Painting Traditions of the Drigung Kagyu.pdf

David Jackson

Though the Drigung Kagyu was one of the most prominent and powerful schools of Tibetan Buddhism during its early period (12th - 14th century), its art is still relatively poorly known, even among Tibetans. With its mother monastery destroyed twice, once in the late 13th century and again during the Great Cultural Revolution, much of the art was lost or dispersed. The iconography of the Drigung School is examined with regard to its three main periods - early, middle, and late - in combination with the distinctive influences of the Sharri, Khyenri, and Driri styles. The book aims elucidate to the painting traditions of the Drigung Kagyu School and investigate lineage depictions and methods of dating, while referring to previously overlooked Tibetan sources, both ancient and modern. The publication and related exhibition also explores the beneficial quality ascribed to the works of art and the elements they contain. With contributions by Christian Luczanits and Kristen Muldowney Roberts.

• • • • This catalog is published in conjunction with an exhibition organized and presented by the Rubin Museum of Art, New York, April 24 through September 7, 2015, and curated by David P. Jackson, Karl Debreczeny, and Christian Luczanitz. Painting Traditions of the Drigung Kagyu School is the fifth volume in the series Mastenvorks oj7ibeum Painting by David P. Jackson, published by the Rubin Museum of Art, New York, and distributed by the University of Washington Press, Seattle and London. Copyright © 2015 by Rubin Museum of Art All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced in whole or in any part, in any form (beyond the copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except 0-9845190-7-6 by reviewers for the public press) without permission from the Rubin Museum of Art. ISBN- 13: 978-0-9845190-7-1 (hardcover) ISBN- 10: 0984519076 Project Director, Helen Abbott Project Assistant, Jessica Baker Designed by Phil Kovacevich Edited by Annie Bien Printed and bound in Ital y Front cover: detail of Fig 7.8 Back c-over: Fig. 0.6 Frontispiece: detail of Fig. 8.9 p. vi: detail of Fig. 826 p. viii: detail of Fig 1137 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Jackson, David Paul, author. Painting Traditions of the Drigung Kagyu School/ David P. Jackson ; with contributions by Christian Luczanits and Kristen Muldowney. pages em. -- (Masterworks of Tibetan painting ; fifth volume) "This catalog is published in conjunction with an exhibition organized and presented by the Rubin Museum of Art, New York, April 24 through September 7, 2015, and curated by David P. Jackson, Karl Debreczeny, and Christian Luczanitz." Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-9845190-7- 1 (hardcover) -- ISBN 978-0-9845190-8-8 (pbk.} I. Buddhist art and symbolism --Tibet Region--Exhibitions. 2. 'Bri-gun-pa (Sect}--Exhibitions. I. Luczanits. Christian. II. Muldowney, Kristen.III. Rubin Museum of Art (New York, N.Y.) IV. Title. N8193A3J33 2014 704.9'48943923 --dc23 2014017077 VII DIRECTOR'S STATEMENT LX FOREWORD XJ PREFACE XJII INTRODUCTION: The Drigung Kagyu XJII MAPS 1 CHAPTER I: Drigung Thel's Branches and Main Surviving Mural Sites 19 CHAPTER 2: Early Research on Dri gung Kagyu Art 33 CHAPTER 3: Recent Research on Drigung Kagyu Painting 57 CHAPTER 4: Written Sources 75 CHAPTER 5: Early Drigung Kagyu Painting 101 CHAPTER 6: Paintings from the Middle Period of Drigung Kagyu Art 121 CHAPTER 7: Full-color Paintings of Peaceful Deities in the Drigung Style 151 CHAPTER 8: Paintings of Semiwrathful and Wrathful Deities in the Drigung Style 177 CHAPTER 9: Recent Mural Sites in Lamayuru and Phyang 189 CHAPTER IO: Three Artists in Dri gung The! Monasteries of Ladakh in the Twentieth Century 2r 5 CHAPTER I I: BENEFICIAL TO SEE: EARLY DRIGUNG PAINTING by Christian Luczanits 261 CHAPTER I2: THE ELUSIVE LADY OF NANAM: AN I NTRODUCTION TO THE PROTECTRESS AcHI CHOKYI DROLMA by Kristen Muldowney Roberts 274 APPENDIX A: The Main Lineage ofDrigung 276 APPENDIX B: The Hierarchs of Drigung with Contemporary Head Lamas of Kailash and Ladakh. and Kings of Ladakh 280 APPENDIX C: Monasteries of the Drigung Kagyu 306 BIBLIOGRAPHY 314 INDEX PATRICK S E ARS, ExECUTIVE DIRECTOR Ru B IN MuS E UM OF ART P AINTING T RADITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL is the fifth installment in the Rubin Museum ·s series on the hi story of Tibetan painting. Again David Jackson has painstakingly elucidated a piece of the rich history of Himalayan art. provoking new discussio n of the region and its place in the wider history of Asian art. At the Rubin Museu m of Art it is just such a dialogue that we are dedicated to promoting. Himalayan art is more than just painting and sculpture. it is an expression of age-old ideas that cross geographic and cultural boundaries and remain relevant to contemporary discourse. For instance. in Rubin Museum Senior Curator Christian Luczanitz·s contribution he presents the art of the Drigung School in the context of the relationship of religious art and merit. noting that by creating and seeing these works practitioners achieve a bump in their karma. This concept pervades not on ly Drigung art. but much of Buddhist art and in ternational religious art for that matter, inc luding iconic European religiou s compositions. The Rubin Museum is proud to serve as a venue for the discussion of these relationships and promoting cross-cultural dialogues that place the art of the Himalayas and surrounding regions at the center of important discussions of art's relationship to ''big ideas:· including life, death. faith. love. hate. joy. pain. the environment. and the universe. These are lofty and important goals and they are not achieved easily. We are proud to have a talented and dedicated staff that brings projects like this book series and the accompanying exhibitions to life. From securing the loans and delivery of important works of art from across the globe to designing the galleries for accessibi lity and aesthetics to interacting with our visitors to help them get the most out of their experience, the staff of the Rubin goes above and beyond to create the best experience possible for visitors of all ages and backgrounds. This small but dedicated team is recognized at the back of this book. In addition to the work of our team. this project would not be possible without the generous support of those who believe in the development of scholarship around the art of the Himalayan region. In particular I would be remiss if I did not thank Donald Rubin and the Shelley and Donald Rubin Foundation, who had the initial vision to c reate this important series of books and exhibitions and have supported its development, as well as the Henry Luce Foundation, which has provided key support to make these books a reality. It is encouraging to know that there are organizations and individuals who are dedicated to this important subject and have become loyal partners in the work LENDERS TO THE EXHIBITION Asia Society, New York Brooklyn Museum, New York Michael and Beata McCormick Collection Essen Collection. Museum der Kulturen, Basel Walters Art Museum I John and Berthe Ford Pritzker Collection. Chicago Private Collection Private Collection. Switzerland Private Collection. Zurich This publication is supported by a generous grant from The Henry Luce Foundation and The Shelley & Donald Rubin Foundation. of the Rubin Museum. PAINTING TRADIT I ONS OF THE DRICUNG KACYU SC HOOL VII jAN VAN ALPHEN R uBIN MuSEUM OF ART How SHOULD WE , as non-experts in the study of Tibetan art history, assess the place of Drigung Kagyu traditions of painting? In thi s catalog David Jackson warns us that Drigung painting was until now generally little known and not adequately studied. To clarify, he divided Drigung painting into three main periods, showing that in the latest period (and especially in the eighteenth through twentieth century) there existed a rare and distinctive minor "Drigung Based on the evidence presented in this volume by Jackson, as well as Christian Luczanits and Kristen Muldowney Roberts , the very persistence of Drigung Kagyu art in Tibet from 1200 all the way down to recent decades speaks volumes. In his usual thorough manner as a historian of Tibetan art, Jackson exhaustively reviews previous research on the topic, rebutting those (including some of his own earlier publications) who mistook Drigung Kagyu art for the art of other Buddhist traditions. He found straightforward ways of identifying paintings in the Drigung style of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, such as distinctive mountain peaks (shaped like an inverted V) , special Style" of painting. Called the Driri by Tibetans, that local style derived mainly from the Khyenri Style, which together with together with the Menri and Kanna Gardri formed the three main styles of painting in Tibet in which, from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries on, Chinese style landscapes were prominently depicted in backgrounds. Jackson in his catalog also surveys the early and middle periods of Drigung Kagyu painting, giving many examples located in the western Tibetan cultural province of Ngari. Although the Drigung mother monastery stands in central Tibet, murals of the Drigung Kagyu school mostly survive in that vast province of Ngari , which includes Ladakh in present-day India and Limi in Nepal. Numerous branch monasteries survived there, having avoided the destruction of the Cultural Revolution which ravaged most Drigung Kagyu monasteries of eastern and central Tibet. The earliest styles presented by Jackson include special western Tibetan varieties figures . But he does not base himself merely on such visual stylistic clues. His evidence for dating and placing a painting firmly in the Drigung Kagyu School is in many cases the identity of the gurus depicted, especially of the most recent hierarch of the lineage, whose identity he establishes through inscriptional and iconographic evidence. Thus Jackson buttresses his arguments in this book- as he did in other volumes of this series- through several useful strategies. One of his great strengths within the field, I would argue, is his own persistence, focusing as he has on Tibetan painting since his book that he co-wrote in 1984, that he has not treated in prior catalogs. Tibetan Thangka Painting , followed in 1996 by his widely influential A History ofTibetan PainJing , with many other relevant books and papers to his credit. This persistence has involved the cultivation of many learned and venerable native Tibetan scholars and artists as infonnants, collaborators, and friends. Then there is the matter of his fluency in the Tibetan language, which allows him access to historical records and treatises, recollections. inscriptions, and all manner of written and spoken first-person accounts of Tibetan art and its practice. I appreciate the rigor and insight that Jackson has shown so far in this groundbreaking series and look forward to its next installment with great anticipation. crenelated treatment of cloud edges, and the shapes of flames arotmd wrathful PAINTING TRADITION S OF THE DR I G U NG KAGYU S CHOOL IX Drigung Kagyu traditions of painting in 1994 through my friend Ngawang Tshering. Born into a family of Drigung Kagyu adherents in Nyurla Village of western Ladakh, he lived in Germany when we first met, and he soon thereafter started I FIRST LEARNED ABOUT teaching spoken Tibetan at Hamburg University. He often told me about the wealth of sacred art from the Drigung Kagyu School. (In this book I use the spelling Drigung in conformity with the Rubin Museum's established usage; the tradition itself uses the spelli ng Drikung.) Inspired, I came to learn that from the time of the founding of the mother monastery, Drigung Thel, the patrons and artists of the school created excellent art. Indeed, distinctive traditions of painting continue up to recent generations. Not many portable works of art had survived in Tibet at the school's old main seat, Drigung Thel. In central Tibet, most of the tradition's art was destroyed or dispersed during the Great Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s or after other calamities. Fortunately, a number of important sites of Drigung Kagyu mural art survived in the northern Indian Himalayan district of Ladakh, in such venerable monasteries as AI chi, Wanta, Lamayuru, and Phyang. Today the Drigung Kagyu continues to thrive, not only in Ladakh but also in Limi of northwestern Nepal, in Puran g of western Tibet, and in the Nangchen and Gapa districts of Kham in eastern Tibet. In Indian exile, near Debra Dun in northern India, Jangchubling Monastery has become the school's new seat. The present catalog surveys the painting traditions of the Drigung Kagyu that became available to me through photographic documentation. At their main seat in central Tibet and in munerous branch monasteries, the Drigung Kagyu lamas commissioned an impressive variety of paintings in the course of their long history. I sketch for the first time their history and describe some of their key stylistic and iconographic features, dividing them roughly into three main periods: early (circa 1180s- 1450s), middle (circa 1460s-1630s), and late (circa !640s- 1950s). The early period includes some pictorial art in western and central Tibetan styles, including both thangka and significant mural sites in western Tibet, such as Alchi and Wan! a in Ladakh. Paintings from the middle period are fairly rare. During the late period, the Drigung Kagyu lama-patrons in the seventeenth century invited artists of the Khyenri style, and (from the eighteenth century on) these artists developed their own distinctive "Drigung Style," which survived unti l the twenti eth century as a rare and special style in central Tibet and Ladakh. In the following chapters I date the paintings as much as possible by identifying the last datable Drigung abbot whom the painting depicts. I also refer to several previously overlooked written Tibetan sources on Drigung Kagyu art, both ancient and modem. Iconographically, I take a closer look in one chapter at the Kagyu meditation hats, or gomsha (sgom ::ftwa), worn by the lamas of the Drigung Kagyu, comparing their depictions with similar hats from other Dakpo Kagyu Schools, and with other hats that Drigung Kagyu lamas occasionally wore. THE TERM D RIRI From about the early eighteenth century on, Drigung Monastery was home to its own special " Drigung Painting Style," called in Ti be tan Driri. However, outside Drigung Kagyu circles the Driri was not widely known, even in its homeland, central Tibet. Although it is not included in the dictionary of art terms ofTenpa Rabten and Ngawang Jigme (2003), it is nevertheless a well-established tern1 within its own religious and artistic schools. The largest modern history of Drigung Monastery, by Rase Konchok Gyatsho, does use the term in a passage about the Iife of the twenty-sixth abbot of Drigung. It was also commonly used orally by painters trained in Drigung (such as Yeshe Jam yang of Ladakh). The term Driri also occasionally appears in other sources. Among the references I could locate in pre- 1959 written Tibetan sources, Kathok Situ ( 1880-1925) employs the term in his travel record to '0 and Tsang Provinces as a pilgrim, though the well-informed and seasoned scholar from Kham did not use it immediately. When freshly arrived at the main monastery of Drigung Thel in 19 18, he saw many thangkas with exquisite golden brocade mountings in a reliquary chapel PAINTING TRADITION S OF THE DR I G U NG KAGYU S CHOOL XI of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century masters. Concerni ng their style, he commented: " Between the New and Old Menri styles, these seemed to resemble more the Old Menri ," 1 struggling to find the right classification for what were most probably thangkas in the Drigung style. Later he does pick up the local terminology when visiting Yangri Gar Monastery, a major Drigung Kagyu branch founded by Rinchen PhUntshok in 1534. In that monastery, which he described as a summer residence of the Drigung high lan1as, Kathok Situ noted seeing works from "the Drigung Tradition" or Drigung Painting Style. In the same monastery's temple for the Kagyu lineage masters, he also saw fifteen thangka boxes containing paintings by previous artists of the Drigung art tradition '"whose color and shading would be difficult to duplicate.''2 (I discuss this passage from Kathok Situ in more detail in chapter 4.) AcKNOWLEDGMENTS In producing this catalog, Helen Abbott and her editorial assistants have outdone themselves, making under pressure of time a silk purse out of less than ideal raw materials. Annie Bien's sharp eyes did much to polish the text, while Jessica Baker carefully kept track of the book's countless illustrations, edited the bibliography, and much more. Nei l Liebman helped greatly in the final phases of the book's production. Phil Kovacevich as book designer has exerted again his own inimitable visual magic, transforming the manuscript wonderfully into a book. I am deeply indebted to Christian Luczanits for contributing a valuable chapter and carefully reading an early draft of this book. Kristen Muldowney Roberts for her part kindly contributed a valuable chapter on Achi , Drigung's famous protectress. I am gratefuI to Rob Linrothe for making time at the last llllnute to carefully read tlu·ough the entire XTI PREFAC E book in draft and make many helpful suggestions, also generously providing several crucial photographs. I owe a special debt of gratitude to my dear friend Ngawang Tshering of Nyurla, for inspiring my interest in Drigung painting many years ago, for crucial help documenting the life of Yeshe Jamyang, and for sharing many rare photographs. (It is a tragedy that deteriorating health prevented him from contributing more in recent years.) I also owe a great debt of gratitude to the late Professor Mathias Driesch of Cologne ( 1926-2013) for klndly sharing in 2001 notes on many paintings he had identified. stylistic observations, and photographs. I also benefited from other generous lenders of photographs. Lionel Fournier klndly showered me with many precious images and historical sources at just the right moment. (Thanks to him I gained access in particular to the valuable unpublished notes and lists of Marc Fran~ois.) Chiara Bellini enriched the book visually by sharing numerous crucial photographs of Ladakhi murals. Kristin Blancke also klndly shared her forthcoming article and precious photographs of Lan1ayuru. PaljorTsarong took the time to photograph several murals at Jangchubling, while Ani Chime and Michael Essex both provided several crucial photographs at the last moment. Erberto LoBue generously helped with several impo1tant images and sourc.es. Tashi Tsering in Dharamsala also helped very much by generously sending several key Tibetan sources. Moke Mokotoff helped me overcome several obstacles through skillful introductions. Dan Martin came through with several crucial references to sacred hats. O laf Czaja helpfully shared his forthcoming publication and unpublished notes; he also carefully checked several chapters of this catalog, correcting errors and referring me to needed better images. Jorg Heimbel kindly helped arrange two relevant interviews on my behalf. Last but not least, Michael Pahlke kindly visited Rinchen Ling Monastery on my behalf, and he also interviewed and arranged professional photographs of Yeshe Jamyang, who was then visiting Lumbiru. The present catalog is the first survey of a single Tibetan Buddhist school's pictorial art. In it I rapidly survey the sacred painting traditions that became accessible to me tluough photographs, concentrating mainly on the datable ones. In many cases the avai lable photographs were not good enough to read the tantalizingly present names, which prevented me from achieving my basic task as a historian: identifying all the lamas portrayed. Even with better photographs, each painting of this large, sacred corpus deserves more time and care. I hope this quick and superficial overview will, if nothing else, inspire others to take a longer and deeper look. D. Jackson March 2014 The Drigung Kagyu THOUGH THE DRIGUNG KAGYU was one of the most prominent and powerful schools of Tibetan Buddhism during its early period (circa 1180s-1280s), its art is still relatively poorly known, even among Tibetans. Its mother monastery, Drigung The! (' Bri gung The! ), was tragically destroyed twice and much of its art dispersed - once in the 1280s and again in the 1960s or 1970s, during the Great Cultural Revolution. Its painting traditions were little known , and they have been recognized as distinct schools or styles only recently by Western and Tibetan art historians. Nevertheless, the Drigung Kagyu School is quite widespread within the Tibetan Buddhist cultural realm. In addition to the reconstructed mother monastery of Drigung The! and a few prominent branches in central Tibetthe most noteworthy among them being Yangri Gar (Yang ri sgar) several important Drigung Kagyu branch monasteries also survive in Kham Province of eastern Tibet. Most of the school's original murals survive in the traditional western Tibetan province of Ngari, which includes Ladakh in " Indian Tibet," one of the main locales where the Drigung Kagyu reli gious tradition survives and flourishes . A. Life of the Founder. Jig ten Sumgon Drigung Monastery was founded in 1179 in a remote corner of northeastern 0 Province by Jigten Sumgon, a charismatic disciple of Phagmotrupa (11101170). I recount here a traditional story of his life, as compiled by Dan Martin in 2008: Jigten Gonpo Rinchen Pel (' Jig rten mgon po Rin chen dpal) was born to an illustrious clan called the Kyura (sKyu ra) at a town in northwest Kham [called Dente Tsondu (!Dan stod gTson du)], in 1123. His father was a tantric specialist in Vajrabhairava practices, heading a group of five hundred practitioners. His mother had some sympathies with Bon, so after his birth she called a Bonpo for the nanling ceremony. His first name was thus a Bon name, Welbar Tar (dBal ' bar thar). This was later changed to Tslinpa Kyab (bTsun pa sKyabs), and later on Dorje Pel (rOo rje dpal) o.r Drigung Thel Monastery after snowfall Photograph by Zabrina Leung, May 2005 Photograph from hrtpJ/dharma-media.org/ media/exh ibits!DrikungThil-200 5/index. hm1l P!Cf0082. F JG. Already as a young child, Tslinpa Kyab demonstrated an aptitude for memorization, reading and meditation. By age eight he encountered the face of the yidam [tutelary deity], and in the following year he sta1ted instructing otllers in meditation. He could not bear to see other beings in distress, even animals. Once he found a dog that had nearly died of hunger. No other food being avai lable, he vomited out the contents of his stomach to feed it. He was even PAINT I NG TRA DITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL Xlll scriptures in people's houses. When a younger sister married a man named Akhar (A mkhar) as his second wife, she was unable to withstand his abuse and committed suicide. Akhar no doubt felt reoret c and had a change of heart, becoming an important patron for Jigten Gonpo in his early years of meditation retreats. In those days Tstinpa Kyab was sought out for his blessinos e ' which proved capable of curing serious diseases. Once a thief stole an ox and a horse from Akhar, and then proceeded to Tstinpa Kyab's hennitage and demanded to have everything he possessed. Before long he was satisfied that there was nothing there worth stealing, so he left. But that very night while enjoying a beer with his friends he fell down dead. This and other incidents led people to beli eve that Tstinpa Kyab's Dharma protector was especially powerful. One day Tstinpa Kyab asked a Tibetan [learned man or] pandita FIG. 0.2. Portrait of Phagmotrupa (1110-1170) Central Tibet; 13th century Gilt bronze with gold, silver, copper, rurquoise, lapis, and coral inlay; 13.5 x 12.0 x 8.5 em The Cleveland Musewn of Art, Purchase from the j. H. Wade Fund, 1993.160 Literature: D. Weldon and]. Casey Singer 1999, figs. 50 and 51; and D. jackson 2011, fig. 5.3. known to offer massages to lepers. Once when a famine filled his land ' his father went so far as to sell his Vajrabhairava texts in exchanoe c for barley to feed his family. Years later Jigten Gonpo would tell this story with the comment, "Never get married. lf you do, you will have children, and if you are unable to feed them. you will end up selling all your 'refuges,' Like my father did, since eating is necessary." Tslinpa Kyab's father died when he was fifteen, and his mother passed away a year later. He was forced to support himself and his siblings from donations he received in return for readino0 XIV INTRODUCTION who had just come back from 0 -Tsang (central Tibet) about the religious teachers there. This is how he first heard the name of Phagmotrupa Dorje Gyalpo (Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po, 11 10- 1170), and he immediately resolved to become his student. The biography says his heart was stirred up by devotion just like the leaves of a tree flutterinoc in the wind. He was twenty-five when he traveled to 0. Upon his arrival at Densa The! (gDan sa The!), he was w1able to meet Phagmotrupa for three days. Then he went into his presence, bearing gifts of brocade and a horse. Phagmotrupa refused to accept the horse, saying that doing so would be an omen that he would soon leave for another place, perhaps even die. Tsiinpa Kyab felt as if he were being scolded, and wept. begging to be accepted as a disciple. Phagmotrupa said. ··[ will take special care of you. and grant you all the teachings you desire. so why the unhappiness?"" Over the course of just two days he received the entire span of Phagmotrupa ·s teachings. from generating bodfticitta up through Mahamudra. He concentrated so intently on the practices that he hardly had a chance to prepare food or even time to eat. Sometimes he just drank water with ashes mixed into it, or heated his gruel by burning tree leaves instead of wood. Although TsUnpa Kyab experienced the highest realizations of Mahllmudra. all this time be remained a layperson. and Phagmotrupa often urged him to take ordination as a monk. He did take the Bodhisattva vows alono " with the name Rinchen Pel. but he remained a layperson for the two and a half years (some say thirty-two months) he stayed with Phagmotrupa. When Phagmotrupa died. Rinchen Pel went on to study with a master of Path with the Fruit (lamdre, lam 'bras) teachings named Tsilungpa (Tsi lung pa), and a number of other teachers of various schools. Then he went into a five-year retreat at Yechung (dBye chung), where he concentrated on generation and completion process meditations. Later. during another rwo-year retreat at Yechung. he contracted the dreaded disease of leprosy in his foot. At first be felt that he was the lowest of the low. but then it occurred to him how fortunate he was to have the hiohe est teachings from Phagmotrupa including those on the post-mortem state and transference so that he had no need to fear death. Finally. he felt sorrow at the thought that there were so few people who had these teachings. Then, while meditating, he felt the disease ooino out " " of his foot like dust swept away in the wind, or like a field bcino " plowed. Eventually he had a vision of a giant snake-spirit (naga) going to another valley, and at last he FIG. O.J Phagmotrupa with His Previous Lives and Episodes from His Saimly Career (a painting from the Tak lung Kagyu tradition) 13th century Distemper on conon; J2SAI x 10 in. (32.1 x 25.4 em) Photograph by David De Armas Rubin Museum of Art C2005.16.38 (HAR 65461) Literature: S. Kossak 2010, fig. 51; and D. Jackson 2011 , fig. 5.2. fully recovered. Based on his own experience he devised a practice that other victims of leprosy could use to cure themselves. At the age of thirty-five (in 1177). Rinchen Pel finally fulfilled his teacher's wishes by taking PAINTING TRADITI O N S OF T>IE ORICUNC KAGYU SCHOOL XV fiG. 0.4A Drigung The! Monastery, the central temple Photograph by Hugh Richardson, 1948 After Hugh Richardson 1998, plate 50. Photograph from the Tibet Alhum (TA 2001.59.15.17.1-0) Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford 2001.59.15.12.1 FIG. 0.41l Some central temples in Drigung The! Monastic Complex Photograph by Hugh Richardson, 1948 After D. Snellgrove and H. Richardson 1968, p. 40. Literature: D. Jackson 1996, fig. 187. Photograph from the Tibet Alhum (TA 2001.59.15.17.1-0) Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford 2001.59.15.19.1 monastic vows. For a while he served as abbot of Densa Thel , where he required the monks' strictest adherence to the Vi naya rules of discipline. Then he went to meditate at a place that was then occupied by the teacher called Lama Menyag (Bia ma Me nyag). About a hundred students gathered around him there, and in 1179 he established Drigung Changchub Lino0 ('Bri 0ounoc Byano c chub colino) 1:) Monastery. After years of traveling at the invitation of various patrons who wished to receive his teachings he once more settled down at Drigung. By the early 1190s there were as many as four thou sand monk-disciples attending his teachings, and as many as thirteen thousand by the year 1200. During this time he often recommended that his serious students do retreats at the hoi y places of Tsari (Tsa ri) in the southeast, Mount Kailash (Ti se) in the west, and Lachi (La phyi) in the southwest. As an elderly master his fame had reached as far as the kingdoms XVI INTRODUCTION F IG. 0. 