Schopen therefore questions this characterisation of Vajrayana as an estoteric religion. ‘If by ‘tantric’ we mean that phase of Buddhist doctrinal development, which is characterized by an emphasis on the central function of the guru as religious preceptor; by sets – usually graded – of specific initiations; by esotericism of doctrine, language and organization; and by a strong emphasis on the realization of the goal through highly structured ritual and meditative techniques, then there is nothing at all ‘tantric’ about these texts. They are texts dealing with ritual forms open toall and religious problems common to all – monks, nuns, lay men and women. Second, they show a marked continuity in terms of religious concerns with the literature that preceded them. They are, like much of the canonical Mahayana sutra literature that came before them, preoccupied with death and the problems of rebirth.’(Schopen, 2005, 337). 20 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 tantras which deal with the practice of yoga and Anuttora yogatantra which deal with higher mysticism. The Guhyasamaja tantra, Hevajra tantra and others belong to the Anuttora varieties and involved rituals which involved secret rites. However, Vajrayana Buddhism made multiple shifts and these shifts were to do with Buddhism. Some of the most important features of Vajrayana Buddhism as a religion of the laity incorporating popular, instrumental aspects of the religion are dealt with and then these shifts were located in the religious landscape of early medieval Odisha. Multiple Shifts in Vajrayana Buddhism : Buddhist pantheon structure and Mandalic appropriation Buddhism in tantric form (Vajrayana, Kalacakrayana, or Sahajayana) brought about numerous shifts in the religion. The first shift was in the introduction of an elaborate pantheon structure of Adi Buddha (Vajrasattva), Dhyani Buddha, manusi Buddha, Bodhisattvas, gods and goddesses of each dhyāni Buddha family, dakini and yogini and gods and goddesses of Brahamanical religion. This is done through the manadala innovation or maṇḍala appropriation. Mandalic representation not only allowed the introduction of numerous deities within Buddhism, it allowed incorporation of numerous Brahamanicaldeities, such as Mahesvara, Indra, Brahma, Ganesa within Buddhism and allowed integration and hierarchisation of deities. In Vajrayana Buddhism the seeker draws a series concentric circles (maṇḍala) in powder at the centre of which is depicted the figure of the chief deity to whom he invokes. The Buddhist maṇḍala consists of a series of concentric magical circles, containing figures of Buddhist divinities. In the formation of maṇḍalain the Guhyasamaja Tantra (6th century AD), each Tathagata was given a direction, a mantra, a colour, a prajñā and a guardian of the gate (Bhattacharyya 1967, 45). One of the yoga category text, Vairocana Sutra, dated to 7th century AD and Sarvatathāgatatattvasaṁgraha, locus classicus of Vajrayana Buddhism deal with the making of maṇḍalaand rituals associated with it. It is important to note that Vairocanasutra was taken to China and from it to Japan and it formed the basis of Japanese Buddhism in early 8th century. Mahavairocanasutra was taken to China by Buddhist monk Subhakarasimha in early 8th century, who studied in the monastery of the Ratnagiri. In the Mahavairocanasutra, Aksobhya is represented in the east, Amitabha in the west, Amoghasiddhi in the north, Ratnasambhava on the south and Vairocana in the centre. 21 Figure Error! Use the Home tab to apply 0 to the text that you want to appear here.-1: Abhisambodhi Vairocana Image with mantra on back slab, Lalitgiri, Odisha, circa 7th century CE ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 The Abhisambodhi Vairocana image of Lalitgiri is inscribed with a mantra on the back slab which reads ‘namah samantabuddhānāṁ a vira huṁ khaṁ.’ This mantra appears in chapter six of the Mahavairocanasutra(Wayman & Tajima 1992, 13). The inscription is paleographically dated to early 7th century AD. According to the introduction of the text in the Chinese and Japanese, one ruler of Odra (one of the ancient names of Odisha), Subhakarasimha (660–758) introduced Tantrayana Buddhism in China at the beginning of the 8th century. He arrived at the Chinese capital at the invitation of Tang Hsuan-tsung. Subhakarasimha was a central Indian prince who studied at Nalanda and Ratnagiri. He visited to many countries including Sri Lanka in a merchant ship. In time, he proceeded to Gandhara from where he travelled to China (Yi-liang 1945). Included among the texts which he brought to China were the Mahavairocanabhisambodhi, which he translated into Chinese in 725 AD, and an iconographic copybook in his own hand of the maṇḍala (maṇḍala is a concentric circle in which deities are assigned particular position and direction.)deities of the Sarvatathagata-tattvasamgraha, the latter surviving in early Japanese copies and known as the Gobushinkan (Yamamoto 1990(tr) Mahavairocana sutra). He also made an iconographic copybook in his own hand of the maṇḍala deities of the Sarvatathagata-tattvasamgraha (Sarvatathagata-tattva-samgraha 1981). Both Sarvatathagata-tattvasamgraha and the Gobushinkan emphasises the importance of Mahavairocana and the interrelated Mahakarunagarbhodbhava- and Vajradhatu-maṇḍala . These two maṇḍala s form the basis of Japanese Shingon Buddhism and, according to Japanese legends, were transmitted by Mahavairocana to Vajrasattva who kept them for several hundred years within an iron stupa in South India until they were recovered by Nagarjuna (Snodgrass 1988 I, 111–19). Another figure associated with the spread of Vajrayana Buddhism to China is Amoghavajra and his preceptor Vajraboddhi. Vajrabodhi, before reaching China, stopped over at Srivijaya in 718 AD and according to one Chinese source, Amoghavajra met Vajrabodhi in Java and became his disciple. There are numerous examples of maṇḍala sculptures in Odisha which has been treated with great scholarship by Donaldson ( Donaldson 2001). It is important to highlight the fact that the occurrence of the mantra of Mahavairocanasutra, Udayagiri as maṇḍala s stupa, and evidence of numerous maṇḍala sculptures in Odisha reveal the importance of Odisha as an important early centre of Tantric Buddhism. Odisha is one important source which inspired tantric Buddhism and its art, architecture and religion in Japan and Tibet and most likely the architectural ideology of Borodbodur and Candi Mendut in Java in 8th century AD. Odisha as one of the important centres of Vajrayana Buddhism is also reflected in numerous Tibetan texts of different times. In the Tibetan work (written towards the end of the fourteenth century A.D.) by mKhas-Grub Thams-chad mKhyen-Pa dGe-Legs-dPal-bZang-Po it is stated that the great preceptor Chilu Pandita (Cheluka), born in Or-bi-sar (Odisha), studied the complete Tripitaka in Ratnagiri-vihara, Vikramsila and Nalanda. (Mitra 1981-3, 23). The Tibetan text, Blue Annals (15th century) states that Acārya Cheluka, in search of the Kalacakra tantra, 22 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 read it at the Ratnagiri-mahavihara, which was left undamaged by the invasion of the turskas (Roerich 1953, II, 755). The Tibetan texts differ about the name of the Buddhist Acārya who brought Kalacakra-tantra to India from the mythical land of Sambhala. While the Blue Annals credits it to Cheluka; the Pag Sam Jon Zang (completed in A.D. 1747) by Sum-Pa mKhan-Po Ye-Shes-dPal-aByor (Suma Khan-po Yese Pal Jor), it was Acārya Bitoba who obtained the Kalacakra-tantra from Sambhala. At the last moment of the king (Mahipala) Acārya Bitoba came and Vajrapani instructed him to go through magic to Sambhala where Kālacakra would be found. He went there and brought it to Ratnagiri and explained the doctrine to Bhikshu Abadhutipa, Bodhisri and Naropa. An older contemporary of the illustrious Atisa Dipankara (circa A.D. 980-1053), Naropa (variously known as Naro, Naropa, Nadapada and Naropada) was an eminent Tantric sage immortalized in the Tibetan works. He succeeded Jetari in the prized chair of Pandita at the northern gate of the Vikramsila monastery and afterward became the high priest of Vajrasana (i.e. Bodh-Gaya). He was equally well-known for his writings. One of his works is the Sekoddesa-tika, a commentary on the Sekoddesa section of the Kalacakra tantra. Numerous sculptural maṇḍala s (concentric circle) have been found from the Buddhist sites of Odisha. They can be broadly divided into five types– 1.the stupamaṇḍala with four Dhyāní Buddhas flanked by two Bodhisattva each as in the Udayagiri stupa; 2. Sculptural maṇḍala s of eight Bodhisattvas around a Buddha on a single stone slab; 3. Four × four Bodhisattvas surrounding four Dhyāní Buddhas with the fifth one at the centre; 4. free-standing Bodhisattvas forming a maṇḍala and the last type being the maṇḍala diagram on the back of image. The last category– maṇḍala diagram– is incised on the back of Jambhala image at Ratnagiri which consists of two concentric circles along with the Buddhist creed, a mantra and letters and numerous inscriptions representing Jaṁbhala, Vasudhārā, dancing deities, deified paraphernalia and musical instruments (Donaldson 2001; Mitra 1981 I, 230–232). Dhāraṇis: Departure from monastic path The other shift that Vajrayana Buddhism brought about was by the introduction of dhāraṇis. A distinct interpretation of the monastic path is presented in the dhāraṇi scripture. When one wishes to renounce the householder’s life he must ask his parents for permission, saying that he wishes to practice dhāraṇi ( folio no 615 c15-16 of Dhāraṇi scripture, Defangdeng, dated 413 AD). If his parents do not grant permission and reject his request three times, the young man can recite the spells in his own residence. Women may arrive at the place where he is reciting and even touch his clothing but it will not matter (Shinohara 2010, 243 – 275). Thus the dhāraṇi recital removes the householder from the fetters of monastic Buddhism and one can aspire to achieve nirabanna by remaining a householder. From 5th century AD onwards, independent sutras of Vajrayana were composed and they were credited with powers, which can lead to salvation. In addition, the dhāraṇis (dharayati anaya iti– by which something is sustained) were also used as protective spells in this period. Numerous dhāraṇis in clay seals are found from Ratnagiri. Vasubandhu in the Bodhisattvabhumi categorised four kinds of dhāraṇis – 23 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 dharma dhāraṇi, arthadhāraṇi, mantradhāraṇi and the Bodhisattvakshantilabha dhāraṇi (Winternitz 1983, 380–87). In many stupas of Odisha, one finds dhāraṇis being inserted inside a stupa. An inscription, now in the Odisha State Museum, Bhubaneswar (OSM) states that the construction of a single caitya (stupa) with a deposit of a dhāraṇi inside it confers on the donor the merit of one lakh of Tathāgata caityas (Epigraphia IndicaXXVI 1941, 171–174). In the consecration of stupas or images, dhāraṇis are inscribed in the images or inserted in tablet forms inside the stupas. In the dhāraṇi literature five dhāraṇis are described as to be inscribed in the consecration of Stupas – Uṣnisavijayā-dhāraṇi, vimaloṣṇiṣa-dhāraṇi, Pratyutasamutpādadhāraṇi, Bodhigarbhālankāralaksyadhāraṇi and Guhyadhātudhāraṇi. As part of my exploration of the Buddhist sites of Odisha, numerous dhāraṇis have been found. In Odisha dhāraṇis are found inscribed on the images as well as found inside the Stupas. Pratityasamutpādasutras are found inside the stupas in the form of tablet from 5th century AD in Ratnagiri while the same sutra is also incised on the base of the votive stupas in Lalitgiri from the same period. Further, pratiyasamutpāda as a dhāraṇi is also inscribed in sculptures from 8th century onwards in Lalitgiri, Udayagiri and Ratnagiri, and elsewhere in Odisha. To the northeast corner of stupa area of Ratnagiri is the Temple 7 where a seated Jatamukuta Lokesvara image was found at the southwestern corner of the southern wall. On the backslab of the image ispratiyasamutpāda formula and a dhāraṇi. It reads Oṁ straiyadhve sarva-tathāgata-hridayagarbhe jvālā dharmadhātu-garbhe saṁvara ayuṁ saṁsodhaya pāpaṁ sarva-tathāgatasamantoṣníṣa vimala-visuddhe svahā.. Thisdhāraṇi,identified asvimaloṣṇiṣa-dhāraṇi is extracted from the Sarvaprajñāntapāramitā-siddhacaitya-nāma-dhāraṇi (Donaldson 2001, 59; Mitra 1981 I, 104). In the Museum shed of the Jajpur district Collectorate is a stone slab containing a 12-line dhāraṇi. It starts with Pratityasamutpāda Sutradhāraṇi. The last two lines of the dhāraṇis read thus: Line 11: sarva-tathāgata hridaya cakrāṇi/ saṁvara saṁvara/sarva-tathāgata guhyaka dhāraṇi Cundā/ Buddhe subuddhe sarvata— Line 12:thāgatadhistite suddhe svahā---āgata pratisthite svāhā. Table 1:Various Dhāraṇis and their Functions Dhāraṇis Function 1. The sutra on the dhāraṇis for protecting 1. For the protection of children children 2. i. Mahapratisara dhāraṇis 2. Invoked for longevity ii. Maha-pratyangira- dhāraṇi iii. Vasundharādhāraṇi 3. Mahā Pratyāngira-dhāraṇi 3. Invoked to ward off evil and endow with all powers to do good to the devotees 4. Maniratna sutra dhāraṇ 4. Recited to dispel diseases and disaster 24 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 5. Pancaraksā (five Protective spell) dhāraṇi (i) Mahāpratisāra (ii) Mahāsahasra Pramardini (iii) Mahāmayųri (iv) Mahāsitavati (v) Mahāraksā-mantranusarini 6. Usnisavijayādhāraṇi 5. For protection against sin. Disease and other evils 6. 7. 8. 7. 8. Efficacious in curing diseases and prolonging life To ensure robust health To ward off disease. Vajravidarananama-dhāraṇi Pi aci Parnasavarināma-dhāraṇi Vajrayana as an Instrumental Religion The question that comes up when we discuss about the pantheon structure is this: Why did Buddhism innovate hundreds of deities and introduce their worship? What purposes did this new pantheon structure fulfil? They occur in votive stupas, in temples and other parts of sacred complex. They existed independently and as parts of Maṇḍala alignment in Buddhist sacred sites of Odisha (Donaldson 2001). The widespread presence of various gods, goddesses and Bodhisattvas underlies the vibrancy of the Buddhism in Odisha. In our opinion, the worship of these goddesses was clearly instrumental in nature. Instrumental actions are those behaviours, which are oriented “to changing the state of the world as a means to the end of one’s subjective experience (Southwold 1983, 185). Gellner defines it thus: ‘Instrumental religion comprises action undertaken, usually on behalf of an individual, to make something happen, paradigmatically to prevent or overcome an illness.’ (Gellner 1996: 6) If a prayer, a spell, in its correct formulation is believed to achieve the purpose for which it was recited, will be characterised as instrumental. To take an instance, if a childless woman goes to Hariti and worship her in the correct manner, perform the enjoined rituals, we will conclude that the prayer is an instrumental mean to achieve the desired end i.e. to get a child. The desired goal (getting a child) leads to change in one’s subjective experience. Prayer or performance of rituals in this situation will be considered as an instrumental means while the deity performs an instrumental role. Vajrayana Buddhism catered to the devotional need of the masses by inventing Buddhism, where one finds numerous Buddha, bodhisattvas, gods and goddesses, both in peaceful and wrathful moods. Each god and goddess was assigned an instrumental role to fulfil the everyday needs and aspirations of the masses. The germ syllable (bijamantra) of each deity is believed to possess magical powers and recitations of these mantras guarantee fulfilment of desires (Mishra 2009). 25 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 Category Buddhas OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Buddhist deities Dipankara Bhaisajyaguru Vajrapani Avalokitesvara Avalokitesvara in feminine form Manjusri Bodhisattvas Goddesses Gods Sankhananga Manjusri Arogyasali Lokesvara Simhanada Lokesvara Cintamani Lokesvara Ksitigarbha Akasagarbha Hariti Aparajita Trailokyavijaya AstamahabhayaTara Janguli Kurukulla Vajra-Sarasvati Vasudhara Parnasabari Usnisavijaya Mahamayuri Prajnaparamita Yamantaka Hayagriva Mahakala Jambhala Instrumental Function Islanders’ deity favouring merchants Healer Buddha; worshipped for curing illness God of Rain (ii) provide elixir of life (iii) to cure snake Saviours. As savours he saves from eight or eleven fears Worshipped by woman (i) For learning (ii) destroys ignorance (iii) god of Agriculture for bewitching woman God of healing Invoked to cure leprosy God of Wealth Master of six world of Desire (ii) God of Death God of Wealth Goddess of fecundity, prevents small pox, protects kitchen Goddessesof ghosts Conqueror of evil spirit Saviouress from eight dangers Cure snake-bite For bewitching lovers Goddess of wealth, learning Goddess of abundance Worshipped to eradicate sall pox Goddess of transcendental wisdom Invoked in snake bite Goddess of Intelligence Invoked to conquer death God of horse traders God of wealth and hearth God of Wealth Table 2 Instrumental function of different Buddhist deitie 26 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Shift from Bhikshu to adept Guru The emergence of Buddhist Acārya as an adept guru as well as the emergence of SiddhAcārya marked major breaks from the emphasis on Bhikshu in earlier Buddhism. Integral to Vajrayana Buddhism was the centrality of a guru and a yogini. Initiation into Vajrayana, both for laity and monk, required ritual. A guru who is an accomplished one can do this. An accomplished one in Vajrayana traditions requires various practices including the need of a female partnership. Through this logic, Vajrayana established a married priest system (Vajrācārya) who could act as guru, initiate the new to its fold.7Dumont summarises this process as something in which an individualistic soteriology is in fact used to define another hereditary group. Tantricism combined mysticism and ritual to great effect. It gave value to the individual. Yet at the same time, the emphasis on secrecy, the necessity of a guru and the importance of sexual partner and therefore, marriage, Tantricism also provided a Sanskritic idiom for the religion of the group (Dumont 1980,187–191). TheAcārya initiates the seeker to the world of Vajrayana. The Sanskrit word of initiation is abhiseka. The teacher guides the disciples and helps him enter into the world of mantras/Vajrayana, The Guhyasamaja tantra states: the pledge (samaya) and vow (saṁvara) said to be liberated from worldly conduct, when protected by all the diamonds (vajra) is pronounced practice of mantra (Bhattacharyya 1967, 16-17). The passage thus indicates that the seeker under the active guidance of guru enters the secretive worked with vows and pledges of his initiation. Alex Wayman, quoting the Buddhist texts, refers to fourteen pledges, one of the most important of which is to refrain from disparaging one’s Acārya (Wayman 1973, 66-67). Abhiseka rituals starts with the preparation of the disciples for visualisation of the deities (Sādhanas).8 Many of the Vajrayana texts, such as Hevajratantraand Cakrasamvaratantra, refer 7 8 Vajrayana introduced the system of married clergy is known from the early medieval Buddhist texts. These texts prescribe that initiation of Shisya can be made by gurus who are not necessarily Buddhist Bhikshus who had undergone monastic initiation. According to Sanderson “ there is some evidence that the traditional superiority of monks over laymen was undermined. This appears from the fact there are authorizes such as the Vimalaprabha’s commentary on the Kalacakratantra, which condemn the practice of monks venerating married Vajra Masters ( grahastācarya) as their gurus if an ordained Vajra Master is available and of married Vajra Master being engaged officaints for such rituals as the consecration of monasteries… (Sanderson 1995, 92). Sanderson describes this abhiseka rituals while Gellner and Beyer document the process in the context of Nepal and Tara worship in Tibet (Gellner 1996; Beyer 1973). “The deities are first installed and worshipped in a mandala made of coloured powders [rajomandala). The inititands take the Tantric vows [samvara] and then spends the night sleeping in aroom adjoining that in which the madnala has been prepared [sisyadhivasana]. Tge next morning the initiator interprets the intitainads’ dreams and take ritual measures to eliminate any obstacle to success which they may reveal. He then goes to the mandala room, bestows on himseld the first empowerment, that of garlands [malabhiseka], and then imagines that his guru is bestowing the rest. The intitands are then blindfolded, led in by a female adept [yogini] or a male assistanct [karmavajrin] and presented before the mandala. They are made to take an oath of absolute secrecy[kosapana] and are then made by means of manstas to become possessed by the madnala deities [avesavidhi] for the purpose of progostication. After terminatinf the possesion by dismissing the deities the gurus asks each initiand the colour of lights he saw and interprets the colour as predicting special aptitude for this or that Tantric accomplishments [siddhi]. Still blindfolded he is given a flower. He is to identify the flower … imagine that the deity if tge 27 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 to the process of visualisation. Cakrasaṁvaratantra refers to four progressively higher and more esoteric visualisations of and identification with the deity.9 The presence of numerous sculptural maṇḍala s from 6-7th century onwards in Odisha and epigraphic references about Gurus point out that the Guru/Acārya s became quite salient in Buddhism in Odisha. The Khadipada Avalokitesvara image inscription, also from Jajpur, now in the Odisha State inscription, refers to the Mahamaṇḍala cari (who is adept in maṇḍala s) Rahulacari (Ghosh 1942, 247– 48). Recently, I have come across an inscribed Buddha images in 7th century Nagari character which refer to the engraving of the images of (Buddhas) by Sutradhāra (sculptor) Napa, at the order of Acārya Kesavasena.10 In addition to an adept Guru who initiates the initiands to the world of Vajrayana through maṇḍala rituals, the emergence of Siddhas as Acārya s is another new element in Buddhism. First of all SiddhAcārya s, Like the Saiva Pasupata Atimargis operated outside of the monastic complex in the charnel ground. They, like the Saiva Pasupata Atimargis, were openly antiBrahamanical and admonished the brahamnical social hierarchy of varna-jatis. In their dohākosas, they invoked the lower castes women as yogini. Textual and other evidence from various sources certainly attest that Odisha was an important centre of the Siddhācāryas.. Taranath in his History of Buddhism (composed in early 17thcentury) gave a list of Siddhācārya s starting with Padmavajra, Indrabhuti, the father of Padmasambhava and author of famous tantric work Jnanasiddhi. On the other hand, other texts, such as Cakrasamvara tantra, lists another set of Siddhācārya , starting with Sarah, also known as Rahulabhadra.11 The Tibetan text, Pag Sam Zang and the Blue Annals, refer to Sarah, also known as Rahulabhdra as introducing Guhyasamaja-tantra to Nagarjuna (Roerich 1949 I: 359-360). The Khadipada Inscription, mentioned above, refer to Mahamaṇḍala cari, Rahulacari, which may be Rahulabhara or Sarah. According to Pag Sam Jon Zang, a Buddhist text of 15th century, Sarah became a high priest of Nalanda. He also visited Odisha where, from Covesakalpa, he learnt the Mantrayana from where 9 10 11 madnala is standing before him in the mandala, mentally enter the madndala and throw the flower forward on to the deity. The guru determines the Buddha family [kula] of the initiand from the direction in relation to the centre of the mandala of the point on which the flower falls. The flowere is then attached to the initiand’s hair. This is the garland-empowerment [malabhiseka] The blindold is then removed and the initand is told the inner meaning of each element of the mandala [mandalatattva] now revealed to him. He is then bathed by the gurus in a ritual area traced on the ground to the east of the mandla. As he does this the guru visualises the sisya undergoing a mystical rebirth which transforms him into the transcendental nature of the deities. This is the water empowerment [udakabhiseka]… The four fold visualization s are : i. identification with the two armed Cakrasamva; ii. Generations of the six armed Cakrasamvara, the convention-deity and its fusion with the Knowledge deity iii. Visulaisations of the whole mandala of the 12-armed Cakrasamvara and his consort and its visualization with the Knowledge-Deity and iv. Visualization of the mandala being breathed out by the worshipper and then gradually reabsorbed into the body again, until the whole universe and the mandala are one , ending with the emission of the mandala again for the food of all being. (Gellner 1996: 288} This inscribed image is found in the compound of the Jagannath temple in Jajpur town. The list of Siddhacaryas is as follows. 1. Sarah, Nagarjuna, Sabaripa, Luipa, Vajraghanta, Kacchapa, Jalandharipa, Krnscarya, Guhya, Viajayapa, Tailopa, Naropa (Bhattacharyya 1980:63). 28 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 he proceeded to Maharashtra. There he united in Yoga with a female ascetic , who approached him in the guise of an archers’ daughter. Having performed the Mahamaudra ritual of mysticism, attained Siddha. He wrote two Sādhanas, namely the Rakatalokesvara Sādhanaand Trailokyabasankara LokesvaraSādhana(Bhattacharyya 1968, 80, 83).12 Containment of extreme elements of Esoteric Buddhism The soteriology of Vajrayana is the attainment of sunyatā, which can be achieved by esoteric means, but as an exoteric religion, it is more akin to rāvakayāna and Mahayana. The similarities with rāvakayāna and Mahayana were over the worship of Buddha, chanting of mantra, monastic ritual like Caityavandanā, etc. The Saṁvarodaya Tantra (17.1-6) had described the characteristics of a vajra master, which include the ideas of Theravada, Mahayana and Vajrayana (Tsuda 1974: 274) . The continuities with earlier srāvaka practices and the fact that Vajrayana existed in a shared Figure 2 : Aprajita trampling on cultural milieu characterised by temples, Brahamanical an elephant and not the brahmancial god Ganesa, an gods and goddesses made Vajrayana Buddhism to example of minimising extreme element of Vajrayana Buddhism. contain the extreme elements, such as embracing deities, trampling deities in its exoteric version. There are two reasons to support such a formulation. First, there is not a single Buddhist male god found embracing his Prajñā, which is an integral part of Vajrayana ritual. In fact, the Buddhist tantras betray traces of a process of containing of these extreme practices. In fact, some important Vajrayana texts, like the Hevajra Tantra, betray an attempt to contain and limit many esoteric Tantric practices to the intitators. It says, ‘First the precepts should be given, then the ten. Then he should teach Vaibhasya, then the Sautāntrika. After that he should teach Yogācāra, then the Mādhyamika. After he knows levels of the ways of Mantras then he should begin on Hevajra. The pupil who lays holds with zeal will succeed. There is no doubt.’ (Snellgrove1959, 90). Moreover, it is to be noted that many of the Buddhist deities who trample on Hindu divinities are largely absent in Odisha and 12 For the traditional late Indian account of Saraha, see, e. g., Keith Dowman, Masters of Mahamudras: Songs and Histories of the Eighty-Four Buddhist Siddhas (Albany: SUNY Press, 1985) 66-72; and James B. Robinson, Buddha's Lions: The Lives of the Eighty-Four Siddhas (Berkeley: Dharma Publishing, 1979)4143. 29 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 India. This seems to be a conscious decision by the Buddhists not to display openly the antagonistic behaviour towards the Brahamanical religion as they had to operate in a cultural matrix of early medieval Odisha, which was characterised by poly religiosity, borrowing and adaptation of common symbols, icons and rituals and beliefs of the other’s religion. Other evidence of Vajrayana Buddhism as lokika religion : votive stupas, plaques, terracotta amulets In Odisha as well as in other Buddhist sites of India a number of sacred objects like votive stupas, terracotta plaques, seals and terracotta amulets have been found. Terracotta seals and sealing of monastery and private monks and lay people have been found in plenty in Ratnagiri, Nalanda and Bodh Gaya, etc. The short inscriptions on these seals and sealing refer to name of laypersons, or monks or invoke various deities. The amulets, plaques and votive stupas contain and transform the spiritual radiance of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas to objects and through these objects to the devotees. In normative and popular Buddhist literature the Buddha was represented as radiant, full of energy and powerful under whom the Brahamanical gods served as Figure 3: Terracotta Buddha attendant deities. After his death his cetiyas was imbued with image (Ratnagiri) as pendant to be worn: loop in terracotta seals, potency and considered to be beneficial to those who worship sealing and images suggest that these symbols. The notion of radiance and fierce energy and they were worn as amulets potency associated with the Buddha and in the second stage to his cetiyas was further extended in the third stage to sacred Buddhist objects, such as plaques, amulets and seals and sealings through a process of ritual sacralisation. This three-stage transformation of potency and radiance – from the Buddha to his cetiyas to other sacred objects has resulted in the proliferation of votive stupas, terracotta images, amulets and other sacred objects. These sacred objects were imbued with indexicality after a certain ritual process. These indexical symbols represent both continuities and transformation simultaneously. For instance, the votive stupas of āririka(corporeal)variety remind, on the one hand, the āririkacetiyas of the Buddha, and hence indicate thecontinuities of the tradition of the Buddha’s cetiyas. On the other hand, the āririka stupas underwent transformation in the sense that the āririka cetiyas of other historical Buddhist saints, by virtue of the continuation of a tradition going back to the Buddha, can also be considered as having potency to provide benefits to their worshippers. As Tambiah says: ‘The amulets as objectification of charisma are shown to have double presence: They embody memories past historical traditions and heroes, and they are linked to present-day living saints who are in contact with followers and disciples to whom they radiate their saintly virtue.’ (Tambiah1984,197). The table below represents the seals and sealings from Ratnagiri. 30 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Table 3:Sealings from Ratnagiri (N= 1345)13 Seals Description and Explanation 1. Seals having two-line letters (773 in no.) Inscription: Siddhaṁ (explained by a symbol) Tārabala. The second line Mārarodhana. Palaeographically dated to 11th Century, the excavator postulates that by stamping these words on clay lumps the devotees aspired to resist Mara with the blessing of Tara. 2. Cylindrical seals numbering 107 clay sealings The legend appears to be Cintāmani– rakshita (protected by the Cintāmani), apparently the name of an individual or may be invoking the protection of Cintamani Lokesvara. some sealing with seal impression contain the Cintamani rakshita line. 3. 97 clay sealings bearing two-line legend Sthāvira Sara Ratrasya or Sarachandasya. circular incense. 4. Globular sealing, number 72 bearing six letters The sealings bear the name of an individual in two lines, palaeographically dates of 11th called Sri-Vimalacandra. century A.D. 5. Barrel-shaped sealings, numbered 48 with the The first two letters are da and ma. The last letters with an elliptical frame, palaeographically letter appears to be ‘ra’. similar to Ratnagiri copperplate of king Karna. 6. 18 globular sealings with a semi-circular incuse These defaced sealings bear the legend Tarasraya (protection of Tara) as well as the seal impression of Ratnagiri Mahavihara Aryabhikshu-sanghasya. 7.Plano-convex sealings with bull motif, The humped bull with a circular border has numbering 46 in total as well as sealings with lion a well-built body motif As the table above shows, the seals refer to Tarā raya (protection of Tara), cintanāmanirakshita(protected by Cintamani [Avalakotisvara]), tārābala(Tara’s power), mārarodhana (warding off evil)and these seals were believed to protect the carrier from evil and protect him/her . These seals were used as sacred objects to be carried off by the pilgrims. In Pagan 13 The table has been prepared on the basis of Ratnagiri Excavation report ( Mitra 1981-3). 