5 Drigw1g T he!, central temples Photograph by Rob Linrothe, 2005 f iG. 0.6 Drigung The! temples, viewed &om rbe side Photograph by Rob Linrothe, 2005 of the Tanguts, the Khitans and China. Since he had become a vegetarian at the time he ordained as a monk- he was a lifelong teetotaler- he refused a medicine made from yak lungs prescribed by his doctor. As his health declined, he passed on the abbot's chair to Gurawa (Gu ra ba), and while seated in meditation posture passed into the realm of ultimate reality (dlwrmadhiitu ). When his body was cremated his skull did not burn in the fire, but was found to have a complete mandala of Cakrasamvara inscribed inside it. His nephew and disciple [Drigung Lingpa] Sherab Jungne ('Bri gung Ling pa Shes rab 'byung gnas) took responsibility for building the Ornament of the World ('Dzam gling rgyan) stupa as a reliquary for his remains and to serve as a focus of devoti on for future generations. Jigten Gonpo and his Drigung Kagyu lineage are best known for the set of teachings known as The "Five Profound Paths of Mahamudra" (Phyag chen lnga /dan). Many of his doctrinal pronouncements were collected by Sherab Jungne into what is known as the Single Intention (dGongs gcig), which inspired commentarial works from following generations of scholars. Some of Jigten Sumgon 's teachings were collected by yet another disciple into what is known as the Heart of the Great Vehicle 's Teachings (Theg chen bstan pa 'i snying po) .3 PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DR I G U NG KAGY U S CHOOL XVTI FIG. 0.7 Jigren Sumgon wirb rwo attendant disci pies Large applique thangka Pbyang, Ladakh Photograph by Lionel Fournier ftG. 0.8 Image of Jigten Sumgon known as Serkhang Choje Serkhang Temple, Drigung Thel Photograph by Zabrina Leung, May 2005 Photograph from hnp://dharma-media.org/ media/exhi birs/D rikungTh il-2005/index. hrml PICT0246. B . His Memorial Stupafor Phagmotrupa aJ Densa Thel One of Jigten Sumgon 's chief artistic projects was to oversee the building of a remarkable memorial stupa for Phagmotrupa at Densa The!. He built this extraordinary shrine based on a vision he had of the hoi y site Tsari. (The shrine has been studied by Olaf Czaja and Christian Luczanits.) 4 Jigten Sumgon in his record of the building ofTashi Gomang (bKra shis sgo mang) stupa, mentioned the main Tibetan artist as Master Artist Tshulrin (dPon chen po Tshul rin, i.e., Tshul khrims rin chen?), 5 and the main sculptor as the great Newar artist Mfu.tibhadraperfect in his knowledge of religious art and famed as an "art emanation" (bzo 'i spml pa) - who had been invited from the Kathmandu Valley, south of Tibet.6 XVIII INTROD UCTION C. Dominance ojDrigung Kagyu in Western Tibet in the Thirteenth Century Roberto Vitali in an article on two Ladakhi temples asserted that the Drigung Kagyu dominated western Tibet for about eight decades in the thirteenth century: 1193- 12807 In his book on the history of Guge and Purang he described the first two main Drigung expeditions - or waves of "mountain monks" (ri pa) and meditators- sent to practice in sacred areas including Kailash region of western Tibet,8 the earliest being to Mount Kailash organized by Jigten Sumgon in 1191. That journey by yogis occurred when Jigten Sumgon briefly returned to Drigung and exhorted his many monk followers who had assembled there: "All you members of the ordained sangha, go to the mountains and other monasteries and to other lands!" Quite a few must have gone to Kailash and Ngari Province.9 The second wave of about three hundred Drigung mountain anchorites reached Kailash iconography are discussed by Kristen Muldowney in chapter 12) in 1208, led by Garpa C hangdor and Nyo Chenpo. 10 The third expedition of Drigungpa meditators was sent by Jigten Sumgon to Kailash in 1215.11 E. Two Main LL1mas in Recent Times: The Chetsang and Clumgtsang Rinpoches D. Distinctive Religious Traditions Within Tibetan Buddhism, the Drigung Kagyu was probably best known doctrinally for the "Single Intention" (dGongs gcig) teachings of Jigten Sumgon.11 Among its public teachings or ceremonies, one of the most famous is "The Great Consciousness-Transference Ceremony" (Pho ba chen po)Y Among its practices relating to protective dei ties, the school's most distinctive protector was "Grandmother" (A phyi) Achi Chokyi Drolma, who originated as Jigten Sumgon 's wonder-working paternal grandmother. 14 (She and her In the mid-seventeenth century, the final male progeny of the Kyura family, from whom all the abbots of Drigung came, died. The monastery began to recognize the subsequent abbots as rebirtl1s of reincarnate lamas (tulku), and the main Frc. o.9 The Pure Crystal Mountain of Tsari Painting of rhe Holy Moumain ofTsari After Toni Huber 1999. Frc. o.1o Achi Chiikyi Drolma Detail of Fig. 7.13. lamas of the two chief lama palaces were called Chet.sang (Che tshang) and Chungtsang (Chung tshang). F. Online Resources and Projects Concerning Drigung Kagyu art preservation projects and resources mentioned online: H.H. C hetsang Rinpoche urged Bargyaltsang Konchok Norbu to scan PAJNTI N G TRADJTJONS OF THE ORIG UNG KAGY U SC HOOL XIX many Drigung Kagyu thangkas and After the submission of Tibet put under the control of various reproduce forty-two thangkas and fifty- and subsequent division of that cotm- Mongolian ruling lineages. Ln 1267 four mandalas in the project called "A Recent Project to Save Thangkas of try by Mongol princely appanages in the 1240s, the political order of Tibet assumed a new Qubilai-dominated during the foundation of the petty kingdom of Mang yul Gung thang under 'Phags pa bla ma [Phakpa configuration. ln 1260 Qubilai declared Lama], serious insurmountable himself supreme khan of the Mongol Empire at a great assembly that he called land conflicts started to arise, the Drigung Kagyu Tradition." After traveling to Tibet twice, to Limi (Sle mi) once, and Ladakh thrice, Konchok Norbu completed this project in 20 12.' 5 at his headquarters in the city of Kaiping affecting the inter-Mongolian relations in tile same way as tile from the internet from the Drigung (Shangdu in present-day Inner Mongolia); he eventually becan1e the ruling internal Tibetan ones- at a time when tile relations between Khu- Kagyu Ratnashri Buddhist Centre of khan in the east, establishing the Yuan Selangor, Malaysia. 16 dynasty with its capital at Daidu (Dadu, present-day Beijing) in China. Lama bilai Khan and Khaidu gradually became hostile. As a result Tibet, which in economic respects was G. Aspects of Political History Phakpa Lotro Gyaltshen (' Phags ba Blo only of minor importance to the gros rgyal mtshan, 1235- 1280) of Sakya Mongols, became more and more (nephew of the late Sakya Pandita, 1182- 1251) led the enthronement of an object of strategic interests. In tile 1270s and 1280s due to the the khan ; eight years later the lan1a was efforts carried out systematically named Imperial Preceptor. The Sak-ya!Yuan hegemony was by Khubilai, a gradual decay of the influence that the sTod hor challenged most prominently in Tibet had once exercised over Phag dru became more than obvious. Khubi- Before that, Drigung Kagyu paintings were also available for downloading In early times the political affairs of Drigung were looked after by a series of administrators appointed by the Drigung abbots. Called the Drigung gompa (sgom pa), they were investigated in two articles by Elliot Sperling (1987 and 1992). His first article, "Some Notes on the Early 'Bri-gung-pa Sgom-pa." appeared in the volume Silver 011 Lapis: Tibetan Literary Culhtre and History. In appendix I, he reproduces three lists of gompaY He also provides a family tree of Jigten Sumgtin and the gompa's Kyura family over twelve or thirteen generations in "Appendix II: Members of the sKyu-ra lineage mentioned in E. Sperling's article." 18 One of the crucial yet not wellunderstood events of Drigung political history was the catastrophic Drigung Rebellion ('Bri gung gling log) and mili tary defeat of 1288-1290. One recent Tibetan cultural handbook says the Drigung Kagyu representatives asked for military assistance against the Sakya (i.e., the Sakya-Yuan imperial government) in 1285, but as a result they were destroyed by armies of Qubilai Khan ( 1215-1294) in 1290.19 That same book also refers to early Drigung Kagyu ties with Mtinke and later with (Qubilai 's brother) HUlegU Khan. emperor of Persia, who crowned himself universal khan of the Mongols in 1260. XX INTRODU C TIO N by a Tibetan faction in Tsang. Its proponents were punished by a fullfledged invasion of 100,000 troops after Phakpa 's deatll in 1280. (At about tile same time as tile Drigung Rebellion, tile mid-1280s, tllere also occurred a revolt in Manchuria.) In 1285 or 1287 tile Drigung gompa led a revolt. The gompa was sure he would receive powerful military help from Duwa Khan of the Chagatai Khanate, one of his monastery's staunchest supporters. The revolt in Tibet was suppressed, witll many fatalities, in 1290 when an army of tile Yuan Mongols and Sakya-raised troops attacked Drigung Monastery. Karl-Heinz Everding gives one lai in 1280 by means of a punitive campaign [after Phakpa's deatll] established his control over central Tibet and henceforth effecti vely suppressed not only tile rising Tibetan nationalist movement, but also the territories of Phag mo gru pa and 'Bri gung pa. When the 'Bri gung sgom pa, with his back to the wall, in 1287 asked Khaidu for help, Khaidu sent his army to give a final blow to Khubilai's and his allies' troops. Even though he lost the decisive battle on dPal mo than g. in 1288 and 1289 he [i.e., Khaidu] continued of the clearest descriptions of the poli- to fight Khubilai 's troops tootll tics behind the Sakya/Drigung conflict, including the rivalry of tile "Upper" or and nail within the territory of the Chagatai-Khanate. 20 "Western Mongol" (sTod hor, i.e., Chagatai) Khanate witll tile "Lower Mongol" (sMad hor) Khanate of Qubilai 's Resistance to the Yuan in the far west of the Mongol conquests continued Yuan empire: for another decade.21 The main immediate provocation Wi til the rise of the Mongol empire Tibet was drawn into a rapidly expanding world empire ... and of the war between Sakya and Drigung in the late 1280s was their conflict over the appointment of tile abbot of Densa Thel and a legal case lodged at the court after the murder of Draklewa (Brag ble ba) - the abbatial candidate favored by Sakya and personally close to the Yuan Imperial Preceptor Sharpa Yeshe Rinchen, who then resided at the imperial capital . The particulars are explained by Olaf Czaja in a long footnote: 22 Roughly speaking, this conflict revolves around the issue whether the ' Bri gung pa or the Sa skya pa would accomplish hegemony over Tibet. The scenery and the persons involved in this struggle changed over the decades. Areas affected by this dispute were the religious settlements in Dwags po, Kong and Gnyal, but, more important were the judicial controversies at the Imperial court, where each party tried to defend its own point of view and win lawsuits. In the followi ng, the developments and events regarding only the Phag mo gru pa will be discussed. According to the Deb !her dmar po, which is repeated slightly different in the Rgva bod yig tshang, a lawsuit fom1ed the casus belli. Under Grags pa ye shes the ties to the Sa skya pa were still strong. He had studied under 'Phags pa. Later he gave one of his nephews of the maternal side (dbon po), who was known as the maternal nephew (snag tsha), the one of Brag ble (alias Brag sle) (Brags/ ble ba), to the Bla ma Shar pa Ye shes rin chen (1248-1294). [Deb titer dmar po 1233, Rgya bod yig tsflang 541.15] . The personal name of this nephew is not recorded in the sources. The place of Brag ble is unidentified. The bla ma Shar pa Ye shes rin chen belonged to the then influential Shar pa fan1ily at Sa skya and he held the office of a ti shri [imperial preceptor] from 1286 to 1291 (L. Petech 1990: 29). The Sa skya planned to appoint this nephew as the new see of Gdan sa mthil, but he was killed by Grags pa rin chen (1 250- 1310), as it is stated in the Deb tlzer dmar po: gcung rgya pos bkrongs .23 ••• The conflict between both of them had many causes ... . After the death of Grags pa ye shes in 1280, his younger brother Grags pa rin chen followed him to the throne of Gdan sa mthil. The Sa skya pa were, however, still disappointed by this outcome and planned to bring in a lawsuit (kflaniS [kim] mchu) con- F JG. O.II Drigung The! rem pies, viewed from rhe side Photograph by Zabrina Leung, May 2005 Photograph from hrtpJ/dharma-media.orgl med ia/exb ibirs/Dri kungTh il-2005/index_ html PICf0081. cerning Brag ble ba. This led the 'Bri gung pa to back Grags pa rin chen . . .. Evidently the attempt of the Sa skya pas to install their own candidate and thus trying to cut down their enemies' influence [and] their enemies' sphere of rule and sovereignty, namely on the abbotship of Gdan sa mthil, shows a somehow new quality of animosities. The 'Bri gung pa gave support to the candidate who was not chosen by the Sa skya pa. This became the casus belli between these two powers. 24 PA JNTING TRAD JTJONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL XX.I NOTE TO THE READER in captions 10 ligures, we may assume that all thangkas were painted with distemper on cotton and created in the Tibetan cultural region , unless otherwise specified. When 1he text refers to HAR (Himalayan Art Resources). the reader is invited to lind more information about a work of art at himalayanart.org. using the number given after HAR. TO AVOID REDUNDANCIES Some terms and names are given in trans! iterated Tibetan on the first occurrenee in the text. These terms will also be found in the index. Diacritical marks are not provided for words of Sanskrit origin if they are familiar to English readers. In the main body of the texL Tibetan proper nouns are rendered phonetically. accompanied by Wylie Romanization on the first occurrence. When appropriate. names quoted from inscriptions or lists of names remain in transliteration. In endnotes. appendices, and footnotes, Tibetan names are Romanized. Some common Sanskrit terms or names with the character ca have been spell ed as if it were aspirated, i.e., as cha: Yairocana = Yairochana. MAP 1: D -T SANG PROVINCES ••• ' . ; 92'"Et·· ........................ \··· . .• .. . . .. . . . . ~·- · --- -- ~ 32' N ······ ······ ······ ·· -·· •···· ········ ···· · ···'· · · ·· · ··· ··· ··· ·· ···· · · · ··· · ·· ··· ··· ·· ···· ···: · · ··· · ····· ·· ·· Svlrng T.so : Nakc:hu ' TIBET NomTso TSANG 0 Oam.shung. Mt Nyenchen Tangtha. Taklung. . ,Lhundrup Yangri Gar• Ph enpo Jona~ . PontsoS::Iing 14 Tanak Bodong E- :rsedong §. Nyemo, . • Tashill'kJnpot:,Shigatse Rinpong, Gyang Bummoche. . Chumig, '*'>' ng . shalu Latil l hatse : Nanang• o • Gyantse : Sakya Nakartse, ·• Ngor 0 Neoying • Dingri Chusar, • Ganden• Tolung Oechen,; ,Uyuk . Ngamnng, • Nalendra . rswphu ,Hamling · "tl . OriglMlg MeldioGungkar Kongpo ' Taktse lhasa ~Lhokha . Samye . Oen.s.adl • Dranang• ·T~ng Gongkar L. "Nedi>ng utathang · E Lhagya ri Ch Yamdrol< onggye • ,Yartung • • vazang Dakpo Yuml.50 Ralung • Shekar PumoYutJo ,lhodrak ,Tsome , ....._.,:Do : waOzong • Lhodrak • • sekhar Kula Ka.ngri Oochen Tso · cn~3 SIJ(KJM f Punakha Dromo. Yadong NEPAL Rumtef<, ... ................ ~ ')_· Paro" • 'I) Wangdi • Phocftang • Lhuntsi • ' ' I ' • • • • • • .... ARUNACHAL PRADESH . .... .... . . ' ..... .. . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . ' .....•• ,.,.-, Ozong~-/..,j~f'l'"" •' • Tongsa Ozong LEGEND Thimphu ~apital BHUTAN .Town . Mountain District INDIA STATE/PROVINCE 1ooml 0 0 100 km PAINTING TRA DI TIONS OF T HE D RI GUNG K AGYU SC H OOL XX!l l •• •• MAP II: NCAR! . )6... ... ... . . -... - ······· ...•••• .. ... ....... ..... . ..-... .. . .. ... . ·.. . .. . .... .... ... ... ..__,. .. . .. . -...-·· _j .. ..~:·~· 1 ... •...• .·: ............: ,.... •••• • • •• • .... ·,~...._-~~ "'~ • •• ~ -· •• ·-.. t" • ••• .•• • •' .•••• • ..·----------. .:• . : .•:........ .. • _....-~ ............,.... .. ... •••• ·-········· • ·J·· : ••• ••• •• •• •• • • .. KASHMIR •• Zangskor . • NGARI ' • • • LohO<JI Spit / TIBET -. . .•' .. .. -.-.... • Kunowar Gug• .: ,.,_.,_ ... ,....., ~ ~ • •• Purang Urn/ Jumlo Oolpo INDIA Musrang Gungthong S«rib Tho.kkh 00 1 Manang Kylrong NEPAL .' 28'N . ... ' ... ..... Porong . OrikUtt.so ' . .. ' ' horKifumbu · ,{'athmandu LEG END ~Co pita I .MonMt.try OiJtrict City ..........., ,c... STA TE/PROV/NCE 100mi 0 0 XXIV 0 r MAPS MAP III: l<HAM PROVINCE ; IOO"E 34'N .. . . . .. ... . . " .... ., : 102'E .. ... .. . . ·· · •··· ·· ·· ·· ~ · · · ··· .. ... .. .. .... TIBET -~ Go Dzonyak" .t harlam Gon . Nyiclzong ~ ·*kund<> Dzochukho Oenma : . . . . . . . . .... . ' . ..... . .. .. .. " .. .. ..l. . . ,t<attn.a Gon Karma.· . . . . . .. .. ... . .-.. ' . ..... . . ' ... ' . . . .. ... . Somong Gyal1ong Beri. • Kandle lhathOk. ,Drango Khyungpo .Riwoche . Kha~agat : ,Nyarong . Gongjo .Dr>gyab • . .Mazw •Tawu . • ,Sangen Lhato . . .. ... . . -... .. . PashO ~ ' . .. . ' . . ... . . , Tshawa . ... ' ' ' .. .. .... . • Powo 30'N .Kang.sa1 Kham "Chamdo .. Chokio ·I ···Bathang .. .. ... . .. .. ·>: ...,lithang .• .... . . . . . . . . . . .. .. . . .. . . . . ... ' . ... . . . , Markham LEGEND District 0 INDIA - . Tsawarong . ..... ... ' .. 0 Traditional Province too mi 2ookm ,Mil PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE OR!G UN G KA G Y U SC HOOL XXV Drigung The! :S Branches and Main Surviving Mural Sites Drigung Thel in central Tibet, possessed many branch monasteries in central Tibet (0), eastern Tibet (Kham and Jang), and in the far west (Ngari). I would like to begin this chapter by listing some of the more prominent monasteries in those regions, concentrating at the end on branches in the far west, such as at Mount Kailash. Purang, Limi, and Ladakh. (In appendix C, I list the branches of Drigung more thoroughly.) I will conclude this chapter by surveyinao six murals at the three most prominent early mural sites in Ladakh: Alchi. Lamayuru (Bia rna g.Yung drung). and Wanla. THE MOTHER MONASTERY, The mother monastery, Drigung Thel, stands on a magnificent steep, rocky mountainside in southeastern 0 Province about 135 kilometers northeast of Lhasa (and around 72 kilometers northeast of the town of Metro Gongkar [Medro Kongkar J). After experiencing severe damage during the Cultural Revolution. seven main temples have been rebuilt since 1982. The most prominent three temples are: the Main Assembly Hall (gTsug lag khang). Serkhang (gSer khang) Temple. and Dzamling Gyen ("Dzam gling rgyan) Temple. to the Main Assembly Hall's right and left. both with shininoe eoilt paooda-style roofs.25 c In addition to the mother monastery and the nearby Drigung Durtr(), or sky-burial ground, several branch monasteries or nunneries existed within forty or fifty kilometers. They inc luded Uru Katshe (dBu ru s Ka tshel, with three tulku) , Dzongsar Tashi (rDzong eosar bKra shis, with two tulku). Tsewa Tratshang (rTse ba Grwa tshang. Khra ba kha) Monasteries. and Terdrom Nunnery. (fur Drigung Dzong see Fig. 1.4.) The scenic vale ofTerdrom with its hot springs is illustrated in Figure 15.Z7 Ftc. 1.1. Drigung Thel, m~in temples viewed from the side Photograph by Rob Linrothe, 2005 Literature: M. Kapstein 2006,1ig. 14. Chief among Drigung Kagyu branches in 0 was Yangri Gar Monastery, with its fourteen hilku. (See Fig. 1.6.) It had the misfortune of being torn down and the land used for many years BRANCH MONASTERIES /. Central Tibet: Drigung The/ Monastery and Monc1steries or Nunneries Nearby Ftc. r. r Drigung Thel complex viewed from below Photograph by Rob I..inrothe, 2005 as a military compound- its monks only regained their land recently. It was home to a special tradition of ritual dance and many eminent lamas. Though Drigung Thel's abbot appointed the lamas with the title dord:into the three mai n pilorimaoe sites, includin!!- Mount Kailash, 0 0 many other Drigung Kagyu local head lamas, for instance, most of the chjjje or head Drigung Kagyu lamas of Ladakh, were appointed and sent from Yangri Gar.28 (See also Fig. 1.7.) (For the names of numerous other branches in southern 0 and northern Tsang. see appendix C.) 2. Klwm and the Far-Eastern Borderland In a sketch of his life up to the early 1990s. H.H. Chetsang Rinpoche gave PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL 1 ..• . \ : • , . N,okeJ:tuJ< a.; • • •• •• • "'If , .·... ... . . ..... .... . .. .. . /7060 •. • • ..... .. , . . . .•.......... . ..... .... ... . ... • : To ~ '•• • "' /~ I / ; ; ; .• ... .·. : ..:..... ...... .. .. . •• . • .... ..·... .....: : .. •... .· .... . .. ..... ..... . • ' • ' • ; , ••· c'::.~':.c::."-::::..:-:;.!~:..c-"':-;:.,~·:...:-.- 1710 0 •' ,,.,. -~ . 0 h' • .•. . .. . ... .•• .... !Y ~~hnj..:''. ' ... ,. • 1"~_/ ... - - c 0 • ·. Oh • ... ' ... ... .. • .. 17000 .. . .• .·· .• ....• .... lfooo . .•" ' : 0 ••• .•. • • • • .. ' .. . . • 0. .•.... .... : .. • .... .. ..•• .• • •. • .• ... ' •. . • ' .• ... . .. .·.. • •...•• .....· •. ...••• •. .•. • ... .... • • • ( .. .. •70t t ·. . .. .'• .. .. • .••'••• ......•.. .· .. .··• .•.,· ..,.: lu ... ' lv!.~~i".l . . .... . ; .. - - ... ... .... ·;;. :.. ~.... N ·--- . -- : • 10 I.3 Map of the Drigung area Map by Meryl White After Keith Dowman 1988, p. 108. FIG. Ftc. 1.4 Drigung Dzong and Yuna Monastery Photograph by Hugh Richardson, 1948 Photograph after Hugh Richardson 1998, plate 47. Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford 2001.59.15.110.1 Ftc. 1. s Terdom Nunnery Photograph by Rob Linrothe, 2005 2 C HAPTER 1 ~· r Frc. r.6 Yangri Gar Monasrery in 1948 Photograph by Hugh Richardson Afrer Hugh Richardson 1998, plate 49. Copyright Pin Rivers Museum, Universiry of Oxford 2001.59.15.2.1 FJG. 1.7 Yangri Gar, d1e main remple Photograph by O laf Czaja, 2010 l iterature: Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2004b, fronr illustrarions. FIG. r.8 Nangchen Gar Monastery Afrer Andreas Gruschke 2004b, plare 76. locations of many Drigung Kagyu branches, including approximately twenty in eastern Tibet and three in "Jang," the Tibetan name for Lijiang in the borderland ofYunnan.19 However, most of its branches in the east were in northwestern Khan1 in either Nangchen or Gapa (modern "Yushu") districts. Most were severely damaged during the Cultural Revolution. A. NANGCHEN Nangchen was one of two major loca- I I I • • tions of the Drigung Kagyu in Kham. Andreas Gruschke in hi s Cultural Monuments of Tibet's Outer Provinces, Volume 2, noted the presence of six Drigung Kagyu establishments in Nangchen.30 Even among Kagyu sub-sects, the Drigung Kagyu had slightly fewer monasteries than the Kanna Kagyu, Barom Kagyu, and Drukpa Kagy u, all of which possessed from fifteen to eighteen branches there. (Here and elsewhere in Khan1, a number of Geluk monasteries existed that had originally been Drigung Kagyu.) Gruschke actually discussed only two prominent branches: Pal me Monastery (dPal me dGon pa) and Lho Meyel Gonpa (Lho Mi g.yel dGon pa).31 The website drikung.org also describes two prominent monasteries in Nangchen: Lho Lungkar Gon (Lho Lung dkar dgon PAI NTI NG TR AD ITI ONS OF THE DRIGUNG K AGYU SCHOOL 3 FIG. 1.9 Jigten Sumgon Main Statue Gar Monastery, Nangchen After Andreas Gruschke 2004b, plate 77. 'Qo min thub bstan bshad sgrub gling) 0 in Drongme and Gar Gon Jangchub Choling (mGar dgon Byang chub chos gling) at Lungzhu Choding.32 A more complete discussion of Driouno Kaoyu establishments in Nangchen " " 0 can be found in the fairly recent "History of the Nangchen Twenty-five," which lists five monasteries and two nunneries and seven sub-branches of a major monastery. These are: Pal me Thubten Shedrup Ling (dPal me Thub bstan bshad 33 Kharoo Gon (mKhar 'go sorub olino)· b 0 0 ' 0 34 dGon); Dza Merchen Gegon (rDza Mer chen), a nunnery; Lho Miyel Gon (Lho Mi g.yel dgon);35 Tharmar Gegon (mThar dmar dGe dgon), a nunnery:36 Ka Tashi Gon (Ka bKra shis dGon);37 and Gar Gonpa (mGar dgon pa) .38 The last establishment was distinguished by its possessing seven branch monasteries of its own, including one each in Golok and Chamdo. (For branches in Nangchen, see also appendix C, nos. 69- 77.) 4 CHA PTER 1 B. GAPA FIG. r. ro Gapa (including Ga, Denma, and Kyura) was the second highly significant location of the Drigung Kagyu in Kharn. It is special to the Drigung Kagyu relioious tradition for it was here (in !Dan 0 stod, upper Denma, to be exact) that its fOlmder was born. And here the sect still has many branch monasteries, large and small. The website dri kung.org lists only two prominent ones: Nyidzong Gon (Nyi 'dzang or Nyi rdzong) in Zhe 'u (see Fig. 1.10) and Ga Drubgyii Gon (sGa sGrub brgyud dgon) in Gapa near Jyekundo, in Nyidzong Monastery in Gapa Photograph by Andreas Gruschke After Andreas Gruschke 2004b, picrure 66. FrG. r.rr Drubgyiiling Monastery in Gapa Photograph by Andreas Gruschke After Andreas Gruschke 2004b, picture 54. front of Driri Mountain. The "History of the Nangchen Twenty-five" (Ba ri Zla ba tshe ring, comp. 2005) mentions seven branches in Gapa: Ayang Gonpa (A dbyangs dGon pa) in Rakshlil ;39 Khamjok Gon (Kham mgyogs dgon);40 Nyidzong Gon (Nyi rdzong dgon);41 Ba Gonpa ('Ba dgon pa) near Zhe' u;42 Ge'u Gon ('Ge'u dgon);43 Chodze Gon (Chos mdzad dgon);44 and Drubgyli Gon (sGrub brgyud dgon) in Dzachuto (rDza chu stod).'5 Tharlam Dezhung Lungrik Tulku ( 1906-1987), a native of Gapa, mentioned these three monasteries as the most important Drigung Kagyu branches in Gapa: Ayang Gonpa (A yang or A yong dgon pa), Nyidzong (Nyi 'dzang or Nyi rdzong), and Ga Drubgyti (sGa sGrub brgyud) Gonpa.46 ln another context he also mentioned Kham 'jo (Kham mgyogs) Gonpa, nearTrindu. Gruschke, for his part, mentions the presence of several Drigung Kagyu monasteries in Gapa "Yushu" district of Khan1 including Drubgytiling near Trindu.'7 (For a longer list of branches, see appendix C, nos. 52 to 68.) 3. Far-western Tibet (Ngari Province) In terms of their numbers, many more Drigung Kagyu branches survived in Ngari , the far-western province of cultural Tibet. For, in addition to the several monasteries in Purang, Limi, and the Mount Kailash area, we also find more than forty branches, great and small, in Ladakh. A. MouNT KAILASH thirteenth century. The order's influence peaked under the Dordzin Darma Gyaltshen (Dar ma rgyal mtshan), who presided over Gyangdrak Monastery during the abbacy of Jung Dorje Drakpa (Dri 5), 1255-1278. At that time, in addition to Gyangdrak Monastery, several other well-known sacred sites in Ngari were The area around Mount Kailash has been a site of Drigung Kagyu hernlitages since the late twelfth century, when administered by the Drigung Kagyu , such as Nyenri (Nyan ri), Dzutrtil (rDzu ' phruJ), Riwotsegye (Ri bo rtse brgyad), Jigten Sumgon sent many anchorite disciples to meditate there.48 With the devout support of local rulers of Purang and Jumla, the Drigung Kagyu spread widely in all three regions of western Tibet (mNga ' ris skor gsum) in the Khojarnath, and many other places in Purang, Trosho (Gro shod) in eastern nomadic Ngari, and Khunu (Kunawar). FIG. I.I2 Moum Kailash from the north Photograph by Augusto Gansser, 1936 Photograph after M. Henss 1981, p. 42. F JG. I.IJ Gyangdrak Monastery Photograph by Jan Reurink (reuri nkja n), "Srupa in from of Gyangdrag Gonpa (air 5010m), Tiber," Sepr 22, 2011 hnp://www.ilickr.com/phoros/ reurinkjan/7367607556/ The decline of the mother monastery, Drigung The!, in the fifteenth century weakened its branches in PAINTI NG TR AD ITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL 5 FIG. I.I4 Gyangdrak Monastery Photograph by Bob Wid ox, "Gyangdrak gompa near Mt Kailash," May 19,2005 hnp://www.ilickr.com/photos/ bobwitlox/3 70801 015/in/ pool-kang-rinpoche/ 5 Purang hillside temples of Gnngbur GOnpa Photograph by Lionel Fournier FJG. I. I F JG. I.I6 Temple at the foot of the Gungbur cave complex Photograph by Lionel Fournier western Tibet. Few new Drigung monks journeyed from central Tibet to these distant holy places, and the handful who remained could not keep them up. Some monasteries were temporarily entrusted to the Drukpa Kagyu and ultimately remained in the bands of that order. The seventeenth abbot, Gyalwang Kunga Rinchen (1475-1527), did much to restore monastic discipline and the quality of the spiritual life at Drigw1g, inspiring a period of renewal for the branch monasteries in Ngari. He sent three hundred meditator-monks to Mount Kailash. Not long thereafter, the next lineage holder, Rinchen Phtintshok (1509- 1547, abbacy 1528-1534), appointed an outstandi ng personality from Kham as dord:in at Gyangdrak: Choje Denma Kunga Drakpa (Chos rje lOan ma Kun dga' grags pa).49 He would be instrumental in leading a revival of the Drigung order in the Maryul (dMar yul) region of western Ngari now better known as Ladakh. When he was appointed dordzin at Gyangdrak Monastery in the late 1520s or early 1530s, the monastery was in decay and he rebuilt it. Within a short time, he had turned things around to such an extent that he was sending many of his own new disciples in western Tibet back to central Tibet 6 CHAPTER 1 Frc. r.r7 HaJji ViUage of Limi wirh Chorren in Foreground Augusr 2010 Lim~ \Veltse (Halji) Village Phorograph courresy of Lionel Fournier FrG. r.r8 Welrse (Ha lji) Rinchen Ling, remple &om \Vel rse, Limi, Nepal Phorograph by Asrrid Hovden, 2010 FJG. r. 19 Vairocana, central image \Veltse (Ha lji) Rinchen Ling, Limi Afrer Amid Hovden, 2002 Halji updare, Asian Art, fig. 5. to study at the mother monastery. After receiving an invitation from the king of Ladakh, he left the Kailash region for Ladakh. B. PURANG One of the main surviving Drigun.g Kagyu monasteries in Purang was Gungbur Gonpa (also called Gongphur Gonpa and Tsegu Gonpa). The drikung. org website confirms its importance and describes it as situated on the slope of the mountain T aida Khar, just outside the Purang county seat town. It consists of six cave-temples including a Main Assembly Hall (Dukhang, ' Du khang), Temple for the Kanjur Canon (Kangyur Lhakhang, bKa' 'gyur Lha khang), Dharma Protectors' Temple (Gonkhang, mGon khang), and small shrine room named Palde Lhakhang. C. LIMJ Limi is located near Purang, but it lies across the Nepalese border to the southeast (in the corner of northwestern Nepal). It is home to Weltse (called HaJji) Village with its venerable temple, Weltse Rinchen Ling (dBal Jtse Rin chen gling). (See Figs. 1.17 and 1.18.) This ancient temple was described in an article by Mimi Church and Mariette Wiebenga.50 In Limi, two other villages are home to Drigung Kagyu monasteries: Zang and Til. Their monasteries are called Zang Phelgye Ling and Til Kunzom Dongak Ling. Because of Limi 's isolation, its local monasteries preserved many ancient religious objects. Depicted in Figure 1.19 is the central image of the Yogatantra mandala to which Weltse Temple is devoted.51 PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG K AGYU SC HOOL 7 under the authority of the monastery of Phyang."53 Jina and Konchok Namgyal simi larly list those four as "sub-gompas" of Phyang.>~ Evidently Lamayuru and Sharchukhul are technically branches of Phyang, yet each also functions as a mother monastery (ma dgon) with a duster of fifteen or more small branch monasteries or small vil lage shrines beneath them .55 This makes Ladakh the locale with the most Drigung Kagyu branch-monasteries anywhere in the Tibetan Buddhist world. MAIN SURVIVING MURAL SITES Few old Drigung Kagy u murals survive in either central Tibet or Kham. By far the greatest number of wall paintings may still be found in far-western Tibet, within the vast traditional Tibetan cultural prov inee of Ngari. In the heartland of this area (central Ngari) lay the kingdoms of Guge and Purang, located just to the east and west of Mount Kailash. Also traditional ly included in Ngari Province, west of Guge, were the principalities of Ladakh and Zangskar, which now belong politically to India. In the following pages I describe some of the most prominent surviving murals in Ngari . 1. Murals al Mounl Kailash FIG. I.20 Phyang Monastery, general view Photograph taken in the 1970s After Romi Khosla 1979, fig. 82. FIG. 1.2.1 Thangka of Jigten Sumgon with Chief Disciples Phyang Monastery Photograph by Lionel Fournier D. LADAKH Ladakh was home to more than forty Drigung Kagyu affiliate convents, all under the administration of the Ladakh Choje (La dwags chos rje) appointed from Yangri Gar and based at Phyang Monastery.52 Though Phyang in central Ladakh was the head institution, Lamayuru in the west was older, housing more monks and with nearl y as much property. Binczik and Fischer state that "today the monasteries of Shyang, Sara, Lamayuru, and Sechukul are 8 CHA PTER 1 The main surviving Drigung Kagyu branch in the Mount Kailash area is Gyangdrak (rGyang grags) Monastery, which stands about six kilometers south of the mountain. It and Seralung Retreat or Selung Monastery (about five miles west of Gyangdrak) are described, for instance, in the pilgrimage/trekking guide by Victor Chan.56 Gyangdrak was the seat of the Drigung-appointed dordzin , the prestigious head of the Drigung sect in those parts, and it still exists as a li ving establishment. 2. Murals in Purang Purang is the site of five Drigung Kagyu branch monasteries. (See appendix C, nos. 8- 12.) Gongbur Gonpa is also mentioned in chapter 6 of this volume as a mural site of the middle period of Drigung Kagyu painting. 3. Murals in Limi Limi is located near Purang in the corner of northwestern Nepal. According to the drikung.org website, Ti l Kunzom Dongak Choling in Limi possesses "outstanding wall paintings."57 Weltse Tshokkhang (Lhakhang Nyingpa) and Gonkhang, 1530s 3. Purang, Gongbur (alias Tsegu) Gonpa, circa 1550-1600? Late Period Mural Sites I. Lan1ayuru, Chenrezig Lhakhang (Avalokitesvara Chapel), Dukhang, circa 1860s 2. Lan1ayuru, Chenrezig Lhakhang, Veranda (Veranda), Lantern, lower row of figures, circa 1870s (lineage up to Dri 35, 1871- 1906) 3. Phyang, Tshokkhang, Lantern (lineage up to Dri 35, 1871- 1906) Rinchen Ling is another prominent surviving site. 4. Phyang, Dukhang, Lantern, central wall (lineage up to Dri 37. 1927- 1940) 4. Mural Sites in Ladakh 5. Lan1ayuru, Gonkhang, circa 1930 (''up to thirty-sixth lan1a of Drigung Kagyu lineage'' i.e., Dri 37, 1927- 1940) In Ngari there survived more than a dozen roughly datable and stylistically quite distinct sites with mural paintings that were sponsored by Drigung Kagyu patrons. Dating from the last eight centuries, they include four at a renowned early site- Aichi - and feature a wide variety of styles. (To improve the accuracy of dating, I have concentrated on those that depict guru lineages.) Here I list fifteen notable ones, dividing them into three periods: Early Period Mural Sites I . Alchi, Sumtsek Temple, circa 1200-1210 2 . Alchi, Small Stupa, circa 1210-12 15? 3. Alchi, Lotsawa Lhakhang, circa 1215-1220? 4 . Alchi, Lhakhang Soma, circa 1217- 1220s 5. Larnayuru, Sengge Gang, 1240s- 1260s 6 . Wanla, circa 1250s- 1280s? Middle Period Mural Sites I . Ph yang, Guru Lhakhang, circa 1440s? (predating Tashi Chodzong) 2. Phyang. Tashi Chodzong, and Wanla. Five of them contain depictions of lineal gurus (which greatly helps their dating) . The first monastery, at A! chi, contains at least four stylistically distinct early temples, while only one early temple survives at Lamayuru and Wanla. The Alchi monastic complex lies about seventy-six kilometers west of Leh and ' ·contains six temples as well as three painted gateway stupas (kakani chorten, ka-ka.-ni mchod-rten) of a style lmique to the AI chi group."58 The monastery is renowned for its art and can provide us with at least four distinctive temples and murals from the point of view of early Drigung Kagyu portraiture: 1. AI chi, Sumtsek Temple, circa 1200-1210 2. Alchi, Small Stupa mural, circa 12 10-1215? 3 . Alchi, Lotsawa Lhakhang, circa 1220s-early 1230s? 4 . Alchi, Lhakhang Soma, circa 1217- 1220s 6. Lan1ayuru, New Dukhang, Veranda, 1976 In chapter I 1 in this volume, Christian Luczanits explores several of the most prominent earlier Drigung Kagyu mural sites in more detail. 1. A/chi Sumlsek Among the oldest Drigung mural sites in Ladakh, the earli est example of Drigung EARLY DRIGUNG KAGYU F JG. 1.2.2 MONASTERIES IN LADAKH Here I begin by briefly describing six mural sites that are found in three monasteries in Ladakh: Alchi, Lamayuru, Plan of !:he Alchi monastic complex De[3iJ of a plan made by a team from !:he Graz University of Technology wi!:h adjustments by the a uthor/C. Luczanits After C. Luczanirs 2005 , p. 79. 0 S...•l... 2_0+I-------+I-40metres _o_ _ _ _ _ _ _ PAINTI N G TR A DITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL 9 Kagyu portrait paintings is found at Alchi, in western Ladakh. In Figure 1.23, Jigten Sumgon appears i.n a Kagyu lineage in a mural of Sumtsek Temple of that monastery. This is one of the earliest examples of Drigung ponraiture among mural paintings and is the first depiction of a lineage within the Alchi complex.59 The series of masters portrayed is a lineage of sorts, but it includes three of Gampopa's disciples. (Luczanits lists them in order, giving the actual Alchi spellings of their names f,oThe lineage is: I. Vajradhara 2 . Ti lo 3 . Narc 4 . Marpa 5. Milarepa 6. Dwags po chen po [sGam po pa, 1079- 1153] 7. Dwags po dBon [sGom pa Tshul khrims snying po, 1116-1169) 8. Dwags po dBon chung ba [sGom chlmg ba or dBon sgom Shes rab byang chub, 1130- 1173) 9. Lama Phagmotrupa (Bia ma Phag mo gru pa) 10. Lama Drigungpa (Bia rna 'B ri gung pa. i.e., Ji gten Sumgon, 1143- 1217) Their positions are indicated by Diagram [A). For guru number 7, the dwags po on in the inscription is a misspelling of dwags po dbon (''The Dwags po nephew"), which refers to Gampopa 's nephew and monastic successor, Gompa Tshultrim Nyingpo (sGom pa Tshul khrims snying po). Similarly for number 8 , the dwags po on clumg of the inscription is a misspelling of dwags po dbon c/umg. ''The Jesser Dakpo (Dwags po) nephew," referring to another of Gam - fiG. I.2.3 Ten Lineal Gurus of a Dakpo Kagyu Lineage Left panel, lantern's entrance wall, Sumtsek, Alchi; ca. 1200- 1210 Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2010 Literature: Roger Goepper and Jaroslav Poncar 1996, p. 216; cf. C. Luczanits 2011, fig. 6.1 (general view of wall) and 6.3 (the three botrom-row lineal lamas in the left panel). IO CHAPTER 1 4 7 10 3 2 6 5 9 8 popa's nephews, Tshultrim Nyingpo's younger brother Gomchung (sGom chung or dBon sgom) Sherab Changchup (S hes rab byang chub). The painters were not familiar with this subject, and it is strange that the last three lamas (gurus 8-10) all have nearl y the same 01.24 Alchi, Small Srupa Phorograph by C. Luczanits, 2010 ftG. 1.25 Jigten Sumgon as equal to a buddha Mural, Small Stupa, Alchi, ca. 1210-1215? Photograph by Lionel Fournier Literature: C. Luczanits 2011, fig. 6.5 "Drigungpa in the small Srupa of Alchi in the center of a composition derived &om central Tibet." face and distinctive hairline (typical of Jigten Sumgon), whi le Phagmotrupa, for instance, is unlike his other well-known early portraits .6 1 Since Jigten Sumgon is the final master, we can assume that the painting dates to a time when he stiU lived. I would estimate a date within the last two decades of his life (i.e., circa ll97- 12l7) . Luczanits considers this to be one of the earliest representations of a lineage not only for the Drigung Kagyu, in particular, but also for the Kagyu Schools, in general. 62 2. Alchi, Small Stupa mural, circa 1210- 1215? In Figure 1.25, the manner of portraiture has changed strikingly. For the first time a Tibetan lama appears in a position and with features that clearly equate him with a buddha, as described by Luczanits. The "so-called Rinchen Zangpo" of the painting turned out to be Jigten Sumgon, though this had been completely forgotten by local tradition. This portrait, which is somewhat hidden within a small stupa in the monastic complex (Fig. 1.24), thus reflects a second early stage of Jigten Sumgon 's portraiture, which has taken on board some central-Tibetan painting conventions. The unusual lineage in the top register has the ordering of Diagram [B]. Up to guru number 4 it depicts the lineage down to the long-haired Marpa, but after him there is no clear white-robed Bl ga ga ga ga ga I 2 3 4 8 5 6 7 B2 oa "'oa "'oa "'oa 0 oa "' PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL II Philip Denwood in vol. 2 of Snellgrove and Skorupski , The Cultural Heritage of Ladakh, presents the text of the Lotsawa Lhakhang (Lo tsa ba Uw khang) inscription.61 He noticed that the language seems much later than most of theAichi inscriptions -perhaps as late as the thirteenth century.64 The first verse he interpreted as referring to Atisa and Dromttin and to Rinchen Zangpo.65 But the phrases "bla ma bka · brgyud" and "dws rje 'gro 'gon yab sras" definitely refer to lamas of the Kagyu tradition and to Jigten Sumgon and his chief disciple or disciples. That would perfectly fit the lineage depiction. which goes down to the third abbot. Denwood also noted in his inscription I0 (the later one recording Tashi Namgyal 's renovation of Alchi) the strange phrase ''A! chi Drigung" (A lei 'Bri gum) as possibly stating a link with Drigung, perhaps seeing Alchi as a sort of miniature Drigung fiG. I .1.6A Jigren Sumgon with gurus and deities Lorsawa Lhakh:111g, Alchi; ca. U20s-mid-12 30s Phorograph by C. Luczanirs, 2010 Lirerarure: Pal and Fournier 1982, fig. LL2. repa, except possibly guru 7. So possibly 5 and 6 were meant to depict Gampopa and Phagmotrupa. who were moved out of order. 3. A/chi. Lotsawa Uwklumg. ca. 1220s-mid- 1230s? Figure 1.26a is another lama portrait that for many generations, if not centuries. was held to depict the Tibetan translator Rinchen Zangpo. Indeed, it is the most prominent guru portrait within a temple that is still referred to as the "Lotsawa Lhakhang." (It is one of three large images depicted on the wall directly facing the entrance door [wall I of R. Khosla 1979. p. 64.J. the other two being Buddha S!ikyamuni and Four-armed I2 CHAPTER I Avalokitesvara.) In the previously available illustration. it was difficult to discern the faces and details of the minor deities. Yet (like Fig. 125) it follows a classic central-Tibetan composition that prominently depicts both lineage and the Eight Great Adepts . Thanks to the photographs of details (see Figs. 126b and 1.26c), it is now possible to see the nine lineal gurus and gurus below them more clearly. I conclude that after the central figure (guru 8) the lineage probably continues for two more generations, as shown by two lamas in the right column (gurus 9 and I 0). My interpretation of the upper part of the painting is shown in Diagram fC]. The two lamas in the right column cannot have been placed there random ly. Chronologically, the consequence is that we are conveyed to the generation of the third Drigung abbot. Sonam DraJ.:pa (Dri 3. abbacy 1221-1234). I would propose a dating of about the 1220s or before the mid- 1230s. monastery.66 Concerning the Lotsawa Lhakhang, Luczanits says: 67 ''Temples like the MaiijusnTem ple in Alchi show a decline in material and artistic quality. Further. the Lotsaba Lhakhang. which was added to the side of the Maiijusrf temple at some later stage. combines the earlier western Himalayan stylistic features with the foreign central Tibetan ones. However, the artistic quality of the murals is much poorer than in any of its predecessors." Reconsidering the inscription, Luczanits adds: 68 The inscription there. which alludes to a person named Rin-chen (among others). may well be the reason for the association of this temple, and in extension the whole Alchi Monastery. with this fan10us translator of the lith century. However. Rin-chen can also refer to Drigungpa because his ordination name is Rin-<:hen-dpal (Magnificent Jewel), a name inscribed on the back of the Origungpa thangka, F IG. 1. 2.611 Derail of Fig. 1.26a, beginning of lineage Jigten Sumgon with gurus and deities Lotsawa Lhakhang, Alchi; ca. 1220s- mid-1230s? Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2010 ga? Bl I 2 ' .) 7 4 5 6 ga? ga? ga? ga? ga? 9 8 10 FIG. I.2.6C ga? ga? Derail of Fig. 1.26a, continuation of lineage Jigten Sumgon with gurus and deities Lotsawa Lhakhang, Alchi; ca. 1220s-mid-1230s? Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2010 ga? ga? are found in the representation of a hierarch on the main wal l of the Alchi Lotsawa Lhakhang, which which is in a pri vate collection. There, the name used is Rat:na guru sri, a phrase that trans lates into Rin-chen bla-ma dpal. The acrostic of the first line (four verses) in the likely goes back to the late 13th or early 14th century. Very likely it is again Drigungpa that is repre- the main lineage of Drigung abbots is sented there .69 depicted. Thus, if the second abbot of Drigung (Dri 2) is s hown, then the dating 4. Alehi Uzakhang Soma written in red ink instead of black, Figure 1.27 depicts a crucial lineage- reads Bla-ma chos-rje Rin-chen bla-ma and, thus, may well refer to bearing mural in the Lhakhang Soma. This reading is further s upported by the depiction of the teacher on the main wall of that temple which is to some extent simi lar to that in the Small Chorten. More decisivel y. however, the depiction conforms to a large degree to the Drigungpa paintings and 9 . [Dri 2] Khenchen Gurawa Tshultrim Dorje (mKhan chen Gu ra ba Tshul khrims rdo rje, 1154-1221), tenure 1217- 1221. Here we assume that Translator's Temple inscription. Drigungpa. mgon, 1143- 1217), tenure 1179- 12 17; The second part of the name (Soma, gsar ma) marks it as the relatively new temple of Alchi. I briefly discussed it in my Nepalese Legacy catalog.70 There I dated it to 1220- 1250. For its guru lineage order see Diagram [D].At that time, I assumed that Sherab Jungne could have been shown in the Lhakhang Soma lineages one generation after the shou ld be revised to the early 1220s, Khenchen Gurawa Tshultrim Dorje's tenure of 12 17- 1221. He was abbot of Drigung at the time of Sherab Jungne 's visit to Ladakh during the first three years of his six-year journey to Ngari (1219- 1225) and "fotmding" of Lamayuru. (According to Vitali, Sherab Jungne was involved in Lamayuru's restoration at that time, in about the early 1220s.)11 5. Lamayuru, Sengge Gang Temple . 1240s- 1260s used as comparisons for the Small Drigung founder (since he personally visited Purang in 1219). In that catalog Chorten depiction and, thus, also when interpreting the main lineage, I ln recent centuries the second most belongs to this group. jun1ped to the fourth abbot, skipping prominent Drigung Kagyu monastery in the second and third. Strictly speak- Ladakh (after Phyang) was Lamayuru, whose full name was Lan1ayuru Thar- Luczani ts also states: The gravest misunders tandings ing, the last two gurus in the Lhakhang Soma lineage should normall y be: 8. [Dri I] Ji gten Sumgon ('Ji g rten gsum paling (Bla ma g.Yung drung Thar pa gling). Possessing more monks than the PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KA GYU SCHOOL I3 fiG. 1.2.7 Hevajra with Kagyu Lineage Lhakhang Soma, Alchi, Ladakh; 1217- 1220s Photograph by Lionel Fournier Literature: P. Pal1982, plate LS15; and D. Jackson 2010, p. 120, fig. 6.27. for just one temple in what later became a large monastery, may quite possibly recall the name of the original foundation . The main image here is a well preserved stucco representation of the primary Buddha Vairocana (see the frontispiece of [Snellgrove and Skorupski's] Cultural Heritage, vol. l), with the other four Buddha manifestations of the five-Buddha mandala arranged two to either side. His mandala also appears as a mural painting on the left wall. Also on the back wall to the left are miniature scenes of the life of Sakyamuni, similar to those found in tl1e Lhakhang Soma at Alchi. 8 6 4 2 Phyang, it was located in lower (western) Ladakh, about 124 kilometers west of Leh, the capital.72 A much older foundation than Phyang, it was reconfirmed to the Drigung Kagyu School by King Jan1yang Nan1gyal in the 1530s, during the long Ladakh visit of Choje Denma, who greatly expanded it. Lamayuru was built on a very ancient site, taking into account the play of sunlight upon the landscape. It originally consisted of five mandala-like temples, traditionally said to have been built in the time of Rinchen Zan gpo. 73 The earliest surviving temple is the 14 CHAPTER 1 3 5 7 9 Senggang (Seng sgang) Temple. It is within a structure that is traditionally called the Lotsawa Lhakhang, which includes a Gonkhang and verandal1.74 (Fig. 1.29.) Snellgrove described the temple:7 ; One small temple [is] known as Seng-sgang ("Lion Peak"). From its iconography this may be placed in [the] time of Rin-chen-bzangpo or soon afterwards, nan1ely the lith to 12th century. The rather unusual name of "Lion Peak" The Sengge Lhakhang can be approached in two ways: up the stairs behind the main building of Lamayuru and via a lower route passing through part of the nearby village. As in Alchi, we find Yogatantra mandalas in it, with Sarvavid Vairocana (Kun rig rNan1 par sNang mdzad) as main deity. Romi Khosla describes the Sengge Gang Chapel in his book, Buddhist Monasteries in the Western Himalayas. with four photographs (figs. 52- 55) and an architectural plan.76 He introduces the monastery and setting,77 describing the temple in some detail, mentioning that the main monastic complex of Lamayuru was "so conspicuously placed on the Leh-Srinagar route that it provides a very convenient resting stage for travellers." The same spot. he believed, would have been convenient for army camps that traveled the same route in earlier periods, such as the invading army of Zorawar Singh in the fiG. I.28 Lamayuru in the 1930s Photograph after M. Pa llis 1949, p. 234 [-4], "Storm Clouds over Yuru." . FIG. I.29 I .. ' , Plan of Sengge Gang Temple After Romi Khosla 1979, no. 12, p. 69. FIG. I.30 Ancient column capital Sengge Gang Temple, Lamayuru; 13th century Photograph by C. Luczanirs .f. nineteenth century. He continued, ''The original traces of antiquity have therefore long disappeared. Not only have armies camped here in the past, but even today the process of demolition and re-construction is carried on under the direction of the monks." 78 "Sanctity, however, seemed to be attached to a small temple located well below the main monastery complex which is among some of the monk's residences.'