31 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 in Burma, the seals and sealings of Bodh Gaya have been found. These sealings were found from cell no.17 of monastery 1, which seems to the store-room of the monastic establishment. These seals of important monks suggest that Ratnagiri monks attained great fame and popularity. The monastic seals as well the sealings of important monks, as of no.2, 3 and 4, were produced by the monastery and distributed among the devotees, who take them as memorabilia. For instance, no.2 and 3 sealings bearing the legend of Cintāmanirakshita and Sthāvira Sararatnasya respectively were found in large number. These types of sealings of the monks, before being distributed among the pilgrims and devotees, are impressed with the monastic seal impression, indicating that there was a conscious attempt on the part of the monastic establishment to associate the monastic establishment with these important monks. Many of the small structural stupas of Ratnagiri might belong to these important monks and the sealings, so large in number, were distributed as sediments of power and efficacy among the devotees. Diagram 1: cult images in the votive stupas of Ratnagiri 120 99 100 80 60 46 40 40 29 16 20 0 Buddhas Tara Marici Avalokitesvara Manjusri The other material artefacts - votive stupas - attest tothe cult preferences of pilgrims who visited the sacred sites. The votive stupas can be categorised into three types: structural, monolithic and clay votive stupas. In Odisha, one finds the first two varieties while clay votive stupas have been found from the archaeological excavation of Sarnath and Maha Bodhi. The monolithic stupas can be classified into two further categories: saririka and purely votive. The saririkastupas have small socket at the base to put the dhātu. However, the overwhelming numbers of the monolithic stupas are votive. Votive stupas of these varieties exhibit a great amount of variations. In sheer number the votive stupas of Ratnagiri even outnumber Bodh Gaya. In Ratnagiri more than 700 monolithic stupas have been exposed by excavation in the maha-stupa area and area in front of Monastery 2 alone. The plain or decorated stupas with image in their niches numbering 270 constitute the largest group among the monolithic votive stupas of Ratnagiri. Among the Buddhist divinities in these niches, Tara outnumbers others. The other deities in descending order are various Buddhas, Avalokitesvara and Manjusri, Marici, respectively. Many different 32 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 forms of Tara have been found in Odisha. The popularity of the deity owed to the belief that she protects the devotees from many perils. Nancy Hock argues that from 9th century AD, wrathful deities like Herula, Aparajita, Sambara began to appear in the Buddhist religious landscape of Ratnagiri ( Hock 1987). Locating the multiple shifts in Buddhism in the religious landscape of early medieval Odisha The question that needs to be posed what prompted Buddhism to make the religion more lokika and instrumental in nature? What are the causes of these multiple shifts in Buddhism in Odisha in the post 6th century AD? In my view these shifts need to be located in the religious landscape of post 6h century AD which was characterised by the great expansion of Puranic Hinduism. Temples began to appear in the landscape of Odisha in 6-7thc century when Shatrughneswar group of temples in Bhubaneswar were erected in early 7th century (Panigrahi 1961). Temples emerged as locus of Brahamanical expansion, legitimation of political authority and centres from which Puranic religion spread to different regions. ( Kulke 1978; Chattopadhyaya1994). The Gupta and post-Gupta period saw the popularisation of the Puranic religion. Puranic Hinduism focused on temples for worshipping individual gods and goddesses who can be propitiated in a particular way for fulfilling everyday needs. Further, The Puranas were an instrument for the propagation of Brahamanical ideals of social reconstruction and social interest, a medium for the absorption of local cults and associated practices and the vehicle for the absorptions of local cults and associated practices and a vehicle for popular instruction on norms governing everyday existence. They combined scriptures and social codes of smrtis in a manner acceptable to general populace (Chakrabarti 2001). Sthala Puranas were compiled to popualarise various sacred centre (Nath 2001). Puranic Hindusim is also characterised by the strong element of integration of folk and autochthonous elements. The political authority, in the phase of expansion of political boundary, provided patronage to these cults which were integrated to Puranic Hinduism.14 There was also a great expansion and metamorphosis of Buddhism as well during this period between 7th to 12th centuries AD. Responding to changes in the Puranic Hinduism, Buddhism also made many innovations, the most important of which was the introduction of instrumental Buddhist gods, goddess and Bodhisattvas who were believed to fulfil the existential needs of the devotees if worshipped in a particular way (Mishra 2011, 137– 178). It borrowed many feature of Puranic religion into its fold and adapted it within the normative tradition of Buddhism. This expansion took place not only in the time of the Buddhist kings of Bhaumakara period but continued thereafter in the 14 Kulke’s ‘Integrative Polity Model’ brings in cult appropriation as a central theme in royal legitimation and analyses the emergence of the Jagannatha cult and prior to that, other cults as primarily fulfilling royal legitimatisation function. It also highlights the role of land grants and temples in this process of royal legitimation in tribal-dominated kingdoms (Kulke 1978, 125 – 37). 33 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Somavamsi period. Udayagiri monastery II, Mahastupa of Udayagiri, many of the sculpture of Ratnagiri, Udayagiri belonged to the Somavamsi period (Donaldson 2001). The period also great number of Jaina sites coming up and existing sites were also expanded. Khandagiri and Udayagiri expanded in 10-11th century during the time of the devout Saiva rulers of the Somavamsi dynasty, who constructed temples like the Lingaraja (Mitra 1975).15 These attempts to make Buddhism more lokika took place in a shared cultural context, in which various idioms, practices, icons and symbols were used by all religions. These common elements may be called common cultural baselines. These baselines were integrated by each religion and given a distinctive hue within their respective system. Major orders of the period– Saivism, Vaisnavism, Saktism, Buddhism, Jainism– had adopted and integrated these common elements into their respective religions. One common element of this shared cultural landscape was the worship of Yaksha and Yakshini, nāga and nāgini, Gajalakshmi, Ganesa and Kirtimukha, by Buddhism, Jainism and Brahamanical religions. Buddhist sites of Udayagiri and Ratnagiri have revealed images of Ganesa, Mahisamardini Durga. A common art motif used by all religions was Kirtimukha. He represents both in his devouring as well in the benign aspect. He is found in temples of Odisha as well as in the Buddhist temples. The other cultural baseline was the mode of rituals and worship. Both Buddhism and Brahamanical religions shared the similar mode of worship. The Jayarampur grant of Maharaja Gopacandra’s inscriptions, which is dated to 6th century AD, states that his subordinate, Acyuta gave land grants for provisions for bali (offering to all creature), caru (offerings to ancestors), gandha (sandal paste), puspa (flowers), and dipa (lamps), and so forth, for providing for the havis (oblations), pinda patra for the upkeep of a Buddhist monastery(Rajaguru 1962: 206–29). Similarly, the two Talcher plate grants of Bhaumakara king, Sivakaradeva (number 13 and 14) dated refer to land grants for the provisions for snapana (ablutions), gandha (sandal paste), puspa (flowers) , dhupa, etc. for the Lord Buddha bhattaraka in the shrine (ayatana) built by Amu bhattraka, as well as sleeping or resting snapana, vandapana, lepana of Lord (Mishra 1934). Worship of gods and goddesses, certain ritualistic practices in the worship of these deities, worship of particular gods and goddesses for fulfilment of existential goals became common to all religions of Indian in this period. Moreover in south Asian cultural context, same god and goddesses were worshipped in different religions in the same or different name. Archaeological excavations in Ratnagiri, Lalitigiri, Udayagiri have revealed images of Ganesa, Siva lingams, Mahisamardini Durga. Gajalaxmi as a decorative motif is found in Brahamanical temples and Buddhist sacred complex as well. Karuna Matsyendranatha, who is a form of Avalokitesvara, is worshipped as Visnu in Nepal (Slusser 1982). Similarly, Buddhist texts 15 In my book, I have tried to document the various cult centres in the religious landscape of Odisha between circa 6th century CE to 12th century CE and tried to argue that period of political expansion and integration of various zones between 6th-12th centuries AD coincided with the expansion of various religious orders. However this ended with the emergence of an imperial kingdom under the Gangas and imperial cult, Cult of JagannathPuri in 13th century (Author 2009, 2013). 34 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 equate Manjusri as Kartikeya (Guhyasamaja tantra: XXVII ). 16 The protective spells, called dhāranis were also used by the Jainas as well. 17 These baseline concepts in early medieval Odisha—irrespective of their religious provenance – were very popular. Another salient element in all religions was the incorporation of tribal elements. Puranic Hinduism incorporated many deities and identified them as forms of Siva or Sakti viz. Stambhesvari, Maninagesvari, Gokarnesvara (Kulke 1978). 18 The Buddhist incorporated autochthonous elements as is known from the description of the Buddhist goddess Parnasabari who has been described in the Buddhist texts as Sarva avarānām bhagavatí(the goddess of all savaras(Getty 1978, 134). Hariti is another example of incorporation of the folk element(Sree Padma 2011: 1–17). Another important common element in early medieval Odisha was the salience of tantra in both Hinduism and Buddhism as well as the role of Siddhas in both Saiva Kaplikas and Buddhist tantras. The origin of tantras may be of autochthonous origin, but in the process of expansion of a peasantised caste society both Hinduism and Buddhism incorporated tantra into their own normative system (Sharma 1984, 175–189).19 Thus, all religions used these cultural baselines in their religion. To say that these are mere imitations of the Brahamanical religions does not take into account character of the landscape of early medieval Odisha. One can surmise that there are much epigraphic and archaeological data in Odisha which suggest that Buddhism became a more laity oriented religion in Odisha in early medieval period. Laities thronged to various Buddhist centres, donated votive stupas and took away with them terracotta plaques, amulets and sealings of Buddhas, bodhisattvas, monks and monasteries. These objects transported the spiritual energies of the Buddhas and sacred centres to the households. Buddhism made these innovations in response to challenges posed by the Brahamanical religions which constructed temples, provided land grants to brahmanas, popularised tirthas through the writings of sthalapurāṇas and appropriated and integrated autochthonous cults. 16 17 18 19 Manjusri is called Kartikkeya in the Guhyasamaja tantra (dvitya-duara samjpe Kartikkeya Manjusri Mayurasana). (Bhattacharyya1967, XXVII). P. Jaini refers to use of the Buddhist Vasudharādhāra i by the Jainas of Gujarat (Jaini 2010, 527-533). In the context of Orissa, the Hinduisation of tribal deities have been studied by scholars of the Orissa Research Project I in the book Cult of Jagannath. According them the Cult of Jagannath is a classical case of Hinduisation of autochthonous cult of Orissa. (Kulke, et al. 1978, 126-133) My use of the term common cultural baselines is also shared by Ruegg. Ruegg has suggested that Buddhist estoterism generally employed certain elements which were not taken from specific systems, but from the panIndian religious sub strata of lore from which all Indic religions draw their images (Ruegg 1964, 87–90). However Sanderson in his Origin of Vajrayana, contests this formulation and argues that evidence is absent for a non-affiliated religious system and therefore shift the focus from proposition about religious icons to the analysis of specific religious agents. (Sanderson, 1995; Davidson 2004, 172). However, in my view the nature of the origin of these common elements is not important; what is important is the way these elements were appropriated and adapted by a rival religion and given a distinctive hue of its own. 35 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 References Amar, A.S. 2012. ‘Buddhist Responses to Brāhmaṇa Challenges in Medieval India: Bodhgayā and Gayā’. 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Bhubaneswar: Utkal University. Sanderson, A. 1995. ‘Vajrayāna: Origin and Function’. In Buddhism into the Year 2000. International Conference Proceedings. 89-102. Bangkok and Los Angeles: Dhammakāya Foundation. 37 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Sarao, K.T.S. 2012. The Decline of Buddhism in India: A Fresh Perspective. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. Sarvatathagata-tattva-samgraha 1981. Fascimile reproduction with summary of contents by Lokesh Chandra and D.L. Snellgrove, Sata–pitaka Series, 269, Delhi: IAIC. Schopen, G. 1997. Bones, Stones and Buddhist monks: Collected Papers on the Archaeology, Epigraphy and Texts of Monastic Buddhism in India, Studies in Buddhist Tradition. Honolulu: University of Hawai Press. Schopen, G. 2005. Figments and Fragments of Mahayana Buddhism in India. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Sharma, R.S. 1974. ‘Material Milieu of tantricism’. In Indian Society: Historical Probing, ed. RS Sharma, 175–189. Delhi: Peoples Publishing House. Shastri, H. P. (ed.) 1927. Advayavajrasamgraha, Gaikwad Oriental Series: 90.Baroda: Gaikwad Oriental Institute. Shinohara, K. 2010. ‘Removal of Sins in Esoteric Buddhist rituals: A Study of Defangdeng Dhāraṇi Scripture’.in From Sins and Sinners: Perspectives from Asian Religions.Eds. Kosihi Shinohara and Phyllis Granoff, 243 – 275. Leiden: EJ Brills. Snellgrove, D. 1959. The Hevajra Tantra: A Critical Study, 2vols.. London Oriental Series 6. London: Oxford University Press. Snodgrass, A. 1988. The Matrix and Diamond World Maṇḍalas in Shingon Buddhism.2 vols, Sata Pitaka Series 354-55. Delhi: IAIC. Sree Padma 2011. ‘Hariti: Village Origins, Buddhist Elaborations and Saivite Accommodations’. Asian and African Area Studies 11 (1): 1-17. Southwold, M. 1983. Buddhism in Life: The Anthropological study of religion and the Sinhalese practice. Manchester: Manchester United Press. Takakusu, J. 1966. tr. A Record of the Buddhist Religion as practisedin India and Malay Archipelago (671-695) by I-tsing. Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. Tambiah, S. J. 1984. The Buddhist Saints of the forest and the cult of amulets. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tsuda, S. (1974) The Samvarodaya-Tantra: Select Chapters. Tokyo: Yokuseido Press. Verardi, G. 2011. Hardships and Downfall of Buddhism in India. Delhi: Manohar. Watters, T. 1961.On Yuan-chwang’s travels in India. Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. Wayman, A and Tajima, R 1992.The Enlightenment of Vairocana, 2 parts Sata Pitaka Series. Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass. 38 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Wayman, Alex 1973.The Buddhist Tantras: Light of Indo-Tibetan Esoterism. Delhi: Motilal Banarassidass. Wedemeyer, Christian K. 2001. ‘Tropes, Typologies, and Turnarounds: A Brief Genealogy of the Historiography of Tantric Buddhism,’ History of Religions, Vol. 40, No. 3: 223–259. Winternitz, M. 1983. History of Indian Literature. 2 vols. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. ■■■ Dept of History Ravenshaw University, Cuttack Email: umajnu@gmail.com 39 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 PADMASHREE KRISHNA CHANDRA PANIGRAHI Dr. Jayanti Rath An erudite scholar, ace archaeologist and eminent historian, Krishna Chandra Panigrahi shines as a resplendent star in the intellectual firmament of Odisha, born in a lower middle class family of Khiching in the district of Mayurbhanj to Sagar Panigrahi and Saraswati Devi in the year 1909, he had an eventful and chequered career. His father had to make both ends meet with the meager income derived from the land and the priestly services. Krishna Chandra started his education in the traditional village Chatasalis run by the Avadhans. The death of his father and elder brother (in the same year, 1919), brought untold miseries to his family. With great difficulty, he passed the upper primary examination and was awarded a scholarship, which enabled him to continue his study in the M.E. School at Karanjia. He received scholarship throughout his educational career and successfully completed B.A. examination with History honours from Ravenshaw College, Cuttack in the year 1935. His diligence in studies, humility in behavior and fixity of purpose drew the attention of the then ruling chief of Mayurbhanj State who also extended financial support to prosecute his studies. In 1937, he passed M.A. in Ancient Indian History and Culture from Calcutta University. During his stay at Kolkata, he was greatly influenced by Pandit Binayak Mishra, who was then teaching in the University. Much before the completition of studies, Krishna Chandra married Taramani Devi, the youngest daughter of Bharat Chandra Panda of Chhdia village near Badasahi of Mayurbhanj district. He lived with his wife at Kolkata while continuing his master’s programme. When he returned from Kolkata, Maharaja Pratap Chandra Bhanja Deo offered him the job of Research Assistant. He was required to assist the eminent archaeologist R.P.Chanda in editing old records and archaeological remains in the State. While working with R.P.Chanda, he was deputed to Delhi to receive training in the Archaeological Survey of India (A.S.I.). After the completion of the training he got a chance to work as an Archaeological Scholar there and continued in the same post till 1944. During his tenure in the A.S.I., he got himself associated with the excavations at Nalanda, Rajgir and Nandangarh in Bihar, Rajghat near Benaras and at Panchmadi in Madhya Pradesh and Ahichhatra. He also awaited the chance of visiting the important museums at Kolkata, Nalanda, Patna, Beneras, Saranath, Allahabad, Mathura, Lucknow, Delhi, Taxila etc. During this period, he undertook extensive research on the pottery and produced a highly acclaimed research work on the theme of the evolution of Indian Pottery, a pioneering study. He joined as a Lecturer in History, G.M.College, Sambalpur in the year 1944 and continued there for about three years. Then, he was appointed as a Curator of the Provincial Museum 1947 at Cuttack, which was finally shifted to Bhubaneswar in 1949. The present Odisha State Museum owes him greatly as he took keen interest in the collection of sculptures and other archaeological 40 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 properties. It was during this period that he was associated with the excavation of Sisupalgarh near Bhubaneswar and published a series of research articles. He also completed his magnum opus, “Archaeological Remains at Bhubaneswar” and later submitted this treatise to Calcutta University. He was awarded the D.Phil Degree in 1954. This book got international recognition and was accepted as a text book in the oriental School of Art, London. Many Indian Universities accepted it as a reference book. Again, he opted for Odisha Education Service and joined in Ravenshaw College as a Lecturer in 1951. But, three years after in 1954, he again joined the A.S.I. as Asst. Superintendent and then promoted as Circle Superintendent in 1957. But, he did not got satisfaction in the A.S.I. and after rendering seven years of service he left the job. In 1961, he was posted as a Reader in History in Ravenshaw College, Cuttack. He served there for a long period and just before his retirement in 1968, he was promoted as Professor of History in G.M.College, Sambalpur. After his retirement from Government Service, he joined Berhampur University as Professor and continued there for four years. After that, he continued to render his valuable service in the domain as the UGC Professor in Ravenshaw College, Cuttack. The President of India conferred upon him the title of “padmashree” in 1976 as a mark of recognition to his valuable services. He received the prestigious Odisha Sahitya Academy Award in 1983 for his book “ Mo Samayara Odisha “. Professor Panigrahi’s contribution as a researcher is invaluable. His notable works in English and Odia are Archaeological Remains at Bhubaneswar, Chronology of the Bhaumakaras and Somavamsis of Orissa, History of Orissa (Hindu Period), Sarala Sahityare Aitihasika Chitra (Odia), Itihasa ‘O’ Kimbadanti (Odia), Prabandha Manasa (Odia). In addition he has written a large number of articles in English and Odia. The hall mark of his writings was his natural inclination of getting at the historical truth and empirical analysis. He was never rigid in his views and open to contradictions with right arguments based on evidences. He was the first person in the country to initiate scientific study on ancient pottery. In Odisha, he was also the pioneer to initiate the study on iconography and architecture. Professor Panigrahi for the first time classified Odishan temples on the basis of architectural style. His learned articles on epigraphy, sculpture, literature, museology etc. make him stand apart in the galaxy of scholars. After his retirement, Professor Krishna Chandra Panigrahi settled at Saanta Sahi in Cuttack City. The sudden death of his eldest son in 1985 brought great shock to him and thereafter, he fell ill. Finally, he passed away on 25th February, 1987. His life and activities constitute a theme of hope and aspiration for the posterity. ■■■ Superintendent of Museum, Odisha, Bhubaneswar 41 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 MEGALITHIC SITES OF SHERGAON, ARUNACHAL PRADESH: AN EXCLUSIVE ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDY REPORT Pura Koji Prelude: The word ‘Megalith’ denotes a large stone that forms a prehistoric monument used in Archaeology. It may be a standing stone or stone circle or chambered stone signifying prehistoric culture. The term Megalith is originated from the ancient Greek word as conjugated of two words ‘Megas’ and ‘Lithos’. Megas means great or large, while Lithos means stone. Thereby “A megalith is a large stone which has been used to construct a structure or monument either alone or together with other stones. Megalithic describes structures made of such large stone utilizing an interlocking system without use of mortar or cement”. The Megalithic culture is one of the most interesting facts of Indian Archaeology. In India, Megalithic are represented by huge boulders and structures in memory of one’s beloved who are dead and whose name huge megaliths are erected as a mark of respect for the departed soul. The huge stones stood as a guard on the skeleton remains of the dead and thus demarcated their territory in the world of living. The dead were provided a safe heaven stocked with goods for use after life next world as per their status in the society of the living. The Megalithic culture can be compartmentalized into two types-Menhirs and Dolmens. Fig. 1: Before excavation, Longstung Site Menhir is large upright standing stone. This may be found in single stone or in groups. Menhir could be a giant in size or a short standing stone. Their shapes are generally uneven, square, and roundish and Menhir is widely distributed all over the world. Most varieties of them are found in Europe. In India Menhirs and Dolmen are scattered in whole of India. In North-East, Meghalaya boost of most in numbers. While in Arunachal Pradesh this is recent discovery. Few menhirs were reported at Jamiri, a village in West Kameng district of Arunachal Pradesh (Fig. 1). In case of Dolmen it is yet to report in clear evidence. However few supporting stone of Dolmen discovered at Rupa, West Kameng district. Menhirs in Arunachal Pradesh are of not so tall as in Meghalaya and other places. Here Menhirs are short, standing singly and in many cases in groups. Its time period is not known. The present inhabitants of the area are not known to its practice. The Sherdukpens are the inhabitants who do not practice this culture. They revered it as a sacred object. But, Aka (Hrussos) of West Kameng claim, they practiced this culture earlier. They are claimant of King Bana’s descent. King Bana of present Tezpur was Mahabharata fame who fought against Pandavas. We conducted several 42 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 trial excavations in Shergaon Megaliths. Our archaeological excavation did not find any other material culture associated with this nor we come across any human grave which we speculated. Therefore, in absence of any material evidence we can presume the megaliths might have been erected in commemoration of the departed soul without the body of the deceased or some ritual erections or mark of any social events. Dolmens are stone slabs or boulders arranged in a square or a rectangular plan supporting a capstone and constructed above the ground. Dolmens are erected for women and generally placed in an isolated area. Megaliths of Shergaon : Shergoan is located at a distance of about 42 kms south-west of Rupa in West Kameng district of Arunachal Pradesh. It is a beautiful valley situated at the altitude of 1983 M above MSL. The Megaliths of Shergoan are Menhirs and located at two different sites. The first site is located at Lungstung area near the Chhoskorongkho River, below the Shendzong and about 2 km away from Shergoan. The second site is traced at Lungjunkthung area, below the Highway, near Duflokho River and a distance of 2 km. before reaching Shergoan from Rupa. Thus, Shergoan town is located in the centre of both sites. • Exploration & Excavation :During the course of exploration in the Megalithic sites, 3(three) upright stones were found in the Lungstung area while 6 (six) upright stones were found in the Lungjukthung area. The Archaeological excavation was conducted at both the Lungstung and Lungjukthung areas (Fig. 2). Fig. 2: During removal of bushes and grasses at Lungstung Site, Shergaon The quadrant method was used for the excavation. Before the excavation, the bushes and grasses were removed from the surface level followed by layout of trenches for excavation. In Lungstung area, excavation was done 5M by 5M. Qdt IV & Qdt II was excavated in the beginning and then followed by Qdt I. the excavation which started from surface level closed at the depth of 57 cms BSL. Nothing found, even the boulder and pebble were also not encountered 43 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 during the course of excavation. The largest upright stone of the Lungstung is measures 1.40 M in height (outer surface), 42 cms in breadth, 16 cms in thickness and 52 cms depth BSL. This largest upright stone is located at the centre of all 3(three) Menhirs of Lungstung (Fig. 3). The lowest upright stone measures 50 cms in height, 20 cms in breath, and 17 cms in thickness. Fig. 3: During course of excavation Lungstung During the Course of excavation, three layers are identified (Fig. 4). Layer (1): Colour is grayish, about 15cms in thickness. Due to the humus layer it is having the roots of different floral elements. Texture of soil is loose and sandy. Very easily it can be excavated. Fig. 4: Section Facing East, Qdt III, Lungstung Layer (2): The thick brown layer is about 30cms, is loose and sandy. It is very much loose that with a simple pressure it has to crumble down. Few grey patches on this layer have been noticed. Layer (3): Gray colour silt like deposition comes out. Stick soil is continuing downwards. Fig. 5: Section of Qdt IV, Lungstung Menhir stone is sealed by layer (3). In Lungjukthung, the excavation was conducted by 4M by 4 M in quadrant method. Qdt I and Qdt III were excavated. Huge stones were found during the course of excavation at both quadrants. However, no antiquity was found in the excavation. The excavation was closed at the depth of 57 cms BSL. The excavated upright stone measure 170 cms (150 cms in outer surface and 20 cms in below surface), 20 cms in breadth, 8 cms in thickness (Fig. 5). 44 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Two layers are identified in the excavation. Layer (1) : Brown colour, loose soil; Layer (2) : Brown in colour and semi-compact; Menhir stone is sealed by layer (2). The excavation at Lungstung and Lungjukthung was carried out to identify the depth of Menhirs stones and whether any burial remains (Fig. 6 & Fig. 7). The sites require further conservation, preservation, protection and excavation works. Fig. 6: Lungjukthung During cleaning, Lungjukthung Fig. 7: During excavation, Lungjukthaung After excavation, Qdt IV Lungjukthaung The Archaeological team discovered a pit in the agriculture field at the Rekjebow near Naty Kho River and about 200 M distance from the Circle Office, Shergaon which was presumed as pit circle. According to prevailing local myths, this site was associated with the Ashujapthang (son of 1st Dalai Lama). The Ashujapthang used to preach to his disciples sitting on this area. 45 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Fig. 8: Pit circle of Rekjebow The pit circle of Rekjebow (Fig. 8) requires further intensive investigation, excavation, conservation and preservation activities as per archaeological parameter to obtain more findings. Cultural correlation with the builders is yet to be traced out through micro study on the specific aspect. Hereby one conclusion can be drawn regarding the archaeology of Arunachal Pradesh that if much emphasis upon the archaeological investigation and research work could be provided then definitely the state would come as a great center for tourism. Though till the date the work for archaeological research done in Arunachal Pradesh is very little, but the lime light from those few sites provide us valuable data regarding the great traditions and culture of the people of this locality were well organized. Reference: 1. 2. 3. Dr. Tage Tada, Dutta Jagat C, Deori Nabajit, Archaeological Heritage of Arunachal Pradesh. Discoveries from 1991-2011, Directorate of Research, Govt. of A.P., Itanagar, 2012. Narasimhaiah. B, Neolithic and Megalithic Cultures in Tamil Nadu, Sundeep Prakashan, Delhi, 1980. Report on Archaeological investigation and excavation at Megalithic site of Shergaon by a team of Archaeological Section, Directorate of Research, Govt. of A.P. Itanagar. N.B: The paper is an extract from the report of Archaeological exploration/ excavation in West Kameng District of Arunachal Pradesh led by Pura Koji. ■■■ Asst. Director of Research Directorate of Research Govt. of Arunachal Pradesh, Itanagar-791111 46 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Newly Discovered Terracotta Figurines from Recent Exploration in Nagpur District, Vidarbha Mohan S. Pardhi and Shantanu Vaidya Abstract Terracotta art objects from an integral part of cultural material from proto-historic period in the Indian-Subcontinent. Terracotta figurines; both animal and human were a part of recreation, rituals and artistic aspirations of ancient humans. Numerous terracotta figurines have been reported from the excavated Early Historical sites in Vidarbha such as Pauni, Paunar, Adam, Kaundinyapura and Bhon. A recent exploration in Nagpur district has yielded a few terracotta figurines which have stylistic importance. This paper deals with understanding the importance of terracotta figurines in Cultural dynamics. Introduction The Vidarbha region (Lat. 190 21’ N. and 760 80’ 23 E.) is well known to the scholarly world as one of the ancient regions of India. This region is the easternmost part of Maharashtra plateau, covering an area about 93,654 sq. kms. It is comprised of eleven districts at present forming two administration units i.e. Nagpur and Amravati: the Nagpur division includes six districts whereas Amravati division- includes five districts. It has a long continuous cultural history and wellknown for its material cultural right from Paleolithic period to late medieval period. In Vidarbha terracotta art objects are reported from Chalcolithic period onwards, which intensify in early historical period. Though terracotta art has been designated as ‘rustic art’ or ‘poor man’s art’, this beautiful evidence is a delightful mode of expression and a powerful source of cultural understanding. The sheer enormity of the number is a valuable tool for a better understanding of life of the people (Tripathi and Srivastava. 1994: 2). The earliest example of unbaked clay art reported from Mehrgarh Period I, which is assigned circa seventh mellenium B.C., while the evidence of backed clay object occur for the first time at Mehrgarh in Period III (Banerjee: 1994: 7). The use of terracottas was extensive and its purpose varied. Terracotta’s were intended chiefly for domestic use and worship, for household decoration, for children’s toys, etc; for popular religious and magical practices. Terracottas supply invariable data for a study of the life and culture of the people (Prakash 1985: 19). The innumerable terracotta figurines that were produced in ancient India bear eloquent testimony not only the skill of the potter-artist but also to the great care that was taken in making them (Dhavalikar 1977: 3). There are many reasons responsible for such a popularity of clay modeling. First, it is the elastic character of clay which makes it easy to model and mould; and second, it is perhaps one of the most inexpensive media, and almost universally available free of cost in desired quantities to every craftsman. The firing 47 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 process by which durability is provided to clay objects also not involves much expense. Nevertheless, the importance of clay figurines as representing one of the significant culture patterns of the Indian society cannot easily be ignored (Jayaswal and Krishna. 1986). Previous Work Various eminent scholars such as M. G. Dikshit (Kaundinyapura 1968); S. B. Deo and M. K. Dhavalikar (Paunar 1968); S. B. Deo (Takalghat-Khapa 1970); S. B. Deo and J. P. Joshi (Pauni 1972); A. M. Shastri (IAR 1978-79, 1985-86, 1989-90, 1991-92), Amarendra Nath (1992a, b, c, 1995, 1996a, b, 1999, Pauni 1998, Adam 2016); B. P. Bopardikar (Tuljapur-Garhi 1996); J. P. Joshi and A. K. Sharma (IAR 1997-98, 1998-99, 1999-2000, 2000); A. K. Sharma and J. P. Joshi (2015), B. C. Deotare (2007), Deotare et al (2007, 2012), P. M. Khobragade (2000), Walimbe (2003), Mohanty (2003), Sawant (2012) and other have thrown light on the terracotta art objects which yielded or found in exploration and excavations. The published excavation reports and articles in journal are not comprehensive work on terracotta art but these reports provide a few details on finding, identification and briefly mention the technique involving whether the object is handmade or mould made. Nobody has done a comprehensive work on terracotta art of Vidarbha region which is very big lacuna. In Vidarbha Adam, Pauni and Bhon are the three major sites were prominent recovered of varied terracotta art objects from excavation. Newly discovered Terracotta Animal Figurines in Nagpur District In the recent exploration of Nagpur district of Vidarbha region the authors discovered three terracotta animal figurines from three different sites. The detailed information on the same has been given below : Table: Details of the terracotta animal figurines (measurement) Sr. Terracotta Animal Length Width Thickness No. Figurine (cm) (cm) (cm) 1. Bull Figurine 5.2 7.6 4.5 Weight (gm) 170 Site Name Dahili 2. Unidentified Animal Figurine 6.8 3.5 2.7 80 Bhamewara 3. Bull Figurine 9.8 5.3 4.8 160 Rithi Vayphal (See fig.1 for location of sites) 1) Bull Figurine (Plate 1) This terracotta fragment identified as that of a bull figurine was found in Dahili (2109.325’N, 79022.341’E) which is situated on the left bank of river Kanhan. The site is in Mauda taluka of Nagpur district almost 30 km from Nagpur city. There were two habitation mounds which are 48 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 located 100 meters away from the village. The mounds cover an area almost 7-8 acres and are in eastern direction of present village. The terracotta bull figurine seems to have been handmade and has a broad facial appearance and prominent hump. The eyes were appliqué in a form of pallet which are very much eroded. It has simple appliqué clay band or chain around the neck which is slightly gone through over a hump but eroded in some part whereas another chain made over the head and merged near the ears. Ears are applique; some portion of right ear is broken while left ear is good in condition. Likewise, the horn, face and rear body portion of the bull was broken so it is difficult to get a complete picture. Below the hump it has some projection which suggesting that the head of the bull is made separate and latter joint to the body. Probably, it was used as a toy. On the basis of its physical appearance it can be said that figurine was crude in workmanship and poor in quality. The black clay which they use for making image was not fine and in extra ingredients they mixed sand and fine mica which is clearly seen over the surface of the figurine. It was medium fired and dull red in colour. In Vidarbha earlier bull figurines were reported from different excavations at sites such as Paunar (Deo and Dhavalikar 1968), Pauni (Nath 1998) and Adam (Nath 2016). In stylistic appearance Dahili bull figurine can be compared with bull figurine (pg. no. 87, artifact no.5/ plate no. LI) yielded in Pauni excavation. In 1969-70, Deo and Joshi (1972) excavated the Jagannath Tekadi and two other tekadi of Pauni which yielded a stupa complex. In Jagannath tekadi the bull figurine was found in unstratified level of Phase III, and this phase belongs to Satavahan-Kshatrapa period. The bull figurine of Pauni also has appliqué eyes and horns were too like Dahili bull figurine, the horns and face of both figurines was broken. Pauni figurine has incised decoration on clay band or chain on neck which is simple in Dahili bull figurine. Both were handmade and crude in workmanship. Both have a projection below the hump which might be used for luting purpose. According to excavator it was a fragment of bull toy. The rear body portion of both figurines was broken so it did not give any more information. These all stylistic similarity of Pauni and Dahili shows the regional integrity in clay modeling technology of Vidarbha region. In another year 1994, Amarendra Nath (1998) excavated Pauni within the Rampart area. In the excavation a terracotta fragment of a humped bull (pg.no.79, artifact no.9 / plate no.XXII) was yielded which was handmade and crude in workmanship. It has an appliqué eyes same like Dahili bull figurines. The same appliqué clay band or chain around the neck and also made back of a hump are seen in bull amulets of Ter (Chapekar 1969). Similar bull amulets of terracotta are reported from Nevasa (Sankalia et al 1960) and Kondapur (Yazdani 1941). In Ter similar type of clay band or chain found around the neck of bull but it is decorated and fascinated in double mould technique. It was a good example of highly skilled craftsmanship which was not seen in Vidarbha except Adam, Bhon and Kholapur. 49 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 The Dahili bull was identified on the basis of its stylistic comparison with Pauni (1972) bull figurines. But the problem is bull figurine was yielded in the unstratified level and come in Phase III which was belongs to Satavahan-Kshatrapa period. Dating is a big problem in Indian archaeology especially if it is related to material recovered during the course of exploration. In this situation the relative dating is the only way to fix the chronology. On the basis of stylistic appearance Dahili bull can be tentatively dated to 1st century BCE to 3rd- 4th century CE. The ceramic repertoire at the site has Early Iron Age and Early Historic ceramics. The ceramics of the early Iron Age have megalithic affinity and also to that of Pauni Pd-I which is dated to around 4th century BCE (Nath 1998). The early Historic ceramics are akin to that of Pd-III and Pd- IV of Pauni and dated to around 1st century BCE to 2nd- 3rd century CE. The dating of the figurine hence goes along with the ceramic evidence and can be dated to early centuries of the Christian era. 2) Unidentified Animal Figurine (Plate 2) The terracotta fragment of unidentified animal figurine found in Bhamewara (21010.053’N, 79028.024’E) which is situated 1 Km. North-Eastern direction of Singuri village of National Highway-6. It is in Mauda taluka of Nagpur district. There is a habitation mound which covers an area of almost 3-5 acres of flat area and it has 1 meter deposit. It is an animal figurine which has an appliqué pellet eyes, the left eye is complete whereas the right eyes is almost half broken. It has an appliqué ear which appears to be in standing position. Some portion of both ears was broken. There is an elongated curved neck. The part below the neck and front muzzle portion was broken so it was very difficult to say about their facial features. One interesting feature of this figurine is that it has some projection over the forehead between two ears but it is broken. The figurine was handmade and of medium workmanship. It was medium fired and red in colour. The black clay was used for making this figurine. In the clay they mixed sand and fine mica as extra ingredients which are clearly seen over the surface of the figurine. Is it horse (?) and if it is horse then it should have a depiction of mane which is absent here. In Vidarbha earlier horse figurines are reported from excavation in many sites such as Pauni (Nath 1996), Paunar (Deo and Dhavalikar 1968) and Adam (2016). In Paunar excavation one animal figurine (pg no.90, fig no.27 (11)/plate no.XXV) was found in period III which is almost complete except the legs. Legs are broken. It has high curved neck same like Bhamewara animal figurine. It has applique ears and the mouth was pinched. It may be noted that the excavator was not confirmed about the identification and reported it as fragmentary horse (?) and put a question mark. In Paunar, period III has been dated between c. 3rd century CE and 8th century CE. Looking at the Bhamewara sample and the ceramics found at the site it can be dated to the similar period as the sample from Paunar III (Deo and Dhavalikar 1968, fig. no. 27 (11)). 50 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 3) OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Bull figurine (Plate 3) This terracotta fragment of bull figurine was found in Rithi Vayphal which is situated near the small seasonal Nala. It is in Hingana taluka of Nagpur district. The habitation mound is covered almost 5 to 7 acres of flat land and it has deposit around 2 meters. This decorated terracotta bull was found in the surface exploration associated with late period pottery. The bull figurine was handmade and well fired. Red slip was applied over the surface of the figurine. It was made in proper proportion. In the clay they mixed fine mica particle as extra ingredients which reflected over the surface of the figurines. On the basis of their facial appearance it looks very muscular but only head portion is found. Below from neck all hump and body portion was missing. The fragmentary bull has applique eyes and incised decoration on above half part of eyes and half below is plain. The left eye is half broken whereas the right eye is completely present but it is little eroded. It has a perforated nose with incised decoration around; the mouth portion has been shown with incised line in beautiful manner. There is one horn of right side which is half broken whereas the left side horn is completely missing. Over the surface of the right horn it has two horizontal incised lines which were painted with reddish colour. Around the mouth portion of the bull is decorated with applique chain and made pinched design over it. Another applique clay chain was made which goes from down to above head portion and joins to head chain which is decorated with pinched design and it merges near the ears. The left side ear is little damaged but right side ear is in good condition and little deep in nature. The interesting point is all incised design and pinched chains are decorated with reddish colour which is somewhat remaining on surface of figurine. On the basis of stylistic appearance similar type of decoration was earlier reported from Paunar. In 1967 S. B. Deo and M. K. Dhavalikar (1968) excavated the habitation mound of Paunar which unfolded a fourfold cultural sequence. The bull figurine has come from Period IV (pg no.91, fig no.27 (5)/plate no.XXV (8)) which has almost same pinched decoration on chain over the head and also neck chain. However the neck portion of the recently found bull figurine of Rithi Vayphal is missing. It may be noted that similar type of decorated neck chain was present in Rithi Vayphal earlier but may be due to a long period of time it is missing. While the Paunar bull figurines mouth portion was broken, its conjectural drawing resembles as that of a present bull as having a projected mouth and perforated nose. Another interesting aspect of this figurine is the presence of an incised design around the broken neck which can be seen to a small extent. However, same kind of complete incised design was seen on the neck of Paunar bull figurine. The ear of this figurine is also very similar as those that were identified at the site of Paunar. A similar type of bull figurine has been found in Nagardhan which was the ancient Nandivardhan, capital of Vakataka main branch during the recent excavation at the site inside the present Nagardhan fort. On the basis of stylistically they look same like Rithi Vayphal bull 51 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 figurine (Personal communications: Virag Sontakke, Shrikant Ganvir and Shantanu Vaidya). However, the site Nagardhan has revealed two distinct cultural periods of which first habitation deposit belong to Vakataka period whereas the second habitation deposit related to BhoslaMaratha period was found over it. Paunar bull figurine was found in proper stratified cultural horizon i.e. period IV which can be dated from 10th- 11th century CE to 15th- 16th century CE on the basis of material remains and the coins of Mohammad Tughlaq recovered from the same level. Similar date has been assigned by the excavators to the figurine found at Nagardhan. The present bull figurine was found in surface exploration on site Rithi Vayphal and can be placed in the same periodic range. Conclusion The present surface finds testify the importance of the terracotta art prevalent in Early Historic Vidarbha. It also suggests the use of terracotta figurines mostly as toys and household objects of display. These objects also might be having ritualistic importance as can be said from the figurine 1 of bull if it is a ritualistic object. In the similar way even the figurine 2 which is unidentified if it is a horse figurine then suggests the popularity of this kind of objects in common masses in the period under review. The use of terracotta as a medium of art for varying purposes such as toys, rituals suggest the social and economic behavior in the particular period. In contrast, the megalithic period do not yield terracotta objects which could be ascribe the status of toys or display objects. The Early Historic period is however yielding a wide range of such terracotta objects and of varying purpose and use. The use of figurines in megalithic grave pottery suggests their importance only at a ritualistic level. However in the later early historic period there is a change in economic and social scenario. The urban culture is widespread and therefore had given rise to a larger market and a wider range of objects. Hence we see the change in approach towards the artifacts than the preceding period. It can be safely said that terracotta art objects found at such sites is a definite indication of the changing life ways and also the active craft market in the period. It can also be suggested that the art objects which helped and facilitated the growth of centers like Ter, Bhokardan, Adam and Nevasa left a deep impact on smaller sites in their vicinity or rather sphere of interest. This in a way encouraged the local workers to either reproduce or replicate such trend art in popular form for the benefit and utility of the common masses and smaller settlements. Acknowledgements: The authors are grateful to Dr. R.K. Mohanty, P.P. Joglekar, Shahida Ansari, Shrikant Ganvir, Virag Sontakke, Shrikant Pradhan, Pankaj Goyal, Reshma Sawant, Shivaji Kshirsagar, Kanchan Bhaisare, Tosabanta Padhan, and Narender Parmar. Sarvashri Gopal Joge, for their timely help and suggestions. Also all those known and unknown contributors in the field of research guiding and helping us always are acknowledged. 52 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 References Banerji, A. 1994. Early Indian Terracotta Art circa 2000-300 B. C. (Northern and Western India), New Delhi: Harman Publishing House. Bopardikar, B. P. 1996. Excavation at Tuljapur-Garhi (1984-85), ASI, New Delhi. Chapekar, B. N. 1969. Report on The Excavation at Ter (1958), Pune. Deo, S. B & Dhavalikar, M. K. 1968. Paunar Excavation (1967), Nagpur: Nagpur University. Deo, S. B & Joshi, J. P. 1972. Pauni Excavation (1969-70), Nagpur: Archaeological Survey of India and Nagpur University. Deo, S. B. 1970. Excavation at Takalghat and Khapa (1968-69), Nagpur. Deotare, B. C, Gurudas Shete, Reshma Sawant and Satish Naik. 2012. Preliminary Report on Excavations at Kholapur, District Amravati, Maharashtra, Man and Environment Vol. 37 (No. 2): 50-59. Deotare, B. C. 2007. Preliminary Report on the Excavations at Bhon and Paturda, Buldhana District, Maharashtra, Bulletin of the Deccan College Post- Graduate and Research Institute 64-65 (2004-2005). Deotare, B. C., Gurudas Shete, Reshma Sawant, Vaishali Kathale and Satish Naik. 2007. Discovery of Structural Stupa at Bhon District Buldhana, Maharashtra, Purātattva 37. Dhavalikar, M. K. 1977. Masterpieces of Indian Terracottas, Bombay: Taraporevala Publication. Dikshit, M. G. 1968. Excavation at Kaundinyapura (1961-62), Bombay. Indian Archaeology: A Review, New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India. Jayaswal, V and Krishna, K. 1986. An Ethno-Archaeological View of Indian Terracottas (A Comparative Study of the Present and Past Terracotta traditions of Gangetic Plains), Agam Kala Prakashan Delhi-52. Joshi, J. P & A. K. Sharma. 2000. Excavation at Mansar, District Nagpur, Maharashtra- 19972000, Purātattva No- 30 (1999-2000): 127-131. Khobragade, P. 2000. Ambhora Javalil Adegaon Yethe Milaleli Mrunmurti, (in Marathi) Sanshodhak Varsh- 68 (Aṅka-1). Mohanty, R. K. 2003. A Preliminary Report of the Excavations at Mahurjhari, 2001-2002: a Megalithic and Early Historic Site in Vidarbha, Maharashtra, Pratnatattva, Journal of the Department of Archaeology, Vol. 9: 41-48. Nath, A. 1992a. A Portrait Coin Mould from Adam, The Journal of the Numismatics Society of India Vol. LIV (I-II): 55-59. Nath, A. 1992b. A Kshatrapa coin mould from Adam, The Journal of the Numismatics Society of India Vol. LIV (I-II): 60-61. Nath, A. 1992c. Arambha: a Vakataka site in Vidarbha, Purātattva No. 22 (1991-92): 69-74. Nath, A. 1995. Antiquities of Graeco-Roman Affinity from Adam. An Inland Mart of Central India, East & West Vol. 45 (No. 1-4): 149-172. 53 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Nath, A. 1996a. A ālaṅkāyana Sealing from Adam, Journal of the Epigraphical Society of India Vol. 22: 94-96. Nath, Amarendra. 1996b. About a Re-struck Clay Sealing from Maharashtra, East & West Vol. 46 (No. 1-2): 183-187. Nath, A. 1998. Further Excavations at Pauni (1994), ASI New Delhi. Nath, A. 1999. Satavahanas Antiquities from Adam, The Age of the Satavahanas (A. M. Shastri Ed.) Vol. II: 460-466. New Delhi: Aryan Books International. Nath, A. 2016. Excavation at Adam (1988-1992) A City of Asika Janapada Vol. I-II. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India. Prakash, P. 1985. Terracotta Animal figurines in the Ganga-Yamuna Valley, Agam Kala Prakashan Delhi-52. Sankalia, H. D; S. B. Deo; Z. D. Ansari and S. Ehrhardt. 1960. From History to Pre-history at Nevasa (1954-56), Poona: Deccan College. Sawant, R. 2012. Historical Archaeology of Vidarbha, Bhopal and New Delhi: Indira Gandhi Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya and Aryan Books International. Sharma, A.K. & J. P. Joshi. 2015. Excavation at Mansar, Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corporation. Tripathi, V. and Srivastava, A.K. 1994. The Indus Terracottas, Delhi: Sharada Publishing House. Walimbe, S. R. 2003. Excavation at the early historic site of Kahali-Brahmapuri, Annual Report (Deccan College) 2001-02: 39-40 Yazdani, G. 1941. Excavations at Kondapur (An Andhra town Cr. 200 BC to 200 AD), Annuals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute Vol. XXII: 171-185. Figure Fig.1: Map showing sites where terracotta figurines were found 54 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Plates Plate 1: Bull figurine from Dahili Plate 2: Unidentified animal figurine from Bhamewara Plate 3: Bull figurine from Rithi Vayphal ■■■ Department of Archaeology Deccan College Post-Graduate & Research Institute, Pune-411 006 55 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Lithic Tradition in Coastal Odisha : An Exclusive Survey Report on the Microlithic Industry site at Tulasipur, Tangi-Choudwar, Cuttack, Odisha Soumya Ranjan Sahoo1 Dr. Shisir Tripathy2 Pabitra Mohan Pradhan3 Abstract: In general it was believed that coastal Odisha revelas no human activity during prehistoric stage (especially the Pleistocene and early Holocene cultures). But the traditional view about such conclusion is fading away in these days after the reporting of few major discoveries in this area. Among the coastal districts Both Cuttack and Jajpur reveal large number of prehistoric sites, which have to come to lime light yet. In this regard the survey work in Tangi-Choudwar region provides an impetuous to the traditional drawn out conclusion made by few prehistorians. Introduction: Though human existence on the earth is quite difficult due to lack of physical traits like other animals, but due to technological advancement through time made him more effective and supreme over animal kingdom. From the primitive stage to present in every sphere human have been adopted survival strategies through various material cultures. As far as the responsibility to unearth the human behavior during past is concerned the only work of archaeologist is the appropriate interpretation. Always New archaeology has given emphasis upon the appropriate interpretation for the retrieved data from one site, whether it is from exploration or excavation. Though human nature and behavior remain unchanged throughout time, but it fluctuates along with the situations and necessities. Both clandestine and normal behavior depends upon the human belief and the subsistence pattern. Identifying features and artifact functions in a particular site may be easier, but to interpret the data retrieved from the prehistoric site is refractory. But by determining the functions that have taken place at a site is the way that archaeologist have incorporated human behavior into their interpretations of archaeological sites. Though most of the explored prehistoric site does not have well preserved features, but through the recognition of the archaeological functions archaeologist can interpret the site function. The most important point is to remember that the function of various artifacts, particularly the stone artifacts is not easy to interpret and many of the traditional interpretations of stone artifact functions not necessarily cent percent correct (Mohanty 1993). The logic behind the interpretation for the site function of a particular area falls upon the accurate interpretation of artifact functions, technological aspects and probable area along with the site catchment analysis. To understand the site function of the region the most vital factor is the proper study of the geomorphology (Mahapatra 1962). 56 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Basically chipped or polished stone artifacts are multifunctional tools. In a certain tool assemblage we may get a large variation of tools, but that does not mean every single tool having different functions. One tool may use for multi-purpose or an assemblage of tools may use for a single function. So the associated problem for the interpretation of the site functions depending upon the tool assemblage. Till the date we have not sufficient data to interpret the earliest human culture flourished in Odisha in a proper way. So we need more and more sites which can link the gap between different cultural traditions at different places. In this regard here the joint exploration work has been taken place in December 2015 by the present authors and the result of the work brought enough mental satisfaction due to the rich findings. However in Odisha there are abundantly available evidences, indicating the Stone Age cultures flourished in different parts. But unfortunately besides the reporting of few sites nothing more has been done by scholars as far as the technological and site function aspects are concerned. Earlier it was believed coastal Odisha is devoid of the Stone Age evidences, which is not true at all. Geographical location: The site named Bauti Thakurani kuda is located (200 34’ 54” N, 850 52’ 27’’E) on the bank of a small perennial stream locally known as Sunamayee nala a tributary to Gandha nadi which flows to Mahanadi. This site comes under Tulasipur village of Kamanga Panchayat of TangiChoudwar Tehsil of Cuttack district (Fig.1). The present site is located on the foot hill area of a small khondolite hillock known as Mundakura near the Bauti Thakurani temple which is just eastern side of the Sunamayee nala. On the hillock and near to the site the area is full of wild bushes. On the western side right on the foot hill a road is running towards north parallel to the stream, whereas below the foothill area is surrounded by wide stretched cultivable lands. The origin of the stream is at Dalijoda reserve forest which is only 4 kms away from the site. Four kms below the low line area another stream named Gandha nadi has come from Dalijoda forest and both confluence at a place in the wide stretched cultivable land and the water crosses one huge mud fortification named Bharandi through its north-western corner towards southeastern corner by cutting one of the wall. Stratigraphy: The surrounding area is shown three layers of soil deposition. The lower is laterite, succeeded by alluvium sandy clay mixed with small cobbles and the upper is compact gravels along with water blown gravelly and fine silt. The upper is implementeferous, and above the surface the scattered 57 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 out implements are found. Site to site it varies. Just few meters below it seems only two layers with the laterite bed at below and alluvium rich upper layer is under cultivation. From the deposition of calcareous nodules along with the alluvial deposit it can be assumed the period of highly precipitated phase during upper Pleistocene period (Tripathy 1979). But from this level no implements have been noticed. Fig. 1: The map showing the location of Tulasipur in Cuttack district. Only from the foot hill region, one elongated mound has been traced out. Most part of this elongated mound has been destroyed with the removal of soil unto the khondolite level (Fig. 2) to make out a road at a distant place by the local people. But the thin northern stretch and a portion below the Neem tree have left intact from which the evidences we got. 58 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Fig. 2: The cut section shows the embedded tools in stratigraphical order. Microlithic industry: The tools and cores along with flake are abundantly scattered on the surface and some are embedded in the layers also. Small fragments of cryptocrystalline rocks and flakes are lying on the disturbed surface, which are easily come to our notice. Availability of huge amount of microliths, cores and flakes of semiprecious stones are indicating the presence of an industry here. Few discarded nodules and flake blanks are available, but cores and the flakes are much in number. Fluted cores of both black and greenish chert and few of chalcedony are available here. Fluted cores are different in sizes, some are cylindrical in shape and some are flat, but all are bearing the platforms with fluting marks except few broken pieces. Besides this site there are few other locations in the same valley which contains few microliths, but very less in number and denoting the progeny to the nearby industry. Study of cores: Semi-precious stone pieces or nodules were being utilized by primitive man to make out the suitable flakes for their perfect use due to the nature of conchoidal flaking of this stone by nature. Those stone pieces which are being utilized to produce the blade or other geometric or non-geometric tools or flake blanks is called as the core. The cores from which the blades and 59 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 bladelets are produced are of prismatic shape with a series of shallow parallel scars on it. In general it is not absolutely essential to prepare a striking platform to obtain good quality blades (Mishra & Nagar 2009:21). Here both prepared striking platform and natural surfaces are utilized to bring out perfectly parallel sided bladelets. In shapes the cores are cylindrical, pyramidal, prismatic, squat or narrow one sided flat. The striking platforms of the core are almost irregular and small chips make the platform uneven in shape. Most of the cores have multiple platforms varies from one to three. In a few cases the platform cannot be detected due to the intentional breakage of the core by the primitive man. The feather of termination and the steps of termination are very clearly visible on the fluted cores. Although the nature and quality of the rock is playing a vital role in the preparations of the terminations on the core, the given force on the material is equally having the same importance. The quartz veins inside the rock type are responsible for different types of terminations. The fluted core indicates the detachment of the thin and elongated blades (Sahoo 2008). Some are regular and some are irregular. Few fluted cores bearing the multi platforms. The length of the cores varies from 2cms to 4cms. The flat and small cores are denoting the frequent use of the material to remove out the blades as much as possible. Even some cores are as small as 1 cm by length. Few cores also have been modified into tools by preparing one working end with a notch or with a sudden diagonal breakage, after which retouching have been taken place. It does not the scarcity of cryptocrystalline material in that locality, but indicates the mastery of primitive man over the fluting technology. Small cores found here also bears some deep scars which are the result of sudden blow of force into the core with a hard hammer. These cores are so small that it is quite difficult to handle during preparation of tools from it. Therefore the speculation about the using of wooden platform for the core during that time may come to mind, which is the most probable postulation regarding the minute nodules. Tool typology: As far as the typological analysis is concerned every archaeologists have to remember the work of French archaeologist Francois Bordes, who is known as the father of typological studies (Bhattacharya 1979). In general microliths are the smallest chips removed from the original crypto-crystalline stone to make out composite implements. Many microliths are extremely smaller in size and confirm to geometric types, whereas few others are little larger and not regular in their forms, which may grouped as non-geometric (Andrefsky 1998:195). Till the date no systematic study has done as far as the typology of microlithic industries in Odisha is concerned even in Indian context it has done very seldom. Group 1: Retouched bladelets come in this fold, which are characterized by a flat or slightly oblique retouch (Table 16). The retouching done here is not meant to make the tool blunt but for strengthening the working edge. The retouch is always of microscopic in nature. This 60 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 microscopic retouching may be seen on both lateral margins of the blade, bladelet, flake or core. In general the retouch is taking place on dorsal or on ventral face. But the dorsal retouching is very common. Serrated bladelet is another type of this group. It is characterized by the continuous serration on one lateral edge. It seems denticulate and more effective than the plain bladelet. In general the retouching has done from the ventral surface towards the dorsal for which the fishers are visible on the later side. Group 2: Truncated Bladelets1 are included in this group with a broad variety. The oblique steep retouch on an ill-shaped blade turns it to this variety. Transversely or obliquely the retouch has taken place on one or more than one side of the bladelet (Bhattacharya 2011). To identify this type of tools the expert has to notice the elongated projecting side or corner of the bladelet or flakes (Table 11). This tool is not fashioned in a geometrical pattern. As far as the reported tools in Odisha are concerned these might be categorized as transverse truncation (in both ends or in one end only), concave truncation, oblique truncation etc. Group 3: Blunted Bladelets is very simple to detect. Only one lateral side of the fine shaped bladelet has been retouched steeply to make it blunt (Table 18). After getting blunted the tool becomes handy and suitable to use without getting harm to the hand. Very rarely on both lateral edges have been blunted, where primitive man envisaged to utilize that stone tool for the purpose of burin. It has a wide range of variability. On any side or end the blunting can be done. Here the most typical is the blunting technique being utilized by primitive man. It does not seen that primitive man could take enough care to blunt one side or both side of the blade with notching one by one continuously. At a close observation it has seen that the scalar marks due to blunting are not uniform. The minute observation further provides information regarding the overlapping of this scalar marks above another with few small crack2. Hence it can be postulated the use of abrasion technique for quick and fine blunting of the sharp edge easily. Most probably primitive man used to rub the selected microliths in a huge hard stone block or on a small handy pebble with a rough surface. Group 4: Points come under this group. It is the most suspicious type in prehistoric tool assemblage and often the misunderstood type. These are triangular flakes in which one of the angles is acute (Bhattacharya 2011). But the availability of these kinds of tools is very rare from the prehistoric sites in India. The shape is always triangular, but narrow enough. The characteristic feature of these tools is the pointed end made by several retouching on one or on both lateral sides (Table 8). The tools usually made of micro blades by retouching one lateral side, but also on small flakes in rare cases (Andrefsky 1998:195). As far as the morphology of 1 2 The tip of the tool is leaning towards one direction and is sharp enough. These can be seen only after close observation under a powerful magnifying glass. Here we employed the close photograph with the macro lenses and after zooming out the picture the marks could traced easily. 