>79 Two clear signs of antiquity that Khosla mentioned (in addition to the carved wooden door frame) are the central stucco image of Vairocana and the ancient column capital that caps a recent roughly made capital (Plate 52).80 (See Fig. 130.) Khosla added: 8 ' The murals on the wal ls of the Senge sgang are in a very bad condition and make it difficult to identify content and style. Snellgrove and Skorupski have identified a mural of the 11 -headed Avalokitesvara and a mandala of Vairocana. Plate 53 shows a part of the painting below the Vairocana mandala. [My Fig. 13 J shows a detail from another panel.] translates that the Tise Karchag says that he founded ('debs) Yuru. In his main historical account though, Vitali always interprets the word as "renovated." Further, he believed it was a project supported by the Ladakh king Ngtidrup Gtin (dNgos grub mgon). Finally he thought that the particular Lamayuru temple Sherab Junone "founded" or "renovated" 0 was Sengge Gang saying, "It contains murals dating to the 13th century." (Vitali may be right that Lamayuru was renovated or expanded then, since it Roberto Vitali in his Guge-Purang book of 1996 dated Sengge Gang Temple to the (early) thirteenth century. He thought that Sherab Jungne, who visited Ngari in 1219- 1225, renovated probably was founded long before the advent there of the Drigung Kagyu; at the same time, the 1ise Karc/Jak may be correct if its author wanted to stress tl1e Lamayuru .82 Vi tali correct! y quotes and establishment of Lamayuru at that time as a branch of Drigung.) PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL I5 prayer-wall and some chO!ens [stu- pas] and then the first house surrounded by its fields of ripe barley. Ten minutes later a bend in the valley brings into view the Wan1a Fort, perched on its summit of crags, a fantastically beautiful setting. Just below the fort stands the temple [of Wanla], about 6 meters square, dedicated to 11-headed Avalokitesvara like other old temples in Ladakh. Inside there are alcoves in the main faci ng wall and to the right and the left, containing respectively images of Avalokitesvara (white), Lokesvara FIG. 1.31 Phagmotrupa and Jigten Swngon Painting in Senge Gang Temple, Lamayuru 13th century Photograph by Rob Linrothe Literature: R. Linrothe 2009, fig. 5 Vitali describes the style of the Sengge Gang murals: 83 The wall paintings in the TibetoPala sty le of the 13th century are sti ll found in the Seno-oe-soano 0 0 0 0 together with relics dating to the Kha-che artistic period in West Tibet (i.e., the sculpted cycle composing its shrine and some murals depicting dkyil 'klwr-s on the left wal l). Some mchod rten-'s of the Byang chub chen po type, also called Ka ni ka mchod rten-s in the literature (i .e., stu pas with a passageway), are located near to the Seng ge sgang below the sandy spur on which the later Bla ma g.yu ru monastery was bui It. Wanla is an lith-century ruined citadel, like so many in Ladakh, with a small temple attached, containing ancient murals. To get there from Lamay um one rides gently up along a valley with willows and poplars all turning to their autumn tints. This gradually becomes a narrow gorge with fantastic rock others assumed, to Rinchen Zan gpo's time. But when was it bui lt? Its dati ng about 1240.''85 The same scholar in his the open as one crosses the pass with brown and reddish summits article of 1996 on Kanji and the Phyang all around, as bleak and as desolate Guru Lhakhang repeats his dating of Wanla to about 1240.86 as one can imagine. This pass is in fact higher than Mt. Blanc [4,810 Christian Luczanits, who studied the temple more intensively, dated it vari- meters (15,781 ft.) high, the highest point in the AI ps and western Europe], but as the valleys on both ously. For instance, in hi s article of 2002 devoted to "The Wan la bKra shis gsum brtsegs," he concludes it dates to the "first sides are correspondingly high, the half of 14th century." More recently he differences in e levation are prob- opines: 117 "According to an inscription to the side of the Maitreya image, the Wanla ably only 1000 meters [i.e., around 3,280 feet]. One descends the far side into a similar gorge. Some dry patches of grass appear, and then briars. Then a little stream trickles their appearance, and Ngawang says at once, "Houses and fields cannot be far away." Suddenly the gorge opens out into a valley with trees , poplars and willows along the river's edge. One passes a CHAPTER 1 Wanla did not date, as Snellgrove and disappear. Then one emerges into David Snellgrove in 1979 visited the 16 TEMPLE OF WANLA cliffs on both sides and all trees forth, gradual ly becoming a substantial river. A few birds make described his ride there on horseback from Lamayum:84 D ATING THE THREE-STORY has remained something of a puzzle: Vitali in his book of 1996 dated it "to 6. Wanta Three-Story (Sumlsek) or Chujik:Jzal Temple, ca. 1250s- 1280s? picturesque citadel of Wan Ia, with its temple and surviving murals. He ' (dark hued) and Sakyamuni. temple was erected by a certain 'Bhagdar-skyab, the eldest son of a minister of an unnamed government. This occurred most probably in the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century, an otherwise wholly obscure period of Ladakh's history."88 Still later Luczanits dates it to tl1e early fourteenth century.89 The Wanla inscription was quoted in footnotes of both Vi tali 1996a and Luczanits 2002 but was finally published in complete form by Kurt Tropper only Ftc. 1.3:t Sadaksara Avalokitdvara with Two Attendants and Kagyu Lineage Wanla, Ladakh; ca. 1250s-1280s Photograph by C. luczanirs Literature: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 344; D. jackson 20 I 0, fig. 6.30. in 2007. Thus Vitali dated Wan) a quite early ("to about 1240").90 He considered it to be close in style to the Lamayuru Sengge Gang. He describes its ' 'Sumtsek Temple":91 Cos mopolitanism was in vogue at Wan-la. Its inscription says that Newar prototypes were used as model s for the complex threedimensional decoration of the gswn brtsegs roof, which no longer survives:9Z ... while the artists working in its interior were Tibetan.93 I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II 12 Though the historical background of this period is obscure. Vitali dates the have necessitated a slightly later dating than the 1240s.) main patron of Wanla. the ruler Triptin Bhagdar Kyab (Khri dpon 'Shag dar The Wanla mural (Fig. I 32). judging by the lineage it depicts. should be dated two or three guru generations later would be: 12. (Dri 5]Jung Dorje Drakpa ( 121 0-1278), abbacy 1255-1278. At a second location, another lineage is found, but it is thirteen gurus than the lineage of the Lhakhang Soma (Fig. I .27) . What exactly do the lineages show? lo Wanla. the entire temple has only one or two lineage-depicting pan- lo ng (as C. Luczanits 2002 and K. Tropper 2007 record) . That would bring us to Thokkhawa Rinchen Sengge, tenure 1278- 1284.) In any case. I would sug- els. One is depicted above SaQak~ara Avalokitesvara with attendants.95 The lin eage order is shown in Diagram [E]. Guru numbers 4 and 5 are obviously gest an approximate date of the Wanla lineages and Vitali's interpretations of Marpa and Milarepa, judging by their distinctive iconography. So if the lineage the inscription, the contents of which do seem to fit the mid-thirteenth century corresponds to the standard Drigung Kagyu lineage or something close to it, it indicates a dating to approximately the time of the fifth throne-holder of better than the early fourteenth. (In the remainder of the Yuan period, after Drigung was destroyed in 1290. the Driguog Kagyu is unlikely to have received prom- Driguog- who in the normal abbatialline was lung Dorje Drakpa 1210-1278. (His abbacy was from 1255 to 1278.) That agrees fairly closely with the lower range of the dating if the maio Dri gung throne holders follow the usual abbatial progressioo: i.e., we reach between 1235 and inent support in Ngari in the form of newly established temples such as this.) s Kyabs). who was the eldest son of a Ladakhi royal mini ster, to the time of early Dri gung influence and the rule of Ngari by the Namsa Bakshi (gNam sa dPa' shi), i.e .. in any case between 1240 and 1280.9-1 He considered Bhagdar Kyab to be (with De khyim) an instance of resurgence of local power in Ladakh during the 1240s. That may have been true about hi s initial ri se to power, but he also was someone who effectively had his rule legitimatized by the greatest powers of the day (the Mongols), if his later title tripon (klzri dpon) was a Mongol one, as seems most likely. The references of Vitali to Wanla in hi s Guge-Purang book thus indicate a dating to the mid-thirteenth century (ci rca 1240s or 1250). (Vitali apparently did not notice that Bhagdar Kyab was already deceased at the time that Wanla Temple was built by his sons; that would 1255. The last Drigung abbot depicted murals to between 1255 and 1284, cons idering the presence of both guru PAINTING TRADIT I ONS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SC HOOL 17 Early Research Touching on Drigung Kagyu Art Drigung Kagyu painting was not a well-known area of Tibetan art history. At first it was hardly recognized in its own right, as distinct, for instance, from Drukpa Kagyu art. Scholars had reached no consensus about whether the Drigung Kagyu ever possessed its own special painting style, though hints to that effect started surfacing in the secondary literature as early as the 1940s. By the 1980s and 1990s, a few scholars either asserted the existence of a Drigung style or used the term Driri without explaining or defining it. In this chapter I summarize the earliest publications on Drigung Kagyu art, from the 1940s unti I around 200 I. UNTIL RECENTLY, MARCO PALLIS 1939 AND 1948 The first and only Western publication from the 1930s to touch on Drigung Kagyu art was the book Peaks and Lamas by Marco Pall is ( 1895-1989), which first appeared in 1939.96 Pall is visited Ladakh in 1936 and met at Phyang Monastery a monk-painter named Konchok, whom he specified was from the "Dikhung" [i.e., Drigung] Kagyu order. That painter recommended Marco Pallis to visit Drigung Monastery in central Tibet and study Buddhism there under the head lan1a of his school. 97 Though the original edition of the book appeared in 1939, ?allis extensively rewrote it during and immediately after World War 11, cutting much old matter and adding a new chapter. As he wrote in a note to the revised edition,98 the new version of 1948 "was to be regarded as fully authoritative." 99 In the 1939 edition of his book, Pal lis alluded to DriQUilo Kaoyu paintino 100 sayi no c 0 0 0 that Pall is and his two traveli ng companions each commissioned thangkas from Konchok Gyaltshen. 10 1 Then, one day, the painter suddenly asked Pallis: 102 0~ "Do you wish me to put in ordinary clouds or Kargyudpa clouds?" "What are they?" we asked. "Why should there be two sorts of clouds?" "But there are " said the lan1a· ' ' "from ancient times the artists of scholar to place Tibetan art within its actual political and cui tural context, through the study and systematic analysis of local historical sources.'' 103 Tucci's magnum opus, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, contained a lot of Tibetan history though relatively little iconographic analysis. 10> When Tucci published his ground breaking work in three sumptuous vol - we are of course pennitted to use the ordinary methods, too, but we prefer our own tradition." We of umes from Rome in 1949, he produced a masterpiece that was far too expensive for ordinary people in post-war Europe. But among scholars of Tibet it became an instant classic. He ill ustrated a thangka that depicted Hayagrfva with consort (rTa m.g rin yah yum) . 105 (See also chapter 8, Figure 8.17.) Though Tucci did not realize it, this painting was one of the first thangkas published in the West that should be attributed to a Dri- course ordered Kagyupa clouds for our thangkas; they can be seen on the photograph opposite page 404, where one of Gyaltshan 's works gung Kagyu stylistic corpus. Though he possessed the broadest knowledge of Tibetan painting among scholars of his generation, Tucci was not has been reproduced. in a position to notice any connection with the Drigtmg Kagyu, either stylistic or doctrinal. The mixed Drigung/ Nyingma iconographic content posed special difficulties. Tucci stressed the ove1tly Nyingma content of the work, the Kargyudpa have their own special convention for portraying clouds, and also certain plants. No other order draws them as we do; Konchok Gyaltshan was thus proficient in both Drigung and non-Drigung styles. We should understand "Drigun.g Kagyu" whenever Pall is speaks of "Kargyudpa" clouds. GIUSEPPE Tucci 1949 Modern studies of Tibetan art history can be said to have begun with the research of the Italian scholar Giuseppe Detail of Fig. 2.1a Tucci ( 1894-1984). He visited important temples of western Tibet (Ngari) and Tsang Province. He was "the first enumerating the minor scenes featuring Padmasan1bhava, quoting and translating the inscription beneath each scene. He classified the painting under his loose rubric "Tibetan ' Settecento' Various Schools," 106 yet we can now recognize the mountains and clouds as typical of the PA I NTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORJGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL I,9 FIG. 2..IA Milarepa, Rechungpa, and Gampopa Dimensions unknown After G. Tucci 1949, plates 40 and 41. of that thangka. Yet with a second painting that he also published in Tibetan Painted Scrolls ( plates 40/41 ), he erred egregiously, overlooking the painting's more obvious Drigung Kagyu origin. Though the thangka had overt Drigun.g Kagyu links, he misidentified its main guru, wrongly reading his name as ''Zhang pa rOo rje." The correct name is bZhad pa' i rdo rje, a name for Milarepa. In this painting, Figure 2 .la, Tucci was also misled by the shape of the lineal gurus' hats, believing that they represented lamas from one of the other Dakpo Kagyu sub-sects: 107 "All around are pictures of gods and masters, all belonging, as may be seen from the shape of their hats , to the 'Brug pa school." He also overlooked the presence of the Drigw1g School's founder, Kyobpa Jigten Sumgyi Gonpo (sKyob pa ' Jig rten gsum [gyi] mgon po), though a label clearly names him in the top-right comer. The thangka 's three central figures actually are: Milarepa. Rechungpa, and Gampopa. The painting depicts them and the other smaller gurus as the lin - 9 4 2 lib? II a? 13 IS 17 7 19 I 6 3 8 5 10 12 14 16 eage of White Amitayus according to the tradition of the Queen of Realization (Grub pa' i rgyal mo' i lugs kyi Tshe 18 dpag med), a specialty of Rechungpa. 108 I have reconstructed the lineage follow- 20 ing Tucci's transcriptions of the names, [P22] though one name is evidently missing from the left column in Diagran1 [A]. 21 The patron of the painting [P 22 in the Driri style of the eighteenth or nineteenth century. Tucci seems to have used the Italian word settecefllo (seven hundred) categories or groupings. "Khams Style" was his next main class of paintings, while ' 'The Great Yellow Monasteries of to designate "various [eighteenth-century central-Tibetan] styles," which was one the Yellow Sect" was the preceding one. of his later fairly extraneous stylistic by the mixed Drigung/Nyingma content 20 C HAPTER 2 Tucci was understandably misled chart] is named. according to the inscription, Namkha Palgon (Nam mkha ' dpal mgon). He was probably the disciple of guru number 21, Nan1kha Samdrup (Nan1 mkha' bsam 'grub) . The I i neage can be reconstructed from Tucci's transcriptions as: 109 I. 'Od dpag med (Amitayus) 2. sPyan ras gzigs (Avalokite5vara) 3. Grub pa "i rgyal mo 4. U rgyan padma "byung gnas [Padmasambhava] 5. Ti phu pa 6. [Milarepa[ bZhad pa rdo rje (7. Ras chung rOo rje grags pa 1083-11611 [8. sGam po pa bSod nams rio chen] 9. Phag mo gru pa 10. sKyob pa "Jig rten gsum [gyi] mgon po I Ia. [missing in Tucci 1949?] I I b. sPyan snga G rags pa 'byung gnas ( 1175-1255) 12. Yar [= Yang I dgon Chos rje [=Yang dgon pa Thugs kyi rdo rje] 13. sPyan ln ga Rigs ldan [=sPyan Rin chen or Thugs sras sPyan snoa 0 snga Rigs ldan] 14. Zur rus pa I=Zur phug pa Rin chen dpal bzang] 15. sKyes mchog rGyal mchog dpal bzang (="Ba· ra ba rGyal mtshan dpal bzang?] 16. Sangs rgyas bsod dbang 17. Lo chen Nam mkha · grags pa 18. mKhas grub Sangs rgyas dpal bzang 19. Ph a rgod bSod nams bzang po 20. sPrul sku Nam mkha" rgyal mtshan (1372-1 437) 21. mKhas btsun Nam mkha · bsam 'grub (1408-1462?) Tucci provides only s ix names for the seven lamas in the left column (did number II a, or another he omi t ouru 0 one?). Rechungpa should be the main number 6). as he was actu(ouru fioure 0 o ally the guru of Milarepa for this lineage. Could ..s Prul sk-u Nam mkha · rgyal mtshan'' be Lachiwa Nan1kha Gyaltshen (La phyi ba Nam mkha· rgyal mtshan. 1372-1437)? That master was the main transmitter of this and similar Rechung lineages to later generations. as mentioned in Michael Pahlke ·s recent study of his life.110 The lineage was popular among Kagyu lamas in western Tibet in the sixteenth century. Two different (Drilineaoes Kaoyu) ouno ° for this Rcc hung 0 0 0 transmission ( twenty and twenty-five ourus lono) are found in the murals of 0 " Phyang, Ladakh, and Gun bur (Tsegu), Purang. A thangka for a western Tibetan Drukpa lineage of the same Rechungpatransmined tradition is preserved in the Koelz collection in Ann Arbor.'" DAVID SNELLGROVE AND lADEUSZ F1c. :>..r8 Detail of Fig. 2. La Snellgrove and Tadeusz Skorupski inu·oduced in the 1970s many important cultural sites of Ladakh. most of them Buddhist monasteries. Volume I ( 1977) was the fruit of the authors' three-anda-half-month stay in Ladakh during late 1974 and early 1975.112 They hurried to Ladakh soon after the region was opened to outside visitors for the first time in many years. considering it to be the most significant survival of Tibetan culture in SKORUPSKI 1977 AND 1980 the world. 113 Through their two-volume book, The Culhtral Heritage of Ladakh. David Snellgrove and Skorupski present Lamayuru Monastery as one of PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE ORICUNC KAGYU SCHOOL 2I two Drigung Kagyu monasteries they visited, the other being Phyang. 114 Their consideration of Phyang Monastery seems superficial in comparison.115 They evidently did not learn then about other major Drigung Kagyu sites such as the temple near the Wanla Citadel. nor did they realize that the main site they studied. AI chi -where they stayed two weeks-was originally Drigung Kagyu. Later in his memoirs. Asian Commitment, Snellgrove recounts the same visit to Ladakh of 1974-75. He provides a more detailed and positive account of Phyang and its murals; we also learn that he visited Phyang on November 29, 1974.11 6 We then drove on to Phyang, which was new to us. another ten miles in the same direction. The monastery is built on a hilltop up a side valley north of the Indus with a village just below. The wall paintings. dating from the 1930s. are very good indeed. as was observed by Marco Pall is when he visited Phyang sixty years ago. 117 The fifteen monks present received us in a very friendly manner. Snellgrove followed Petech 's wrong information about its founding: 118 Phyang was founded in the 16th century by Tashi Namgyal [sic!], one of the greatest of Ladakhi kings, as a Kagyupa monastery of the 'Bri-gung-pa Order in connecti on with a visi 1 of the abbot of Drigung .... When visi ting Lamayuru a few years later (in 1979). Snellgrove found "a veritable museum." with wonderful murals. In panicular. he remarked on the excellent quality of both the recent murals depicting the Kings of the Four Quarters in the antechamber and the sacrificial cakes (forma. gtor ma) in the gonkhang. 22 C BArTER :Z. "which would surely win a prize, were such prizes offered for these displays." (Both murals and forma cakes were the handiwork of the Drigung monk-artist Yeshe Jan1yang.) (Snellgrove's account is quoted in chapter 9 .) 119 Snellgrove called Lamayuru "one of the most impressive monasteries in Ladakh."120 (See Fig. 2.2.) After visiting it for three days in October 1979. he went to the picturesque citadel of Wanla. with its temple and surviving murals. This was his last journey to Ladakh and to the Himalayas. LuciANO PETECH 1978 Luciano Petech 'sanicle of 1978, ''The 'Bri-gung-pa Sect in Western Tibet and Ladakh," carefully summarized the history of the Drigung Kagyu School in Western Tibet. It supplemented the scattered mentions in the much earlier A Stud\' of the Chronicles of lAdakh and his history of Ladakh published in the Serie Orientale Roma series (The Kingdom of LAdakh ca. 950-1842). ln 1997 he also contributed an updated sketch of western Tibetan history in the Tabo book (Tabo a Lamp for the Kingdom) by D. Klimburg Salter ( 1997). fiG. :z..2 L:unayuru Monastery Photograph by C. Lucz.anits Petech thought Choje Denmawhom he knew was a (Drigungappointed) dord~in or head lama of Gyangdrak Monastery near Kailash fomuled the Drigung Kagyu School in Ladakh. during a visit at the invitation of King Tashi Namgyal (who he thought ruled circa 1555-1575), in the 1550s. (The abbot of Drigung Thei appointed dord~in to each of the three main pilgrimage sites: Kailash, Tsari, and Labchi .) 121 After becoming the personal spiritual teacher of the king, he founded Gangngon Tashi Chodzong (sGang sngon bKra shis chos rdzong) Monastery at Phyang (Phyi dbang), northwest of Leh. The same lama, he says, founded soon thereafter Lan1ayuru Monastery. nanling it Yungdrung Tharpaling (g.Yung drung Thar pa gling). But Petech was about twenty years too late with his dating of Ph yang. and Lanlayuru had been founded much earlier. Petech helpfully summarizes the origins and later imponance of the successive Togdan Rinpoches. specifying their links with Yangri Gon. 122 He also underestimates the early glory of the Drigung Kagyu:m Thus the story of the "Bri-gung-pa in Western Tibet is typical of the fortunes of a second-rank sect in medieval and modem times. Never to be compared with the brilliant careers of the Sa-sl..')'a-pa. dGelugs-pa and even of the "Brug-pa. it contributed a share. however modest to spiritual life in Gu-ge and Ladakh. and still continues doing so at present. after the destruction of the parent monastery. But he fo rgets the early glory years of the thirteenth century when Drigung did compete head -to-head politicall y with the Sakya-based Yuan-established government. though with disastrous results. PRATAPADITYA PAL 1982 Pratapaditya Pal in hi s book of 1982, A Buddhi.rt Paradise: The Murals of A/chi. conjectured an important link between Al chi Monastery in Ladakh and the Drigung Kagyu . After dating the earliest phase of the AI chi Monastery ·s murals (the Sumtsek temple) too early- about the mid-eleventh century. i.e .. late in the life of the translator Rinchen Zangpo (958-1055)-he considered the next main stylistic phase (his "Style lr") to be represented by the Lhakhang Soma temple of Alchi. He believed he could link that second phase with the Drigung Kagyu and date it to the time of the school's fo under: 124 The iconography of the murals of the Lhakhang Soma may indicate a Kagyupa. specifically Drigungpa association .... One of the Ladakhi kings. NgMrup (dNgos-drub), was a patron of the Kagyupa lama Rinchenpal (Rin -chen-dpal). alias Dharmasvamin ( 1143- 1217) who founded the Drigung monastery in Central Ttbet and an order by that name rra1 refers in a note to Petech 1977. The Kingdom of Ladakh. pp. 19-20]. ln 1215 he sent one of hi s followers to found a monastery in Kailasa, in which he received the cooperation of the monarchs of Guge and Purang as well. Pal then referred to two thangkas in a similar style, about which Heather Stoddard Karmay had already conjectured a possible link with Drigung Kagyu lamas in a thangka from Kharakhoto.' 25 He continued: "Thus the probability that King Ngodrup built the Lhakhang Soma around 1215 to commemorate his association with the Drigungpas becomes more than conjecture. especially when we are told that Ngoorup was responsible for restoring the temples built by :t.J (ALSO FIC. 1.27) Hevajra with Kagyu Lineage Lhakhang Soma, Alcbi, Ladakn; F lC. 12 17-1220s Photograph by Lionel Fournier Literature: 1'. Pal1982, plare LS15; and D. Jackson 2010, p. 120, fig. 6.27. his ancestors. one of which may have been AI chi. The Drigw1gpa foray both in the no rth and in the west in the beginning of the twelfth century indicates an organized effort at expansion:· Pal repeats later: "The Lbakhang Soma was very likely built and painted under the patronage of King Ngodrup. perhaps as a royal benefaction for the Drigungpas. the newly foW1ded sub-sect of the Kagyupa.""1211 He rightly noticed PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE ORICUNC KAGVU SCHOOL 23 distinctive elemen ts such as Kagyu guru lineages for Anunar ayoga Tantric traditions. If we examin e them. we find in them both of the main convent ions to have been active: "In the early part of the thirteenth century the Drigungpas ... established themselves in western Tibet, especially around the Mt. Kai - of lineal descent in paintings: the older Jodie one. from left to right (P. Pal 1982. plates LS 16 and LS 17); 127 and the conven tion that after about the sixteenth century become s almost universal in lasa region. The iconography of the Museum 's thanka [P3) also seems to indicate its association with a Kagyup a monas tery." 131 In retrospe ct we can say that Los Tibet, which starts with a central Vajradhara and alternates back and forth, to right and left (P. Pal 1982, plates LS 15 Angele s County Museum of Art thangka P3 has no connect ion with Driouno c 0 Kagyu art. Meanwhile Pal, in the same catalog, overloo ked a thangka with an obvious Drigung Kagyu guru lineage. m and LS 19). 128 (Fig. 2.3.) The occurre nce of both conven tions in the same chapel is unusual. Pal was not aware of the Kagyu lineal gurus as a key source of evidence for dating a slightly earlier phase of Alchi murals to about the time Pal mentioned (circa 1215), and the Lhakha ng Soma to slightly later. PRATA PADITY A PAL r983 In his 1983 catalog of the Tibetan collection of Los Angele s County Museum of Art (Art ojTibe t)Y9 Pal speculatedwrongly, as it turned out-that a certain painting hailing from western Tibet might have Drigung Kagyu connections. The painting in question was one of the thangkas discovered in a western Tibetan cave temple by Professor August o Gansse r (Pal ·s catalog number P3. Plate 9, '"An Abbot and his Lineage''). In the catalog entry Pal referred to his having attributed e lsewher e the murals of AI chi Monast ery in Ladakh as perhaps having been ..rendered for the Drigung pas, a sub-sec t of the Kagyupas. around the year 1215."130 He mentioned the suggestion of Heather Kannay that .. the same (l)rigun g Kagyu) order had something to do with the Kharak hoto tflangkas." Pal then tried to link the Los Angeles County Museum of Art thangka (his catalog number P3) with western Tibet, where he mentions that the Drigung Kagyu tradition was known 2.4 CHAPTE R 2. This painting depicted Milarepa with episodes o f his life and li neaoe· " , Pal followed Tucci in mistakino"' the Dri<>uno 0 c Kagyu gomsfla hat as Drukpa Kagyu. 133 When describ ing the lineage he said: "'Above the demons , in a row, are the seated figures of gods, mafltJsiddhas, Marpa (Milarepa ·s guru). and several monks wearing hats typical of the Drukpas, a subsect of the Kagyu.' ' 134 Pal also stressed the unusual ly colorful palette.135 Stating that it certainl y came from westem Tibet. he added that it was ..difficult to relate to a particular s tyle:· He continued in the elllry to pursue possible signs of links with the Drukpa Kagyu. comparing the donor figures of this thangka with those in Tibetan Painted Scrolls (Fig. 42), a Drukpa Kagyu painting that Tucci acquired at the village of Nan1gyal near the Indian border. Stylistically, however. Pal was not on a comple tely wrong track, since he did link it with Tucci's (actually Drigung Kagyu) thangka of Tibetan Paimed Scrolls. plates 40 and 41.136 The painting came from the private Heeran1aneck collecti on, which Tucci had sold in New York City in the 1950s. Before coming to Los Angeles , the thangka had represented fo r a while a standar d exampl e of western Tibetan an. appeari ng in two previou s catalog s of P. Pal 1969137 and G. Beguin 1977.138 Pal in his 1969 catalog , The Art of Tibet, did not comme nt on the details of the Frc. 2.4 ~larepa with Episodes from His life Western 1ibet, a Kagyupa monastery; c. 1500 Miner3l pigments and gold on corron cloth; 51 'lz x 41 'lz in (130.8 x 105.4 em) LAC:'v!A, From the Nasli and Alice Heeramancck Collection (purchased wirh funds provided by the Jane and Justin Dart Foundation) ~L81.90.2 h ttp://collcctions.lacma .orglnode/2464 76 Literarure: P. Pal1969 , pp. 61 and 135; G. Segu in ed. 1977, Ku11st des Buddhisnms, p. 22 fig. 57; P. Pal 1983, no. P 14, plate 19; and D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, thangka no. 1. thangka 's school of origin. Beguin , for his pan, classified it in his 1977 catalog as art of the Kagyu School (withou t specula ting abou t any possible Kagyu sub-sch ool) and considered it to be one of the most significant works of western Tibetan art. (See Fig. 2.4.) Though this large painting - which measures over 51 inches tall - was previously said by Pal to be Drukpa Kagyu an. its inscriptions state otherwise. As read by Hugh Richardson. they establis h unmista kably its connect ion with the Drigung Kagyu.B9 I chart the arrange1 ment of the lineal !rufUS in Diaoran " c [B]. The lineage of gurus is unusual for showing an even number of gurus in a single register. Its central Vajradhara starts the lineage from a place to the right of the central glacier peak above as I lineaoe The ouru tile main Iieure. ' 0 0 ..., have reconstr ucted it, is: I. rOo rje 'chang (Vajradhara) 2. sTon pa Sangs rgyas (Buddh a [S!!k yamuni J) 3. Te lo pa 4. Nli ro pa 5. Mar pa 6. [Mi Ia Ras pa, shown below as main figure] 7. sGam po pa 8. Phag mo gru pa 9. 'Jig rten mgon po ( 1143-1 217) [Dri I J 12 10 8 5 3 1 2 4 7 9 1I 13 PA I NT I NG TRAD I TIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 2.5 10. dBon Rin bSod nams grags [=Dri 3. On Sonam Trakpa. 1187- 1235). tenure 122 1- 1235] 11. IC ung Rin po che l= (Dri 5) ICung rOo rje grags pa. 121 0-1278 ] 12. Rin chen ( Richard son guesses the last two or three decades of the thirteenth century . (The previou s dating by Pal and others was about two centurie s too late, to "circa 1500 .") One of Pal's main sources for his "?chos rgyal." it is unclear ) dpal bzang po [=06 Rinchen Sengge ?] idea of Drigung Kagyu expansi on was Heather Karmay 1975. who wrote to provide possible historica l backgro und 13. dBon Rin po che (dBon Grags pa 'byung gnas. Dri 4?) informa tion regardin g a lama portraye d in a thangka from Kharak hoto: 1.., The Drigun g Kagyu lineage as Richardson read it seems to jump over the second abbot [Dri 2]. Khench en Accord ing to dPa · bo gTsug lag phreng ba, six monks of the ' Bri !!1lJ10 sect were in Xixia in 1222 Tshultr im Dorje (mKhan chen Gu ra ba Tshul khrims rdo rje, 11 54-1221 ; tenure under the leadersh ip of gTsang- pa 1217- 1221). and the fourth. lOri 4] Jennga Trakpa Jungne (sPyan snga Grags pa 'byung gnas, 1175--1255; tenure 1235--1255). G uru 11 may be [Dri 5] Jung Dorje Trakpa (gCung rOo rje grags pa. 121 0-1278 ; tenure 1255--1278). I assume that guru 12, for whom Richa rdson could o nl y make out the names Rinchen and Palzang po, cou ld be [Dri ., " Dung-k hur-ba, who was a d isciple of Bla-ma Zhang .... It is not known what kind of hat the 'Brigung-pa wore. but ... Finally Karmay specula ted: "The figure in the painting may possibly be a representativ e of a ' Bri-gun g-pa monk." Yet in the later revised second ed ition of her book, she deleted the whole assertio n. 141 6] Thogkh awa Rinchen Sengge (Thog kha ba Rin chen seng ge. 1226--1284: tenure 1278-12 84). In that case, could guru 13. "Lln Rinpoch e,'' be [Dri 7] Tshamj e Trakpa Sonam (mTsha ms bead Grags pa bsod nams. 1238-1 286; tenure 1284-1 286) (younge r brother of 06)? If not he mioht be one of the sti ll earlier " missing ones, but ' here represen ted out of order. Accord ing to Richard son, the small figures seated to the right a nd left of Milarep a's head are named Sonam Lhai Wan gpo (bSod narns Lha · i dbang po. to the ri ght) and Dilshab pa Lotro (Dus z habs pa Blo gros, on the left), whom l cannot immedi ately identify. These may have been the personal precept ors of the commis sioning patrons . If we count them as continu ations of the lineage, then they bring us to a period of approxi mately the eighth abbot of Drigung . (Dri 8 was Nub Chogo Dorje Yeshe ( 12231293 ; tenure 1286--1293 .) In any case, the lineage seems to indicate roughly 26 CHAPTE R 2 AcARYA NGAWANG SAMTE N I986 Figure 2.5 is valuabl e as an exampl e of a non-Dri gung Kagyu style. Thouoh ., said to be in the Kam1a Gardri , the set exempli fies the domina nt Tsangri style of Ladakh . It makes use of the solid dark-blu e sl..-y and a variety of mounta in peak shapes and sizes that are never used in later Dri gung Kagyu painting. Note the distinct ively rounded peaks on the upper-r ight horizon . ELENA DE Rossi FILJBE CK I988 Elena De Rossi Filibeck publish ed in 1988 two pilgri mage guide books by Tendzin Cho kyi Lotro, the thi1ty-fifth abbot of Drigung . One was the "Guide to Mt. Kailash ... which contribu tes essentia l informa tion about the history of the Dri gung Kagyu in Ngari Prov ince of western Tibet. especia lly in the Mount Kailash area. De Rossi Filibeck edited the Tibetan text and summari zed its main hi storical content s. These parts of her book augmen t and enrich the contributio ns of Petech. especia lly Petech 1978. where the source is used quite exhaust ively. One of the first publica tions to use the term ... Bri bris" (or · Bri ris) as the Tibetan name for a Drigung painting style was an exhibiti on catalog by Acarya Ngawan g San1ten . Publish ed in 1986. the book employ s the tem1 tacitly, while classify ing the school of art of two golden painting s from Pbyang Monast ery, Ladakh .' 42 Howeve r. that publica tion does not mention ' Bri bris among the four main styles or painting schools that the author enu merates in his introducti on.' 43 Yet its employ ment may mean that the author's informa nts. who include d the abbot and monks of Pbyang Monast ery, knew and used that term for one of the two groups of thangka s that were borrowe d from Phyang for the exhibiti on. (The other group of Phyang thangka s in that catalog was conside red to embody a particul ar variety of Karm a Gardri style.) RoGER GoEPP ER 1990 AND 2003 Roger Goeppe r in his article of 1990 investig ated clues for dating the Sumtsek temple of Alchi. presenti ng evidenc e for assignin g o ne of Alchi Monast ery's earlier phases (i.e., the Sumtse k temple) to about 1200. a century or more later than had previou sly been believed . The main evidenc e was his identific ation of a group of Kagyu linea l la mas on the left panel of the front wall of the second floor. beside the window . His emende d datino., did not receive immedi ate universal accepta nce.,.., Though the basi c thrus t of Goepper's argume nt proved to be correct. he misiden tified the last two gurus of the lineage depicte d.' 45 ln R. Goeppe r and J. Poncar 1996, Goeppc r continu ed to FlG. 2.. 5 Four of the Sixteen Arhacs Ca. 18th century Dimensions unknown After Acllrya Ngawang Sam ten 1986, p. 23, thangka no. 4. PAINTING TRAD ITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 27 maintain that dating and stated that the founder of the Sumtsek must have been a "younger contemporary or pupil of Drigungpa Jigten Gonpo."146 He emphasized147 the significant changes that occurred with the arrival of the Drigung Kagyu in western Tibet in the early thirteenth century when King Ngodrup Gon (dNgos grub mgon) reigned. He mentioned the inscription- and portrait-based proof148 of the school's presence at AJchi by then (though wrongly identifying lamas numbers 6 and 7) .1"9 In his article of 2003, Goepper refined and further buttressed the evidence for his Sumtsek temple dating. Acknowledging that the last three gurus should be corrected to Dakpo Onchungwa (Dags po dBon chung ba), P hagrnotrupa, and Drigungpa (Jigten Sumgon), he repeats that this supports the idea of the dating to the early thirteenth century, a time of continuing early Drigung Kagyu ex-pansion in western Tibet (which included a bit later the new building or renovation of Lamayuru). 150 Goepper stressed that the Sumtsek was painted in a Kashmiri style by Kashmiri artists. He believed the close connections151 with Kashmir were proven by details of the royal and gentry life in Kashmir as depicted in the dhoti of the large clay statue of Avalokitesvara, by the new iconographic emphasis on Tara, and by the presence of an inscription in Proto-Sarada script in a narrow white border! ine beneath a large panel of the Five Taras. 152 MARYLIN RHIE AND RoBERT THURMAN 1991 Marylin Rhie in her stylistic introduction to the Wisdom and Compassion catalog (co-authored with Robert Thunnan) mentioned a 'Drigung Style': 153 "There is some evidence of a style associated with the Drigungpa, a sub sect of the Kagyu Order." She added: 28 CHAPTER 2 A fourth distinctive style can be seen in the Drigungpa lama in No. 87. This style, which may be associated with the Drigung Order whose main monastery is in D, emphasizes a simple but fairly prominent landscape and use of a naturalistic tree instead of the traditional shrine motif. The line is exquisitely refined and there is a domi nance of red color a nd gold dotting in the garments. And again: ISJ This delicate and refined painting FlG. 2.6 Great Adept in a Drigung Kagyu Lineage Drigung Monastery, 0 Province, 1ibet Dimensions unknown Photographed at Drigung Monastery Literature: Liu Yisi ed. 1957, fig. 22; and M. Rhie and R. Thurman 1991, fig. 15. has a very distin ctive style. Since it can be assoc iated with the Drigu ngpas. possib ly from the 0 region , it is espec ially impor tant to the under stand ing and categ orizin g the devel opme nts that comp rise the comp lex artistic style of thi s period. Stylis tically it is comp arable to other works of the late 16th centu ry [whic h she lists and descr ibes !. of large trees, rocky ledges, swift water falls, and some select ive yet prom inent archit ectura l eleme nts (Fig. 15 [- Fig. 2.6 here J). Overl apping banks sugge st some recession on the groun d plain. but like the Arhat s discu ssed above Iin the previo us parag raph] the main focus remai ns on a fastid iously realis tic. firmly outlin ed, large main image , with the lands cape acting as a The startin g point for Rhie and Thurman 's chain of specu lation s was a mistake; painti ng numb er 87 of her catalo g some what ambig uous but never the- acrua lly belon ged to the Karm a Kagy u and not the Drigu ng Kagy u. Its centra l comm andin g positi on of the large less impor tant setting. These semi unified lands cape eleme nts, the figure, whom they misid entifi ed as "Dri.,ouno., Kaoy ., u Lama Chets ang Rinpoche'" figure on the ground plane , the detail s of the figure style. such as the large. bony body of the image (Rhie and Thurm an 1991 , no . 87), is actua lly one of the Sham ar Tulku (Zhw a dmar sprul sku), a leadin g lama of the in Figur e 15, and the mann er of portra ying the robes show ing the beaut y of the sweep ing curve s and Karm a Kagy u. Fi!!Uf e 2.6 illustr ates a secon d case 0 where Rhie paid specia l attent ion to what she consi dered Drigu ng Kagy u painti ng, angle s are alI el cmen ts cl carl y seen a series of thang kas from Drigu ng whos e lands capes were strong ly relate d to Ch inese lands cape painti ng. They were publis hed in a Chine se book on Tibet an an edited by Liu Yisi. from which Rhie ci ted four figures. Rhie descr ibes them: 155 They appea r to date from the perio d of the 14th to the first half of the 15th centu ry and to have strong ele- in Yuan dynas ty Budd hist painti ngs. [Rhie refers to two exam ples from Osva ld Siren 1958, Chinese Painting. Leading Masters and Prin- ciples (New York: Rona ld Press ). vol. 6, plates 6 and 7 .] They are. howe ver. transf ormed here into a marve lous. fresh view that deligh ts in a freedom o f unres traine d , even unnat ural juxtap ositio n of eleme nts in space and in prese nting all elements with an unam biguo us clarity of shape and detail . ments from Chine se Yuan and early Ming Dyna sty painti ng, espec ially the realis m of faces and body, the loose folds of drape ry, and the considera ble usage o f lands cape as a settin g for the main figures. Acco rding to Rhie: Some impor tant 14th centu ry tangkas reportedly at the Drigu ng Monastery in 0 (Liu 1957, Figs. 20. 2 I, 22, and 24) also conta in large figure s of monu menta l appea r- The sourc e of the thang kas under discu ssion is Liu Yisi 1957 (cited by M . Rhie 1991 and 1999 as"Li u 1-se") . who publis hed photo graph s of thang kas from Driou e no ., Mona ste ry a decad e befor e the mona stery was destro yed durin g the Great Cultural Revo lution .' Rhie may have follow ed Liu ·s chron ology . But could they not be classified as exam ples 56 of Khye nri at Dri gung? In that case. they could belon g to a much later period: the sixtee nth or early seven teenth centu ry. MAR YLIN R HI£ AND RoBE RT THURMAN 1999 In a later public ation - Rhie and Rober t Thurm an 's catalo g of Rubin collec tion thang kas (Worl ds ojTra nsjor matio n)Mary lin Rhie return ed to two of the same plates from Liu's public ation (Liu Yisi ed. 1957. figs. 22 and 24). She cited them again as illustr ations of thang kas that were said to have existe d in the mid1950s at Drigu ng Mona stery. In her summary of painti ng styles . these '"Drigun g Tangk as" cal led for yet anoth er discu ssion (thou gh witho ut illustr ations ). Here she adjus ted the latest limit of their dating a half centu ry forward to includ e the first half of the fifteenth centu ry: 157 Sever al tangk as were publis hed by Liu in 1957 as being then at the Dri ouno Mona stery in Central 0 .. Tibet . They appea r to date to the perio d of the 14th to the first balf of the I Sth centu ry and to have elements from C hines e Yuan and early Ming Dyna sty painti ng, espec ially the realis m of the faces and body, the loose folds of drape ry, and the consi derab le usage of lands cape as a settin g for the huma n figures (Liu 1957, figs 22. 24). Also, the paintings of arhats and great king deitie s in the Cleve land Muse u m, recen tly studie d by Steph an Little and dated by him to ea. 1340- 1370. afford impor tant evide nce of the assim ilation of Chine se painti ng styles and techn iques into Tibet an works (Littl e, 1992) . Rbie refers to portra yals of ponds . moun tains , trees, and archit ectura l eleme nts in the mural s of Shalu Mona stery of the early fourte enth centu ry as well as to some from Narth ang, sayin g this style was furthe r devel oped in the mural s of the Gyan tse Kumb um of the early fifteenth centu ry. However: ance. portra yed withi n lands capes PAINT ING TRAD ITION S OF THE DRICU NG K AGYU SCHO OL 29 .. . with the exception of the Drigung tangkas and the Cleveland paintings [studied by Little], the landscapes in these works [the murals of Shalu and Narthang] do not strongly relate to Chinese painting and must therefore ... be assumed to derive .. . from Nepalese and/or Indian traditions. .. . The usage of landscapes in these works [such as the Drigung t!tangkas and Cleveland arhats] .. . heralds a major change in Tibetan painting, one which came to fu ll (bsTan 'dzin padma' i rgyal mtshan, 1770- 1826) .159 Accordi ng to the abbatial history of Drigung by Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen, then, one of the later Drigung painting styles arose in large part out of the Khyenri .160 I cited a 1994 interview with H.H. Chetsang Rinpoche, who said that the distinctive more recent Drigung style descended from that "Driri";161 I also quoted the contemporary Drigung Kagyu lan1a Ayang Rinpoche who said (in the 1980s): of the great painters Meola [Dondrup] and Khyentse, and reached universal acceptance as the set- The Drigung style of painting was famous on account of its special characteristics. One of these is the way in which a very subtle effect is created by the use of light colors in combination with fine detail. As ting for deities only from the 17th century. a popular saying goes: "Drikw1g painting is like the dawn" ['bri prominence only in the second half of the 15th century, with the work bris tho rangs shar ba 'draj. 162 • •• Thus Rhie dated that small group of Drigung thangkas published by Liu to the generations before Menthangpa and Khyentse (first half of the fifteenth century, at latest) . In addition, Rhie and Thurman 1999 wrongly identified the central figure of their figure number 113 as a "Drigung Kagyu Lama." He is actually a prominent Drukpa Kagyu master (note the special ewam symbol in front of his meditation hat, or gomsha). DAVID jACKSON 1996 In my discussion of the main artists in the history of Tibetan painting, I briefly introduce Drigung Kagyu painting. 158 Under the rubric "'Bri-gung" I remind the reader that I had previously mentioned in that book a branch of the Khyenri style that came to Drigung from the late seventeenth and remained unti I at least the early nineteenth century. Propagated by the students of Konchok Trinle Sangpo (dKon mchog ' phrin las bzang po, 1656-1719), it also persisted during the period of Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen JO C HAPTER 2 Today [late 1984], only one master of this style of painting remains alive: an elderly monk called Yeshe Jamyang, who lives in Ladakh. 163 What I did not say then was that Ayang Rinpoche was hoping to fw1d a small art school in which Yeshe Jamyang could instruct young successors in that rare style. H.H. Chetsang Rinpoche also asserted that the master of the abovementioned painter Yeshe Jam yang was "Ben be" (acrually named "Barpa"), a layman painter from a hereditary family of artists at Drigung who was the foremost painter of his generation. 164 Chetsang Rinpoche was in 1994 aware that mountains were one of the special characteristics of the Drigung painting style- especially mountains with peaks that possessed a particular pointed shape resembling the mountain peaks in the vicinity of Drigung Monastery in northern 0 Province. He added other tantalizing detai ls (which I could not later confirm) such as the rivers near Drigung being normally quite turbulent, so the rivers depicted in paintings are often similarly shown as roiled with large waves; also, in the background landscape flowers of a certain type were included, such as gentians (spang rgyan), similar to their actual appearance in meadows near Drigung. 165 I conclude my sketch by warning that several paintings have been attributed to the " Driouno Style " or 'Bri "' " ' bris, in catalogs. But we should not be overhasty in automatical ly identifying all paintings produced by a religious tradition as belonging to the style bearing its name. 166 CLARE HARRIS 1999 In her book In the Image of Tibet,167 Clare Harris accepted and tacitly uses the term "Driri ." It was one of several traditional stylistic names that she recounts based on an oral enumeration of styles by the Ladakhi painter Yes he .Jamyang: 168 In Ladakh, Yeshe Jam yang was able to describe the characteristics of six major schools of Tibetan art: the Gyari-Chinese style; Khamri- from the Kham region; Driri- from the Drigung region [Drigung also refers to a suborder of the Kagyupas] ; Uri- from Lhasa; Tsangri- from Tsang [particularly strong at the monastery ofTashilhunpo]; and Tsuri- from Tsurphu and the Karmapa sect of Tibetan Buddhism. His explanation of how these styles should be distinguished consisted of a poetic evocation of their qualities of light. Gyari, for example, should be ' like a rainbow in tile sky, all colours equall y positive' . The style in which Jam yang trained- tile Driri- should also have brilliant colours radiating ' the full light of day' , with an all pervasive blue in the background of each composition. Harris considered Yeshe Jamyang 's later painting style to be a regional version of the Menri perpetuated in Ladakh: 169 Jamyang, for example, became a Driri painter when he left Ladakh and studied in Drigung.. .. Hence Ladakhis have perpetuated versions of the Menri which were originally associated with two Tibetan monasteries [Drigung and Tasbilhunpo]. Erberto LoBue in his review article on Harris's book points out: " Her further implication that a variation of the sMan ris style was associated with the monastery of ' Bri gung (' Drigung, p. 69') appears to clash with historical records associating that monastery with the mKhyen ris style." 170 But Harris was con·ect insofar as Yeshe Jamyang's later style was not a true Driri style and had (as I believe) become in impo1tant respects close to Menri styles. (See chapter 10.) PA I NTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL JI Recent Research on Drigung Kagyu Painting or so has seen a marked upswing in the quality and quantity of research on Drigung Kagyu painting. In thi s chapter I complete my survey of previous research, reviewing those more recent works that have come THE LAST DECADE to my attention. CHRISTIAN LuczANrTs 1998 The first publication to document more convincingly the advent of Drigung Kagyu influence in Ladakhi painting of the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries is Christian Luczanits's paper of 1998. Studying what he calls an "unusual painting style in Ladakh:· be sensed the arrival of central Tibetan an, in general. and the impact of the Drigung Kagyu. in particular. (His leadoff image, figure I. is the "Ri ncben Zan gpo" mural of the Small Stupa in the AI chi Monastery courtyard.) Taking the Lhakhang Soma murals and its Eastern lndian/''IPllla]lnternational'' style as his point of departure, he introduces his main stylistic terms for western Tibetanpainting and assigns some of the bestknown shrines to each style. Goepper's revised dating of the Sumtsek compelled Luczanits to reconsider the other monuments and temples of the AI chi complex. including the Lhakhang Soma Temple. T hat temple ·s murals had similarities with central libet of the twelfth through fourteenth century. such as then. most prominently. the ·"faklung" corpus described by Jane Derail of Fig. 3.3 Casey Singer in her publication of 1997. Luczanits goes on to classify and survey western Tibetan painting styles in Ladakh from about 1200 to 1300, noting the crucial advent of new motifs that probably expressed the Drigung Kagyu presence. 171 The three main early western Tibetan sty Ies he names are: the '·West Tibetan style," the "Kashmiri style," and the ''Early Ladakhi stylc:' 172 The West 1i be tan style was that of the Tabo renovation of I042 onward (including even its much later revivals at Tsaparang in the fifteenth to early sixteenth century). The Kashmiri style was the distinctive painting style of the Alcbi Surntsek and related monuments in wbich the band of Kashmiri painters was probably present. The Early Ladakhi style is native to Ladakh. somewhat crude, and was found at such sites as the Alchi Lhakhang Soma, the Shangrong (Shang ron g) Temple, the Jujikshal (bCu gcig zhal) Temple at Wanla. the Sengge LhakJ1ang at Lamayuru, the Guru Lhakhang at Phyang, and the caves at Saspol. 113 He ci ted Beguin and Fournier 1986 as evidence for asserting that those temples lacked a fixed dating and may have been painted over long periods. 174 Regarding the Early Ladakhi style, Luczanits says it shared many features with the main central-libetan styles of the period (i.e., the Sharri).175 Yet he dismisses the concept of a single "Inner Asian International Style. 12th14th century... since the individual regional styles are clearly distinct, though be admits that the different Pl!la/ Sena-inspired art styles of the lands in question ''shared a number of characteristics internationally." ''The characteristics under discussion,'" be observes, "are not solely of a stylistic nature." Indeed, the composition of the main elements was decisive here.Among the widely shared characteristics. he lists five as most relevant when comparing the Early Ladakhi style and the [Shari] paintings of central Tibet: (I) division of painted surface into rectangles fran1ed by styled jewels. petals. or rocks (only West Tibet uses a simple line): (2) elaborate throne backs with cushions and attached bead nimbuses: (3) standing bodbisanvas' attendants shown in three-quarter profile: (4) short dhotis of bodbisanvas; and (5) no notion of space. with bodies only slightly shaded. Here Luczanits explicitly focuses on ''AI chi and the Drigungpa," finally addressing the "Rinchen Zangpo'' mural of the Alch i Small Stupa. 176 (See Fig. 3 .l.) In the depiction of the eminent lama Ranked by two bodhisanvas, he found clear evidence of a "foreign''i.e., central Tibetan - artistic influence that was clearly exerted first at Alchi by the Drigung Kagyu tradition. Nter describing the "Rinchen Zangpo" mural in more detail and comparing key elements with a depiction of a TakJung hierarch from centrallibet, he summarizes: "T he triad of a teacher flanked by two bodhisattvas. the manner in which 'Rincben Zangpo ·is represented, the lineage above and the malliisiddhas at the sides of the central figure can all be considered as resulting from Central PAINTING TRADITI O N S OF T>IE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 33 the importance of this inscription has been well known si nee Francke's work on the "Antiquities of Indian Tibet" and several authors have used information from the inscriptions, it has never been published. Together with the art historical evidence, Wanla provides information on an otherwise practically unknown period of Ladakh's history, the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century. Indeed, Luczanits considered Wanla to be relevant for the history of Tibetan Buddhism, in general, since it also exemplified the reception and adaptation of central-Tibetan Buddhist art FIG. ) .I "Rinchen Zangpo" mural Small Stupa, Alchi, Ladakh Photograph by C. Luczanirs Lirerarure: C. Luczanits 1998, fig. 1 (black and white); and C. Luczanirs 2011 , fig. 6.5. Tibetan influence brought by the ' Bri gung pa." 177 He stresses that this was not Rinchen Zan gpo portrayed in the murals, as had been commonly maintained until then. Luczanits next considered the unusual Ladakhi style of his title, 178 which he found in a nearly collapsed gateway stupa of Ale hi Shang-rong hamlet and in another stupa of a similar style in a group of stupas at the western end of Lamayuru vi llage. Though the style has little relation to the other murals of Alchi , he explored its possible links with the Early Ladakhi style exemplified by the Lhakhang Soma. This style. he concludes, cannot be considered a direct precursor to the Early Ladakhi style of such sites as the Lhakhang Soma- it was too refined. It probably represented a new style inspired by central Tibetan 34 C H A PTER 3 (and presumably Drigung Kagyu) influence from the east. Indeed, it was a gentler and more refined local Ladakhi variety of the style that could be roughly dated to the thirteenth century but not earlier than the last quarter of the twelfth century. Possibly this unusual Ladakhi gateway-stupa style of the early thirteenth century was a predecessor of tl1e Early Ladakhi style. CHRISTIAN LUCZANITS 2002 In hi s publication of 1998, Luczanits cites Wanla as a prominent site of the Early Ladakhi style. In 2002 he devoted an entire article to that site, the importance of which he stresses as: ... one of the most underestimated monuments in the context of academic research on Tibetan and in particular Ladakhi history. In Wanta not only is a practically complete monument of the founding period preserved, but the temple even contains an extensive inscription relating to the background of its foundation. Although in the western Himalayas. He also believed tl1at the temple was promising for "achieving an absolute date for this painting style," i.e., he believed it could eventually yield a firmer and more accurate historical dati ng of an instance of the Early Ladakhi style than most of the other sites. He refers to the study of G . Beguin and L. Fournier 1986, which had attempted such a chronology of the sites "but did not gain access to all of the preserved temples." In particular, Luczanits believed the lineage depictions at Wanta were promising, remarking that the lineages were: 179 "represented several times, two of them preserved completely. T here the lineage consists of twelve (ground floor, Pl. 35) or thirteen figures (gallery, the beginning of the lineage is shown on Pl. 98) ." (His Plate 98 showed just the first eight lineage masters.) He also noticed that the Wanla inscription clearly sets the foundation and ritual use of the temple in a Kagyu context by mentioning that among the decorations the Kagyu lamas are represented as being headed by Vajradhara, quoting a relevant passage: V7~7 1: rdo rje 'chang gis dbu' md:ad da /tar b:hugs {line 26} kyi bar II bka 'rgyud bla. ma mams /..yi slat gzugs tlwg mar bz!mgs II. Here it explicitly says: "The sacred forms of the Kagyu gurus are present [in the mural] at the beginning, headed by Vajradhara and down to those who are now alive." Regarding the original sectarian identity of Wan Ia, Luczanits noticed a crucial mention of Drigung in the inscription: ·'In a second part of the inscription, the Bka' rgyud pa context is further narrowed down to the ' B ri gung pa. A bla ma named Shag kya rgyal mtshan and w ith a partly illegible title is invited to the place to deliver teachings." The passage he quotes in footnote 18 states: [VI 18-20] dar dang 'od :er 'bwtl nyis pho rtsal plum Sill!! tslwgs II thu cw1.gs shag kya rgyal tshan 'bri gung byonnas ni II c/ws rje'i zhabs pad btugs na.s chos khrid mang du {line 44} :hus II . The last two lines say: "Younger brother Shakya Gyaltshen went to Drigung, and having personally met and paid respects to the Dharma lord, he received many religious instructions." Luczanits summarizes that the inscription and the artistic content of the Wan la Temple do not yet allow us to date it precisely: "However, the range within which the temple could have been founded is relatively narrow. Considering the severe cultural shift and the lineage represented in the paintings, the earliest possible date would be the end of the 13th century." 