61 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 the tool is concerned it may divided into sub-triangular point3, obliquely retouched point4, crescentic point,5 curvilinear point6and borer or driller. Group 5: Crescent is a narrow bladelet with a curved lateral margin. Sometimes on small flakes by more or less steeply blunting curved margin this type of tool also made. In some case the curved lateral edge is acting as the working surface whereas there are instances of the straight sided working edge with a curved blunted back face. The most typical is the long symmetric crescent with a length more than twice of the width (Table 15). Group 6: Scrapers are flat and irregular in shape. One side of the tool is retouched and sharpened for a better working edge. Always this type of tool is made of flakes and cores7. One or more margins are steeply retouched to produce a sturdy working edge (Table 16). They are mean for scraping the shafts and hafts of various kinds of tools and weapons as well as other objects. In general we get 12 types of scrapers all over India and in Odisha too. End scraper, thumb nail scraper 8 , concave scraper, carrinated scraper are found from this microlithic industry site. Tools and functions: Tools of microlithic industry have been classified into a variety of forms based upon overall size, number of edges, and location of retouch. Basically these are not more than 1cms wide nor are they more than 4/5mm thick. Micro blades are profuse in number. Besides those triangles, trapezoids, lunates are available along with a huge collection of non-geometric typologies. But these tools are having the projectile points. Most probably those tools were made up for the composite tool by slotting or hafting on bone, wood or bamboo. Very few scattered microliths have been noticed on the lower reaches of Sunamayee nala, on the road side and from the western rugged area as well. It denotes probably these microliths might have migrated from the industry site to other places for the hunting, graving, cutting, drilling or shaving purpose, and in subsequent period after getting success or due to any other cause those became missing. About the particular function of these tools cannot be postulated. The function of individual microlithic may vary depending upon the context, shape, size and wear of the specimen. 3 4 5 6 7 8 Seems triangle but is elongated and slightly curved with irregular margins. The obliquely retouched end is very small, less than half of the length of the bladelet. This type differs from crescent in that while its end is pointed, the base unlike crescent seems to be rounded and retains the bulbar portion. This is Untouched and prepared tool during the course of punching or pressure flaking with a gradual pointing tip. Seldom reported on blades but never on bladelets. The minute scraper is keeping similarity with our thumb nail. 62 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 1 Name of the antiquity Puncher Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Banded chert Measurement L-5.1 c.m x B-1.3 c.m x T-1.3 c.m Observation The implement is triangular in shape and the distal end is angular but pointed. The proximal end bears the positive bulb which is not clear due to repeated strike on the head. The proximal end is narrower than the distal, but the earlier is chipped whereas the later is broken with minute chip marks. Hence it can be assumed perhaps this implement had been utilized as the puncher for some time. After getting reduced by repeated attempt the implement might have been thrown. The implement is not a by-product of punching mechanism alone. From its surface the chipping marks can be observed very clearly. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 63 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 2 Name of o the antiquity Awl Period Mesoolithic Provenaance Tulasipur, Cuttaack Materiaal Cherrt Measurrement L-4.33 c.m x B-1.4 c.m x T-1.1 c.m Observaation The elongated to ool is sharpp at its distaal end. The proximal p end is i thick and d roughly bllunted. Bothh dorsal and d ventral bearss the origin nal weathereed surface oof the chertt nodule. The triangular shaped s sharpp point is pperfectly preepared to bore any organiic material without invviting much h hamper m is shharp enoughh but slightlly curved to it. The right margin whicch denotes the t nature of o the concchoidal flak king. The negaative bulb off percussionn on the dorrsal indicatees the use of puunching device to redduce the raw w material. But the ventrral bears no o bulb. Moost probablyy the tool has h been prepaared by usin ng the wastaage after breaking it intto small. Photogrraph Possessiion of the object o Courrtesy: S.R. Sahoo S Source of acquisitiion Explloration 64 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 3 Name of o the antiquity Boreer Period Mesoolithic Provenaance Tulasipur, Cuttaack Materiaal Blackk chert Measurrement L-4.88 c.m x B-2 2.5 c.m x T-1.5 c.m Observaation The triangular shaped s tooll is sharp att its distal end. e The proximal end iss thick and wider but bbroken horiizontally. The sharp point is perfectlyy prepared bby reducing g the tool after taking thrree steppedd notches too bore any y organic mateerial withou ut inviting much m hampper to it. The T right marggin is flat enough e but slightly currved which h denotes the nature n of thee conchoidaal flaking. T The negativee bulb of percuussion on the t dorsal indicates thhe use of punching p devicce to reducce the raw material. m Buut the ventrral bears no bulb. b Most probably thhe tool hass been prep pared by usingg the wastag ge after breaaking it intoo small. Photogrraph Possessiion of the object o Courrtesy: S.R. Sahoo S Source of acquisitiion Explloration 65 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 4 Name of the antiquity Truncated bladelet Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Black chert Measurement L-4.1 c.m x B-1.2 c.m x T-0.5 c.m Observation This typical flake is made out of black chert and manufactured by punching mechanism. The striking platform is flat and straight. The dorsal is rough with the presence of the step of terminations on it. The ventral is plano-concave due to stepped undulations. Positive bulb of percussion is clearly visible on the proximal end from the ventral surface along with the minute eraillure scar. The right margin is thick while the left is slightly sharper. Due to the step of termination the right became naturally blunted. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 66 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 5 Name of the antiquity Discarded flake Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Chert Measurement L-3.5 c.m x B-1.2 c.m x T-0.6 c.m Observation The elongated but triangular discarded flake bears the original cortex on the dorsal surface. But due to the bad quality of the material this flake has been discarded. The distal end is pointed. The proximal end bears the positive bulb of percussion on it along with the mid ridge. From it the evidence regarding the use of punching device can be assumed. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 67 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 6 Name of the antiquity Bladelet Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Black chert with quartz bands Measurement L-3.0 c.m x B-1.0 c.m x T-0.6 c.m Observation This implement is relatively elongated in profile. The striking platform is flat but slanting. The distal end is blunt while proximal end bears the mark of the eraillure flaking on it and it indicates the probability of punching rather than the punching. The dorsal is concave and triangular whereas the ventral is flat but curved due to conchoidal nature of flaking on the crypto-crystalline rock. A patch of quartz is found on both dorsal and ventral along the proximal end. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 68 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 7 Name of the antiquity Flake blank Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Chalcedony Measurement L-2.4 c.m x B-1.0 c.m x T-0.8 c.m Observation The thick implement seems pointed on the distal end due to the flaking mechanism. The implement having one sharp edge. Other is thick enough. The proximal end is narrow but bears the frequent punch scars on it. Hence the tool might have been produced by using this technique. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 69 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 8 Name of the antiquity Point Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Black chert Measurement L-3 c.m x B-1.2 c.m x T-0.5 c.m Observation The tool is pointed and the dorsal of it bears a midrib, which makes it stronger. The lateral borders are sharp. Though the ventral is slightly concave but is disturbed by a horizontal projects step. The proximal end on the ventral bears the positive bulb of percussion, but is very shallow. No eraillure flake scar can be noticeable from any surface. Hence it is difficult to assume the mechanism applied. But from the size and shape of the tool it can be assumed that probably punching mechanism has been applied to prepare this tool. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 70 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 9 Name of the antiquity Bladelet Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Chert measurement L-3.3 c.m x B-1.6 c.m x T-0.6 c.m Observation This tool is quite typical. The dorsal is plano-convex while the ventral is slightly concave due to the conchoidal nature of breakage. The proximal end bears the positive bulb of percussion on the ventral side along with the minute eraillure flake scar too. The dorsal as well bears the flake scars on it. From the flaking mechanism it keeps resemblance with the punching rather than the pressure flaking. There is no sign of any utilisation of the tool at all. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 71 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 10 Name of the antiquity Flake blank Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Chert measurement L-2.9 c.m x B-1.4 c.m x T-0.6 c.m Observation The flake is uneven by its shape. The proximal end bears the positive bulb of percussion on the ventral side along with the minute eraillure flake scar. The distal end bears the breakage due to step of termination. Dorsal surface is convex while the ventral is slightly concave. Most probably after detachment of the flake few attempts made to remove few minute flakes from the dorsal, as a result many minute traces are available on the distal end on the dorsal. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 72 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 11 Name of the antiquity Truncated Bladelet Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Cherty quartz measurement L-3.5 c.m x B-2.1 c.m x T-0.7 c.m Observation This thick but small bladelet is manufactured by using punching mechanism. The dorsal bears the mid rib due to the punching right on the projected striking end after detachment of one bladelet earlier. The striking platform is almost flat. The proximal end of the tool is angular due to the removal of a notch during later period, while the distal end is transverse due to the end of termination. The proximal end further bears part of the positive bulb on ventral surface which reminds the utilization of punching flaking instead of pressure flaking mechanism for its fabrication. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 73 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 12 Name of the antiquity Flake blank Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Chalcedony measurement L-2.6 c.m x B-2.1 c.m x T-0.7 c.m Observation The flake has been detached from the core after a systematic striking with the help of punching device on it. The dorsal bears the plano-convex surface due to the removal of two flakes out of it prior to the final detachment. But the original cortex is visible on the distal end of the flake. The ventral is again plano-convex but bears the minute eraillure flake scar on the positive bulb of percussion which confirms the utilisation of the punching mechanism to remove this flake. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 74 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 13 Name of the antiquity Truncated Bladelet Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Chert measurement L-2.7 c.m x B-1.2 c.m x T-0.8 c.m Observation This implement is relatively thick on its proximal end while the distal end is wider but sharp with a thin profile. One margin is sharp where as the other is thick enough. The proximal end bears few minute scars due to the repeated attempt to remove the flake by placing a puncher. The dorsal shows unidirectional detachment of flake from it where as the ventral is slightly concave at the centre. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 75 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 14 Name of the antiquity Scraper Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Agate measurement L-3 c.m x B-1.2 c.m x T-0.5 c.m Observation The striking platform is flat with the marks of secondary flaking. The positive bulb of percussion is intact on ventral side. The dorsal is stepped due to the flake scars on it. The detachment occurred in such way that the rough flake became a beautiful scraper. The working end is wide and blunt. Both the faces are slightly convex. Secondary flaking along the left margin on the dorsal. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 76 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 15 Name of the antiquity Crescent Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Black chert measurement L-2.3 c.m x B-0.6 c.m x T-0.5 c.m Observation Perhaps crescent is manufactured by using punching. The striking platform is not clear due to the uneven conchoidal flaking and raw material. The distal end is pointed. The dorsal is convex due to the mid rib. The ventral is flat. The right margin is sharp to make the tool more effective while the other is rugged due to the flaking scars to make it blunted. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 77 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 16 Name of the antiquity Bladelet (retouched) Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Quartz measurement L-1.6 c.m x B-1.2 c.m x T-0.5 c.m Observation The quartz micro blade is very sharp on its right margin. Both the dorsal and the ventral are bearing the minute flake scars removed from it under punching mechanism. The distal end is narrow and right angled while the proximal is broken diagonally. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 78 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 17 Name of the antiquity Micro burin Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Chalcedony measurement L-4.3 c.m x B-3.6 c.m x T-1.2 c.m Observation This tool seems to that it is made out of a detached flake by removing two notches from the distal end to give such shape. The proximal end is narrow whereas the distal is wider but thinner. Both dorsal and ventral bears the wider flake scars on them might have detached by punching mechanism. The proximal end is thick and bears the striking platform which shows the hard hammering on it instead of punching. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 79 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 18 Name of the antiquity Blunted Bladelet Period Mesolithic Provenance Tulasipur, Cuttack Material Quartz measurement L-1.6 c.m x B-1.2 c.m x T-0.6c.m Observation Few flakes have been removed from both the dorsal and ventral. The striking platform is flat but slanting. Both surfaces bear the detachment scars on its surface which indicates the punching mechanism applied on it. The right margin is flat. The left margin is sharp without any retouch. But this flake never been utilized by man and perhaps due to the same it has been blunted from all directions. Photograph Possession of the object Courtesy: S.R. Sahoo Source of acquisition Exploration 80 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 References Andrefsky, W., LITHICS, Cambridge University Press, London, 1998, P. 40-57. Behera, P. K., “The pebble tool component of the Banaigarh Neolithic complex, Orissa”, Man and Environment, XII, no.2, Deccan college, Pune, 1992, P.57-63. Bhattacharya, D. K., An Outline of Indian Prehistory, Palaka Prakashan, Delhi, 2011. Bhattacharya, D. K., Old Stone Age Tools, Calcutta, K.P. Bagchi & Company, 1979, pp. 3-54. Chakrabarti, S. & Chattopadhyay, “A note on the Lithic Industries in Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar, Orissa”, Man and Environment, vol. XII, Deccan College, Poona, 1988, pp. 203-08. Chakrabarti, S., “The Stone Age Prehistory of Khiching, Orissa”, Man and Environment, vol. XV, no. 2, Deccan College, Poona,1990, pp. 13-20. Charters, J. C., “Hunter-gatherer adaptations and assemblage structure”, Journal of Anthropologicl Research, 1987, 6:336-75. Chauley, M. K., Prehistory and Protohistory of Eastern India, Agam Kala Prakashan, New Delhi, 2008. Dani, A. H., Prehistory and Protohistory of Eastern India, Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyaya, Calcutta, 1960, pp. 17-105. Dash, R. N., Archaeology, History and Culture of Orissa, Pratibha Prakasan, Delhi, 2008, pp. 1111. Datta, A., Neolithic Culture in West Bengal, Agam Kala Prakashan, New Delhi, 1992, pp. 99119. Jain, V. K., Prehistory and Protohistory of India; An Appraisal, D.K. Print world, New Delhi, 2009. Joukowsky, M., Field Archaeology, Tools and Techniques of Field work for Archaeologists, Prentice Hall Press, New York, 1986, pp. 309-331. Mahapatra, G. C., Stone Age Cultures of Orissa, Poona, Deccan College, 1962, pp. 175-178. Mishra, V. N. & Nagar, M., “Typology of Indian Mesolithic Tools” in Man and Environment, vol. XXXIV, no. 2, Pune, 2009, pp. 21. Mohanty, P.K., “Mesolithic Hunter Gatherers of Keonjhar district, Orissa, India”, Asian Perspective, vol. 32, no.1, 1993, pp. 85-104. Sahoo, S. R., Lithic Tradition near Kalinganagara on Brahmani valley, OHRJ, vol. XLIX, no.14, Bhubaneswar, Odisha State Museum, 2008, pp. 147-150. Singh, P. K., “Stone Age cultures of central Orissa”, in Archaeology of Orissa, vol. I, Pratibha Prakashan, Delhi, 2000, pp.102-113. Singh, U., A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India, Dorling Kindersly (India) Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 2008. Tripathy, K.C., Lithic Industries in India, Leeladevi Publications, Delhi, 1979, pp.61-145. ■■■ 1 2 81 Asst. Curator, Odisha State Museum, Bhubaneswar Asst. Professor, Dept of History, KISS, Bhubaneswar 3 Gopinathpur, Athgarh, Cuttack ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Revisiting Bateswar Temple, Kantiagada, Ganjam, Odisha Rudra Prasad Behera Abstract The initiation of temple architecture in Odisha took place during the Sailodbhavas. From early part of 7th century to late 15th century AD the temple building tradition came across three phases, i.e; formative phase, mature phase and declining phase. Number of Vaisnavite, Saivite and Shakta monuments dotted all over Odisha. Bateswar temple at Kantiagada in Ganjam district is one of them. The temple bears the rich architectural, sculptural, epigraphical, archaeological value of ancient Odisha. The location of the temple itself signifies the glory of maritime activities. The present study reveals the perfect religious harmony of Vaisnavite, Saivite and Shakta, although it is a Saivite temple in character. The scientific cleaning by Odisha state Archaeology, under the ICZMP project exposes the architectural and sculptural entity. The vestiges noticed from the place reveal the impact of coastal geomorphology on the archaeological assets. Key words Temple architecture, Sculptures, Coastal archaeology, Maritime history and ICZMP Introduction The temples of India are generally divided into three categories according to the architectural splendour. The styles are Nagara in North, Vesara in Deccan and Dravida in South. But in case of Odisha the temple building tradition having a unique characteristics and known as Kalingan style. Odisha is regarded as the land of temples (Deba 1995). The temples of Odisha are famous all over the world for its unique characteristics of their architectural and sculptural style (Brown 1959). The artistic richness and engineering marvels of Odishan temple have no parallel in the world. Here we find many massive structures and gigantic monuments of great beauty. This land produced wonderful creations in stone from time to time. The beautiful temples represent the glorious past of Odisha as the symbol of its great heritage and tradition. Architecturally the temples of Odisha can divided into three broad orders, described in the Bhubana Pradipa as Rekha, Pidha and Khakhra (Behera 1993). Although all three of these order have been employed in various periods for the deula, in the fully evolved Odishan plan the pidha order is generally employed for the jagamohan or the frontal hall while the khakara order is utilized only in the temples dedicated to the Devi. The Odishan temple plan thus consists of a square sanctum surmounted by a curvilinear spire. The sanctum is in triratha, pancharatha, saptaratha and navaratha in plan (Donaldson 1986). The frontal by a hall (jagamohan) consisting of a square structure covered by a pyramidal of receding steps (Bose 1932). 82 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Sailodbhavas putted the footing stone to Odishan temple so far as the earliest extant temple is laxmaneswar group of temple as concerned (7th century AD). The earliest surviving jagamohan is on the Parsuramesvara temple is rectangular in shape with a terraced roof (Parida 1999). The Bhaumakaras ruled over Odisha from the middle of the 8th century A.D. to the first quarter of the 10th century A.D. and succeeded the temple building tradition of Sailodbhabas. After Bhaumakaras, Somavamsis lead this tradition and built magnificent monuments. Then Ganga dynasty and Suryavamsis continued the temple building tradition (Panigrahi 1981). The temples of the Bhuma period are not essentially different from the early series, but they represent the continuation and development of the temple building tradition (Das 1978). In the Bhauma temples like Vaitala is in khakara order (Mitra 1961). Two 64 Yogini temples (Hirapur of Khurda district and Ranipur Jharial of Bolangir district) of Odisha are in hypaetheral order and opened to sky (Das 1997, Dehejia 1979, Ganguly 1912, Fabri 1974, Khamari 2012). Materials and method The temple Bateswar Mahadeva still stands along the sea shore at Kantiagada of Ganjam district (Fig.1). Previously the temple half buried and stand between the sand dunes. The temple is facing towards west. The sanctum is in rekha order and triratha in plan. The central rahapaga and two kanika paga is there. There is an Uma Maheswar image in the niche of northern side rahapaga. Navagraha slab placed in their assigned place and figure of Gajalaxmi in the lintel is found. The gandi portion of the main temple thickly plastered (Mohapatra 1986). As it is a living Savite temple, Shiva in the form of Lingam worshiped as the presiding deity. The parsvadevata niches are blank but Ganesh and Kartikeya not placed in their appropriate position. The sikhara is curvilinear in design with kanika pagas representing bhumi amala at the successive stages. Traces of chaitya arches are faintly visible on the raha paga on the sikhara. The mastaka portion consisted of the beki, amlaka sila and the kalasha. Other features are absent (Fig.2). The mukhasala is in dilapidated condition. The front apartment is a rectangular structure is in badly damaging condition. It is having flat roof which is surmounted by a pidha order gandi with mastaka. The front wall of jagamohan displays the naga and nagi figures on the face of attached pillars. The outer wall of the southern direction exposes the baluster window with naga and nagi pilasters. A proto Telugu inscription (?) slab placed right side of the main entrance of the temple (Fig.4). From the architectural and iconographic details of the temple can be assigned the date 10th century AD (Mohapatra 1986). The four handed Ganesha image is in sthanika mudra, holding, bajra, kuthara, akshyamala (rosary) and kamandalu (pot). Halo replaced with five hooded snake and the mount/vehicle is missing. The image of four handed Kartikeya is also found in standing pose along with the attributes. The Uma Maheswar depicted in single pedestal. Shiva seated in ardhaparyankasana and Parvati is seated on the left lap the earlier in same posture. Shiva represented with four hand 83 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 holding trident, rosary, abhaya mudra, one embracing Parvati. Lion and bull depicted below the pedestal as vehicle of both (Gupte 1997, Gopinathrao 1971). There are image of four handed Visnu, ten handed Durga found and a small subsidiary temple also exposes during scientific clearance by the state archaeology department (Fig.3 & 5). The cleaning work carried out under the Integrated Coastal Zone Management Programme (ICZMP) of World Bank1. The Vishnu image is in sthanika mudra, wheel in upper right hand, mace in upper left hand, conch in lower left and lower right hand having lotus with varada mudra. The image flanked by two chauri bearer in lower part of the slab. The Vishnu image is known as Hrishikesa (lord of the senses) due to the presence of attribute in the icon, which mentioned in Padma Purana (Gupte 1997). The ten handed Mahishamardini image crudely carved and the demon is buffalo headed. The deity is in attacking position with her vehicle and bearing spear, arrow, javelin, sword, wheel, moon, shield, skull cap, club and noose (Fig.5). Mahishamardini plays a central role in the Hindu pantheon. She either appears alone or in company in temples like panchayatana type with Shiva, Ganesha, Surya and Vishnu (Gupte 1997). Result and discussion Odisha has an ideal amalgamation of Vaisnavite, Saivite and Shakta pantheons of Hindu religion. The presence of Vishnu and Mahishmardini images in Saivite temple has shown that the wonderful religious synchronization. The Mahishamardini image is almost similar to the image at Vaital temple, Bhubaneswar. The small subsidiary temple of the site could be the part of panchaytana temple pattern. The site is situated in a close proximity to the ancient seaports of Odisha, i.e; Paloura, Gourangapatna, Manikapatna on Chilika lagoon. The site covered with sand dunes heavily and the signatures of coastal archaeological remains are missing (Fig.6). Hence the site could be a maritime trade centre, respite place for traders/voyagers, port town or place for worship before drive to sea. The date of the site must go back earlier to 10th century AD as per the findings revealed from the locality. Hereby with this short paper the primary information regarding the discovery of unique sculptural and architectural remains from Kantiagada has been embedded along with a brief description. The author expects more archaeological remains and much more information on coastal Odisha, if further scientific investigation could be taken place. On the other hand, the state of our information on the site is still limited on maritime point of view to understand its significance as a coastal structure. 1 Integrated Coastal Zone Management Project (ICZMP) deals with the traits of the coastal zone and regulating existing activities through an appropriate management plan. ICZMP is also doing the conservation of cultural assets and monuments along the coastline with the association of various state departments. The efforts are meant for the preservation and promotion of social, cultural, religious, economic activity of coastal community. It renders advises to the coastal states in solving coastal zone problems through training on scientific and tools techniques with experts of various fields and issues. 84 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my teachers & my friends for their valuable advices and support to preparing the manuscript. References Behera, K.S, Temples of Orissa, Orissa Sahitya Akademy, Bhubaneswar, 1993. Bose, N.K., Carnons of Orissan Architecture, Calcutta, 1932. Brown, P., Indian Architecture (Buddhist and Hindu), Bombay, 1959. Das, B., The Bhaumakaras and their times, New Delhi, 1978. Das, H.C., Iconogrphy of Sakta Divinities, 2 vols,,New Delhi,1997. Deba, K., Temples of India, New Delhi, 1995. Dehejia, V., Early Stone Temples of Orissa, New Delhi, 1979. Donaldson, T.E., Hindu Temples of Orissa, 3 vols, Leiden, 1986. Fabri, C.L., History of Art on Orissa, New Delhi, 1974. Ganguly, M.M., Orissa and her Remains, Calcutta, 1912. Gopinathrao, T.A. Elements of Hindu Iconography, 2 vols, New Delhi, 1971. Gupte, R.S., Iconography of the Hindus, Buddhist, Jains, Delhi, 1997. Khamari, S., Archaeology of Early Orissan Temples, New Delhi, 2012. Mitra, D., Bhubaneswar, New Delhi, 1961. Mohapatra, R.P., Archaeology in Orissa, vol. I, Delhi, 1986. Panigrahi, K.C., History of Orissa (Hindu period), Cuttack, 1981. Parida, A.N., Early temples of Orissa, New Delhi, 1999. 85 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Figures Fig. 1 Location map of Bateswar Temple, Kantiagada. Fig. 2 Close view of Vimana and Mukhasala of Bateswar Temple. 86 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Fig. 3 Temple view during scientific cleaning of the site. Fig. 4 Architectural member and inscription slab in Bateswar Temple. 87 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Fig. 5 Sculptures noticed from the Bateswar Temple. Fig. 6 Temple view from the sea shore. ■■■ Assistant Curator Odisha State Archaeology, Bhubaneswar Email – 1986rudra@gmail.com 88 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 PUNCH MARKED COINS IN ORISSA Kiran Sabat When the people settled in Localities & Communities at which time the exchange of different products became a necessity, then the exchange of things took the shape of trade & the system of barter evolved. But the disadvantages of the barter system were soon realized, & a new method was evolved. A common commodity was fixed to serve as an intermediary in all transaction. In course of time certain commodities got preference over others & higher values were attached to them (Befu1977:255-281). They assumed the character of a medium of exchange & attained a standard by which the value of other things was estimated. Thus, the notion of the unit of a value, a step towards the evolution of coinage emerged. The scholars believe that these coins would have originated only in about Sixth Century B.C., when silver was brought in from the west. However silver was well known in Vedic Period (Tripathy1986:25-27). Like ancient literature, epigraphy and archaeology coins are also regarded as important source for the reconstruction of early history. They provide on almost unparalleled series of historical documents. They conjure up before us the life & time of those who had issued them. They furnish us true information. In India which can serve as historical evidence in the modern sense. Such as many facts about the rulers, their names, dynasties, thought & action have not revealed. But we find these facts well illustrated in many instances on our coins. It have been the principal source of our information about the various tribal and city, republic and monarchical states that flourished in India during pre-Christian centuries and after. It plays an important role in the realm of religious history, apart from history coins have also aesthetic & artistic value. So these coins have an attraction both for historians and collectors. Also, it has a great importance for the study of the history of our land (Tripathy1986:25-27). The 'Punch-marked' coins are the earliest coinage which constitutes the most extensive monetary system of Ancient India. It was so extensive & wide spread that numerous hoards & stray finds of these coins have been discovered throughout the length and breadth of the country. Although the coins known as 'Punch-Marked' are rude and ugly, bear no legends, can not be precisely dated, & as a rule are not assignable to any particular state or localities, they posses very special claims on the interest of the scientific numismatist, as documents in the early history of coinage(Padhan 1992:26-28). It is also as authoritative records of the symbolism being religious, mythological, & astronomical current through out India for many years. These coins denote the peculiar technique of manufacturing in ancient period. The symbols are punched on the coins separately and not by die-striking and hence the name. First the flat sheets 89 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 of metals were cut in to the strips of varying breadth & then those strips were cut in to required shape with approximate weight, Later on various symbols were punched on those Black Pieces and for adjusting the actual weight these pieces were clipped off on the edges. This technique of punching coins is unique to India. So these coins are known amongst numismatist and historians as "Punch-Marked" coins (Padhan 1992:26-28). These coins & it hoards are discovered from time to time either in the course of archaeological excavation or as stray finds during digging operations of the earth. In India it has been found many hoards at several places. These are fifty-two no's of punch-marked coins have been found a big hoard at 'Basarh', (Chakrabarti 1995a: 87-93) the ancient Vaisali near the Asokan pillar. From Rajgir excavation a hoard of fourteen silver punch-marked coins was discovered in the southern defenses of the new fort at Rajgir during March 1962. It is how ever most popular varieties & is found in all parts of the Indian subcontinent, from Gandhara (New Taxila hoard & Peshwar hoard) to the Deccan(Chakrabarti 1995a: 87-93) (Karimanagar and Gulberga hoard) and so far south as Coimbatore and down to Ceylon and from Bihar (Patraha hoard) in the east to Rajasthan in the west. In Odisha the distribution of Punch marked coins both imperial & Kosala types were reported from different places. These coins are found either in a hoard or as stray finding. The finding place and distribution of these coins have been considered as representing trade centres and routs respectively. From these finding it is clear that besides circulating Imperial or Mauryan variety of coins the site located in Odisha especially in the western part were circulating with local symbols known as 'Kosala' (Tripathy1986:25-27) type. A hoard of 539 Nos. Imperial variety of coins from the old ruined of 'Asurgarh' in Kalahandi district, 10 No's coins from 'Jharapara' near Bhubaneswar, 49 coins from 'Jagamara' hoard in Puri district, 379 coins from Salipur hoard in Cuttack District, 334 coins from 'Pandia' hoard near rock edict of Asoka at Jaugada in Ganjam District and a hoard containing 360 coins from Samantarapur near the ruins of Sisupalagarh, Same types of the coins have also reported from the excavation at Sisupalagarh and Udayagiri hills in 1962-63. From Dundu hoards near Bahalda in Mayurbhanj district found 192 no's of Coin, at the time of excavation at Manamunda-Asurgarh in Boudh district found 01 no. coins; 162 no's of Kosala or Janapada type coin from Sonpur hoard in the district of Suvarnapur 19 Stray find coins from middle Mahanadi valley in Bolangir district, 01 unidentified coins from "Kharligarh" in Kalahandi district (Behera 1982:12-34) and on other four coins from "Budhigarh" in the Same district. A hoard of Ghumala in Mayurbhanj district 25 coins was found. It may be pointed out here that all the above mentioned coins and coin hoards of Odisha in the past and discovered in recent times do not come to the notice of the historians. The scientific study of various aspects of the 'punch-marked' coins of Odisha are classified in two types, scholars have termed on the basis of the symbols punched on these & also on their 90 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 fabrication are 'Local' or 'Janapada' and the other is the 'Imperial' or 'Universal' series of PunchMarked Coins (Tripathy1986:25-27). It has been discovered in silver and copper in Odisha. These coins have been classified in symbolically, the 'Local' or 'Janapada' type of punch-marked coins which are also generally known to be the earliest coinage of India. It bearing four symbols in common on the obverse and reverse is the blank. Generally it found confined within a particular area, the local series of 'punch-marked' coins found in the western part of Odisha are known to scholar as the coins of the "Kalinga Janapada" The "Imperial" or "Universal" series of "Punch marked" coins are bearing five bold symbols on the obverse and one or more minute symbols of the reverse. The largest number of these coins has been found in several parts of Odisha (Sahu 1982 : 1-8). The large numbers of silver 'punch-marked' coins which have been found in several parts of Odisha in big hoards are in the nature of stray find belonging to different varieties & in groups. They were evidently evolved out of a highly organized currency system which can be known from the study of the Internal as well as the external evidences furnished by the coins themselves. The Imperial variety of punch-marked coins of Odisha, It is clear that during the pre Mauryan and post-Mauryan periods, Odisha was also a part and period to the early city and state formation as also trade mechanism (Singhdeo 2000: 418-430). It directs towards trans-regional trade activity and it would probably indicate that these symbols were punched at a later date by different mercantile guilds of different places through whom these coins were circulated in the market. The marks were probably punched to test the genuineness of the coins in commercial transaction. It has not been possible to know so far to determine the exact date when these coins were first introduced in different parts of India is general & in the Odisha, in particular. Two kinds of external evidences, i.e., literary and archeological may be taken into consideration in order to determine the periodization of the punch mark coins of Odisha. The Kosala type local punch marked coins were found during excavation at Sisupalgarh at a level attributed to about 2nd century A.D. (Behera1991:1-15) besides the find of "universal" type at the same level. This find would suggest that the local type coins were al so in used side by side with the imperial coins for many years. In Odisha no such scientific digging except at Sisupalgarh has so far been conducted which may throw welcome light on the chronology of the punch-marked coins. How ever some archeological as well as epigraphically evidences open a new line of approach on this problem. The discovery of the Terracotta coin-moulds for preparing punch-marked coins from the excavation of Sisupalgarh attributed to about 4th century A.D.(Lal 1949:60-105) Thus the foregoing discussion will clearly show that the silver punch marked coins were in circulation in Odisha market till longer period than 4th century A.D. 91 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 The known specimens of the punch-marked coins are confined to silver and copper only. The silver coins are really alloyed with copper and a minor percentage of lead. The coins of all the hoards of Odisha which are of silver, are found not always pure & show more or less traces of copper, iron & other alloys. The chemical analysis of these coins shows that the 'Local' type coins contain 80 to 75 % of silver and 20 to 25% of other base metal like copper, iron & tin. As regards the metal contents of the hoard of "Universal' type punch-marked coins a few of them have been chemically analyzed, which show the silver contents in these coins in varying degrees (Ray1996b:142-175). The largest number of the punch marked coins have found in Odisha bearing five bold symbols on the obverse & one or more minute symbols on the reverse these symbolic coins are known as 'imperial' or 'universal' punch marked coins. Another punch mark coins bearing 4 symbols in common on the obverse and blank in the reverse these symbolic coins are called "local punch marked coins. The various symbols are punched on these coins such as: the natural object like sun, trees, mushrooms, branches with fruits river hills etc. Animals like - deer, dog, hare, rhinoceros, and peacock. Serpent, frog - crocodile, fishes tortoise, flies etc. & human figures, implements & works of man such as plough, bow & arrow, caps, vases stupas, chaityas, tree - in - railing, chhatra or umbrella like objects etc. & some of coins have shown unknown symbols. So it supply the authorative records of this symbolism are religious mythological and astrological. References and Note: Befu, H., 1977. “Social Exchange”, Annual Review of Anthropology 6 : 255-281. Tripathy, S., 1986. Early and Medieval Coins and Currency System of Orissa, C. 300 B.C. to 1568 A.D. Calcutta : Punthi Pustak. Ibid. Padhan, S., 1992. “A Note on a Punch-marked Coin found from Manamunda Excavation”, Journal of the Numismatic Society of India LIV (1-2) : 26-28. Ibid. Chakrabarti, D.K., 1995 (a), Archaeology of Ancient Indian Cities. New Delhi : Oxford University Press, pp. 87-93. Ibid. Tripathy, S., 1986, Op.Cit, Calcutta : Punthi Pustak. Behera, S.C. (Ed.), 1982, Interim Excavation Report on Manamunda Excavation. Department of History : Sambalpur University. Tripathy, S., 1986, Op.Cit, Calcutta : Punthi Pustak. 92 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Sahu, N.K., 1982. Asurgarh Excavations, in Interim Excavation Report (S.C. BEhera Ed.), pp. 18. Sambalpur : Sambalpur University. Singhdeo, J.P., 2000, “Archaeology of Kalahandi and Nuapara Districts, Orissa”, in Archaeology of Orissa (K.K. Basa and P.K. Mohanty Eds.), Pp. 418-430. New Delhi : Pratibha Prakashan. Behera, K.S., 1991, “Trade and Patterns of Commerce in Orissa C. A.D. 700 to 1200”, Utkal Historical Research Journal 2 : 1-15. B.B. Lal, “Sisupalagarh 1948: An Early Historical Fort in Eastern India” Ancient India, No-5: 1949, pp.45-70. Ray, H.P., 1996 (b), “Trade and Contacts”, in Recent Perspectives of Early Indian History (Romila Thapar Ed.), Pp. 142-175. New Delhi : Oxford University Press. ■■■ Research Scholar P.G Department of AIHCA, Utkal University. 93 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 COINS OF SONEPUR (From Earliest Period to 13th century A.D.) Sangeeta Mishra The earliest coins found in Odisha are the so called silver punch-marked coins in two types, generally referred to as the local or Janapada and imperial series of punch-marked coins1. On the basis of the symbols and fabric, the local punch-marked coins are considered to be the earliest specimens and they have been found mainly in western part of Odisha which formed a part of ancient Mahāko ala or Ko ala Janapada. The ‘local’ or the earliest punch-marked coins are generally attributed to different Mahā-Janapadas of ancient India and hence they been distinguished as the coinages of the Janapadas. The coins of each janapada differ from the other in respect of symbology and fabric. The pun-marked coins of Ko ala Janapada found in Odisha are also known to have been discovered mainly in the western part of it, ie., Sambalpur, Balangir and Sonepur districts along with Chhatisgarh which comprised ancient Ko ala2. On the other hand the imperial or universal series of punch-marked coins have been discovered in several parts of Odisha in big hoards. The ‘imperial’ series of these coins are generally attributed to the pre-Mauryan and Mauryan period3 when the different parts of India were united under one imperial power and these coins were spread all over India through the imperial expansion. The wide distribution would suggest that this coinage was issued by a well organized central authority. It is also probable that, with the annexation of Kalinga to the Magadhan Empire, this centrally organized coinage was introduced in Odisha. Thus the real history of coinage might have started in all parts of Odisha from about 3rd or 4th century B.C. with the introduction of the silver punch-marked coins. The abundance of silver in the Mauryan period and more specifically during the Magadhan imperialism and the silver punch-marked coins, generally taken to be of Mauryan and preMauryan type in Odisha, show that both internal and external trades were in flourishing condition and the economy of the country was based on a well developed currency system. With the decline of the Mauryan rule in Odisha, the supply of the punch-marked coins from a centrally organized administrative system was probably stopped. But it seems, these continued to be manufactured by different mercantile guilds and traders for a longer period for commercial transactions. As the different parts of Odisha were used to money economy, this currency was not totally out of market. There are archaeological and literary evidences to show the continuity of this currency till quite late, in this region as elsewhere in Indian sub-continent. Punch-marked coin moulds in clay have been discovered from archaeological excavations at Sisupalgarh near Bhubaneswar at levels attributed to circa A.D. 300.4 Sculptural depiction of some coins of square and round shape, resembling the silver punch-marked coins is noticed in a cave called Gane agumphā near Hātīgumphā inscription of Khāravela on the Udayagiri hill at Bhubaneswar.5 The coins are depicted in a stone relief, occurring in a freeze in the cave dated to 94 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 about 1st century A.D. These evidences suggest that these coins were in circulation in Odisha market till a quite late date. Apart from the silver punch-marked coins described above, the coins of the Andhra-Sātavāhanas, the Kuṣāṇas, the Guptas, the arabhapurīyas, the Kalacuris, the Yādavas etc. definitely infiltrated into Odisha, either by way of trade or through pilgrims. The so called Puri-Kuṣāṇa or imitation Kuṣāṇa copper coins are frequently discovered in all parts of Odisha, in association with the alleged Kuṣāṇa originals in copper.6 These coins were under circulation in Odisha for a long period from about 3rd century up to at least. 6th/7th century A.D. The tradition of minting gold coins were maintained by many royal families, after the decline of the Imperial Guptas. Among such royal families, who issued gold coins, mention may be made of the arabhapurīyas of arabhapura7 and the Kalacuris of Tripuri and Ratanpur8. These debased gold coins of the arabhapurīyas and the Kalacuris are frequently found in KalahandiBalangir-Sonepur region. These were seldom found in coastal districts of Odisha and confined to their respective areas of circulation in ancient Ko ala region. After the merger of the ex-state of Sonepur with Odisha, a number of old coins were brought from Sonepur sub-treasury to the treasury of Balangir which were again transferred to Odisha State Museum in 1950-51. Chronologically they fall into the following groups. Punch-marked coins Kalacuri coins Yādava coins Gaṅga Fanams Punch-marked Coins A hoard of 162 silver Punch-marked coins were reported to have been found from Sonepur9, which are classified as local or Janapada type of Punch-marked coins from Odisha. These are of irregular size and vary from 19.2 grains to 21 grains in weight. These contain four symbols on the obverse while the reverse is left blank. These have been prepared out of thin sheets of silver, some of them being rectangular, some square where as some show uneven sides due to the clipping off the metal, probably to adjust the weight standard. The symbols on these coins are 1. 2. 3. 4. elephant facing left with a small dot at its back a bull to the left with a small dot near the mouth a solid oval surrounded by dots two bulls yoked in a plough. The frequent and exclusive find of this type of coins in the region comprising within Chattisgarh and Sambalpur-Balangir-Sonepur region of western Odisha, which formed the ancient Ko ala, would suggest that these coins formed the ancient local coinage of Ko ala Janapada.10 95 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Kalacuri Coins A collection of 27 debased gold coins of different rulers of Kalacuri dynasty had been discovered from the vicinity of Sonepur.11 The collection includes 11 coins of Ratnadeva II, 5 of Pṛthvīdeva II and 11 of Jājalladeva II, including 4 coins of small denomination belonging to Jājalladeva.12 Coins of Jājalladeva:These coins contain on the obverse a two line legend in Nāgarī character of 12th century which reads 1. rīmad-Ja(ā)2. Jalladev(va).13 On the reverse, the figure of a lion, within dotted border, with its tail upraised, jumping on an elephant which is lying prostrate below, popularly known as Gaja- ārdula motif is depicted. A small letter reading ‘ta’ or on some coins ‘ma’ is written below the mouth of the lion.14 The coins of Jājalladeva have been found in two denominations, one measuring 1.9 cm. in diameter with weight varying from 3.850 gms. to 3.860 gms. and even 3.739 gms. The other denomination measures 1.3 cm. and weight 0.955 gms.15 Except the weight, the coins of smaller denominations have the same features as described above. Coins of Ratnadeva:The gold coins of Ratnadeva are same as Jājalladeva’s as described above. The obverse of his coins contain two lines in Nāgarī character reading 1. 2. rīmad -Ratnadeva,16 Within dotted border. The reverse is same as on the coins of Jājalladeva. Some of Ratnadeva’s coins contain a small letter resembling ‘ta’. Coins of Pṛthvīdeva:The coins of Pṛthvīdeva also resemble the coins of Jājalladeva and Ratnadeva in fabric size and weight. On the obverse the two lined legend within dotted border reads 1. 2. rīmat-Prithvideva.17 The reverse is same as Jājalladeva’s including small Nāgarī character ‘ta’ or ‘ma’. According to scholars like B.V. Nath18 and N.K. Sahu,19 the individual letters ta or ma on the reverse of the gold coins of Kalacuri rulers represent Tummāṇa and Malhāra, the two important towns of Kalacuri kingdom where these coins were probably minted. The practice of putting solitary letter on the coins, especially of Ko ala region, seems to have continued from the earlier period. This practice was evidently borrowed from the gold coins of later Guptas.20 96 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Yādava Coins A class of gold coins, popularly known among the numismatists as Padma-ṭaṅkās, was among the coins of the sub-Treasury of the ex-State of Sonepur. There was a collection of 27 gold Padma-ṭaṅkās, reported to have been discovered in the vicinity of Sonepur.21 Padma-ṭaṅkās are so called because of the depiction of an eight-petalled lotus at the centre of the coin. They are attributed to the Yādava rulers of Devagiri whose name are incised on them.22 The Yādava rulers of Devagiri ruled in A.D. 13th and 14th century. Seven Yādava kings are known to have ruled successively from A.D. 1187 to A.D. 1312. Out of 2723 coins of this dynasty found from Sonepur, 9 belong to Siṅghaṇa II (circa A.D. 1210-1247), 5 to Mahādeva (A.D. 1260-1271), 3 to rīrāma (A.D. 1271-1309), and the remaining 5 have been defaced and can not be properly identified. The Yādava gold coins or Padma-ṭaṅkās are not exactly circular and look cup-shaped i.e., concave on one side and convex on the other. On the obverse, symbols and legends are punched separately along the four corners of the coin and also at the centre. The shape of the coin became shallow and irregular when the gold pieces were flattened and punched with symbols at four corners. Then the symbol of a lotus was punched with a hard stroke at the centre for which the coin became cup-shaped. Besides the eight petalled lotus at the centre, there are generally four separate punches of a conch ( aṅkha), a scroll design resembling a discus (Cakra) or indicating perhaps an auspicious symbol, a Telugu-Kanarese letter representing the auspicious symbol rī and the legend reading the name of the issuer in Nāgarī character.24 These symbols and the legends are invariably found incomplete and also not of uniformed shape. Very often the top strokes of the legend are missing and only three or four letters could be read. This may be due to defective punching. All the coins are of pure gold and the average weight of each is 57 grains.25 The finding of these coins in Sonepur region probably indicates trade relations of that territory with the kingdom of Yādavas. Gaṅga- Fanams A group of gold coins, very thin and small in size and light in weight are popularly known as fanams. The European scholars called them fanams for the Sanskrit word paṇam. These coins have been frequently found in various parts of Odisha and generally attributed to the Imperial Gaṅgas, that’s how the name Gaṅga-fanams. Out of 55 Gaṅga-fanams discovered from Sonepur, 49 are from the Sonepur Sub-Treasury collection26 and 6 are collected by Prof. N.K. Sahu, now preserved in Sambalpur University Museum27. The Sonepur Sub-Treasury collection coins were reported to have been discovered near the Suvarṇameru temple in Sonepur town and from village Baidyanath as known from the letter No.2793, dated 15 May 1951, of the S.D.O., Sonepur,28 to the State Museum Authority. These coins are believed to have been showered from above as narrated in the Suvarṇameru temple legend. 97 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 The symbols on the obverse occurring on the Gaṅga-fanams are invariably a counchant bull facing right with various minute symbols which consists a conch, a discus and two horns of the bull. Sometimes a trident or a dagger like minute symbol is noticed in front or above the bull. The reverse of the coin shows an Oriya ‘sa’ like symbol which is placed horizontally and flanked by symbols of an anku a or kuṭhara on either side. Below this symbol are inscribed some Telugu-Kannada numerals29, presumably the regnal reckonings of the issuer of these coins. Another variety of such type of coins bear a legend in three letters in Northern-Nāgarī character of 12th-13th centuries30 above the ‘sa’ like symbol on the edge of the reverse while the obverse devices are same as other varieties stated above. This legend reads rī -Rāma.31 The frequency with which the Gaṅga-fanams are found in the vicinity of Sonepur testifies the fact that it was under Gaṅga possession. That Sonepur had been an important seat of power and was under continuous occupation has been proved by the findings of the different types of coins issued by different dynasties, right from the earliest period. References and notes: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. S.Tripathy, Early and Medieval Coins and Currency Systems of Orissa, 1986, Calcutta, p.2. Ibid, p.157. Ibid. Ancient India, No. 5, p.99 J.N.S.I., Vol. XXVII, Part II, pp.170-76 and Plate IX, No. 2 S.Tripathy, Op. cit., pp. 39-44. N.A.H.O., Vol. II, pp.26-30. O.H.R.J., Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 36-40 ff; S.Tripathy, Op. cit., pp. 96-97. O.H.R.J, Vol. I, Part. II, pp. 27-30 ff;J.N.S.I, Vol. XV, Part. I, pp. 54-60 ff. S.Tripathy, Op. cit., p. 2. O.H.R.J., Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 36-40 ff. Orissa District Gazetteers – Balangir, Ed. N. Senapati, 1968, Cuttack, p. 36; S.Tripathy, Op. cit., p. 96. Ibid, p. 97. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. p. 98 Ibid. J.N.S.I., Vol. XVIII, p. 111. Ed. N. Senapati, Op. cit., p. 37. S.Tripathy, Op. cit., pp. 78-79 ff. 98 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 J.N.S.I., Vol. XV, pp. 126 ff; OHRJ, Vol. II, pp. 1 ff. J.A.S.B. (NS), No. XXXIX, (1925), pp. 6-10. S.Tripathy, Op. cit., Footnote, p. 111. S.Tripathy, Op. cit., p.111. Ed. N. Senapati, Op. cit, p. 37. J.N.S.I., Vol. XIII, pp. 191-92. N.A.H.O., Deptt. Of History, Sambalpur University, Vol. II, 1978, p. 41. S.Tripathy, Op. cit., Footnote, p. 124. Ibid., p.126. Ibid. Ibid. ■■■ Junior Lecturer Government Women’s College Puri, Odisha Sangeetamishra6@yahoo.com 99 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 A STEP TOWARDS CULTURAL INVESTIGATION : REPORT ON ARCHAEOLOGICAL VESTIGES OF NAYAGARH DISTRICT, ODISHA Manoranjan Jena In the perspective of modern historical researches the need for making the micro-level study of different region is being realized and emphasized. The history of a particular state or a country cannot be constructed in a complete form without going for a detailed study of each and every region coming under its fold. So fare as the history of Odisha is concerned. It is said that half of the history of Odisha (including that of its Dark Age i.e. ancient and early medieval period) is possible only when a through and systematic study of archaeological remains of each region of the state is completed. The present topic which high lights the archaeological remains and sites in Nayagarh and their importance is a humble attempt in this direction. This will help certainly help extend dimension of the study of archaeology in Odisha. Nayagarh is one among the district of Odisha, which situated at a distance of 87 km. from Bhubaneswar, Capital of Odisha, Nayagarh lies between 19o 54’ to 200 32’ North latitude and 840 29’ to 85027’ East Longitude. Now it is located the west and Puri district, Surrounded by Cuttack district in the North, Phulbani district in the west, Ganjam district in the South and Khurda district in the East. Generally Nayagarh district is located on the East coast of Odisha. Nayagarh district consists of the four Gadajata States or ex-states of Ranpur, Nayagarh, Khandapara and Dasapalla (Flamsey 1950, Banerjee 1980). The founder of the Nayagarh Royal family was one Suryamani Singh from Rawa in the central provinces. He founded the kingdom in 1255 A.D. Nayagarh, one of the districts of Odisha possesses a large number of archaeological sites and monuments like temples, palaces, forts, Church, Odisha. For the convenience of our study we may broadly classify these remains into two categories. Such as :(1) (2) Religious remains Secular remains Further, religious remains may be studied under some heads such as Budhist and Jaina shrines and monuments. Hindu religious centers and monuments (Including these of Saiva, Sakta, Vaisnavite cults) Churches and Mosques in Nayagarh also present as the evidence of the religious coexistence for hundreds of years are found seldom (Nayagarh times 2002). Similarly the study of secular remains may include copper plates, inscriptions, Forts and Palaces. 100 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 RELIGIOUS ARCHAEOLOGY Buddhist & Jain Monuments :Anala Patta, about 20k.m. from Khandapara, is an important Buddhist site. Here are found four idols, believed to be one of them Buddhist and two of Jain pantheons. It is known as Buddhakhola, some call it Jogi-Jogini. Now it is as important as the Buddhakhola at Buguda in Ganjam district. Churchs & Mosques : There is only church at Nayagarh, but there are many Mosques at Dasapalla, Nuagaon, Sinduria (Two) Khandapara, Ranapur, Itamati and Machhipada (Mallick 2006). Brahmanic Religious Sites and Monuments: The archaeological exploration of different sites in Nayagarh leads us to believe that all the Principal sects of Hinduism or Brahminical religion such as Saivaism, Saktism and Vaisnavism found congenial atmosphere to flourish in this region since the early Christian era (Acharya 1997). A large number of archaeological remains found in forms of icons temples and other structure at different places not only testify to our believe but also prompt us to make brief study of few archaeological importance and sites in the district. VAISNAVA SHRINES: Nilamadhaba Temple at Kantilo: Kantilo is situated about 10 kms from Khandapara in Nayagarh district on the right bank of the River Mahanadi, Kantilo is famous for the temple at Nilamadhaba, which is situated on a low hillock traditionally known as Brahmadri pahada touching water of the river Mahanadi on the western and northern sides Nilamadhaba is the ancient most Vasnavite Shrine in Odisha, predating the shrine of lord Jagannath at Puri. The idol of lord Nilamadhaba through appears recent still originally is very old. It is roughly hewn body looks not very much human. It signifies its Savarian origin. The nearby Sabarpalli attest the Savarion back-ground at Nilamadhab (Mallick 2006). Ranpur: Ranpur is the most ancient ex-state or gadajatas Ranpur is the most important Vaisnavite centre where the Jagannath temple was reconstructed on the ruins of a collapse temple, some of the sculptures of the temple have been used at the time of reconstruction at the temple. It consists of Garbha Griha (Santum) Jagamohan, Natamandap, and Bhogamandap (Behera 1993). It is Nagar style. Here numberous monuments have been found which prove that Saivaism, Vasnavism and Saktism flourished in the Ranpur ex-state. 101 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Saranakul : Sarankul is situated at a distance of 13 kms from Nayagarh town on the Nayagarh, Bhanjanagar road which is famous for the temple of Ladukeswar & Ladubaba (Popularly as the deity is known) is regarded as Hari (Vishnu) and Hara (Siva) as the case with Lingaraj temple at Bhubaneswar. The Ladukeswar temple complex consisting the shrine, Jagamohna, Natamandap. Rosaghara and several miniature shrine for worship of Parvati and Jagannath (Acharya 1997). A Jhulana Mandap has also been built in the temple premises. The tank with stone paved embankment is located to the right side of the temple complex. The main entrance to the temple complex is flanked by two spiritualism figures. Odagaon: The famous temple of Ragahunath is located at Odagaon, a small town in Nayagarh Aska road at a distance of 25 kms from Nayagarh town. This place has been associated with Upendra Bhanja, the celebrated author of Odia literature in Odisha. Prior to the present shrine which came into being in the first decade of 20th century A.D Here appears to be smaller temple at this place (Mallick 2006). The present temple complex consists of the Deula, Jagamohan, Natamandap and the Bhogamandap. The main shrine, which conforms to Pancharatha Rekha order, all other structures in front are built in Pidha order (Mallick 2006). It is said that Odagaon was famous as the Ashram of Atri Rusi where Atri Rusi gave Amlan Bastra to Sita Wife of Sriramchandra. Nayagarh: Nayagarh we found various Brahmnaical monuments like Saivite temples, Vaisnavite temples and Sakta Shrines, forts & palaces which were destroyed by ravages of time, Jagannath temple at Nayagarh is famous as the Vaisnavite temple which is erected by Binayak Singh Mandhata in between 1788 and 1808 A.D. It is unfinished and built of Rekha order (Acharya 1997). Itamati: Itamati is situated at a distance of 5 kms from Nayagarh town on the Nayagarh, Bhubaneswar Road The small town It Itamati had religious shrines dedicated to Gopinath, Satyanaryana, Narayani, Mahadev. Most of the temple though conveyed the broad architectural features of latter Odisha temple. Kural: Village Kural located at a distance of 7 miles from Raghunath temple at Odagaon, contains a temple dedicated to the worship of God Dadhivamana. The ancient trade route between Ganjam and Sambalpur passes very close to the village. Malisahi: Malisahi village is situated at a distance of 10 kms from Nayagarh town. The village for the present preserved the Gatiswar Siva Temple constituted during the latter period of Ganga dynasty in Odisha. The temple complex consists of a Deula and Jagamohan. The Vaisnava idol represents art and iconography features at much later date. Figures of eight-armed Mahisamardini Durga and far-armed Isana are under worship in separate shrines within the premise. 102 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Khandapara: Kandapara was the capital of the Ex-State in same name in Nayagarh district, like other Ex-state, a Jagannath temple was built on the premises of the Royal patronage. The main temple is Rekha style and Jagamohan and Bhoga Mandap are in Pidha style and flat roofed. There are also many Brahaminical shrines found here. Other Vaisnavite Shrines: The Vaisnavite Deities are Radhanath Jew, Gopinath Jew hadbhavana Balaji at Nayagarh, Raghunath Jew and Madanmohan Jew at Badapandusara, Rasabihari at Baunisiapada, Mahavir temple, Radha Krushna temple, Gopinath Jew temple, Brajabihari temple at Dasapalla. Besides, there are so many Vaisnava shrine in the District (Acharya 1997). SHAIVA TEMPLES: Some prominent shaiva shrines in Nayagarh district are the twelve Swayambhu Siva; Ugreswar at Badapandusar, Dhabaleswar at Hachipur, Nilakantheswar at Chandrasekharpur, Kapileswar at Gunjabarana, Ladukeswar at Sarankul, Phuleswar at Bahadajhola, Singheswar at Jadupur, Madhukeswar at Rabera, Somanathdev at Govindapur, Mukteswar at Gotisahi, Duttikeswar at Jamupatana, Gatiswar at Malisahi, Ardhasambhu at Pachagada Dibyasinghpur. Besides there are so many Saiva temples scattered all over the district. Prominent among them are Swapneswar Dev, Rameswar Dev, Biswanath Dev, Mahimameru Dev at Nayagarh, Rameswar at Khandapara, Nilakatheswar at Olasa, Balukesware temple at Tikiripada, Khandia Deula at Padmavati, The temple of Swapenswar Dev of Ranpur was built by Chandrasekhar Narendra the king of Ranpur. Important Siva temple of Ranpur are Harihar Dev (Ranpur), Budha Linga Temple (Gopalpur), Nilakantheswar (Gopalpur), Kamaleswar Dev (Sinduria), Nilakantheswar Dev (Lekhanpur), Bholesvara Dev (Narasinghpur), Chandeswar Dev (Ranpur), Balukeswar Dev, Danda Balekeswar Dev at (Ranpur) and Beleswar Dev (Pataberani) SHAKTA SHRINES: Among Shakta shrines and temples are important Mani Nageswari at Ranpur, Durga Devi at Dasapalla (the tutelary deity of Dasapalla king) Kauri Thakurani, Durga Devi, Khameswari, Kathi Tahkurani, Dakinakali and Bauri Thakurani temple at Govindapur, Narayani at Malisahi, Jhadeswari at Sarankul, Narayani at Kantilo, Narayani at Badapandusara, Budhidei Thakurani at Olasa, Besides there are so many sakta shrines in Nayagarh district. It is to mention here that Bauri Thakurani at Nayagarh and Khandapara, Budhi Tahakurani Olasa, Kauri Thakura at Govindapur, Mani Nageswari at Ranpur used to accept human sacrifice in the past. Other Shakta Deities of Nayagarh District enshrined in Ranpur are Dhakhina Chandi (Sinduria) Tara Devi (Champagada) Narayan (near Ranpur) and Brahman Devi (Krushnapur). 