180 He adds: "On the other hand a considerable gap between the events mentioned in the inscription and the foundation of the kingdom of Ladakh in the early 15th century has to be expected, as none of these events narrated in the inscription is recorded in a historical text. Thus, the foundation . .. most likely took place .. . during the first half of the 14th century." Luczanits was aware of Vitali's description of Wanla, but holds that Vitali had not achieved a reliable enough text for the inscriptions he had quoted , stating: "Vitali published apparently hastily copied excerpts of the inscription and drew on its historical information (Vitali 1996a: 385- 90):'181 He apparently overlooked Vitali's approximate dating of the site to about 1240. There are many problems in interpreting the Wan la inscription. But in retrospect I think we can now expect that its foundation occurred during about the mid-thirteenth century, in the middle of the roughly one century of early expansion of the Drigung Kagyu, when the school flourished all over Ngari Province, even in eastern Ngari. As I have summarized above, the tradition itself remembers that its "influence peaked Guru Lhakhang much too early, i.e., to Rinchen Zangpo's time.186 Binczik and Fischer repeat the traditional accotmt of Tashi Chodzong's foundation by Denma Kunga Trakpa. 1117 They list dependent vi llages188 and assert that the main Drigung Kagyu monasteries of Ladakh are dependencies ofTashi Chodzong, including Shyang, Sara, Lamayuru, and Secbukul [Sharchukhul]. They present the murals of the "Mallakala temple" as the oldest temple of Tashi Chodzong, built during the reign of King Jam yang Namgyal (flourished sixteenth century).189 They also enumerate names of the five painters who were responsible for the murals: under the Dordzin Darma Gyaltshen (Dar ma rgyal mtshan), who presided over Gyangdrak Monastery during the abbacy of Jung Dorje Drakpa (Dri 5), 1255-1278." After 1290, in Yuan-ruled Ngari, conditions became much worse; it would not have been so likely for a Thundup Lagspa, Spolden Tsering. Stampa, Ganu. and Skyiap. 190 Binczik and Fischer believed one beautiful new Drigung Kagyu temple such as this to be built with prominent local noble patronage. 182 ples: to his right his nephew On Sherab Jungne (dBon Shes rab 'Byung gnas , 1187- 1241) alias Drigung Lingpa ('Bri gung Gling pa), and to his left JellJlga Drakpa Jungne (sPyan snga Grags pa 'Byung gnas. J 175-1255).191This representation is known as "The trio of the Lord Protector-Father and his two spiritual sons" (sKyob pa yab sras gsw11) . Phagmotrupa may be pictured by the lama directly above Jigten Sumgon, but the image is too damaged to make o ut more than his hat. The main figure of another mural can be identified as Milarepa with two main disciples stand- ANGELIKA BrNczrK AND RoLAND FISCHER 2002 Angelika Binczik and Roland Fischer wrote a bilingual book (in German and English) entitled Verborgene Schiit:e aus Ladakh/ Hidden Treasures from Ladakh, documenting Drigung Kagyu art in Ladakh. With the encouragement of H.H. Chetsang Rinpocbe, they published a text by Binczik with images taken by the professional photographer Roland Fischer. The color plates document many wal l paintings, thangkas, and statues from two important Drigung Kagyu mural sites in Ladakh: Phyang183 and Wanla.184 The murals of Phyang Monastery include the nearby older site of tl1e Guru Lhakhang (wrongly called the Lotsawa Lhakhang) 185 and the Tashi Chodzong, inc luding its old Main Assembly Hal l and "Mallakala temple" (mOon khang). They date the fifteenth-century mural (Fig. 3.2) depicted Phagmotrupa, whereas the iconography actually agrees with Jigten Sumgon- note the distinctive hair line- with his two main disci - ing to his right and left: Gampopa and Rechungpa (wearing a white robe and colorful pointed hat) .192 This trio occurs quite frequently in Drigung Kagyu pai ntings of the sixteenth century in western Tibet, reflecting the spread of Rechungpa's special traditions. Among the many thangkas presented by Binczik and Fischer, the first portrays Achi Chokyi Drolma.193 Though dated to the sixteenth century, the three lamas portrayed above are PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL 35 Chtikyi Gyaltshen (fourth Chungtsang, 1793-1826). Hence the thangka could not possibly date earlier than the 1790s. Binczik and Fischer next present a sttmning series of Drigung Kagyu lineage-master portraits preserved at Phyang Monastery, which they date to the sixteenth century. 194 The incomplete set also presents in the background the eighty-four great adepts as minor figures. One thangka from the set is said to portray Chogyal Rinchen Phiintshok ( 1547- 1602),195 whose tenure was 15791602. (1 describe the set in more detail in chapter 6.) Figure 33, the next thangka in Binczik and Fischer 2002. 196 depicts ' Buddha Sakyamuni with his two chief disciples as the central thangka of a set of the Sixteen Arhats. It is actually painted in the Tsangri style ofTashilhunpo (note the dark-blue sky), and not the Driri. The thangka section of the book concludes with a set of the Sixteen Arhats 197 and two golden thangkas (gser thang).198 Then , after presenting numerous statues,199 the book concludes with a section docmnenting the murals of Wanla,200 including German and English translations of the now damaged and incomplete inscription.201 DAVID jACKSON 2002 In my article of 2002 1 summarize what I had learned since 1996 about Drigung Kagyu painting traditions. In that article for a Tibet loumal special art issue, I mainly document the role of the Ladakhi painter Yeshe Jam yang in the recent history of the tradition.Along with translating into English a long interview with FIG. 3.2. Jigren Sumgon wirh His Two Main Disciples Gonkhang, Phyang Monasrery © 2014 Arrisrs Rights Sociery (ARS), New York I VG Bild-Kunsr, Bonn Airer A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 147. 36 CHAPTER 3 Jigten Sumgon flanked by the later abbots "Peme Gyal tshen" and "Chtikyi Gyaltshen." Those abbreviated names refer to the eminent thirtieth and thirtyfirst abbots of Dri gung whose full names were Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen (fourth Chetsang, 1770-1826), and Tendzin Yeshe Jamyang that was made on my behalf by Ngawang Tsering in 1995, I also list in a final appendix the previously published Drigung Kagyu paintings that I then knew. When the article went to press in 2002, I had trouble locating decent black and white photographs, especially of the paintings listed in the appendix (many were from old Schoenle Asiatica sales catalogs). So I left the article without illustrations, hoping to publish some in the future in color (as I did in Jackson 2005). One of my M.A. students in Hamburg. Rosita Faber, had also by then become deeply interested in studyi ng that tradition (resulting eventually in the MA.thesis that she submitted in 2010). DAVID jACKSON 2003 In my publication of 2003, I summarize how to use internal evidence to more reliably date Tibetan paintings. in it. I take two Drigung Kagyu thangkas as examples of dating with t11e help of lineages. 202 These were a black thangka of ''Maiiju5rr-Yamantaka" with Drigung Kagyu lineage published by Essen and Thingo (G. Essen and T. Thingo 1989. ll-331). now in Basel, and the SahajaSanwara with Drigung Kagyu lineage from the Driesch collection, previously published as D. Jackson 1996, plate 64. (For an updated discussion of each, see Figures 8.6 and 8.24.) DAVID jACKSON 2005 In 2005 I published a paper entitled "Recent Painting Traditions of Ladakh: Central Tibetan Styles in Far Western Tibet," which appeared in a book o n Ladakhi art and culture (Ahmed and Harris eds. 2005). In it, I sketch recent local painting styles in Ladakh (including Drigung Kagyu), presenting fifteen illustrations. After summarizing the Tsangri style.llll I briefly s ketch the "Style of Drigung in Northern 0." 204 Presenting two photographs ofYeshe Jamyang's works (figs. 5 and 6). and one thangka attributed to him (fig. II ). I also mention the important rece nt art-historical contributions of Rase Ki.inchok Gyatsho. 20; In my catalog of 2012. I update and expand that material in a section entitled "Painting Styles of Ladakh in Recent Centuries." 2116 I also briefly described the Drigung painting style in Ladakh, with six illustrations (figs. 7.12- 7.17 of that catalog). 207 PRATAPADITYA PAL, ET Al. 2003 Pratapaditya Pal in his catalog Himala yas: An Aesthelic Adventure published a painting of four Kagyu lineal lamas from the private collection of "R.R.E.''208 Based on informatio n received from Amy Heller, he identifies the third main lama as Drigung Ji g ten Su mgi.in and the fourth as Taklungthangpa Chenpo. 209 He Frc. 3·3 Buddha Snkyamu ni with Two Chief Disciples Central thangka of a set of the Sixteen Arhats Preserved at Phyang, Ladakh ~ 2014 ArtistS Rights Society (ARS), New York I VG Bild-Kun~ Bonn Alter A. Binczik and F. Fischer 2002, pp. 207 and 209. PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRICUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 37 therefore assigns the provenance of this painting provisionally to "Drigung Monastery (?)." Yet, in fact, the fourth lama cannot be the founder of the Drigung Kagyu. His hairline lacks its usual characteristics. (This same painting is discussed below in connection with the article published by Richard Ernst in 2013.) HEATHER STODDARD 2003B In 2003 Heather Stoddard also contributed to a book edited by Donald Dinwiddie an illuminating chapter entitled "Fourteen Centuries of Tibetan Portraiture." There she discusses early images of Jigten Sumgon, presenting at great length their mention in Tibetan historical sources.213 She also presents the Musee Guimet statue of Jigten Sumgon at the start of her article.214 (See Fig. 3.4.) they were made under orders from the Mongol king. Rinchenpal's fame reached as far as India where he had nmnerous disciples and princely donors. They too made portraits of him, in an 'authentic Indian' d:hiksham bronze with gold inlay, in red bronze with gold inlay, and in white bronze with ornamentations in red bronze.215 HEATHER STODDARD 2003A One of Heather Stoddard's two contributions published in 2003 is an article entitled "'Bri gung, Sa skya and Mongol Patronage: A Reassessment of the Introduction of the Newar 'Sa skya' Style into Tibet." It touches on several relevant themes. Concerning early portrait statues of Jig ten Sumgon, she says: 210 According to Tibetan sources, numerous small portrait images of this great meditation master (Jigten Sumgon) were made during his lifetime for his disciples who lived in caves and hermitages scattered the length and breadth of the Himalayas. Stoddard cites the Drigung abbatial history by Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen ('Bri gung bsTan 'dzin Padma'i rgyal mtshan),"211 which actually refers to one famous statue at Drigung The!. Stoddard adds:212 According to the 'Bri gung g Dan rabs gSer 'phreng ("The Golden Rosary of the Abbots of ' Bri gung"), Rin chen dpal himself had many foreign disciples and princely donors including "kings of India," who as mentioned above, had portrait statues made of him using precious metals. 38 CHAPTER 3 According to Stoddard: 'The Protector of the Three Worlds ' asked his chief disciple, the [Tibetan] malu7siddha Gar Dampa Chodingpa [1180-1240]. to have a portrait of himself made as a receptacle for the 'tooth of the Tathagata' that had been offered to him. Gar invited a Chinese artist [who had run away to Tibet to escape Mongol armies], and prepared the casting oven in Lower Drigung Til. The statue was made and the tooth put inside. The master himself consecrated it one hundred times, and it was called the 'Lord of the Golden Temple.' It was a very special 'support' - no different from the master himself. It has spoken to many of the lineage abbots of the seat of Drigung, and especially taught the 'Six Yogas' to Kunchok Dawa. When the monastery was attacked by the Sakya army [in 1290], the image was hidden. When the situation calmed down, people went searching but could not find it. So the statue stretched up its arm and exclaimed, 'Here I am!'There are many amazing stories like this. During that period Gar had many portraits made of the master. They are known as the 'Mongol Images.' Aithough the artist was Chinese, they are known by this name since Actually the "Mongol Images" (hor sku) were so named because they were made during the period of the Mongol khans, not because the Mongol khans had ordered them. D EBORAH KLIMBURG-SALTER 2004 Deborah Klimburg-Salter in her article of 2004 for Orientations introduces a precious thangka in which the footprints of Jigten Sumgon were preserved on a silk cloth. Now preserved in the Rubin Museum of Art, this painting evoked a quite detailed initial documentation from Klimburg-Salter. In j ust five pages she presents ten illustrations (including several details of her fig. I) and provides not only details of the iconography but also its background. She sun1marizes three functions of the painting, including as icon, touch relic, and artist's model. 216 The fuJ I title as written at the top margin of the cloth is not "Drigtmgpa," as she quotes, but " Drigungpa Chenpo." In the inscription in figure Ia, he is also called: "Guru and Dharma-Lord Rinchen Pal" (Bla machos rje rin chen dpal). She says the painting contains three of the four possible types of inscriptions, which are: (I) information bearers [i.e., labels], (2) dedicatory, (3) recording consecrations, and (4) color codes (the last were not present here). 217 The dedicatory inscription at the bottom she summarizes but does not transcribe or illustrate. (Her figure number Ic depicts the continuation of a label, not the long garbled consecration prayers at the bottom, the damaged and incomplete state of which she does not mention.) Klimburg-Salter identifies the guru lineage in the top row. 218 She also names the individual Tantric deities in the second row but not their mandala or the usual name of their main deity (Guhyasan1aja Maiijuvajra). The line of eight protectors at the bottom she identifies as almost all belonging to the buddha family of A~obhya. She lists and describes the eight mahasiddhas framing the central footprints and deity, though she was not able to identify in this first attempt the main practice among the teachings of Cakrasamvara (bDe mchog) and related teachings. Klimburg-Salter sensed the potential of the painting as a starting point for the study of Drigung Kagyu painting: 219 This thangka is an artistic document contemporaneous with the later years of Drigungpa's life, and thus the history of the Drigung artistic style (Driri ['Bri ris]) can now be studied from its inception. If further research reveals that some of the footprint thangkas discussed below are associated with Drigungpa as well, we wi ll have significant evidence for the Drigung style in central Tibet, and thanks to the mural paintings in the Sumtsek and the two painted stupas at Alchi, Ladakh, for a regional Drigung style in the western Himalayas during the same period (Goepper and Poncar, 1996). The evidence for the Drigw1g style has been examined by David Jackson, largely on the basis of later paintings (Jackson, 2002).220 began no earlier than about the sevententh century). She also did not yet realize that the composition of Figure 3.5 served as a template for a group of closel y related thangkas that were specifically Drigung Kagyu, though she knew that some with footprints had been studied by Kathf)'ll Seli g Brown.221 She also fails to identify the second footprint thangka (fig. 2) as Drigung Kagyu art. 223 She had published it once before in her catalog of 1982,2 2-1 assigning it to the Western Trans- Klimburg-Salter thus uses the term Driri too loosely for a Drigung artistic style of a very early period (the true Driri Himalaya without attributing it to any particular Tibetan Buddhist school of origin. Once again in 2004 she hesitated to FIG. 3·4 Drigung Jigren Sumgon 13rh cenrury Srarue wirh base and backrest (brass, polychrome); 5th in. (14 em) Musee des Am Asiatiques-Guimer, Paris, France MA6032 © RMN-Grand Palais I An Resource, NY Phorograph by P. Pleynet ART412375 l iterarure: H. Stoddard 2003, fig. 4; and D. Jackson 2011, fig. 5 .26. PA I NTING TRAD ITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 39 KATHRYN SELIG BROWN 2004 The main painting (fig. 1) discussed by Klimburg-Salter in her 2004 article possessed a plan that later could be identified as shared with a group of closely related footprint paintings that were specifically Drigung Kagyu. Several such paintings were studied by Kathryn Selig Brown, who included three of them in her cataloot> of footprint thangkas, Etenw.l Presence,22s and who learned almost immediately of Klimburg-Salter's article of 2004. ln her captions, Selig Brown calls the three thangkas "Footprint Thangka of a Kagyu Lama." 229 Noticino from t> the lineage that the main lama was a Kagyu adherent and disciple of Phagmotrupa, 230 she ultimately identifies the main lama as Jigten Sumgon, founder 231 . o f D ngung. She based that conclusion (as she explains in note 16) on the forthcoming article by C hristian Luczanits (C. Luczanits 2006a), who had clarified the depictions of the Eight Great Adepts in early Drigung Kagyu paintings. AMY HELLER 200 5 FIG. 3·5 (A LSO FIG. 5-5) Foorprinr thangka of Drigung Jigten Sumgon 30-\4 x 25 3/ r6 in. (78 x 64 em) Private Collection (HAR 81411) Literarure: D. Klimburg-Salter 1982, pl. 111; and K. Selig Brown 2002, plate 8. do so,225 saymg ' t hat at the emergence of the various Kagyu sub-schools, their art did not differ much. She notes differences in the treatment of the lower bodies of the naga Ma gros pa and Sog ma med, but actually those niiga, simply by their presence in the composition (whether with or without snake tails), can now be counted as markers of belonging to this early Drigtmg Kagyu corpus. She also specu1ates that the Karma Kagyu started such footprint thangkas later (not having seen D. Jackson 2009, fig. 4 .4). 226 She identifies on tenuous grounds an early Karma Kagyu footprint thangka (her fig. 3) as the footprints of the Third Karmapa.227 In her article of 2005, entitled "A Thang ka Portrait of ' Bri gung rin chen dpal , 'Jig rten gsum mgon [1143- 1217]," Amy Heller confirms the identity of the central figure of an important early Sun1oon painting of Dri2uno .... c Jioten 0 0 through examining an inscription on its reverse side. (See also, Fig. 5.9.) This painting, from a private collection in Zurich, had been previously published in Pal's Himalayas catalog of 2003.232 For that earlier catalog, Heller, with the help ofTshenshab Rinpoche, had found the Sanskrit name " Ratna Guru Shri'' repeated in consecration prayers on the reverse side and hence identifies the main figure as Jigten Sumgtin.233 The correct Sanskrit name should not be " Ratna Guru Shri'' (which would correspond with the Tibetan name Rinchen 40 C HAPTER 3 Lama Pal) but "Guru Ratna Shrl' (Lama Rinchen Pal). The key advance regarding that mural he made only in his revised version of 2011, where he states that the ln the 2005 article, Heller clarifies:134 "The key expression is the rep- so-called Rinchen Zangpo must be none etition in lines 16-17 in the main body other than "Drigtmgpa," i.e., Drigungpa ('bum pa) of the stupa: otrt ratna guru ratna.fri slat, "of!! body of Rin chen dpal, the precious teacher (bla marin po Chenpo Jigten Sumgon. and in the subsequent passages adjusts his discussions accordingly to fit that crucial fact. 237 (He c/ze)." She also summarizes the iconog- reaches the san1e conclusion in C. Luc- raphy of Jigten Sumgon fotmd in this portrait: 235 zani ts 2006b .) He is shown as a bla ma, his head in three-quarter view, receding hairline, plump face, no beard, dha.rmacakra mudrtl, seated in vajraparyanka tlsana seated in meditation (Tib. rdo rje skyil krcmg ...) inside a throne flanked by two standing bodhisattvas; thus he is spiritually identified as a Buddha. In thi s particular portrait, the emblem ratna is emphasized by its position on a textile immediately beneath the lotus petals of the throne cushions. secure glimpses into the early history of Buddhism in Ladakh." ln this paper he hoped to outline "the most crucial historical issues and questions from the point of view of an art historian and archaeologist, drawing on a selection of exemplary monuments and objects, the historical value of which has in many instances yet to be exploited." Luczanits attempted to survey (as CHRISTIAN LUCZANITS 2.004 In his book Buddhist Sculpture in Clay, Christian Luczanits took on primarily the period of the late tenth to early thirteenth century. The main western Himilayan painting styles end with the arrival of what he calls tl1e "New Schools,''2.18 which in Ladakh for the most part meant the Drigung Kagyu. He notes that in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries Ladakh was completely independent of Guge and was not home to such stylistic revivals as occurred in Guge. 239 He enumerates240 theAJchi Lhakhang Soma and the other main sites of the "Early Ladakhi Based on its identical iconography, and artistic heritage can provide more he mentions in the conclusion of his article, p. 91 f.) the " most important remains of early architectural and art historical evidence that can help to improve our knowledge of Ladakh 's more distant past, once a sufficiently dense documentation is available for study." He wanted to stress many usually ignored aspects of this heritage and take a "holistic'' approach (i .e., taking into account every aspect of the whole historical picture), which he says had in recent years fallen out of scholarl y fashion. "The importance of minor artistic heritage such as rock- and stone-carvings, stone-engravings and wood carvings and ruins of all kinds for evaluating Ladakh's distant Heller suggests further that a mural of a Style" of his 1998 article,241 adding here the "small temple at Kanji." In this publi- lama in a small stupa at AI chi previously cation he classifies their murals as "local pioneering works of Francke, Giuseppe identified as Rinchen Zan gpo might also portray Jigten Sumgon.236 variants of a thirteenth-century central Tibetan painting tradition," [i.e. Ladakhi Tucci, David Snellgrove, and Tadeusz Skorupski," yet such forms of evidence variants of the central-Tibetan Sharri had been underestimated by most subse- style]. The Ladakhi site he treats in most quent scholars. Luczanits treats as main themes or sub-themes: "Pre-Alchi heritage," CHRISTIAN LUCZANITS 2.003 AND 2.011 detail is Wanla, with its giant Jujikzhal statue, which he dates242 to the late thir- In his paper of 2003 on "Art-Historical Aspects of Dating Tibetan Art" and its revision from 2011, Christian Luczanits teenth or early fourteenth century. concentrates on dating methodology. using as his first exan1ple the "so-called CHRISTIAN LUCZANITS 2.005 Rinchen Zangpo" mural of the Small Stupa at AI chi, which he had already prominently discussed in Luczanits 1998 (see Fig. 3 .1) . In his 2003 contribution, in the section on " Aichi and its relationship to Central Tibetan Art," he cautiously repeats the descriptions and interpretations of that mural given in his 1998 arti cle. though sharpening them somewhat. past- as has been demonstrated by the " Painted AI chi," " Alchi Rebuilt," ''The Wood Carvings of Alchi in Context," ''The AI chi Group," and "Ladakhi Painting ." In the first section he surveys the " Pre-Alchi heritage," reviewing In his article of 2005 Christian Lucza- neglected sites of stone inscriptions, nits reconsidered the early art-historical including steles and temple ruins. Considering "Painted Alchi," he reaches heritage of Ladakh, surveying the major and minor monuments, along with fragmentary remains. Lan1enting the lack of themes of great relevance for Drigung art. 243 He stresses prominently at the secure dating for much of Ladakhi art beginning that the attributi ons of older predating the early fifteenth century, he stresses that only a comparative study of historical records with "the architectural Ladakhi temples to Rinchen Zangpo commonly found in both local oral tradition and some recent local histories PAINTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL 4I were not supported by art history or architecture. z.w Among the Alchi temples. he focuses here on the two older ones. the Dukhang and Sumtsek. reviewing Goepper's lineage-based evidence for dating the Sumtsek to about 1200-1220. He saysu5 the building of these temples is datable to approximately the mid-twelfth to early thirteenth century, and they were built by the local elite- rulers who came from the 'B ro clan of central-Tibetan descent. Luczanits reviews his findings on the (Drigung-Kagyu-inspired) lama portraiture in AI chi. especially the "depictions of a Central -Tibetan teacher" (traditional ly identified as Rinchen Zangpo) found in slightly different depictions in the Small Stupa and G real C herten of AI chi. 246 They were painted in a new and clearly Kagyu religious context. He is led to consider but cautiously refrains from asserting that both murals portray Jigten Sumgon. taking into consideration problems with the depiction of a prominent Indian siddha who appears as an important minor figure. w The AI chi Dukhang Temple, he says. is the oldest structure, and with it we are in a pre-Drigung period. When considering the "Aichi Group,'' he finds evidence of new schools248 of Tibetan Buddhis m I the Drigung Kagy u] in the thirteenth century. He also observes2A9 that the pre-Drigung styles did not disappear immediately, considering the cases of the Mailju§rT and Lotsawa Temples. In connection with "Ladakhi Painting.''250 Luczanits discusses Wanla in more detail. considering it to be the site with the earliest ''Ladakhi Style" murals and which shows a marked shift away from the iconographic programs of Alchi. Considering the '"new and old'' mentioned in the Wanla inscription. he rightly interprets the "new" to have referred to the Drigung Kagyu. {The same implication of doctrinal change can be read into the word "New" in the 4:1. C HAPTER 3 name of the New Temple [Lhakhang Soma] of Alchi.) CHRISTIAN LUCZANITS 2006A Another fruit of Christian Luczanits ·s investigations of the advent of Drigung Kagyu art in Ladakh in the early thirteenth century is a paper that he contributed to Rob Linrothe's catalog Holy Madness. Entitled ''The Eight Great Siddhas in Early Tibetan Painting:· in it he discusses the eight siddhas. beginning with a group depicted around Jt'lanatapa in a thangka from Riwoche (now in The Metropolitan Museum of Art), the Taldung Kagyu seat in western Kham. He mentions more than once the crucial early Drigung Kagyu footprint thangka on silk introduced by Klimburg-Salter 2004, which was by then at the Rubin Museum of Art (Linrothe cat. no 6. HAR 65205). It gave him invaluable help in identifying each minor figure. One noteworthy feature of the early footprint thangka (in this catalog. Fig. 5.1) is its placement of four siddhas to the right and four to the left of the central footprints. These eight are uniquely portrayed in that the top siddha on both right and left is presented not singly but as a triad .In the upper-left comer of the group is Indrabhiiti with consort and sister, while in the upper-right we find Nagarjuna, here portrayed as Buddha ' Sakyanmni with Nagarjw1a and Ati§a to his left and right. Then Luczanits describes ''The Drigung Group.''251 Such siddha depictions were so distinctive and consistent that they allowed him to identify a whole group of early thangkas that might otllerwise have been overlooked as Drigung Kagyu. After listing several examples. Luczanits stresses tlleir stylistic diversity and great geographical range. He also perceptively observedm tile presence of numerous prominent jewels as a possible symbol of Rinchen Pal. "Glorious Jewel.'' Mter describing Taklung traditions of the eight siddhas, he stresses233 the prominent presence in early Drigung Kagyu paintings of Virupa. calling him the ''Nintll Siddha." No doubt in early times a closer connection existed among tile Kagyu lamas with Virupa and his Patll with the Fruit instructions, which Phagmotrupa had received from Sachen and as his intimate disciple had written its first Tibetan-language commentary. 254 Rinchen Pal personally sought out and received those teachings in depth under the master Tsilungpa, after the death of Phagmotrupa. CHRISTIAN L uczANITS 2oo6B C hristian Luczanits's second publication in 2006 was a paper entitled ''Aichi and the Drigungpa School of Tibetan Buddhism.'· It was a suitable contribution to the Goepper felicitation volume (festschrift) since it took as its point of departure Goepper's discovery of an inscribed lineage on a fairly inaccessible panel of the Three-story Temple. The revised dating by Goepper surprised Luczanits since it was much later than the then widely accepted one and also because nobody had been expecting the presence of the Drigung Kagyu School at Alchi - none of the oilier art or inscriptions provided the slightest hint of any such connection. (The only subtle iconographic clue in the Sumtsek temple that Luczanits mentions is tile presence of the eighty-four madasiddhas.) In a footnote Luczanits adds: ''The range of possible dates, which can be inferred from the lineage. depends on whether one assumes tllat Drigungpa was still alive when tile painting was executed. l n the case of many scrollpaintings (thangkas) it is more likely that they were executed postllumousl y. but there are definitely also cases where we can assume that the venerated was still alive.'' Reviewing the relevant data. Lu ct zanits mentions the controversy of tha da tin g- wh ich he had als o researched bu t he als o notes that it was supported by Go ep pe r's stu dies of a mural in a large Alchi stu pa. Luczanits had published in 2003 the so-called Rinchen the Za ng po - the ''Teacher Depiction in b) Small Chorten at Al ch i" of his (2006 article - as evidence of central-Tibetan iconography but was unable to identify the main figure conclusively. In his chapter here, however. he extracts several key markers from the Rubin ka Museum of Art's old footprint thano "' (Fig. 5.1 ) to identify ma ny previously obscure iconographic features of this ct portrait. concluding that its main subje po. was none other than Drigungpa Chen iTh e main w1usual (i.e .. distinctive Dr gung Kagyu) features Luczanits could isolate here are: composition, teaching lineage.m nu mb er and portrayal of sid dhas, and protectors.256 Luczanits qualifies the immediate i, impact of the Drigung Kagyu at Alch etic stressing that Alchi retained its aesth independence for ye ars :m Th e Drigu11gpa School and its foWJder obviously were well known at AI chi when the Sumtsek an d the c!torten were built, and they were considered important en ou gh being referred to in such a prominent marmer. Nevertheless, given that als o in the Small Ch on en the Drigungpa influence is restricted, aft er all only one of the four panels in the interior ch orten sh ow s affiliations with the Drigungpa School ru1d Central-Tibetan an . and not fully developed where it is visible. one can conclude that Alchi kept considerable independence throughout its early flourishing years. an independence tha t is also visible in the iconographic program of these monuments. o6 c CH RI ST IA N LU CZ AN IT S 20 e'' Taking much more than a .. first ofanc ". in his ing int pa u gy Ka ng igu Dr rly ea at its third art icl e of 2006 Christian Luczan the put ea rly Drigung art more clearly on uses art-historical map. In this article, he the Rubin Museum of Art early footfor print thangka (Fig. 5.1) as his guide an deciphering what had been until then unknown iconographic language. On e key distinctive marker that be is extracts for early Drigung Kagyu art Sidthe special treatment of Eight Great dhas (as desc ribed in cormection with 258 C. Luczanits 2006b). ln addition. he 259 extracts several other major characteristics: treatment of tri pie jew els , the at a nll ga flanking the main throne se ' vase atop a vi.fvavajra with emeroino "'pe"(es top at s ha dd bu o tw m. ste lotus ht) cially the Medicine Buddha to the rio" ' ial attendant standing bodhisattvas, spec s. am dei ties, and distinctive protector yid Luczanits als o o bserves: 260 Th e two representations of AJchi considered here are exceptions in as much as the painting style used for them is distinctly Western Himalayan. Nevertheless. even in Alchi there are monuments decorated in a Central Tibet derived style, in particular the New Temple (Lhakhang Soma). In oth er words ' iliere ma y be no real distinction between Central and West Tibetan Drigungpa art during the 13th century. He als o addresses so me of the main on uncertainties regarding the interpretati of lineage s:261 It currently is unclear wh at the chronological clues found within the lineage depictions mean in absolute tem1s [i.e .. for establishinoe a concrete date]. Due to the wide geographic range of the depictions, it cannot simply be assumed that the hierarchs represent the lineaoe 0 of the abbots of DrigWJg Mon astery. ln this lineage, the third n opa generation abbot aft er Dri au "' e (rje sPyan-snga Rin -po-che, 11 75 1255: abbot from 12 34 -1 25 5). held the se e WJtil 1255. If all ex am ple s referred to this lineage , the succession and changes indicated above would all fall within a fairly short period. So me ex am ple s, especially the Pritzker and M cC or mi ck footprints as well as t11e RR .E . thangka. appear to indicate that the lineage need not necessarily lead up to the contemporaneous hierarch. Th us . even a late-13th century painting may merely portray the co re lineage leading up to Drigungpa. Concerning the animal-ornanJents in of the backrest of a buddha ·s throne. footnote 5 he writes: "It ap pe ars that what is ca ll ed the six ornaments of the throne, with the ntl ga undemeath the nly central guru being one of them was o establis hed in the course of the 13th and 14th centuries and clearly under of Nepalese influence. On early variants Lucthrone-frames and throne-backs se e zanits (20Q.l) .'~ KU RT TR OP PE R 20 07 de Ku rt Trap pe r in his article of 2007 ma the Wanla Temple more accessible to e historians by publishing the complet ptext of its inscription. Th e long inscri tion was composed by an otherwise unknown mo nk named Changchub Za ng po (Byang chub bzang po) wh o nlived in the mid- or late thirteenth ce y tury. a period that otherwise is poorl documented in Ladakhi historical wsources. (The thirteenth century is, ho ever. counted by DrigWJg Kagyu his s torians as a high point in their sc ho ol' ing development in western Tibe t. includ OF TH E DR IC UN C KA CY U SC BO OL PA IN TIN G T RA D ITI ON S 43 Ladakh.) The inscription, which is damaged in a few places, reveals that the temple of Eleven-headed Avalokitesvara was commissioned by the sons of a powerful district chief in western Ladakh named Bhagdar Kyab. whose personal tutelary deity was the bodhisattva Avalokitesvara. Trapper summarizes previous research, tracing the earliest mention of the temple to the first Western researcher on Ladakhi history, August Hermann Francke, who in his book of 1914 and 1926 (Antiquities of Indian Tibet) mentions the inscription but does not actually cite it. Trapper also uses the partial text of the inscription found in the Ladakhi Tibetan-language monastic history by Konchok Sonam, who tried to read it in an almost blackened condition.263 He also compares an almost complete rendering of the inscription given in the short description of the Wanla Temple by Konchok Tashi in his history of Lamayuru.264 Thus he refers to two of the main rec.e nt local histories that were published in Tibetan.265 He also takes into account the contributions of R. Vitali 1996 and in, at the latest, the 1270s and the statues added in the period 1278-1284. (I know of a much later case in western Ladakh, the Chenrezik Lhakhang of Lamayuru, in which the lower and upper murals can be dated to the tenures of two successive Drigung abbots of the 1860s and 1870s.) Trapper rightly rejects the traditional dating of the temple to the time of Rinchen Zangpo. But how much later should it be dated ? As Vitali suggests, the inscription probably dates to the period of eastern or Upper Mongol (stod hor) rule in Ngari, and to the period of Drigung Kagyu early expansion in western Tibet ( 1190s-l280s?). A hint to that effect is the Mongol-period political title khri dpon, head of a khri skor (an administrative district comprising 10,000 families). U and Tsang Provinces of central Tibet comprised thirteen such districts in Yuan times, in the 1270s. Its occurrence in the inscription may indicate that the same term was also used by the "Upper Mongol" (sTod hor) administration of Ngari. The usage of kha. che 'i yul here to name the place where Bhagdor Kyab received the title khri dpon (myriarch) C. Luczanits 2002. though overlooking the English and German translations of the inscription published by Binczik and Fischer in 2002.266 Trapper discusses the site's dating, conspicuously citing as evidence the thirteen papier-mache sculptures of lineage gurus preserved in the temple's top floor.267 That lineage continued down to the thirteenth guru, Thogkhawa, is admittedly confusing and imprecise. Normally kha che designates Kashmir, but here it probably is used imprecisel y to refer to somewhere else, presumably an important site of eastern or Upper Mongol rule in Central Asia. Trapper broke the text down to 133 lines of versified text. Line 85 nan1es the three expert artists who led its creation: "The incarnation of [the divine artist] who Trapper says died in 1285. (I date his death to J284 and his tenure to 1278- 1284.) Trapper does not mention here the presence of a painted lineage, which appears above a mural section depicting four-arn1ed Avalokite5vara, and which Luczanits had published.268 There the gurus number twel ve, ending Visvakarman, Legs pablo gros. and the incarnation of Maiijugho~a, the artisan (B)sod ..., the divine incarnation (D) kon (m)chog ldor ba, father and son, the three:· Thus the artists were Lekpa Lotro, Konchok Dorwa the father, his son, and an artisan whose name is partially effaced but who may have been with the abbot Jung Dorje Trakpa, tenure 1255- 1278. I therefore suggest we interpret the lineages to mean that Wanla was begun and the lower murals painted called Son am (bSod nams). The four sons of Bhagdar Kyab, who were the main patrons, are also 44 C H A PTER 3 mentioned. Lines 113 to 115 refer to a series of temples erected in their father 's memory and mention worship performed perpetually in his memory at a separate spur klwng (cremation house or chapel) . Hence at the time of the Wanta Chapel's completion and consecration. Shagdar Kyab was already dead, survived by his four sons, three of whom were laymen. 269 Two females of very high position (presumably female relations such as the sons' younger sisters, sring mo) called "Khathtin (Kha thun) [and] Drongmo (sBrong mo)'' are mentioned as having provided excellent food, who were said to be like emanations of "Onjo" (i.e., comparable with the legendary Chinese Princess Wencheng, consort of King Songtsen Gampo). Trapper observes: "What is decisive in regard to the dating of ' Shag dar skyabs, however, is that starting from verse-line 112 tl1e inscription gives an account of the ruler's four sons, of whom the youngest is reported to have thrown himself at the feet of a 'Sri gung master (or masters)."270 The passage mentioning Drigung Monastery in lines I I9-120 is fairly opaque as Trapper translates it: "After the arrival at/ of (the) ' Sri gung, he touched the lotus feet of the dharma-master(s) and then he requested religious instructions in great numbers." Here the inscription actually says that the yotmges t among the four brothers, a monk named Shakya Gyaltshen, traveled to Drigung Monastery, paid obeisance there to (:.habs la btug) the "Dharma-lord" (the Drigung abbot of his time), and received many religious instructions at his feet. Trapper has misunderstood a few other words in the inscription. For instance, in Iine 97, the common word rnam g:hag occurs with the unusual meaning of " formal offerings'' or "ceremonial offerings."271 Elsewhere he mistranslates mi dbang , a common word for ruler and synonym of rgyal po, as "chief of laity." 272 Such minor problems are understandable in this, a first complete translation. In general, the edition and translation are very helpful for historians. ERBERTO Lo Bu£ 2007A In 2007 Erberto Lo Bue published a paper entitled ··A 16th-century Ladakh School of Painting:· In it he documents more clearly than previous scholars had the history of the murals of the Tashi Ch&lzong of Phyang, Ladakh, as the fruit of four visits to Ladakh for research during the summers of 2001- 2003 and 2005. He observes that Western scholars have generall y neglected Ladakhi art from after the fourteenth century and that painting styles from the fifteenth century on have not yet been investigated in much detail.273 In another publication he dates the Guru Lhakhang murals of Ph yang to the 1440s.V4 Here studying the inscriptions of these murals. he also identifies several of the painters. (He apparently omits the ··~xu·· of the name Phyogs bcu dus gsumma from its inscription in footnote 12.)275 Others had mentioned the names of five painters responsible for the Mahakala Temple.176 Lo Bue (following Petech ·s dating of Phyang to the 1550s) concludes that he could identify the artists responsible for the creation of those murals "and hence identify the protagonists of Ladakhi painting enjoying royal patronage at Ph yang and Basgo in the latter half of the six teenth cen tury."' 277 He held that the half dozen a1tists mentioned "represent the largest and most important group of painters so far identified'" in Ladakhi painting. Such royal painting commissions in Kagyu temples at Phyang and Basgo confirmed. he believed. the important cultural and political roles played by the Drigung Kagyu and Drukpa orders in Ladakh in the second half of the sixteenth century (though we need to adjust the period under discussion to the 1530s. the actual period of Phyang's foundation). ERBERTO Lo BuE 2007B ln his second contribution of 2007 Erberto Lo Sue summarizes the lives and works of traditional Buddhist painters in Ladakh, several of whom belonged to the Drigung Kagyu tradition. (I have extracted most of those details pertaining to three relevant nventieth-century Ladakhi painters in chapter 10 .) MELISSA KERIN 2008 Melissa Kerin submitted in 2008 a 369page PhD dissertation entitled: ··Retracing Lines of Devotion: Religious Identities and Political Ideologies in Fifteenth-Sixteenth-Century Wes tern Himalayan Wall Painting." Though she received her degree from the University of Pennsylvania, her research was mainly supervised by Deborah Klimburg-Salter of Vienna University. Kerin visited Vienna to use its western Himalayan photo archives and consulted Kurt Tropper and others for help on Drigung Kagyu history, historical sources. and inscription-writing practices. She focused on previously overlooked sixteenth-century wall paintings of a Buddhist temple in the Tibetan-Buddhist cultural area of Kinnaur (Khu nu) in the state of Himachal Pradesh in northern FIG. J .6 Gya Phakpa Temple in Nako Village, Khunu Photograph by M. Kerin After M. Kerin 2008, p. 231, pl. 7, "Exterior of Nako's Rgya 'pbags pa temple." India. ln a temple of Nako Village she found evidence for the previous presence of the Drigung Kagyu School. ln her first chapter. Kerin clarifies the place of Nako Village within the political. religious. and artistic contexts of Khunu and the Spiti valley. After describing the political and artistic mi lieu of Upper Khunu , she sketches the religious history and artistic heritage of Nako's various temples, concentratin g on lhe Gya Phakpa Temple (Fig. 3 .6). She does not clarify in which language she conducted her interviews; for example. she speaks of "the importance of the Hindi language in the area, as opposed to Tibetan."218 She also does not allude to the ethnic and linguistic diversity of Khunu. True. her main community. the people of Upper Khunu. spoke a dialect ofTibetan.179 They were for many centuries Tibetan Buddhists. and those who were literate and involved in religious practice learned Tibetan as PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE ORICUNC KAGYU SCHOOL 45 FIC. 3·7 Drigung Kagyu Lamas onh wall, Gya Phakpa Temple, Nako Phorograph by John Henry Rice Afrer M. Kerin 2008, p. 255, plate 2.7: "Rgya 'phags pa Temple, North Wall, Lineage porrraits." a classical religious language. In Lower Khunuthere also existed a distinct Kinnauri language. (Elsewhere in Khunu a small community speaking the ancient non-Tibetan Zbano-:z.huno e c lanouaoe e et of Ngari also survives with a few thousand speakers.) In chapter 2, Kerin investigates how the Gya Pbakpa Temple was understood by previous Western scholars and how it is still understood by the present-day village faithful. Both groups take the temple to be a Drukpa Kagyu establishment and do not notice the surviving Drigung Kagyu elements in its murals. As proof of that forgotten secta.rian affiliation, she found two obviously Drigung Kagyu iconographic features in earlier murals: depictions of the Driouno " " Kagyu protector Achi outside and of Jigten Gonpo inside. She also notes the presence of five other probably Drigung Kagyu lamas, some with cryptic inscriptions beneath tbem. 46 CHAPTER 3 Figure 3.7 shows the main inside murals. The key inscriptions under the five lamas. starting with the north wall (with my translations added in brackets), are: North wall I. Lama to the upper left: 'jig rten mgon po [Jigten Gonpo] 2. Lama to his right: clws rje danna mtshan can. II translate: The lord of Dharma named Dlirma. i.e., clws rje dharma 'i mtshan can, ''he whose name lin Sanskrit] would be Dharma:· which in Tibetan would be: Chos kvi ...] East wall 3. Lan1a to the Ieft: ... Rin chen [illegible]. [Presumably to be com pi eted as: "The [Lord of Dharma] named Rinchen."l 4. Lama to the right: illegible. South wall 5. Lan1a to the left: blo gros mtshan can/ana mo. IMy translation: Homage to (the lama) named Lotro.] 6. Lan1a to the ri ght: illegible. Kerin sought help from every expert on Drigung Kagyu history she could find in India and Tibet about these names.280 All were baffled. Still, at least the words Chos f..)>i and Rin chen are common enough name elements among Drigung abbots of the fifteenth century. which is roughly the most likely period. The most difficult name to place is tbe second to the last (blo gros mtshan can. ''[tbe Lama] named Lotro..), since no lama named Lotro appears in the main Drigung Kagyu lineage during the relevant centuries. One possibility is that he was not an abbot of Driouno " .,. but rather another ou tstanding lama, presumably the guru of number 6, the final lama. who we can presume was involved in refurbishing the temple in the midor late fifteenth century. (Compare the prominent depiction of the Gyangdrak master [ChOje Denma Kunga Tral.'P3] in tbe Tashi ChOdzong murals at Phyang in Ladakh). 281 Unfortunately I also could find no ·'Lotro'' among the successive dord::.in (Drigu ng-appointed head lamas) of Gyangdrak Monastery of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Ti se dkar chag. p. 78ff.: fols. 33b-34a). U we leave out the fifth lama as not a Drigung throne-holder. the following sequence of lamas would be possible for the first four masters: I. 'Jig rten mgon po 2. [dBang Rin chen] Chos kyi rgyal po (Dri 16) ( 1448-1504)? (the lama with the name "Dharma'' or Chos kyi) 3. Rin chen phun tshogs (Dri 18) (1509-1557)? (the one named Rinchen) 4. Illegible, but possibly Dri 19. if the previous two are correct 5. An unidentified lama named Blo gros Ia prominent Drigung Kagyu lama who flourished in the early or mid-six teenth century]? 6. A final lama, possibly from Drigung or Gyangdrak If my hypothetical identifications are accurate (hard evidence is still lacking), Klimburg-Salter acknowledges "the rich artistic heritage of Ladakh."285 Kerin then the period indicated for the Drigung Kagyu murals of Nako would be roughly the mid- or late sixteenth century (ci rca l550s- l590s). next discusses286 two articles of Christian Luczanits 1998, "On an Unusual .. ."and 2006b, "Alchi and the Drigungpa In chapter 3 , Kerin describes the painting style of the Gya Phakpa Temple and addresses its stylistic relationship to other Drigung Kagyu temples, while also investigating its style and use. Summarizing previous literature, she discusses whether the Drigung Kagyu possessed a distinctive painting style. The question was not relevant for the period of the Gya Phakpa Temple murals, when it did not possess one. Still, she decides to grapple with the question, investigating works of second- Late in her third chapter,288 Kerin records that through her fieldwork in Upper Khunu and Spiti, she could not find any other Drigung Kagyu temples with sun,iving fifteenth- to seventeenth- ary literature that cited or recorded the existence of a Drigung style, before or after her own main period. She ends up considering a quite late period (D. Jackson 2002) and very early styles (D. Klimburg-Salter 2004 and C. Luczanits 1998 and 2006b). Kerin cites me in my article of 2002 as the first Western scholar "to advance the notion of a ' Bri gung pa painting style."282 She overlooked that three years before my article, Clare Harris prominently mentions the style, employing Yeshe Jam yang as an important source on the classification of recent styles and using the term Driri ("Drigung Painting Style'j.Z83 Kerin next discusses Deborah Klimburg-Salter's article (KlimburgSalter 2004), 284 which describes a crucial very early painting for studying the inception of "the Drigung painting style (Driri)" [referring to a very early painting, i.e., Fig. 5.1 in the present publication] . Kerin glosses over KlimburgSalter's overly loose usage of the term Driri for early period art and finds her approach acceptable since KlimburgSalter "does not deny the possi bi I ity that there may have been other coeval painting traditions in Ladakh," and since century wall murals. Adding that most Ladakhi murals date to the thirteenth or fomteenth century, she jumps ahead chronologically to discuss the site of "Tsegu" (i .e., Gongbur) Monastery in Purang, which she dates, after a brief visit. to the eighteenth century, but she could not photograph it. (It is a pity she could not work longer at Gong bur Monastery because its murals would have been chronologically closer to her Nako ones, if my reading of the Amitayus lineage is con·ect.) Then Kerin considers five sites in Ladakh- Linshed, Kanji , Wanla, Alchi, and [Tangtse] in the Changthang- all of which she acknowledges were either too early or too late for a good comparison. But why not use the chronologically closer mmals of Phyan.g Monastery in Ladakh?289 In chapter 4, entitled "From Courtly to Regional Idioms: West Tibet's painting Tradition, [in the] Fiftee.nth-Sixteenth Centuries," Kerin compares the Gya Phakpa murals with other murals from Khunu , Spiti and "Ngari" (by which she actually means just Guge in central Ngari). She asserts that the Gya Phakpa sixteenth-century mural styles were neither local nor specific to the Drigung Kagyu School but rather a vari ant of a regional style. That style, she says, was commonly referred to as "the Guge Renaissance style," and she distinguishes within it two main phases: the "Renascent style" [circa 1470s-1500?], which she believed was commissioned under the courtly patronage of the newly formed Guge Kingdom of Ngari ; and the "Late-Medieval Guge Style," which consisted of "stylistic developments that developed after the fifteenth century" [i.e., circa 1500-1600]. Aiming to document for the first time a coherent group of visual forms from the fifteenth to sixteenth centmy that reflected the region's political and artistic history, she adds290 that the second (late) stage quite likely persisted into the seventeenth century, though her dissertation mainly focuses on up to the end of the sixteenth century. Kerin discusses the dates of the Red Temple of Guge, which Tucci ( 1971 " Tibetan Notes'') had dated to the early fifteenth century. Following Petech291 and Vitali. 292 she considers the Red Temple (w hich is key for her chronology, in general) to date instead to the last quarter of the fifteenth century. 