103 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 SECULAR REMAINS Copper Plates: In 2003, seven copper plates were discovered while excavating an old well in the village Dhanchengada in Bhapur Block of Khandapara Assembly Constituency . The date back to early 9th and 10th century A.D. Superintendent, Archaeological survey of India, Odisha, examined the plates on 07.06.2005. One big copper plate weighting 4.5 k.g has inscription in Nagani script and a seal, which reads. “Shri Shankar Devasya’s of Bhauma dynasty”. There other copper plates jointly in the form of a ring weighing 1.6 K.G. have a seal of a lion figure and two lines on Nagani script. The rest three also in the form of a ring weight 1.1 kg and have inscriptions in ‘Nagani script’. These copper plates are preserved in the district treasury of Nayagarh Collectorate (Mallick 2006). Inscriptons; The Somanath Temple complex at Govindapur near Nayagarh has two stone inscriptions. The right side entrance door of Kauri Tahkurani and the front entrance door (Inner side), at Belesware Mahadev, have two inscriptions, which are yet to be deciphered. Another inscription of found on the foot-past of Goddess Sita in the Raghunath temple at Odagaon that reads “Shakabada Saramangala rutusya Odanayak”. FORTS AND PALACES: The kings of the ex-state of Nayagarh erected so many forts. The forts were at Badapandusara, Itamati, Khandapada, Asuradhipa, Nayagarh, Bhatasahi, Ralaba, Kurala, Haripur and Sunamuhi. Only the fort at Nayagarh is in good condition whereas the fort of Khandapara. Dasapalla and Ranpur are in ruined condition. CONCLUSION: In the concluding lines it may be said that the above study of archaeological sites and monuments in Nayagarh is neither complete nor comprehensive. In spite of our sincere attempts there is probability that a few sites with remains of archaeological importance might have escaped our notice. Further a sinkable amount of remains laying buried under earth at different sites still await the spade of archeologists. Therefore a complete picture of archaeology in Nayagarh is possible only when each area of the district is brought under though survey and every important site is properly explored and excavated (Where ever necessary) with a view to bringing all the hither to hidden treasure of remains to light. 104 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 References and Notes: P.K. Archarya, Sankshipta Odisha : ‘O’ Nayagarh Itihas (Oriya), Nayagarh, 1997 B.N. Mallick, Nayagarh Zillara Pratnatatiwika Bibhaga (Oriya), Bhubaneswar, 2006 S. Baliarsingh, Ranpur, Itihasa (Oriya) Raj- Ranpur, 1988. Final Report on the ‘Original Survey and settlement operations on the Ranpur ex-state area’, 1943-1952 p-4. R.D. Banerjee, “History of Orissa,” Vol.-1, 1980, Bharatiya Publicity House, P-4. Cobolen Famsey “The Feudatory states of Orissa”, 1950. Nayagarh Times, December (1-15), 2002 , P-3 G.C. Mishra, Odisara Deva Devi (Oriya) Vol.1- Cuttack, 1980. K.C. Panigrahi, Nayagarh, Itihas, P – 12 P. Nilamani Senapati, Puri district Gezettier P. Acharya, Studies in Orissa History, Archaeology and archives, Cuttack, 1969, K.S. Behera, Temples of Orissa, Sahita Academy, Bhubaneswar, 1993. ■■■ Research Scholar Department of History Ravenshaw University, Cuttack 105 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 A GLANCE OVER HEADLESS STATUES OF KUSHANA RULERS Vindhyavasini Introduction One of the most developed period and landmark of Indian History is the time covered by Kushana dynasty. The total period of their reign is considered as one of the most glorious phase for Indian art and aesthetics, especially the Gandhara art patronized by Kushanas. They empowered over an extensive territory nearly not only in North India but also in a considerable territory as far as Central Asia (Map 1). Map I: Map showing the spread of Kushan Empire 106 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 The term ‘Kushana’ is essentially a modern appellation. It is universally accepted as the Chinese rendering of the word spelt in several sources as Kushana. It is derived from probably a Chinese work ‘Guishuang’ i.e; the Kushanas. The name Kushan as a word and its recognizable variants or alternatives , as they appears on many Indian epigraphs and coins of the 1st to 5th centuries, seem to have denoted originally a family of rulers. It denotes those king for whom a solid line of succession can be established from Kujula kadphises (believed to be the founder of the dynasty), as well as for their dynasty Kuei-chuang as a whole and the political entity over which they ruled. The Kushana Empire was originally founded in the early 1st century CE under Kujula Kadphises in the territories of ancient Bactria around the Oxus and later based near Kabul, Afghanistan. The Kushanas spread from the Kabul River valley to defeat other Central Asian tribes that had previously conquered parts of the northern central Iranian Plateau once ruled by the Parthians, and reached their peak under the Buddhist Emperor Kanishka (127CE–151CE), whose realm stretched from Turfan in the Tarim Basin to Mathura in modern state of western Uttar Pradesh, although their findings in the form of coins are discovered from far flung areas of Pataliputra on the Gangetic Plain and Bengal (Map I). Through the famous Rabatak inscription of Kushans, we also get to know that Kushan Empire included within itself, the cities of Kaundinya, Ujjaini, Saketa, Kausambhi, Pataliputra and Champa. The immediate successors of Kanishka were Huvishka, Vasudeva, Kanishka II and others, the last well known king Vasudeva II. The Empire started declining from the time of Vasudeva I, in about the mid 2nd century CE and Vasudeva II was the last Kushana Emperor (Singh 2008: 376). Sr. No. Name of the King Date 1. Kujul Kadphises Mid 1st cent AD 2. WimaTakto Late 1st cent. AD 3. Wima Kadphises Early 2nd cent AD 4. Kanishka AD 127-150 5. Huvishka AD 150-190 6. Vasudeva AD 190-230 7. Kaniska II AD230-245 8. Vaishka AD245-260 9. Kaniska III Late 3rd cent AD. 10. Vasudeva 107 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Chinese literary and Buddhist sources give detail accounts regarding the Kushana Empire. Among them, Pan-Ku’s account Hau-Han-Shu and Fan-Ye’s account Sian-Han-Shu is noteworthy. Moreover, the coins, inscriptions and excavated materials also provide the information about the life of Kushana period. Headless sculptures Sculptural remains play a significant role in studying Art History and ancient times. They help archaeologists and historians to analyze various aspects of specific periods. Archaeologists and scholars have discovered enormous sculptural remains belonging to several periods. Kushana period is one of the prosperous period of ancient Indian History that holds a number of characteristics and specifications. Talking about sculptural remains, Kushana rulers were quite different from others in this as well. They used to get their own effigies and statues made. Also, their portraits have been found not only on coins but also on stones. Here my main focus will on be headless statues of Kanishk although I will talk about few other rulers as well. Kushana’s statues have been found from sites of India and Afghanistan. Till now only three headless statues of Kushana king have been found. One from Mathura (Uttar Pradesh, India) and another from Surkh-Kotal (Afghanistan). Both of these sites provide stimulating information about cult practices and rituals of Kushan dynasty. These statues used to be in Devkul (sanctum). Other statues of Kushana rulers have also been recovered but they are in much damaged state. Mat (Mathura, India) This archaeological site is situated in Mathura city of Uttar Pradesh in India. It was discovered from Pandit Radha Krishna Shastri, who was a native to Mathura. The site was discovered from the agricultural fields of hillock. It is known as ‘Tokari Tila’ is this village. The site, Mat is located around 14.5 KM north from Mathura on eastern bank of Yamuna river (Singh 2009). The above mentioned statue was found in 1911(Singh 2009:369).The dynastic shrine discovered at Mat centered on the grandfather of Huvishka. A broken portrait of Huvishka has been found with damaged inscription. The inscription mentions about the temple of Wima (Rosenfield 1993: 369). From this site archaeologists have recovered headless statue of Kushana ruler Vim Kadphises. This huge portrait is 6’10’’ tall and it is in European (Uddichyvesh) pose. The statue has been shown seated on a lion throne. The head and upper part of throne are absent. In his right hand Vima Kadphises (Fig. 1) holds a sword. The hilt of sword is somewhat preserved. Its left hand is broken and it is placed on scabbard laid over the knees. Legs of statues 108 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 are covered with a trouser that is heavily folded. Also, he wears thickly padded boots and those have vine patterns. His legs are resting over a foot stool (padapitha) and there is an inscription that says ‘maharajrajatirajdevoputro Kushana putraheshahivemtaksham’. Taksham is an Old Iranian word that means brave or strong. Perhaps the inscription represents his royal position. Fig. 1: Seated headlss statue of King VimaKadphises (Mat), Height- 6’10’’ Talking about Kanishka, the statue had been recognized on the basis of inscription ‘MaharajRajatirajDevputrKanishko’. It is written in nail headed Kushana Brahmi. The head and of arms were missing from the statue but it was sufficient remains were there to show that it was a life size statue of warrior king Kanishka (Fig. 2). In the left hand he has hilt of sword that is well ornamented. He has firmly grasped the hilt (Singh2009: 269). The body is slim and simple clothing has been put on this. It wears knee length tunic that is gathered at the waist by a belt. On tunic it has ankle length outer robe. The clothes are not defined by the size and shape of statue but they have their own style and size. Clothing is tight fitting that is totally different from Indian art style (Huntington 1985: 128). Statue has large feet and those are covered with heavy boots. Boots are strapped round the ankles. Boots are expanded and planted firmly on ground that are making angle in geometric form (Singh 2008: 269). Soles of boots are flat and crease marks can also be easily seen on boots. In a nutshell, this statue is not in Indian style (Hutington 1985:128). Portrait is in standing position that indicates rigid and bold posture. It has a long meter mace in the left hand. In right hand, it has sword or dagger like things. It has gestures like some warrior. 109 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Fig. 2: Standing Statue of King Kanishaka (Mat, Height-5’7.5’’) Surkh-Kotal, Afghanistan Afghanistan has given the scholars another interesting headless statue of Kanishka (Fig. 3). It has been discovered from Baghlan region (Map II) of Surkh-Kotal in Afghanistan (Ball 2008: 266). Danial Schulmberger had discovered this site in 1951(Nehru 189: 30). A team of French Archaeologists excavated the site during 1952-1963 (Ball 2008: 266) under his supervision.This excavation discovered a huge stone inscription of 25 lines that are written in cursive Greek letters and central Iranian language. Inscription says that this acropolis of Kanishka Nikator sanctuary to which king Kanishka gave his name (Ball 2008: 266). As result of excavation, Archaeologists found a dynastic sanctum (devkul) like in Mat (Mathura, India). Total five sculptures had been found. Kanishka’s statue was one of those. This was headless and armless to just like Mat sculpture. One thing that differentiates between Mat and Surkh-Kotal sculpture is the material. Surkh-Kotal statue is made of lime stone (Ball 2008: 266). 110 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Map II: Location of SurkhKotal Fig. 3: Standing statue of King Kanishka (Surkh-Kotal) In this portrait Kanishka can be seen wearing decorative tunic vine rinceanthat reaches below the knees. Kanishka has also put on a heavy top-coat. Apart from that, it has a full wide blouse and salwar. It has foot straps over his shoes (Biswas & Sharma 2004:176). 111 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Another difference between Surkh-Kotal and Mat statues are that- Kanishka from Mat seems to be ready for battle but Kanishka from Surkh-Kotal seems peaceful. Conclusion Kushana art is one of the splendorous arts of ancient India. During the time of Kanishka, two important schools were developed. One was known as Mathura school of art and other was one known as Gandhara School of art. We can see these arts on different type of medium, which had been used by artistsin form of stone, terracotta, stucco, ivory and metal. Mathura school of art was indigenous but Gandhara School of art was mixture of different art styles. We get to see both style of arts on royal statues of Kushana rulers at Mat and Surkh-Kotal. Kushana period is especially important when we have to talk about self-portraits of rulers. Kushanas started this trend and this is one of the most distinctive characteristic of this era. After Kushana rulers, this trend is rarely visible and that is why it becomes significant for scholars to study the trend. References: Nehru, Lolita, Origin of Gandharan Style: A study of Contributory Influences, Oxford University Press,1989,Delhi. Marshal, John, The Buddhist Art of Gandhara, The Story of the Early School its birth, Growth and Decline, Department of Archaeology and Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, Museums, Karachi. R.C. Sharma and Pranati Goshal, Buddhism and Gandhar Art, 2001, Aryan Books International, New Delhi. Jayaswal, Vidula, Glory of Kushanas, 2012, Aryan Books International, New Delhi Huntigton, Susan L., Ancient India: Buddhist, Hindu, Jain, 1985, Weatherhill, New York, Tokyo. Ball, Warwick, The Monuments of Afghanistan: History Archaeology and Architect, 2008, I.B. Tauris & Co. Limited, London. Singh, Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India, Pearson Longman, 2008, Delhi. Agrawala, V.S., Indian Art, Motilal Banarasidas Publication,Varanasi. John, M. Rosenfield, Dynastic arts of the Kushans, 1967, California. ■■■ 1503, Wazirnagar, New Delh-110003 Email id: vindhya7101985@gmail.com 112 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 GODDESSES ASSOCIATED WITH MARITIME ACTIVITIES OF ODISHA Dr. Adweta Kumar Sahoo Odisha enjoyed a commanding position in Eastern India in ancient and early medieval periods of history acting as a gateway between Aryavattta and Dakshinapatha. The people of Ancient Odisha were expert in maritime activities. Odisha which constitutes the core area of historic Kalinga of ancient and medieval fame enjoyed a great maritime past of commercial and colonial activities duly noted by the Greek, Roman, Arab and Chinese authors. Overseas trade and maritime activities of the ancient Odisha is one of the fascinating subjects of Odishan history. From the time immemorial she had her reputation for seafaring and as such played a prominent role in the trans-oceanic commerce and maritime history of India. It was a great power and resourceful on account of its maritime trade and oversea colonies. The frame of Kalinga as maritime power in ancient times that Kalidas mentioned in his Raghuvamsa1.It is presumed that the flourishing maritime trade led to the growth of urban centers and urbanization along the coast in ancient Odisha. Kalinga, the ancient name of Odisha, played an important role in maritime activities of India. The merchants sailed far and wide in search of wealth. The commercial zeal and adventurous spirit were the striking forces to stimulate the Odishan peoples to initiate the maritime activities. Indeed the glory and prosperity of the land developed upon its maritime trade and overseas activities. The Greek, Roman, Arab and Chinese sources reveal the geographical location of Odisha as on the eastern sea board describing it as a gateway to the over sea expansion of religion, philosophy, art and architecture in the south and south east Asian countries, which still bear their glaring imprints2. From the inception of the Christian era, the people of the region were known for their trade activities in and outside India. The author of the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea and Greek geographer Ptolemy mentioned that a number of ports existed in Odisha like Palura, KatiKardam, Kangara and Manda. Fi-Hien, the Chinese pilgrim of the fourth century A.D, has also left a graphic account of an Odishan port named Tamralipti.3Further, two other famous ports Antapura and Kalinganagar have been described in the contemporary Indian Literature. However during the late Middle Ages, when Odisha came under the Mughals the seaports of the region were thriving. The ancient centers of trade and sea ports have either been submerged by the sea or rivers. In the seventeenth century, when the European merchants began their adventure in eastern trade almost all of them gravitated towards the Odishan coast for commercial activities. But old European trade settlements had left nothing except some cemeteries and ruins. The maritime activities on high sea were very risky and dangerous. The cyclone, heavy storm, sea piracy, ship-wrecking are frequent on the sea. To overcome such difficulties merchants and 113 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 sailors took blessings and grace of divine powers for successful voyages and to escape perils in the sea. The role of Sakti or mother Goddess was vital both in inland and over sea trade and commerce. The Devi was believed to protect the ships from the epidemic dangers in the voyages. There are number of temples situated on Odishan coast dedicated to Goddesses closely linked with maritime trade of Odisha. Goddess Kali called Lankeswari was worshipped in the village Miragadi in Balasore district associated with maritime activities. The lower portion of the body of the Goddess is buried in the sand. The Goddess is popular among the local people of this area. The mariners worshipped her for their safety return and to ensure a prosperous voyage. But it is believed that the goddess wasthe presiding deity of Srilanka when Ravan reigned andfought with Sri Ramachandra, the hero of Ramayana. The Goddesss being pleased by the prayer and worship of Sri Ramachandra deserted Ravan and come to this spot. Goddess Gardananaikani, one of the eight nayikas or attendants of Chandi at Balaramgarhi was worshipped by the local people for their safe return from deep sea.Balaramgarhi was a medieval port site of Odisha where the river Budhabalanga falls in the sea.4 The Goddess Nimakali temple stands at the heart of Balasore town was worshipped by the merchants and sailors before setting out for sea trade. Goatsand sheeps were sacrificed before her for secure and safety sea trade5. Goddess Dakeswari temple is situated in the village Orasahi on the bank of the river Vaitarani near the sea coast. The presiding deity twelve armed MahismardinDurga is worshipped as Goddess Dakeswari. The goddess is known as Dakeswari because she is believed to reply to call her devotees and to help them in their time of distress and misery. A huge iron anchor anda brass made cannons noticed from this place. This place is more significant and becomes customary for the fishermen and boatmen to pay her obeisance before rowing their boats in the river or enter into the sea.6 Goddess Dhamarai along with other was worshipped especially by the fisherman community at Dhamara on the confluence of rivers Vaitarani and Brahmani. The fishermen community worshipped Goddess Dhamarai for safety and secure boatingand fishing in the sea. Like GoddessMangala, she is worshipped at the crew of a boat. The temple DariyaRamachandi located in Jambu Island near Pradeep at the mouth of river Mahanadi. The image is very significant for its sculptural uniqueness. The stone sculpture of Goddess is seated in a boat. The merchants and sailorsworshipped for safety voyages. The fishermen community offers her puja and sacrifices animals on the Mahavisuva Sankranti day for better livelihood7. The image of MahisamardinDurgais enshrined in a temple named as Ramachandi located in the sea-shore of Puri-Konarkroad.Goddess acted as the guardian deity of the sea port which was flourished at the mouth of river Kushabhadra. The navigators paid their homage to the goddess 114 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 before setting out their sea voyages and on return tohome. The fishermen used to worship this deity with fish offerings.8 The temple of Bali Harachandi is situated on a sand dune on the valley of the river Bhargarvi to its south and in the close proximity of the ChilikaLake. The surrounding forest areas, the river channel and the blue water of Chilikalakeenhance the scenic beauty of the temple. The temple is said to have been constructed byRamachandradev-II of Bhoi dynasty. But the iconography features of the deity are akin to the images of Vaital and Sisirswara temples of Bhubaneswar assigned to the Bhaumakar period9. The image being worshipped here in an eight armed MahisamardinDurgaon a demon, who is in anthromorphic from. The image is made of coarse stone and shows crude workmanship. The men from fishermen community of vicinity areas come to this place regularly for offering Puja to the Devi for safeguard of their life and property while on fishing on the Sea and Lake .The Goddess is scared to the navigators and fishing folk who use to present this deity with fish offerings. The shrine of the Goddess known as Banki-MuhanRamachandi is located in Puri town where the river Banki anciently merged into sea, still now speaks about the past glory of this place as harbor suburb of the city of Jagannath. The MahisamardinDurgaimage is the presiding deity of the temple was established by Bhaumamonarchs of Odisha.10 The Narayani temple is situated near Khalikote in Ganjam district. Presiding deity is ten armed MahisamardinDurga image is worshipped as Narayani. The Bhagabati temple is located on the edge of a deep pool with a high enclosure at Banapur town. The local tradition ascribes its construction to the Gajapati Maharaja of Puri. Both the Goddesses Narayani and Bhagabati are closely linked with maritime activities of Odisha. People of the area worshipped the Goddesses for better living and prosperity mainly depend upon Chilika Lake11 Goddess Mangala of Kakatapur in Puri district associated with navigation and trade in Prachivalley. The river Prachi was once large tidal river but now it is deposited with sand. The four armed Goddess seated inLalitasana ona double pedestal. Her upper right hand holds disk while the lower right holds a rosary. She holds a blooming lotus in her upper left hand while lower left hand is shown in the pose of counting.A legend runs in the Prachi valley that the representative image of mother Mangala was carried by sea to Kakatapur by an Odia Sadhavacoming from Ceylon. The legend created to connect the shrine with the past maritime glory of Prachi valley in such way as to give more importance to the shrine itself12.The bronze bell hangs inside the jagamohan of the temple is engraved with a legend-brace 15th May, 1927 indicating the Portuguese interference in the religious affairs of the place during their course of trade in coastal areas Odisha and their settlement at Kakatapur via Prachi river.13 A four armed image of Parvati is seated pose is worshipped in the name of Citreswari at the ruined fort Golaragarh in Puri district14 She is the protectress of the navigators in the oversea trade and commerce. 115 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Goddess Kalijai enshrined on a small island in the midst of Chilika Lake.The ChilikaLake was an important starting point for oversea trade in early medieval period.The boatmen and fishing folk greatly revered Goddess Kalijai while sailing across deep water of that lake. She is considered the chief protectress and savior of the sailors15 A shrine at Bhusandapur near Khurda town is dedicated to Goddess Ugra-Tara. The Goddess is four armed and stands on a prostrate corpse engulfed by flames of the funeral pyre. She is carrying a skull and a lotus in left hand and a sword and katari in right hand. The people worshipped the goddess to obtain blessings for their boating and fishing on Chilika Lake16. The twin Goddesses Tara-Tarini enshrined in a temple situated in river valley of Rishikulya. The merchants worshipped Tara-Tarini to get the grace of goddess for their safetyjourney in the deep sea. The port of Kangoda was flourished in the mouth of the same river. The Odia merchants used to sail regularly from the Kangoda port to reach far away countries of South East Asia for trade and commerce17. The Ramachandi temple situated on the right bank of river Rishikulya at a distance about 5 kms from Ganjam town. The heads of three Goddess installed in the sanctum of the temple and worshipped in the names ofRamachandi,Harachandi and Jayachandi. The sailors and sea faring merchants paid their homage to the Goddess Ramachandi before setting out their ships for protection and prosperity in trade. A small cave like temple situated at the foot Hill of Mansurkota Mountain is dedicated to sea Goddess Gangesuni or Gangachandi. Monsurkota was an apheterianor point of departure for South East countries mentioned in accounts of Greek Geographer Ptolemy. The merchants prayed the Goddess for blessing before sailing their vessels in the deep sea. The people of this area worshipped the Goddess with great enthuastically for protection and prosperity. The temple at the village named Mantridi in Ganjam district is dedicated to the sea goddess SidhaBhairabi. The Goddess associated with maritime trade.The merchants prayed the Goddess forsecure journey and prosperity in trade18. The Lankeswari temple located on a small rock in the bed of river Mahanadi near Sonepur town. Goddess Lankeswari also called Pascimasvar Lanka mentioned in the records of Telugu-Coda kings of Sonepur territory. She is associated with maritime activities form early times. She is worshipped daily by fishermen and boatmen plying in the river19. Goddess Ghanteswari of Chipilima is very popular among the fishermen community. She is the presiding deity of the village and got tremendous popularity among the adjoining areas. She is closely connected with maritime activities of western Odisha and also considered this place as starting point of trade route through river Mahanadi from western Odisha to Bay of Bengal20. The worship of GoddessVaseli,the horse-headed tutelary deity of the fishermen community of coastal Odisha The fishermen community worship the GoddessVaseli with boat on Chaitra Purnima(full-moon day of Chaitra, March-April) with much grandeur. GoddessVaseli in the form of she-horse, a manifestation of the great Goddess as the protectress of fishermen and boatmen. The famous dance festival (Ghodanata) held in honour of Vaseli21. 116 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 In addition to these, other prominent Goddesses like Charchika at Banki, Bhatarika at Baramba,Viraja at Jajapur, Astamahabhaya at Ratnagiri, Sadabhuja Mariachi at Sajangarh, Asthabhya Mariachi at Astharanga, Patna Mangala at Narendrapur, MatiaMangala at Rajnagar, Panchubarahi at Satabhya are closely associated with maritime activities of Odisha. In the conclusion it is clear that religion and religious activities are associated with all social and economic activities of Odisha. Goddesses have occupied a prominent place and played vital role in the maritime activities of Odisha. References; 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. K.S Behera-‘Maritime Trade in Ancient India’ in Side Light on History and Culture of Orissa. Cuttack, 1977, p-115. N.R.Patnaik-“Cultural Contact of Orissa with Asian Countries through Maritime Activities’ inRavenshaw Historical Journal,Vol-VI,2008,p-44 Ibid, p-43 B.Patra-Studies in Heritage, History and Archaeology of Orissa,Kolkata, 2008,pp-236-237 R.K.Mishra-Traditions of Temples and Shrines in Ancient Sea Ports of Kalinga,OHRJ,Vol.XXIII,No-1-4,p-106 T.E.Donaldson-Tantra and Sakta Art of Orissa, Vol.I, New Delhi, 2002,pp-41-42 B.Patra-op.cit-pp-239-40 F.Brighenti-Sakti Cult in Orissa, New Delhi, 2002,p-115 Ibid-p114 Ibid p-185 T.E.Donaldson-op.cit-p-151 F.Brighenti-op.cit-pp-186-187 P.K. Ray (ed) Prachi Valley, Archaeological Survey Report-1974-75, Orissa State Archaeology, Bhubaneswar, 1975 p-60 F.Brighenti-op.citp-115 Ibid T.E.Donaldson-op.cit-p-49 H.C.Das-Sakti Pithas-A Study,Bhubaneswar,1999,pp-167-171 B.Patra-op.cit-pp-244-45 J.Dora- “Maritime Goddess Associatedd with Tradition of Maritime Activities in Orissa’ Proceedings of OHC,XXVI Session,2004,p-73 Ibid K.B Das-A Study of Orissan Folk-Lore,Santiniketan,1953,pp-60-66 ■■■ Junior Lecturer in History Govt. Junior College, Rourkela 117 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 CONSERVATION OF PALMLEAF MANUSCRIPTS IN ODISHA Arun Kumar Nayak INTRODUCTION: India is one of the few countries in the world to have possessed with a rich and ancient legacy of strong literary tradition which are documentary heritage of our glorious past. Being the land of around 1600 languages and dialects it also exhibits various scripts and atleast there are 23 major languages in India which have scripts of their own. Our documentary heritage even pre-dates Christian era sicne the period of Harappan civilization till the date. In India, Odisha is a land of glorious past with rich culture and heritage. It has been a melting pot of intellectual activity for various knowledge systems. All of these knowledge systems were preserved in written form on various materials like rock, copper, paper, metals, palmleaf, cloth, birch bark, sanchipot etc. Scribes were specially employed to copy the these knowledge forms on these supporting materials which include epics like the Ramayana, the Mahabharata, Puranas, Medicine (Ayurveda), Tantra, philosophy, religion, literature, astronomy, astrology, architecture (shilpa shastra, vastu) etc. This act of reproducing the manuscripts has been in India and Odisha since ancient times till the advent of paper and printing machines, say till 19th Century A.D. Almost there was competition amongst the royal households, nobles, general public to scribe upon palm leaf, hence a popular form of writing which has longevity and continuity since ages. From time immemorial man has been depending upon plants for their sustenance including that for the writing purposes even. Why palm plant? Because palm leaves are having durability, availability and better suitability to scribe with iron stylus that serves for dissemination of our ancient knowledge system and processes. Moreover palm plants are seen in plenty as it is a tropical plant in south Asian region, including that of the Odisha. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF PALMLEAF MANUSCRIPTS IN ODISHA: Like other parts of India we have a long tradition of using palmleaf as writing material in Odisha. Being the product of agrarian society it is in vogue as far as its utility is concerned. As it is an organic material, it is susceptible to different kinds of wear and tear. But still it has better longevity compared to other organic support material, hence a popular medium of propagating our ancient knowledge system since ages till the advent of modern techniques that we use today. Moreover, it is in 15th/16th Century A.D. when the Mss writing was at its peak due to Bhakti movement in the erstwhile Utkala and this Bhakti movement was Vaishnavite in its character. But important fact is that due to this movement it indirectly fuelled for literacy movement in medieval Odisha as every pious Hindu would then like to read the vernacular “Srimad Bhagawat” written by noted literature Jagannath Dash, which was the culmination point of its 118 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 nature. The Great Pancha Sakha of erstwhile Utkala proved how religion can be attached with the culture and education in a most secular atmosphere inspite of constant threat of foreign invasion from North and South. And all these were written in Palmleaves; thus palmleaf Mss in a way retains the identity of our region and religion as we have more than thousands of years of tradition the extant of which still available today in museums and repositories. Hence it will be great dis-service to the nation if the intellectuals of our times do forget these priceless literary heritage of ours which are still stored and displayed in various museums and archives as well as in public and private libraries including that of in both organized and un-organized sectors in the state. Thus it should be our immense pleasure and privilege to scientifically document, conserve and disseminate its themes and things that the posterior generation needs to know and keep it preserved as long as it goes. CONTEMPORARY RELEVANCE OF THE PALMLEAF MANUSCRIPTS: It is an established fact that writing and documenting the History is not as strong as we see in Greek tradition as far as India and Odisha for that matter is concerned. As a result, our historical writings still depend upon the seminal works of foreign travelers to India and the reference used in abroad regarding the status of our nation-states. Why it is so? Though we have so many tools of data in the form of tangible heritage like monuments with art and architecture, inscriptions, epigraphy, rock edicts, manuscripts, we have failed to decipher and disseminate them for reconstructing our ancient as well as medieval history, especially in Odisha. The result being that most part of our ancient and medieval history is silent on many aspects including that of historical, social, cultural life of this land. Now comes the role of the tangible heritage in general and palmleaf manuscripts in particular which would come in big way to provide direction and content for writing or re-constructing our ancient history and it is in this realm that due to their better longevity Palmleaf manuscripts could provide immense information and data to our knowledge system and beliefs.If deciphered then the local as well as pan-Odishan history of this great land including that of its social, cultural, religious and political life of the then-Odia could come to limelight and thus it would provide raw material for the further research into the same. Our ancient medicinial system like Ayurveda could get fresh lease of life if Ayurvedic Manuscripts could be subjected better and greater bio-chemical research including that of the retrieving our ancient knowledge system that may provide some insight into our then-society. By using these manuscripts we can make further research on medicinal herbs and plants that could give fruitful result to society when modern medical treatment is not yielding its due result in many diseases. The research and development of ancient health system will get momentum if these ayurvedic manuscripts could be collected, preserved, published and disseminated with proper research. 119 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Also the contents of the palmleaf manuscripts reflect the socio-cultural belief of the by-gone era of our society. So it would enlighten us about our local tradition and ethos of then period. Moreover the ancient manuscripts are not only our treasure trove but it is a dying technique as writing through a stylus upon palmleaf is not prevalent in modern days. To scribe upon palm leaves it needs expertise, patience and interest which is not seen now-a-days. So this a show case of the ancient India to our posterity as a form of art and antiquities which is having its heritage value. Hence preserving the manuscripts and copying it further would keep the long tradition of writing upon palmleaf intact. As a museological-archival material this should be preserved and propagated through these institutions so that the antiquities could be better disseminated to the generations. Types of Palm-leaf used for Manuscripts: There are about 4000 palm species in world but two of them namely, ‘Tala’ or ‘Sri Tala” are in use for the purpose of manuscripts. The botanical name of Tala is ‘Borassus flabellifer’ or commonly called as Palmyra palm, and that of Sri Tala is ‘Coryphaumbra culifera’ or Talipot palm. Tala palm leaves are used in Odisha for writing purposes as it is abundantly seen in our coastal areas. First the fresh unripe leaves of the palm tree are first cut and sun dried , then submerged in the swampy areas of the ponds for weeks and then air dried again without directly exposing to the sun rays. After dried it is washed in water, subjected to turmeric paste, cut into sizes with punch holes in the middle to tie by thread and finally the text or illustrations are engraved through an iron stylus and carbon black is used to make the write up visible or distinct one. Sometimes after the etching the leaf is rubbed with a paste made of bean-leaves, charcoal from coconut shell, til oil and turmeric to give flexibility as well as make it insect proof. This freshly prepared leaf is then wiped with a piece of cloth and the pastes deposited in the etched portions of the palm-leaves are prominent to see. For painting or illustrations of the palm-leaves, the vegetable and mineral colours are used. This process of seasoning the palm-leaves before writing or engraving gives it a characteristic colour as well as insecticidal properties while infusing flexibility in long run and for this reason our palm-leaf manuscripts can be preserved normally for hundreds of years if not exposed to extremes of the climatic variations of temperature, relative humidity, light, etc which makes the palm-leaves brittle and destroy eventually. The Etching tradition: a dying art in Odisha: The etching or painting on the seasoned palm-leaves is also an art as one has to be technically sound to incise the palm-leaf through an iron stylus. Now-a-days this tradition is almost extinct due to introduction of paper and printing press and naturally the rural folks who were adept in this writing have switched over their activity to other fields of profession and thus we have lost this tradition, the style of works, and their expertise is no where seen. It is said that the Odia 120 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 script was shaped so circularly due to writing on palm-leaf as the script was bound to change and takes a cursive shape on the palm-leaf due to its parallel venation where-in the the vascular venation system of plant leaves are parallel to each other and nature provides an opportunity to sustain and maintain the writing style. Due to this nature of leaves, the scripts when written , the leafy materials are not subjected to tearing away of the same and the alphabets are incised with ease and comfort. Our scripts are like that of South Indian scripts due to this etching tradition on palm-leaf. As Odisha is historically and culturally linked to South India from the period of Kharavela to medieval ages, it was quite natural that Odia script was influenced by the South Indian cursive writings, and credit must go to the nature of support material, i.e., palm-leaf. Therefore palm-leaf manuscripts are not only our pride or identity but also the torch bearer of our socio-cultural ethos through the ages while upholding the thousands of years of art traditions through etching and incising on palm-leaves, which has now being turned out as a dying art, and should be preserved for posterity through various mechanisms, i.e., copying, digitizing, conserving and preserving through modern state of the art technology or indigenous practices. Material & Technology of Palm-leaf Manuscsripts: The palm-leaf as said earlier is an organic in origin as available from Palmyra Palm plant. Biochemically it is made up of carbohydrates, and proteins along with other compounds. Carbohydrates is an organic compound constituted by the chemical elements like carbon, hydrogen, oxygen and other elements in a fixed proportion and found as celluloses, hemicelluloses, etc. The palm-leaf therefore is made up of celluloses, hemicelluloses, lignin, fats, minerals, resins and colouring agents. The celluloses are polymers of mono-saccharides of glucoses which are commonly seen hexose sugars and it contains 10,000 monomers as units in it which are chemically bonded in straight form though can not be seen to the naked eye. This cellulose rings in the chain is packed and bundled and not seen in free state. This cellulosic rings with other constituents give it to crystalline and non-crystalline regions which are permeable to water or any fluids. Thus the skeletal structures of the palm-leaves are nothing but the cellulosic fibres and the flexibility of the leaves are due to its fat contents, and the binding strength is given by gums or resinous substances which also consist of linked rings of carbohydrates like that of glucose molecules but with complex branched structure. Gums are also permeable to water and the fluids. Lignin or pectin substances give the durability to the leaves and form complex acids when undergone oxidation or hydrolysis and cause embrittlement of the manuscripts. So the decay of the palm-leaf is naturally due to climatic factors like light, relative humidity , temperature etc. Light is an electromagnetic radiation and cause destruction of the organic compounds of the leaves due to its penetrating capacity of ultra-violet rays and also due to the photo-chemical reaction with the various constituents of the leaves. Similarly the relative humidity provides moisture in a humid atmosphere in the coastal parts and along with the high temperature it causes immense problems for the leaves like stacking of folios of the bundles of 121 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 manuscripts, dirty, dusty, growth of fungi, attack of insects etc. So climatic factors, polluting factors and that of biological factors do damage the palm-leaf manuscripts in combined manner due to the inherent properties of the palm-leaf as described in the material and technology of the palm-leaf materials. Conservation: Definition and Nature The word ‘Conservation’ means a practice that protects and enhances the cultural value of any art object. It is a process that varies from simple repair or maintenance to that of highly complicated nature. It emphasizes that of fumigation, documentation, digitization, restoration etc that provides longevity to the manuscripts. Going by the definition, it says that Conservation is any direct or indirect action on a damaged or undamaged manuscript aimed at enhancing the life of the manuscript. There are two types of conservation as far as their nature is concerned; preventive and curative conservation. The former is the indirect and latter is nothing but the direct action which increases the life expectancy of the manuscripts. For example, the reorganisation, inspection, using indigenous practices for repelling insects and other microbes from manuscripts, ecology and maintenance of collection centre or almirahs etc are all called preventive conservation, and similarly any action directly doing certain practices or techniques on the palm-leaves like fumigation, solvent cleaning, tissue lining etc are called curative conservation. In the field especially the mutts, temples, individual households etc the manuscripts are in bad state of conservation due to inadequate of funding and negligence at the hand of the keeper. It is also costly matters as one can not get the staff engaged with the state of the art technology and thus they should approach certain methodology so that it will be preserved for the posterity and if require they may go for indigenous practices of conservation like applying Neem, Turmeric, black cumin, sweet flag, cloves, pepper, cinnamon, camphor etc in different forms and mixture in certain techniques as a preventive measure so that the manuscripts are not allowed to deteriorate at less expense and it is not involved with so much of techniques and technology as seen in the modern day practices. Modern Conservation Practices: Hence to preserve the manuscripts of posterity we need to opt for preventive as well as curative conservation practices like documentation, fumigation, dry and solvent cleaning, tissue filling, integration, threading and binding, regaining flexibility etc. These manuscripts are first documented properly and subjected to fumigation with proper insecticides and fungicides. Then they are cleaned with soft brushes, if necessary also applied solvents and subsequently the tissue lining or filling to fill the gaps or holes which are caused by the insects. If there is any thread loss, then a new thread compared with the central hole on the leaf with the acid free cover boards be used to protect the leaves. 122 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Sometimes the folios are stacked with one another due to improper storage and preservation. In that case, each and every folio is to be treated with solvent cleaning, generally with Ethyl Alcohols with some insecticides. And while applying Alcohols, precautions must be taken as Relative Humidity is a factor that one should be aware of. If there is heavy and inclement weather, then the percentage of the alcohol concentration should be higher and if it is dry or hot season then this concentration can be lowered of as it depends upon the volatility of the compounds in the climatic conditions as is prevalent in the atmosphere. After tissue filling the holes or the epidermal layers lost are repaired properly, and then it is integrated with another fragments of palm-leaf if there is loss of folios or the original palm-leaf is fragmented due to wear and tear. If untreated, then it makes the folios unstable due to loss of equilibrium in maintaining pressure all along the dimensions of the manuscripts bundle and the folios both upper and lower ones are susceptible to be of curvature size due to binding by thread. Thus, the lost parts of the folios must be adjoined with comparable sized fragments of palm-leaf in thickness, sizes, colour, etc in order to maintain it properly. Last but not the least is that the above conserved manuscripts are subjected to application of some oils like citronella oil, camphor oil, clove oil etc to give flexibility to the brittled folios which increase the longevity of the palm-leaves, though in long run we need to repeat the procedure at some interval of time and must give a quarantine visit to the repositories quarterly and if necessary the palm-leaf manuscripts are to be fumigated after advent of monsoon period. Apathy in un-organised sectors like Bhagabat Tungis etc: So the above scientific description of conservation of the palm-leaf gives an idea as to why these manuscripts are susceptible to damage and destruction in coastal part of India and so the state of Odisha. The Bhagabat Gadi, or the Tungis , Mutts, Monasteries, Temples, Private Households or repositories in rural areas are not equipped with those technical personnel, techniques of preservation, and also the cost of the conservation may not inspire the owners of the repositories to do the conservation works. The high cost of the suitable chemicals as described above also adds to the woes of the custodians. Not only that, even there are sizeable number of custodians in our rural areas who are inimical to the conservation due their ignorance and after damaged they throw it into the ponds, rivers, lakes and some bury the manuscripts in the burial grounds thinking that they are paying homage to the palm-leaf manuscripts as a customary belief. Doing this practice, we not only dis-respect the manuscripts but also the content material with and unfortunate thing is that the dying art forms are also lost into oblivion. We do not know the material or the knowledge which a palm-leaf contains in it as there is no documentation, publication, editing etc done by the custodians. As discussed above ours have 90% of the manuscripts which are in these un-organised sectors. Only 10% of the manuscripts in Odisha are collected and preserved in Museums and Archives. So to preserve our documentary and literary 123 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 heritage which is abundant with subject matter like puranic literature, ayurvedic texts, tantric cults, mystic traditions, astronomy , astrology, customary social beliefs, different ways of worships, methods of social practices etc- are to be preserved through various means , say , conservation, digitization, dissemination to the public. Suggestion and Conclusion: Though digitization makes the content of the manuscripts public for research and other purposes, still it has its own drawbacks and may be obsolete in a fast moving technological era. So along with digitization we should copy the manuscripts in properly seasoned palm-leaf and disseminate to the youths, scholars, students, public through academic institutions like schools, colleges, universities, libraries, museums, archives, and other public or private institutions so that our posterior generation should know the content and context of the palm-leaf manuscript heritage of Odisha which has its own glorious phase in Indian ancient manuscript traditions as is evident from the data available from the National Mission for Manuscripts which as umbrella organization has done a splendid job in not only Odisha but all over India as well as abroad in surveying, digitizing and conserving this great intellectual wealth of a nation like India. The copying method of manuscripts in present age is to be inspired as writing tradition on palmleaf is a thousands of years of legacy in Odisha and also a dying art form which needs technical expertise by an artisan, hence to be energized for the growth of a new discipline of study and techniques. In Odisha we should reap the benefit out of the provisions of National Mission for Manuscripts in a big way, especially for the un-organised repositories in the private or non-government sector where-in there is ignorance, poverty, lack of will power and technical expertise. Once these are lost, it is a permanent loss for the nation and most of them have not only permanently lost but this unfortunate thing is still going on and we should be prompt enough to revive and restore these manuscripts in Tungis or Gadi Ghars and private house-holds which are unfortunately being allowed to deteriorate in the name of worship and ritual practices. So the need of the hour and our focus shouldn’t be the organized sectors which not passing through these stages and phases, as most of our Government Museums and Archives are having funds, technical personnel, infrastructure, and exposure to the intellectual world through the events etc. These Bhagabat Tungis or Gadi Ghars, fortunately, are now being revived by the Government of Odisha, of late. And we should welcome this noble and humble step and intellectual world should cooperate in this great endeavour to preserve, promote and protect for posterity. 124 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 References: Jeyraj,, V : Care of Archival Materials, TMS Sarasvati Mahal Library, Thanjavur, 1999, Agrawal, O.P.: Preservation of Art Objects and Library Materials, NBT, 1993. Thorat, B.R.: Principles of Museology, Archaeology, Archival and Library Science, Himalaya Publishing House, 2000. Gupta, K.K.: Rare Support Materials for Manuscripts and their Conservation, National Mission for Manuscripts, IGNCA, 2010 Suryawanshi, D.G: Improving the flexibility of palm-leaf, Restaurator, Vol-13, No.1, 1992. Bhattacharya, B: Palm-leaf Manuscripts and their Preservation, The Indian Archives, Vol-1, July 1947, Gupta, K.K. : Conservation of Cultural Property, Indian Association for the study of Conservation of Cultural Property, New Delhi, Vol-30, 1997 ■■■ Research Scholar, Utkal University of Culture ; Project Coordinator, Aitihya - Manuscript Conservation Centre (A Project under National Mission for Manuscripts Ministry of Culture, Government of India, New Delhi) Cell - 9337767136 125 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 KANAK DURGA AND DASHERA IN JEYPORE A HISTORICAL REVIEW Indrajeet Mohanty A most remarkable feature of the politico- Ritual tradition of Jeypore is the frank, undisguised and obvious transition of the tribal to the Hinduised system - the amalgamation of the "Little Tradition" to the "greater" one. This is most evident in the rituals and worship of Kanak (Golden) Durga inside the ramparts of the Jeypore Palace. The tribal goddesses converged with Durga in the process of Hinduisation, iconologically, inconographically and in ritual practices, making the greater Hindu goddess the status symbol and emblem of political power. The Dasara festival connected with this deity included the periodical renewal and strengthening of the political unity and the military power of the kingdom, confirming the king's poweress. The splendour and extravaganza of this function was a platform for the insubordination of the surrounding local powers. This paper attempts to trace the origin and sustenance of Durga worship in Jeypore and a historical analysis of the centuries old Dasara festival, there in. In the gazetteers, local traditions and manuscripts are mentioned as sources of information. These are all however second hand reports and no primary sources are available. They anyhow incorporate history and accommodate the principles, structures and ideas of earlier times. Myths, legends, family chronicles and oral traditions, rituals form important sources of information. The mixing of fact and fiction should not be taken as falsified historiography. In this work, information is gleaned from the above sources and finally evaluated and discussed. An important characteristic of the religious life of Jeypore is the great importance accorded to the mother goddesses or Earth goddesses. They are named as Thakurani', 'Hundi', Dharani etc. These goddesses are represented by a large stone placed either at the edge or in the middle of the village. The village assemblies often take place in proximity of these stones and the new village headmen take their Oath of office in front of the goddess. The yearly festivals of seasonal changes, agriculture activities, fertility of humans and crops are concerned with the deities. A successful harvest or natural calamities and epidemics are ascribed to the favour or anger of these goddesses. As embodiments of Sakti i.e. a dynamic and vital power associated with life, growth, sexuality, blood, fertility and wealth, the ambivalent goddesses reveal a character that is certainly generative and creative, but also frightening and destructive. These deities are characterized as being strongly rooted in their respective territories, often possessing only a local and limited area of influence, which runs out at the border of a village, clan, territory or any kind of settlement. There deities are worshiped by low caste or tribals, in non-iconic symbols placed out in the open. With the passage of time and difference in royal patronage these tribal goddesses moved into the Hindu culture going through different degrees of Hinduization. They are offered Puja and 126 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Brahmans became their priests and some even got an abode in the form of a temple. Most important was that, their yearly festival coincides with the Durga Puja. Royally patronized tribal goddesses gradually came to be associated in the culture of Durga, iconographical and iconologically - the more orthodox Hindu goddesses of the Great Tradition. These goddesses, however have not forsaken their original tribal nature and not totally absorbed by the Great Tradition. Blood sacrifices and esoteric worship is still current with them. The Durga puja and the Devi Mahatmya are in themselves the results of the process of Sankritization of the goddesses of little tradition. In this intermediate state they bridge and differences between the tribal culture and Hindu culture, between the indigenous population and Hindu kings. Thus Durga become an important part of the royal ritual policy. These goddesses of the little tradition merging with the goddess of the Great tradition exemplify the concepts of "Unity in Diversity". With this new element in royal patronage, Goddess Durga was not integrally and essentially rooted in the territory. Rather, new golden images or murtis of Durga confirming to the icongraphical norm of Mahisasuramardhini were moveable and such could be brought into the kingdom from the outside. The status of Kanak Durga in Jeypore, in which the goddess had assumed bodily from is housed in a temple located within the Royal Palace, gaurded and served by Brahmin priests and can not be approached by anyone at any time. The powers associated with her turns this Goddess into a powerful source of royal legitimacy and into contested object of political and military struggle. Legends concerning the murti often report that she was stolen from another person. In the family chronicle of the Jeypore dynasty there is a version of this theft as recorded by Sarma. Vijay Chandra the second king of the Jeypore dynasty, (1476A.D) is credited with the fact, in connection with the Kanchi Kaveri tradition of the Gajapatis. In the Jeypore version of the Kanchi Kaveri legend it is the Goddess and not Jagannath who is central. It is stated that while returning from his successful expedition against Kanchipuram, Purushottama Dev was ambushed by Vijay Chandra in the dense forest of Nandapur and the Latter stole one of the Gajapati's elephant and a golden statue of the goddess Durga which was installed with much ceremony in Nandapur and became the state deity of this Jungle Kingdom. There is no mention of this in any of the Puri Chronicles. The legend narrates the theft of a Durga image by a little King from his own over lord. The mention of the splendour with which the Goddess was installed as the state deity and the annual Durga festival which "fetched the King good name and fame all over India" reflects a boastful altitude, suggesting that the ritual policy of the Jeypore rulers sought to emulate the achievements and fame of their overlords and aspired after greatness themselves. Kanak Durga has been the family deity of the Rajas' of Jeypore since her capture and intallation at Nandapur since the late fifteenth century. Over the centuries, the royal patronage of Durga did not diminish, even upto modern times, despite the fact that worship of Rama and Krishna on the bhakti line was introduced by Shri Chaitanya in the 16th Century. Singh Deo talks of the 127 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 devotion of Vishambhara Deo to Kanak Durga. It is stated that this ruler used to go to Nandapur daily from Narayanpatna and rever took any food till he visited the Deity. Once due to floods he was standared for two or three days without food till he got 'darsan' of the Goddess. Much pleased the Goddess, in a dream, advised him to refrain from his daily Journey to Nandapur and install a duplicate image at Narayanpatna. This expresses a fact that the patronage of moveable tutelary goddesses thus allowed greater flexibility to a King's movement, and there was a kind of royal legitimacy and authority which gained autonomy from all too narrow tribal base. It was under Viravikram Deo (1637-1669), the royal capital was shifted from Nandapur to Jeypore. Apart from the political, Economic and Stragic reasons there is a legend why the capital was shifted. The move to Jeypore is regarded, even today, as being the result of a curse by Kali, the dark and terrible side of Durga. The murti of Kanak Durga was in proximity to the image of Kali and this is ambivalent in character; it can mean power and prosperity and also infertility, death and end of a dynasty. Hence the curse of Kali. It is reported that after six Successive Kings had only one son each, astrologers found Nandapur to be an inauspicious place. There was also a report of usurpation of the throne by a collateral, Junior line of the royal dynasty. Hence, the move from Nandapur to Jeypore. Viravikram Deo did not, however, take the original image of Kanak durga to Jeypore but had a duplicate effigy installed in Jeypore. There is another legend reported in the "Jaipura Raja Vamsavali" which points towards the further Hinduization of the worship of Kanak Durga in Jeypore. Sarma reports in the above work that during the time of Rama -Chandra Deo-ll (1781-1825), a bandit named Mallaparaj carried out a coup in Nandapur. To protect the original Golden image of Kanak Durga, a devotee hid it in a well. The devotee died and the image could not be retrived. A man named Dibyasingh Nanda from Puri using his Tantric skill was able to find the image and then brought it to Jeypore in a grand procession, sacrificing animals at intervals. The king gave three villages of Nandapur to Dibyasingh Nanda and appointed him as the priest of the deity. This legend points to the fact that, during the time of Ramachandra Deo, Brahmin priests were called from Puri (The holy city) to worship the Goddess and correct all dharmic shortcomings. The granting of villages to Dibyasingh Deo suggest to the 'Sasana' Brahminicat system being introduced. This move nearly, totally Hinduzised the murti of Kanak Durga. The reference to the devotees (tribal) death indicates a plot to show that the devotee was too weak to handle the powerful murti of Kanak Durga. She could only be handled by a Brahmin from the Sanctified town of Puri. Further the indication that Ramchandra Deo installed the image at Jeypore is also an indirect reference to another fact. It was Viravikram Deo who brought the effigy of kanak durga to Jeypore. However, it is historically true that Ramachandra Deo build the new palace at Jaypore and brought the image from the old fort (Purunagarh) to the new palace and installed the deity inside the ramparts, in a permanent shrine. Despite the introduction of new Hindu deities, around the new palace by Ramchandra Deo, Raghunathji, Shiva and Jagannath, Kanak Durga was far from fading into insignificance. The 128 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 very fact that she remained in the closest proximity to the King and the description of how she was brought with pomp and splendour evinces that her workship was not just a Royal family affair, but she become the tutelary deity of the realm, "Rastradevata". Far from being overshadowed by the cult of Jagannath, Durga remained at the very centre of the politico-ritual life of the Jeypore Kingdom. The Durga puja and dasara is the most important festival in Jeypore in autumn. Dasara had been celebrated as the Principal ritual of the Jeypore Kingdom from the late 15th century onwards. It is reported in the family chronicle that Vijay Chandra celebrated the Dushera festival at Nandapur in honour of Kanak Durga with pomp and splendor to bring "good name" and "fame" to his Kingdom, all over India. It was a public challenge to the overlordship of the Gajapati's and an emulation of the annual festival of the Vijayanagara Kings. Hence in celebrating dasara the Jeypore Kings, apart from showing their devotion to durga, were also making a political statement of Semi-independence and seeking shelter under the umbrella of the Vijayanagara King. Dasara as celebrated in the 19th and 20th centuries can be gleaned from the accounts of Francis in the Vizagapatam District Gazetteer of 1907 and in the work of L.N. Sahu "The hill Tribes of Jeypore" of 1942. From 1880s, the British officials have participated in the festivities at Jeypore as observers and they regularly sent reports to the administrative centres in Visakhapatam and Madras. Francis's report is pretty accurate. He reports that Dasara was the greatest event of the year in Jeypore and lasted for 16 days in honour of the goddess Kanak Durga. Animals were sacrificed. On the 14th day buffaloes were sacrificed. On that day the Maharaja dressed in white himself visited the Shrine of the goddess and held a darbar from a white throne attended by the bollo loko (courtices) and Lampatas (servants) receiving bhets (presents). This day was known as Bodo Uppano (Great offerings). On the sixteenth day or Sanno Uppano (little offerings) the Maharaja dressed in scarlet worshiped the Goddess in the Darbar hall and held a darbar from a scarlet throne at which bhets were offered. The feudal retainers of the Maharaja attended this darbar. On the 18th day the Maharaja and the Yuvaraj seated on elephants preceded by the goddess Kanak Durga and a white flag, captured from the troops of Bastar, went in a procession followed by other officials to the mango grove in the north of the town. There, the Maharaja worshiped the goddess and afterwards proceeded to shoot a brinjal off the top of a long bamboo. L.N. Sahu has also given an account of this Dasara Procession at Jeypore. He says that people thronged in thousands from all parts of Jeypore. They came with their banners, drums and flutes and various other musical instruments. The Maharaja fasted and went through purificatory penance. The procession consisted of Elephants, horses and hundreds of people. Hundreds went in and out of the palace. All were expecting to see the Maharaja. The palace was lighted. Thousands raised their necks to have a darsan of the Maharaja. They saw the Rajah in the crowd and he was the symbol of the crowd, with an umbrella (Chhatram) was over his head. Men carried unseathed sowrds and there were sowrd games. The crowd consisted of a great strength 129 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 of the Paroja and the Gadaba tribals. The Maharaja was followed by his officials and the Govt, officials. The procession proceeded to the dussara Padia. There on a pandal the Maharaja worshiped the goddess. Cannons were fired and rhythmic dance went on through the night. The ceremony ended with the brinjal ceremony. A yogi, an imitation, kept fast and watches day and night during the days of Dasara. From the above accounts of Francis and Sahu a few points can be deduced about the Dasara festival at Jeypore in the late 19th & early 20th Centuries. In the two darbars held during the festivals, the king ostentatiously presented himself as the chief devotee of Durga. The image of Kanak Durga was actually placed on the throne during Her worship in the darbar hall emphasizing the almost physical bond that existed between the king and the goddess. Their relationship can even be characterized as hierogamous. The king could only assume this role as a strong patron and virile husband of the goddess. This makes allusions to the theory of Divine right of Kingship and attempts at counter the "Chera pahara" ceremony of the Gajapatis during the Rathayatra of Jagannath, at Puri. The Dasara festival was, politically, a fully developed State affair with officials, functionaries and feudal retainers being the main participants. The king was the centre and main actor of the proceedings. The ultimate motive of the crowd was to see the king on account of his being the principal devotee at Kanak Durga and the patron of the festivals ritual actions. Here again we see an opposition to the Rathayatra festivities at Puri. During the Dasara festival at Jeypore, Kanak Durga no longer served the function of the tutelary deity or 'Kuladevata' of the royal family but rather that of the state deity or 'Rastradevata'. The groups of soldiers who followed the procession carrying flags from the Kingdom's various territorial parts in actuality were representing the different tribal goddesses through well decorated bamboo sticks topped by banners. This was known as "Jhanda Yatra" or festival of flags. The very fact that these flag bearers, representing the various tuteloy goddess of the territorial divisions, followed Kanak Durga shows their subordination and merging with the great Goddess of the 'Great' tradition. The emphasis of Sahu about the magnitude of the crowd makes allusions to the fact that Dasara was a very great event in Jeypore and attended by people from all around the kingdom. A major percentage of this crowd constituted of the paroja and Gadaba tribals. Here people gathered irrespective of caste and greed as a united crowd. Even restrictions into the palace was loosened. Even the king is described as being 'One with the people'. He was the symbol of the crowd. Hence Dasara was a morally unifying and socially leveling function. Here also we see a similarity with the Rathayatra festivities of Jagannath at Puri. Reference has been made by Francis to the sacrifice of animals during the Dasara festival. Animal sacrifice was common amongst the tribal inhabitants and this was most probably an extension of the tribal practices in the rituals of Kanak Durga. Certain tribal ideas and values 130 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 dinged to the ritualistic practice of appeasing the Goddess. Like the tribal practice, in Jeypore the sacrificing weapon was the axe and not the sword. Francis says in earlier days human sacrifice was prevalent during Dasara but this practice had been stopped by the British. However, the flowers used for the sacrifice were called Meriha flowers and the animals were executed in a sitting position, retrospective of the human sacrifice. Even Sahu, who does not mention any sacrifice in his account, talks of a Yogi who fasted all through the festivities and became one with the king and deity, reminding us of the Meriha sacrifice. Nevertheless after 1905 A.D sacrifices were reduced and today there is no apparent sacrifies practiced. The Dasara festival was commemoration of the ancient custom of a military campaign. After the agriculture operations, arms and weapons were made ready for a war. Durga Puja was also known as 'ayudha' puja. The Dasara procession was no doubt a war procession. Unseathed swords, sword fights, display of flags and military emblems are reported by both Francis and Sahu. Kanak Kurga was also known as 'Vijaya Durga' or victory Durga. She, with weapons in all her ten hands, led the procession, followed by the elephant core, the cavalry and infantry together with the symbolic tribals with flags and weapons (the Jhanda Yatra). On the festival ground itself, cannons were repeatedly fired and the shooting of a brinjal was a local variant of the classical 'digvijay' of the Dashra festival in Vizayanagaram Kingdom. The Dasara festival also was an occasion for scholarly meeting which took place in the palace and was attend by Brahmins, academics and other scholars invited by the King from all parts of India. That such events feature is confirmed by a collage of photographs showing the participants in the early 1930s. Such a photograph hangs today in the palace office. After, the independence of India and the taking away of the princely states in 1953, the importance of Kanak Durga and Dasara diminished. North Indian type of Durga Pooja was introduced with the worship of temporary images of Mahisamardhini or Durga. Today Kanak Durga resides inside the dilapidated palace, neglected and in the Dasara procession she no longer leads 'Elephants and horses'. The Jhanda Yatra, however still remains. The worship of Kanak Durga and Dasara festival was associated with the king. With the advent of democracy and ousting of kingship, both deity and Her festival have lost their importance. For writing this paper the Odisha state Archives, Bhubaneswar has been most helpful in providing the District gazetteer, census, reports and most of all the "Koraput District Records". Some material was obtained from the Vikram Dev College library and the private collections of the Jeypore Royal palace. The "Jayapura Raja Vamsa Vali" (The Family chronicle of the Jeypore Kings), written in 1938 by R. Nanda Sarma is a very important Source. "Nandapur- A Forsaken Kingdom" by Singh Deo, in 1939, throws much light on the topic. Oram's 'Report on Nandapuram', 1784, Carmichaels' Manual of the district of Vizagapatam in the Madras presidency, 1869 and Francis's Madras District Gazetteers, 1907 are of great value. L.N. Sahu's "The Hill Tribes of Jeypore" is an important source. 131 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 References Appadurai, A., 1981. "Kings, sects and Tempus in South India", in Stein (ed.) Bayly, S., 1989. "Saints, Goddesses and Kings" Cambridge Univ press. Bell. R.C.S., 1945, "Orissa District Gazatteers : Koraput", Cuttack : Odisha Govt. Press. Berkemer. G., 1993. Little Kingdoms in Kalinga : Ideologie, Legitimation and Politics". Boal, B.M., 1982." The Konds: Human sacritice and Religious Change" Westminster. Carmichael, D.F., 1869. "Manual of the District of Vizagapatam in the Madras presidency, Madras. Das, Binod S. (ed), 1984. 'Life and Culture in Orissa', Calcutta: Punthi Pustak. Dash, G.N., 1998. 'Hindus and Tribals:' A Quest for Co-existence", New Delhi: Decent Books. Eschmann, A., 1978, " Hinduization of Tribal Deities in Orissa : The Sakta and Saiva Typology". Koraput district Records. No date. Koraput District records, Bhubaneswar: Odisha State Archives. Kulke, H., 1978 "Royal Temple policy and the structures of Medieval Hindu Kingdoms". Kulke, H., 1984 Tribal Deities at Princely Courts". Oram, W., 1784" Report on Nandapuram Zamindari". Padhi, B.C., 1985," Studies in the History of Koraput district during the British Rule 1803 1936, BBSR : U.U. Rath. A.K., 1987. 'Studies on some. Aspects of the History and culture of Orissa', Kolkota: Punthi Pustak. Sahu, L.N., 1942, "The Hill Tribes of Jeypore", Cuttack : Orissa Mission press. Sarma, A.V.D., 1986. "Integration of Andhra and Orissa Cultures : Viewed through the Biographical sketch of Vikram Deo Varma of Jeypore, 1869- 1951, Delhi: B.R. Publication Corporation. Sarma, R.N., 1938, 'Jayapura Raja Vamsavali': Madras : Vavilla press. Schnepel. B., 2002, The Jungle Kings', Delhi Manohar Publication and Distributers. Senapati, N., 1966, Orissa District Gazetteers Koraput. CTC, Odisha Govt. Press. Singh Deo, K.B., 1939, "Nandapur: A Forsaven Kingdom", CTC, Utkal Sahitya press. Vizagapatam District Records, Hyderabad. Andhra Pradesh State Archeives. ■■■ Reader in History B.J.B. (Junior) College Bhubaneswar 132 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 TWO RARE SEALS FROM NUAPADA DISTRICT OF ODISHA Dr. Sadananda Agrawal Two seals discovered from Nuapada district throw welcome light on the religious history of South Kosala in particular and Odisha in general. The first seal has been discovered from the village Nehena, near khariar of Nuapada district. The same has now been preserved at Khariar palace by Raja Dr.J.P. Singhdeo. He states: “Sitaram Bishi of Nehna village discovered a red stone seal at Nehna site. xx The red stone seal measures nineteen centimeter in circumference1”. Further in a letter written to me on date 20.04.2003 he writes : “I had supplied the photo of this seal to epigraphist Dr Snigdha Tripathy of Odisha State Museum Bhubaneswar. She was not definite in deciphering the seal. It was you, who for the first time read it. It was a great discovery.” The upper part of the stone seal contains the emblems of a bull and trident which invariably represent Saivite faith. There is a legend in one line in the lower part of the seal. The seal is divided into two parts by a couple of horizontal lines. The legend reads : aiv-ārām-e varasya. It means: "[The seal] belongs to the chief of aiva monastery." The inscription has been engraved in negative fashion, so as to produce the legend in relief when impressed on the intended objects. We have edited the same from the original with the help of a mirror. Dr. Singhdeo was kind enough to allow me to prepare the estampage, which has been reproduced here. No internal evidence is available from the seal to determine its date. Palaeographically, it may be assigned to fifth/sixth centuries A.D. because the script closely resembles the script of Asanpat stone inscription2. At the present state of our knowledge we may say that this is the only aivite seal discovered as yet in Odisha indicating the monastic activities. This rare seal throws welcome light on the religious history of Kosala belonging to 5th/6th centuries A.D. It is pertinent to quote here that the excavators of Maraguda valley (Nuapada district) have discovered the archaeological remains of a Saiva monastery, attributed to fifth century A.D. They also report the discovery of a seal containing a legend in one line which reads Dhimatisvara. To quote N.K.Sahu:" This monastery consisting of temples, residential buildings and recreation grounds with parks and orchards, is a gigantic complex built in five tiers. The antiquities recovered by excavation - coins, seals, icons, architectural styles etc. clearly indicate its time which is not later than the fifth century A.D. This is the earliest Hindu monastery so far known in India and the name of one of its chancellor as found from his seal was " Dhimati vara"3. Unfortunately, neither the photograph of the seal is published nor its present whereabouts is known. The second seal was discovered from Maraguda valley by Dr. J. P. Singhdeo and presented to Prof. N.K. Sahu the then Prof. and Head of History department of Sambalpur University which 133 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 has been preserved in the museum of the University now styled as N.K. Sahu Museum. I first deciphered the legend from a photograph which was in a negative fashion supplied by Dr. Singh Deo. To quote Singhdeo : “One clay seal was discovered at Maraguda valley on 16th March 1973, the author had guided Prof Nabin Kumar Sahu to study Maraguda valley. The clay seal was handed to the author by Bisahuram Yadav, a resident of Maraguda village then the author presented it to Prof N.K. Sahu for preservation at Sambalpur University museum. N.K. Sahu deciphers it as rī Nanna, but Sadananda Agrawal an individual ephigraphist deciphers it as Brahmāṇasya4.” I am highly obliged to the History department for allowing me to study and edit. It is a terracotta seal and like the previous one it is also incised in negative fashion. The seal is also divided into two parts by a horizontal line. While the upper part contains the emblems of a pitcher and rosary, legend in one line has been inscribed in lower part, which reads Brahmāṇasya. It means [the seal] is of Brahmāṇa. The University authorities were obviously wrong while they deciphered as Nannarājasya and opined that the seal belongs to Pāṇḍu vamsi king Nannaraja. Perhaps Brahmana is the name of the Chancellor of the haiva Vihāra of Maraguda valley. This may also be assigned to 5th / 6th centuries A.D. References: 1. 2. 3. 4. Singh deo, J.P., Archaeology of Orissa, Kolkata, 2006. P.18. Epigraphia Indica, vol. XL, pp.121 ff. Sahu, N.K., “ Report of Archaeological Excavations in the upper Jonk valley in Nuapada Sub division of Kalahandi district.” in Centenary Souvenir, Khadial Sahitya Samiti- 1983. P. VIII. Singh Deo, J.P. , op.cit Figure -1: Seal 1 ■■■ Figure -2: Seal 2 At/Po- Menda. Via- Tarbha, Dist- Subarnapur. Odisha Mob. 09938863996, Email- sadanandaagrawal@gmail.com 134 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 ARCHAEOLOGICAL VESTIGES OF HARIPURGARH, MAYURBHANJ, ODISHA : A PRELUDE Arabinda Bose Mayurbhanj, the leading princely state of Orissa before Independence, was under the rule of the Bhanja dynasty which had the Peacock as it’s royal emblem. Mayurbhanj’s ancient name (in the epigraphs) was Khijjnga mandala with Capital at Kijjngakotta, identified with modern Khichhing. Another place which served as the Capital from 1400 to 1803 was Haripur. During British rule Mayurbhanj experienced an enlightened administration. Location of Mayurbhanj: Mayurbhanj is a land-locked district with a total geographical area of 10,418 Sq. KM and is situated in the Northern boundary of the state with district head quarters at Baripada. The district is bounded in the North by Midnapore district of West Bengal, Singbhum district of Jharkhand in the South, Balasore district in the West and by Keonjhar district in the East. Administrative set up: The district of Mayurbhanj is divided into four Administrative Sub-Divisions namely; (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) Sadar Sub-Division with head quarters at Baripada. Bamanghaty Sub-Division with head quarters at Rairangpur. Parehpir Sub-Division with head quarters at Karanjia. Kaptipada Sub-Division with head quarters at Udala. Topography of Mayurbhanj: The Central part of the District is covered by a group of hills known as the Similipal Range and the remaining portion is covered by undulating plains raising and falling in gentle slopes. The district may be divided into three district natural divisions. The Central hill ranges as dividing line running due north and south and dividing the plains of the district into two halves Eastern and Western. The Eastern division, which slopes gently from the foot of the hills towards the Sea, is served by a number of hill streams forming an ideal land for cultivation comprising Baripada and Kaptipada sub-divisions. Religion and Culture: Tribes of Mayurbhanj worship the Sun God in different names. Similarly they used to worship the mother earth as ‘Dharitree Maa’, ‘Basumata’, ‘Bhumidevata’, ‘Basuri Thakurani’, ‘Basuti Mata’ etc. Bhuyan, Bathudi and Bhanja having belief on the Hindu Gods do worship ‘Kali’, ‘Kichakeswari’ and other Hindu Gods. They celebrate different festivals, which are based on 135 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 agriculture, social and religious life and are inter linked with belief and customs too. Some of them are celebrated in group and some individually bent the pivot of all celebrations in dance, song, playing the various musical instruments and more over taking of country liquor ‘Handia’ and merry making. Historical background: In the medieval period Bhanjas had established their political sway over two kingdoms. Khinjali Mandala in the Baud-Phulbani region and Khijjinga Mandala in Mayurbhanj. The former was ruled from Vanjulvaka and the latter from Khijjingakotta identified with modern Khiching. These two kingdoms were located for apart from each other and had independent existence. The Bhanjas appear to have enjoyed local autonomy under the royal imperial suzerainty of the Bhaumakaras where era was used in their epigraphs. Peacock as the emblem of the Bhanjas has led scholars to believe that they were the scions of the Mauryas. In recent years modern account has linked up the Bhanjas of Mayurbhanj with one Rajput Prince named Jaisingh. It is also believed that the combination of two medieval ruling families- Mauryas of Bonai Mandala and Bhanjas of Khijjing Mandala- resulted in naming the areas as Mayurbhanj. The ancient name of ‘Khijjnga Mandala’ was discarded after shifting of the Capital of Hariharpur in 1400 AD as a result of the depredations caused by Feroz Tuglaq in AD B61 and the new kingdom was called Mayurbhanj. ‘Peacock’ substituted ‘Bull’ as the royal insignia of the Bhanjas rulers of Haripur. Sources: The early history of Mayurbhanj is based on varied sources. At Baidpur, Kuliana and Kuchai the discovery of Paleolithic and Neolithic tools provided evidence of the Stone Age culture. There are at least eleven copper plate charters issued by the Bhanja Kings in the early medieval period which furnish information about religious and social history, besides an account of their origin. Valuable information is also furnished by the epigraphs on the genealogy of the family and the administrative organization. The discovery of Roman Coins, Kusana Coins and Gupta Coins throw light on the trade, commerce and currency system of the period. The occurrence of Roman head on the reverse side of the coin along with Roman coins discovered at Bamanghati in Mayurbhanj district. Another authentic source of information about the early history of Khijjinga mandala comes from the discovery of a large number of monuments scattered over a vast area in places like Ayodhya, Kutting, Manitri, Poradhi, Purangao, Pathuriagada, Ranibandh and other places. Discovery: The invansion of Orissa by Feroz Sah in 1361 spelt disaster for the medieval township of Khijjinagakotta as the invaders destroyed the standing monuments forcing the kings to shift to a safer area away from the much frequented trade route taken by the Tuglaq Sultan. In 1400 Harihar Bhanja established his Capital at Haripur now known as Haripur and the kingdom was 136 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 called Mayurbhanj. Khijjngakotta and Khijjnga mandala were forgotten in the limbo of history. The beautiful monuments of the Jains, Buddhists and Brahminical cults remained in darkness for almost five centuries coinciding with the changing political fortune of India. During this period, the Afghans of Bengal, the Mughals and the Marathas successively ruled over Orissa. Mayurbhanj as a princely state during this period maintained a subordinate existence under the paramount powers. In 1803 it came under the British Paramountcy when Raja Damodar Bhanja accepted the East India Company as his political/over lord and signed treaties and engagements as a tributary chief. Effort of the kings to reveal the archeological evidence: A serious attempt was made in the time of Sriramachandra Bhanjdeo to trace the origin and antiquity of the Bhanjas on the basis of the archeological evidence. Eminent archaeological and Ideologists of India were invited to help the publication of Archeological Survey of Mayurbhanj, Vol.1 by N.N. Vasu in 1911. Subsequently, R.P. Chandra published a report on Khiching in 1924-25 in the Annual Issue of the Archeological Survey of India. From 1927 to 1942 the state conducted a series of exploration and excavation followed by conservation work at Haripur, Khiching and other places. In 1906, Nagendra Nath Vasu had visited the ruins of Haripurgarh. His study of the history had revealed that the Bhanjas ruled over Mayurbhanj from Haripurgarh before shifting to Baripada. The state government in 1929 decided to undertake a through excavation of Haripurgarh and to preserve it for the poterity after conservation of the structures. Accordingly Sailendra Prasad bose was assigned with the work of excavation. He worked there during the Summer season of 1929 and also in July-August along with the State Engineer. At the initial stage he had complained about the inadequacy of sum allotted by the authorities for doing the work. He wrote to senior archeologist P. Acharya. I am afraid the amount sanctioned would be quite insufficient for even nominal work of conservation. The preliminary steps taken for conserving this temple consists of the following works done by S.P. Bose sanctioned amount 500. (a) The site to the distance of 50’ round the temple and Natamandira has been cleared by digging out all the roots of both dead and living trees. (b) The top of the temple has been cleared by removing the loose concretes, dead roots and living trees. (c) The top dome half of which existed above the central dome of the temple and which was in a most unsafe condition has been secured by removing the network of roots and by setting bricks in their original position with strongly prepared mortars of sand and lime. 137 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 (d) The joints of the walls and the arched domes which were full of earth and broken bricks were dug out to an adept of 2 and cracks of dangerous type were visible after a considerable clearance. These defects were thoroughly and carefully constructed with bricks and mortar and also by filling in the cracks by forced grouting. (e) A temporary fencing has been put all round the cleared site, which covers an area of nearly 2 acres. (f) The ground all round the temple and the Natamandira has been leveled so that rain water may not stand in the vicinity to damage the constructions. (g) Niches inside the sanctuary have been repaired and some deeply dug holes in the eastern wall by some unknown persons in search of hidden treasure have been filled in by bricks and mortar. (h) The Western support wall of the tap mist dome, which was out plumb with a bulged out middle and had a big crack. In the Centre running from the tap to the bottom of the temple, has been strongly repaired by resetting the bricks. The Western portion of this dome went down long ago. This dome was originally constructed after filling in the gap beneath with sand. Sailendra Prasad Bose’s concern for the conservation of the monuments prompted him to prepare a site plan showing the location of the structures and suggesting a future course of action. In the early part of the 1930 he took up the conservation work of the southern part of the excavated area of the place and the walls of the rooms were reconstructed with brick up to a uniform height with mud and mortar. He found the drainage system of the early constructions highly perplexing because earthen pipes were found inserted in the middle of the walls. During the excavation several broken utensils of metal and china clay, canon balls, bullets etc were found. Some terracotta images showed excellent workmanship. The stome sculptures unearthed from the site were also of high artistic value. In the habitation area S.P. Bose brought to light the existence of houses in two definite layers showing clearly that the upper one was built on the ruins of the lower one. From the way in which all the antiquities were found scattered and from the sign of ash and charcoal everywhere, it seems that the palace was barbarously burnt down and all articles were looted and destroyed. In 1994 the arched openings of terracotta temple having multiple cracks and crevices including collapse of architectural portion were conserved with utmost caution. The Pradak Shina Patha had become undulate and covered with half-a-metre debris over grown with vegetation was cleared and provided with brick floor. The under pinning work as carried out on the outer wall from where the brick-masonary had worn-out considerably. The dislodged eastern corner of temple was consolidated. 138 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 In 2003-04, scientific clearance was carried out by Susanta Kar in the Palacial Complex to the South-Eastern corner of Rashikaraya temple of Haripurgarh. The excavation reveals a brick secret chamber, corridor rooms, water pavilion, flower garden, water fountain etc. Raw Materials: The materials used for the walls are laterite, sandstone, burnt bricks with lime mortar. Pottery: Red ware, Grey ware and Black ware found. Under Bhubaneswar Circle, in 2010 the scientific clearance went on in order to reveal the hidden structure. At present there are several rooms in the palace and a partially hidden flowerbed with lime mortar present. Probably this flower beds was created to beautify the flower garden. The Bhanjas constructed a secret chamber due to the frequent attack of Marathas. The drainage system, fountain and well indicates the good sanitation system. References and Notes: P. Acharya, Studies in Orissa’s History, Archaeology and Archives (1969). T.E. Donaldson, Hindu Temple Art of Orissa, Vol-II (1986). S.P. Gupta and Shashi Prabha Asthona, Elements of Indian Art. Mohapatra, R.P, Archaeology in Orissa Vol-II, 1986. Panigrahi, K.C. Archaeological remains at Bhubaneswar, Calcutta, 1961. Panigrahi, K.C. History of Orissa (Hindu Period), Cuttack, 1981. N.N. Vasu, The Archaeological Survey of Mayurbhanj, Vol-I, Delhi-1981. P.K.Mishra, Archaeology of Mayurbhanj, New Delhi, 1997. K.N. Mahapatra, The Jagannath Temples in Eastern India, Bhubaneswar, 1977. ■■■ Research Scholar Dept of History North Odisha University, Baripada 139 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 140 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 LEGEND AND RELIGION A STUDY IN THE CONTEXT OF BUDDHISM IN ODISHA Kaibalya Charan Pati It is an irony in History that Buddhism vanished from its own place of origin of India. Before its eclipse its presence is found in many places in form of material remains across the length and breadth of the country. Odisha is not exception in this regard. Material evidence of the Buddhist monument is substantiated by the disguise of literary tradition in various forms. Legend is one medium found mention in literary tradition like Ekarama purana1 and Madalapanji are some example of the legend associated with Buddhism. K.C.Panigrahi interprets legend that found on Ekarma purana relating to Stalamahatmya of ancient Bhubaneswar. Artaballava Mohanty and Kedarnath Mohapatra represent the interpretation of legend in madalapanji in their book Prachina Gadya Padyarahasya and Dhauli Ra Itahas respectively. One legend interpreted in an un published thesis on archaeological remains of Daya valley of Utkal University, 2 refers about a archaeological mound near Chilika,villeage Barahampada this is a folk traditions not found in any literature. All three are well circulated among the people of the locality and supported by archaeological evidence. And speak some unseen event of transition of popularity of Hinduism over Buddhism. K.C. Panigrahi interprets legend that found on Ekarma purana relating to Stalamahatmya of ancient Bhubaneswar. Second legend associated with Daya valley, last one associated with lower Daya valley around the region northpart of Chilika. Here which take an example of Archaeological mound at Barahampada. How the medium of worship change from a image of Buddha to a figure of Herostone finally worship of Mahisha Mardhin and mound of Barahampada . K.C. panigrahi citing example of Bhaskarsvar Sivalinga and Bell capital found form Asoka jhara state that both occupay the sites of the previous older shrines in the former the name of the tank and the bell capital still lying there are reminesent of the days of Asoka and the lingam of the latter was once a pillar, presumably erected by asoka to mark the sites of a shrine. The shrines that might have existed at these places in the time of Asoka were aprently Buddhist,but they were later on converted to Brahminical ones,the existence of which before the period of the present temple can be inferred from the remains of the earlier structures used in the present one. The interpretation of the place name Jagamara and Jagasara found in the periphery of the Bhubaneswar is also found in the book of Ekarama purana and the svarnadri Mohadya which profess to deal with the history of Bhubaneswar.3 The orthodox stand point the conflict between Asura and Devata equated with Saviya followers as a Gods, Buddhist as a demon that may be reflected in the form of Bhaskarswarswar siva linga ,originally an Asokan pillar, raling post of a stupa, broken lion figure and a bell capital all found in difference part of Bhubaneswar. 141 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 The opinion of N.K.Sahu seems to be true in view of the similar description found in the Prachina Gadhya Padyadarasga of Artaballava mohanty about the existence of the Buddhism in that area and findings of the Buddhist remains in this area. Madalapanji gives a brief idea about the existence of Buddhism, the Buddhist monasteries and Buddhist scholars flourished on Daya valley particularly in and around Batala hill, during Ganga in general and Madana Mohadev in particular. According to Madalapanji on the Kalupada Binjheswari hill there is Vishnu Swamy Siva Linga ,to the west of the hill ,on the other side Banibarkaswar hill, Yamuna Jharpada hill, Aragarh hill in Paranga Dandapat, Dhauli hill and in those hills 84 monasteries resided by Buddhist monks .4These Buddhist monk were taken to be omniscient. One day the queen of Madan Mohadev told that the Buddhist are omniscient. But the king defended the cause of Brahmins as omniscient .Then the queen asked to test the Brahmins and the Buddhist Monks to know the truth .The king sealed a pot in which a snake was concealed and then asked the adherents of both the sectsto tell what was kept in the earthen pot. The Buddhists were asked first .The Buddhist told there is a snake in it . Listening to their answer the Queen silently uttered to the king that he is defeated and the king was embarrassed. Then the king turned to the Brahmins. The Brahmins thought that the Buddhist are omniscient and there prediction can’t be wrong and what should we predict. There are some ‘ashes’ in the pot the Brahmin said; when the king opened yhe seal there was no snake, but ashes. Then the king told to queen you are telling that Buddhist are illustrious, now see yourselves to the Brahmins .When the king became prepare to punish the Buddhist by cutting their heads ,the monk crushed the king and ousted from the cave and went to the forest. The king worshipped parameswar.5 According to the legend told by the some villagers of Barahampada, that Kalika Ganda is a deep water channel very near to mound which connected Chilika lake in one end and river in other end. Through this channel the ship pass from sea to a rough hill. The present mound is situated in the western side of Kalika Ganda. Few years back the mound was bared and latter on it was dwelled by few Nolia family belonging to fishing communities. Presently the entire mound is covered with houses and some of them built of bricks with thatched roofs. Once they were engaged fishing near the kalika Ganda (deep rivera water channel. Form this water channel they spotted the image Bhagabati,who was buried in the Kalika Ganda.then the goddess told the people in dream about her presence there. Later on the people form near village recover the diety form the kalika Ganda and installed it on the eastern portion of the mound in the present temple. Before that event the fisherman community known as Nolia worshiped Herostone which are abundantly found on the Daya valley. According to local people one Dhyani Buddha image was worshipped here on the mound that was replaced by Herostone and finally the place of Herostone was replaced by the present presiding deity. Presently the Dhyani Buddha image is kept niches of northern wall of the modern twin shrine of Bhagabati and stone lying in front of temple.6 142 ISSN NO : 0474- 7269 OHRJ, VOL. LV No. 3&4 Reference 1. K.C.Panigrahi, Archaeological Remains at Bhubaneswar, Cuttack, 1981, p.191. 2. A. Behera, Archaeological Remains at Daya Bhargavi Valley, Unpublished Ph.D. thesiss, Utkal University, Vanivihar, Bhubaneswar, 2009, p.49. 3. K.C.Panigrahi, op.cit. p.191. 4. A.Mohanty, Prachina Gadyapadyarahasya, p.2. 5 A.Behera,Bhorasaila ; A Buddhist Monastery in Mythology, Legend and Remains, Prag samiksha, vol-3, Jiwaji university, Gwalior, (M.P), 2015, P.73 6. A. Behera, Archaeology of Buddhism and its decline in Daya valley, Journal of Odishan History, vol-xxviii, December, 2016, p.161. ■■■ Ph.D. Reseach Scholar P.G. Dept of AIHC&A Utkal University, Bhubaneswar 143

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