293 (She refers confusingly to both Tsaparang and Tholing ' Du khang as ''Red Temples.'') She considers them and the Golden Temple ofTabo to represent the apogee of the "courtly idiom." Kerin next investigates a site that is her missing link, Tabo Cave Paintings (plates 4.62-4.64).m (See Fig. 3.8 in the present publication.) Though she correctly notes the likely Geluk sectarian affiliation of this site, she does not realize that what is portrayed around the two bodhisattvas are the two main Kadam lineages ofTsongkhapa, which he received by way of Atisa and Dromton. (The Tibetan layman depicted with white robes on both sides must be Dromton .)295 Later296 Kerin follows Tucci 1949 in asserting that the style persists ''tmtil roughly the late 17th century."297 That is when Tucci believed "the prov inee [of Guge] was incorporated into Greater Tibet at the end of the seventeenth century, its individuality was completely lost and the new manner of the Tibetan 'settecento' triumphed in Guge, too.'' But Tucci in 1949 had very little to base his dating on, either for Guge or for central Tibet. PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 47 time she refers to. the mid-fourteenth century. were involve d in further strength ening the forms of Yuan Buddhi st art- the Beri style in Tibet-n ot rejecting it. Its heavy Newar compon ent may have been part of what made that art so foreign in the eyes of the Han Chinese . When we conside r the general develop ment of Tibetan painting styles in central Tibet, at precisely this time ( the end of the Yuan). the styles jump in a counter intuitive direction, not away from the Yuan-Sakya Beri style, but deeper into it. The classical Eastern -Indian Sharri style, for its part, comple tely died out 3.8 Saicyamuni, Mairreya, and Manju§rr Northern wall, cave temple, Tabo Phomgr aph by john Henry Rice After M. Kerin 2008, plate 4.62. fiG. ln chapter 5 (her final chapter ). Kerin traced the relation s of her Upper Khunu temple ·s murals with related Guge and Tabo cave painting s of the same general style. Explori ng the "Origin and Meanin g of a Renasce nt Painting traditio n," she attempt ed to demons trate how the later Guge style revealed many formal aspects of the prior painting style of the early royalty of Guge-P urang of the elevent h and twelfth centurie s. The fifteenth -century Guge rulers emulate d the early style. she suggest s. in respons e to a !50-yea r disrupti on in local rule during the Sakya/ Yuan rule of Tibet: 298 Guru Lhakha ng, Phyang.) By adoptin g the domina nt (mainly red) color scheme and several other key decorat ive features be a brief passage quoted by Roberto Vitali 300 from the History r~f Dharma in Ngari (Mnga · ris chos 'byung). There around the middle of the fifteenth century, the painters of Guge demons trate that even in their far-flun g location they the passage from Vitali actually refers to western Tibet regainin g some sort of political indepen dence from central Tibet (0-Tsan g) in the late fourteenth could not escape the strong gravitational pull of these widespr ead. and within the Tibetan Buddhist cultural world, or early fifteenth century -which had ruled Guge not for the single century of Sakya!Yuan rule - but, in Vitali's words, "for hundred s of years." Even granting that a major political change occurre d in the mid- or late fourteen th century and that Guge returned to greater peace and prosper ity under King Namgya l De (d. 1439?), that was still long before the new painting style she refers to began to flourish in Guge in the mid- or late fifteenth century . Did the art hibernate for the Ming Dynasty (1368-1 644) did after the Yuan Dynasty 's tennina tion. Courtly artists of the Ming Dynasty revived the styles and decades before reacting to these "epochmaking ·· changes ? The Yuan ended "indi genous" identity after the foreign rule of the Yuan Mongol s. CHAPTE R 3 in central Tibet at precisel y that time, though it lingered on for a few more generat ions in one highly conserv ative periphery. Ladakh. (See. for instance , the could not give much evidenc e to support it. She mainly cites " the royal chronic le of the fifteenth century Guge Kingdo m." Her sole textual evidenc e299 seems to Throug h its art, the Guge Kingdom sought to reestablish its cultural and ancestral heritage. This is not unlike forms of the Souther n Song period (twelfth-thirteenth century) as a way to reestablish their cultural and 48 Kerin ·s hypothe sis that a stylistic reaction occurre d in Guge at the end of the Yuan dynasty is intrigui ng. but she in 1368. while her Guge style began flourishing a century later. in the 1470s. Where is the propose d direct link?301 Kerin cannot be faulted for not knowin g well the general stylistic trends of Tibetan painting of the fou rteenth and fifteenth centurie s, but Tibetan s at the almost universal aestheti c changes . They. too. adopted a regional variety of the Beri.300 (Artists at Phyang in conserv ative Ladakh were in the 1530s still using a Beri style like that of the Gyantse Kumbu m. a century after it ceased to be widely used in central Tsang.) In a second part of this final chapter, Kerin asserts that the s tyle as found in Upper Khunu was peripheral and no longer signale d the messag e of dynasti c emulati on but instead a royally sanctioned legitima cy. Two of her key mural sites were the temples ofTholl ng and Tsapara ng in Guge. The dating of those sites, howeve r. has been significantly revised (chronologicall y reversed) by Luczani ts, who found wall inscript ions when visiting there in 2007.303 Luczanits summa rizes more convinc ingly the mix that made up the Guge style of the fifteenth century, includi ng key central-Tibetan (i.e., Beri) elements,31W and Purang from the twelfth to seven- written hagiographies of Jigten Sumgon. though in his extremely brief stylistic teenth century. hoping to reveal a motive For instance, in his figure 8a (Fig. 3.9 summary of 1998.J05 Luczanits does consider Tsaparang of the fifteen/sixteenth in the present catalog), Linrothe documents a mural detail with two lamas, century the last phase of the western for the patronage of the Drigung Kagyu murals at Nako.316 In sum. Kerin bravely investigates Tibetan style. in her study the murals of a poor! y pre- For her part. Kerin denied that the Guge style possessed any basic stylis- served Dri gung Kagyu village temple in the Himalayan borderlands- a highly monks" in his figure lOa may be a dou- tic allegiance to the Beri -though she obscure comer even within the little ( Note the white skin and identical dis- misunderstands Pal's term Sakyapa306 first of all as being the same as her Inter- tinctive hair lines of both main figures.) national Style. She also mistooJ<.l0'7 what known field of Drigung Kagyu painting.317 One section where she shines is where she finds318 in a Tabo cave a Pal meant by ''Sakyapa Style," thinking the style was linked with Gyantse, which stylistic " missing link'' for her Nako Temple style. But why were there so RoB LINROTHE 2007B she considers "one of the most important many problems elsewhere? After a Sa skya centers in Tibet," which it was ce1tain point, a beginning scholar who not. (Pal's mis lead ing terms "Sakyapa Style'' and " Kadampa Style" terminol- is investigating a neglected period and obscure local style has to rely on the ogy Ifor the Beri and Sharri styles! were expertise of her advisers, but who was debunked by Stoddard 1996, which Kerin cites in her bibliography, though in 2005 or 2006 sufficiently expert in western Tibetan painting of the sixteenth she overlooked this critique). In fact, or sevmteenth centuries? Judging by the uneven quality of her results. nobody she consulted was expert enough in both period and locale. she closely follows Klimburg-Salter in asserting that the art of Guge in the late fifteenth century "was not merely a continuation. but a revival of [what she calls] the Indo-Tibetan styte:·J<l8 Kerinl09 seems essentially to still follow the basic analysis and chronology ofTueei in 1949 (quoting his pioneering sketch of the history of the ·western Tibetan school" from the eleventh to the seventeenth century (ending with the invasion of Ladakh by Sengge Namgyal).310 Her stylisti c terms are imprecise or antiquated, not taking into account the terms for western Tibetan painting laid o ut by Luczanits in several recent publications (w hich appear in her bibliography).311She sti ll commonly uses, for instancel12 the terms " Inner Asian International Style'' and "International Style... though Klimburg-Salter says they were unanimously rejected in 1995 as no longer useful by art historians.m Kerin also overlooked that the term Indo-Tibetanl14 was rejected by Luczanits.m Ln her conclusion, Kerin tries to place the Gya Phakpa sixteenth-century murals within a detailed history of Guge RoB LINROTHE 2007A with Phagmorrupa to the left and Jigten Sumgon to the right. The two ·'Drigung bled representation of Jigten Sumgon. In his second Orientations article of 2007, Rob Linrothe investigates the identity of a black-skinned and whiterobed adept whose portraits appear in early Drigung Kagyu paintings in Ladakh and Zangskar. Linrothe is no doubt correct in identifying these as Phadampa Sanggye, the South-Indian master who resided until his death at Dingri in western Tsang in the early twelfth century, some two decades before Jigten Sumgon·s birth. Phadampa's iconography is unmistakable. One of Linrothe ·s aims was to explain Phadampa ·s turning up as a great In January 2004. while visiting Kum- siddha in early Drigung Kagyu murals bum Monastery in Lingshed Village of Zangskar, Rob Linrothe explored in the in Ngari as an attempt by that school to establish another legitimatizing Indian Tashi Odbar Lhakhang a small hole in lineal link (in addition to the school's the wall behind a stupa. Together with his main Indian lineage through Tilopa and hosts, he found on the other side a previously unknown temple (now called the Nll.ropa). I must admit tl1at I did not expect to see him depicted in the places "Hidden Lhakhang'') with murals dating Linrothe found him. Yet Phadampa to the thirteenth century. To the amazement of the local monks accompanying was widely honored and revered in that period as a realized adept who taught him , whose monastery for centuries has esoteric precepts that were considered followed the Geluk School. the murals contained a Kagyu lineage down to Gam- extremely effective. The portraits themselves can now be taken as visual proof popa. Even more intriguing. two of the of how widely Phadarnpa was respected side walls contained murals depicting in thirteenth-century Ngari. central monks surrounded by narrative vignettes that proved to portray episodes More relevant for understanding the existence of his portraits is the fact from the life story of Jigten Sumgon. that Phadampa was deeply revered by Dan Martin helped Linrothe confirm the contents of the paintings. identifying some painted episodes and tracing Phagmotrupa, as the latter's biographies clearly mention (as Linrothe also rightly stresses). Phagmotrupa ·s personal devo- some of the parallels in published tion to him would have been enough PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL 49 Local Styles.311 and (3) Guge Period Styles.322 The first (early) period is his maio subject in his dissertation. Luczanits does not directly investigate the early central-Tibet inspired Drigunglinked styles, but says that we can note. during the second period, the arrival of that school through innovations in iconographic program typical of the Dri!!UD" and other similar Sarmap a (New c "' Translation Era) schools. These include an Anuttarayoga Tantric subject matter. prominent portraits of lamas and lineages. and the Sixteen Arhats (especially the Four Great Kings). OLAF CZAJA 2006 AND FORTH COMIN G Ftc. 3·9 Phagmorrupa and Jigten Sumgon, detail from "Hidden Lhakkang~ mural Lingshed, Zangskar; 13th cenrury Photograph by Rob Linrothe Literature: Rob Linrothe 2007a, fig. Sa. reason for depicting Pbadam pa, one would think. Yet it remains a puzzling fact how seldom this same distinctive adept turns up in early Drigung Kagyu paintings from central Tibet. (A very similar dark-skinned Indian yogi does turn up as a half-hidden minor figure in a few early Taklung Kagyu thangkas. paired with Padmasambhava.)319 RoB LINRO THE former residence in Tsatsap uri, a little known site in Alchi Village. Unroth e illustrates with his figure Ia a pictorial hagiography of that master. By ways of iconographic comparison, Linrothe also presents in this article some then rare and inaccessible details from the lineage depictions of Wanla. the "beam 1ineage,'" which had become more accessible for photography due to renovation work. He compared (his figure 3a) on the faces of Phagmotrupa and Jigten Sumgtin, noting the typical beard of the former. He even found (sec his figure 5: the present catalog 's Fig. 131) in the oldest temple of Lamayuru a similar pair of lineal lamas to compare, convincing visual proof of the presence of those masters ' tradition in each place. 2009 In his article in Orientations in 2009. Rob Linrothe summed up the conserva- CHRIS TIAN LUCZA NITS 2009 tion activities in Ladakh as of summe r 2008.A s in his two articles in the same publication in 2007, he presents several In his article of 2009. "Styles in Westem Himalayan An,.. Christian Luczanits concentrates on a single style: he interesting findings relevant to Drigung Kagyu art. Once again he found remains of murals portraying episodes of the life describes just the sub-schools of the western Tibetan style. enumerating the three main periods and includes two later ones. He differentiates: (I) Early of Jioten Sumoon . In this case. the murals c "' were discovered during renovation work performed in the second Aoor of a lama·s 50 CHAPTE R 3 West Tibetan Styles (late tenth-ea rly thirteenth ccntury),320 (2) lntern1ediary Olaf Czaja has devoted much attention to the history of Phagmotrupa 's monastic seat. Oensa The!. mother monastery of the Phagtru Kagyu, and its art. In 2006 he dcfended at Leipzig Uni versity his dissertation "Medie val Rule in Tibet: The Rlangs Clan and the Political and Religious History of the Ruling House of Phag mo gru pa." A much revised version of that study is about to be published by a Viennese academic press with the additional subtitle: .. With a Study of the Monastic Art of Gdan sa mthil :·Czaja has contributed two articles on Densa The! and its marvelous reliquary stupa commissioned by Jigten Sumgon. The first, published in 2006, was "The Sculptural Art of Densati 1" in Orielllal Art Maga:i11e. In his first article. Czaja as a PhD candida te introduces the Densa The! tashi gomang memori al stupas in a preliminary way. He summarizes tlleir sculptural program on the basis of writteo descriptions, photographs from the 1950s, and known surviving fragments. He asserts that Tibetan sculptural art was "deeply influenced by tllese statues for two and a half centuri es:· though not every excellent piece of art was widely copied or automatically FIG. 3.10 Densa Thel memorial srupa, lower level Photograph by F. Mete, 1948 After Olaf Czaja 2006, fig. I. influenced subsequent developments. Briefly recapping the site's historical background. he all udcs vague! y to the importance of Phagmotru Densa Thel for the Phagmotrupa governmen t founded by Tai Situ Changchup Gyaltshen. He adds that the Phagdru Kagyu School was later "submerged into Gelukpa,"323 though not clearly specifying w hat period he is referring to; the monastery remains today an important monastery of the Dakpo Kagyu tradition. One of Czaja's main written Tibetan sources is an inventory of all figures within one Tashi Gomang. More than once he refers to that inventory, without specifying its author or citing its title either in his text or bibliography.JH The (first) stupa. Czaja explains. included about 2.200 deities and was built at Drigung between 1198 and 1202. He mentions Tashi Obar (bkra shis 'od 'bar) as the name for the funereal reliquary stupa, explaining the two main parts that were meant to be enshrined together: Tashi Obar (the smaller reliquary stupa placed above) and Tashi Gomang (bkra shis sgo mang), the elaborate multi-tiered stupa below. Czaja assumes that Jigten Sumgon's "manifold political interests" found expression in the Tashi Gomang stupa, though not offering much evidence.325 He suooests that Ji gten Sumgon intended to brino " Tashi Obar permanently to Dri ouno " and hence to shift the religious center from Densa Thel to Drigung. The Tashi Gomang. we are told. stayed in Driouno " and the reliquary stupa (Tashi Obar) was sent back to Densa Thel without it. Czaja explains that, in all, eight Tashi Gomang were made at Densa Thel. the first in the second half of .... .. . thirteenth century. He summarizes the basic structure of this group of Tashi Gomang stupas.316 ln figure 8 he illustrates the eight-tier plan of one side (the eastern side) of the stupa. In later fio" ures. he presents a number of survivino fragments (figures 9-11 and 13- 16). He also mentions some artistic or compositional features that the Tashi Gomano stupa shared with early Kagyu painting. (Note: ln figure 12. the eight great ndga are listed among deities on the lowest tier of deities [the sixth tier]. the tier of worldly protectors.) Throuoh his fioure 18. he presents a Pritzker Collection thangka with triple rainbow nimbuses ( ,. 1°" od) ·311 sorne thangka paintings have a similar structure, Czaja notes. ''These tlumgkas should be understood as neatly interwoven with the concept of the Densathil stupas and [their] sculptu ring." He concludes by asserting that the Densa Thel stupas had a "lasting influence on Kagyu painting."Jls In this article Czaja thus summarizes for art historians a few key points about this important yet poorly known site. He helpfully explains the structure of the whole stupa and maps the main iconographic subjects of the top and bonom tiers. Yet his findings remained unpolished and provisional. .. .. .. .. OLAF CZAJA 2010 In 20 I0 Czaja published his 2006 PlATS (Proceedings of the International Association for Tibetan Studies) paper ''The Commemorative Stupas at Densathil: A Preliminary Study." Here he summarizes again findings from his doctoral research, though in a more polished form. Combining old photographs with survivi ng fragments and a long and detailed written description, he hoped to reconstruct what the old stu pas had been like. He describes more clearly at the beginning the written descriptions of the Tashi Gomang that he had used. Attributing one main work to Jigten Sumgon's disciple Sherab Jungne (the longer version, he says, occurred in the collected works of both Ji gten Sumgon and Sherab Jungne), he mentions shorter and longer versions of this work, in addition IO a separate work that enumerated the sacred relics and other contents inserted into the Tashi Gomang stupa before its consecration.l29 After introducing the stupa in general.no Czaja tries to establish bow many such stupas bad once existed at Densa Thel.331 He outlines the basic iconographic program as it can be seen from Mete's photographs.332 then presenting in more detail the inner structure of the stupa, including the relics that were inserted at its consecration.m He PAINTING TRADIT I ONS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL describes in more detail some surviving fragments from the sixth, i.e., bottom, tier.334 He discusses successively the four sides: East (p. 238ff.) ; South (p. 244ff.); West (p. 250ff.); and North (p. 256ff.). Then he addresses "Meaning, Context and Perspectives," asserting that the erection of the first stupa was politically determined, "which is reflected in the iconographic program as well as the structural layout."335 In closing, he suggests three possible areas for further research .336 In footnote 140, Czaj a describes Jigten Sumgon's vision from the peak of Gampogar (sGam po gar), in which he clear! y saw the hoi y site of Tsari. including the palace of Cakrasamvara on top ofYu tsho (g.Yu mTsho [Turquoise Lake]) and the Crystal Mountain (Shel gyi ri). He mentions in passing many rare and important works of sacred art that were deposited as relics in the Tashi Gomang stupa. For instance, he touches on these three holy obj ects:337 a realistic image (sku 'bag ) of Gampopa, a painting of Gampopa 's footprints. and a painted image of Phagmotrupa. Unti l now we did not have concrete references to such images, though histories stated that Phagmotrupa made images of Sachen and Gampopa.338 Czaja refers intriguingly to a painting (of Phagmotrupa?) that was the holy object of the personal practice (thugs dam) of Jigten Sumgon, bearing the form of his [guru's] footprints (zlwbs rjes bkod pa can) , and done in gold.l39 Czaja trans lates thugs dam many times as " high aspiration." following the suggestion of Dan Martin. But that rendering is infelicitous, as I explain elsewhere; it is better to translate it as "holy object for the personal practice [of such and such a master]." 340 Czaja also translates 'od skor as "circle of light" outside the stupa.341 Better would be to render it "nimbus"; that is the ordinary Tibetan name for the circular radianc.e around the sun or moon. i.e., the literal 52 C HAPTER 3 translation would be "halo" for ring of light around the sun or moon. (For the Nyingma School, we also find mentioned a statue of Padmasambhava!)342 In another passage we also find listed many of Phagmotrupa's writings including other Path with the Fruit (Lam 'bras) books and specifically Phagmotrupa 's commentary called the "Volume from the Library" (Lam 'bras dPe mdwd llW), 343 and also the "Lamdre of Jo Lhajema" (Jo Lha rj e ma), i.e., the transmission of the Tibetan yogini Majik Shama (Ma gcigZha rna, 1062- 1149).w These references attest to the importance of esoteric instmctions deriving from the great adept Virupa. Czaja also refers to many other significant facts and terms, some of which he will presumably present again in his forthcoming book-length study.345 CHRISTIAN LUCZANITS 20!0 Christian Luczanits in his article of 20 10 contributes to the iconographical description and interpretation of the first Tashi Gomang stupa of Densa The!, complementing the contributions of Olaf Czaja. Using the written account (Karchak) of Sherab Jungne, Luczanits tries to make sense of the large number of mandalas presented, noting that each tier can be considered a mandala of mandalas, as can the whole six-tier stupa. One of his overriding considerations was the date of the main written description, which he asserts was essentially the san1e in all available versions. As he observes: "Czaja takes [Sherab Jungne] as the actual author of the text and, from the historical context he has worked out, sees this text as an authentic work of the early 13th century." 346 Luczanits was more doubtful , sensi ng the presence of possible anachronisms and raising a question of textual history or philology that had important chronological consequences for art history. Luczani ts uses the written Iist of this iconographic corpus of 2,170 deities as a "pendant," i.e., as a parallel or contrasti ng example, for comparing the many deities of Wanla Temple. Both fall into the category of Drigung Kagyu art (though Luczanits then still dates Wanla to the early fourteenth century) . With that dating in mind, he began to wonder whether the list of deities tmly dated to Sherab Jungne's time (the early thirteenth century), or whether, to the contrary, it actually possessed deities and gurus that would necessitate dating it to the next century. In his article Luczanits successively discusses Tier I (p. 283), Tier 2 (p. 289), Tier 3 (p. 293), Tier 4 (p. 297), Tier 5 (p. 299), and Tier 6 (p. 301). On page 284 he presents the plan of top tier, that of gums?•7 Buddha Vajradhara sits at the center of all four sides. The arrangement of the top tier, south side, was: 6 [2] 5 [3] 2[4] I[5] 3[6] 4[7] 2b*[8] This numbering showed both Ti lopa and Atisa (Jowo Chenpo Lha cig shown as 2b*) as disciples of Vajradhara. This was a very unusual ordering. First of all, the presence of Atisa symbolized a second l.ineage. Secondly Vajradhara was placed in the center- as he was on al l four sides. Beginning with him, the lineage altemated left and right, but then ended with a pair of gurus on either side. The north side of the top tier featured two key saints of the early-spread (snga dar) period of Tibetan Buddhist history: "Bodhisattva" (Zhi ba 'tsho, Santarak~ita) and Padma 'byw1g gnas (Padmasambhava). (In a previous Rubin Museum catalog, instead of the correct name, Santarak~ita, I wrongly gave the name of his disciple as Kamalasila, who also visited central Tibet, where I should have said Santarak~ita.)348 According to Luczanits: "The lineage in the north probably refers to Hevajra, of which VirGpa is the principal lineage holder (see table Tier 1) . The two outem10st masters on this side are Padmasambhava!Padma ' byung gnas and mkhan po Bodhisattva, which is a common epithet for Sant~ita. clearl y two figures that are not included here as lineage holders."349 Luczanits added: 350 First let us consider the lndian abbot Santaraklfita (mKhan po bodhisattva) . What could his role here have been? He was invited by the famous Most telling, however, is the inclusion of Padmasarnbhava/Padma early Tibetan King Trisong Detsen (742-ca. 797) in about 779 when he ' byung gnas and Santara~ita as the outermost masters on the north side. As they are not lineage holders of Hevajra, their inclusion among the major masters here must have some other purpose. In early Stag lung and Ri bo che painti ngs, Padmasambhava even- was founding Samye Monastery, and he directed the ordination of the first ever batch of seven Tibetan monks to tually comes to be included among the masters of the tradition. Again one can use the Ouimet and Ford collection thangkas as examples, of which the latter can be dated to the last quarter of the thirteenth century. In fact, Padmasambhava does not occur in early Himalayan monuments at all, his earliest rep- be ordained (traditionally called the zad mi bdun), serving as "ordination abbot" (mkhan po). Presumably he taught the king and other early Tibetan disciples to worship the Medicine Buddhas. (The south face of tier three featured the seven-deity King of Medicine, Bhai~ajyaguru , Medicine Buddha mandala.) Most of the Buddhist teachings died out during a period when Buddhism was suppressed, but this tradition is said to have been preserved within the resentations dating to the mid- or late 13th century, but be takes a prominent position in the paintings of Wan] a, where he is shown several times, once together with surviving descendants of royalty who established themselves in central Ngari (especially Guge), aU with the royal title mnga' bdag. The first non-royal person in the lineage was Ngari Drajom (mNga ris dOra 'jams), disciple of Ngadak Tsede (mNga' bdag rTse lde) .3; 1 his eight main manifestations on the left side wall of the main The second Indian teacher, Padmasambhava, was famed for his having niche. His inclusion and that of ' Santarak~ita are evidence of the integration of the powerful association with the religious heritage of the imperial period within the Bka' brgyud pa schools. transmitted to Tibet such Tantric teachings for the deity Vajrala1a. VajrakJ1a was a specialty of the Sakya Khon and it was quite possible that Phagmotrupa received its initiations and teachings from Sachen during the many years he spent in SaJ...-ya. (Go Lotsawa in his Blue Annals says Phagmotrupa learned Lamdre "and other systems" from Sachen.) For Padmasambhava. we actually find To Luczanits's objections, I would reply that both of the lndian gurus he mentions (Padmasambhava and Santarak~ita) could have been venerated here as lineage holders for other deities or mandalas, namely of VajrakJ1a and the Medicine Buddha. They are not anachronistic here in a central Tibetan written source, however rare they may be in western Tibetan murals. The fact that Padmasambhava occurs in Wanla (now datable to the mid- or late-thirteenth century) makes his presence here much less problematic. at least two possible mandalas in the Tashi Gomang stupa: 23-deity Vajrakiia, tier 2, south side; and ten-deity Yangdak Heruka (Yang dag Heruka), on the north side of the third tier. Both are Nyingma traditions, and both belong to the Kagye (bKa' brgyad). Moreover, both were the only two old-period Tantric transmissions that two eleventh-century masters of the Sakya Khtin (Khtin Sherab Tshultrim and Ktinchok Gyalpo. b. 1034) decided to preserve as special cases, after they had discontinued all their other old-period teachings.m The stupa karchak records another statue of Padmasambhava.m That master was also the origin of such esteemed instructions as the Dzogchen (rDzogs chen) or Great Perfection, which Phagmotrupa received from at least two gurus. While in Tsang he studied the precepts of Aro (of Dzogchen) under the master Drakkarpowa (Brag dkar po pa) .3 SI According to Go Lotsawa "he felt these precepts were merely mental stabilizing (:.hi gnas) and did not feel satisfied." He was well known for having painstakingly tracked down and studied under the most outstanding experts in all branches of Buddhist practice.m According to Alexander Schiller's forthcoming dissertation, Gampopa was teaching Dzogchen when Phagmotrupa first met him at Garnpo in 1151 ?56 One of the teachings he gave to Phagmotrupa and others, once he had recovered his health after an illness, were the "Dzogchen teachings from A ro" and "Tium 'jogs" instructions. Aro Yeshe Jungne (A ro Ye shes ' byung gnas) was an outstanding teacher who kept the Dzogchen instructions of Padmasambhava alive in part of Kharn (!Dan ma), the homeland of Jigten Sumgtin in about the first half of the eleventh century.357 The eminent Tibetologist, R. A. Stein, wrote about him and his tradition: 3;s But in the same part of Kham [Denma], the spiritual lineage of Padmasan1bhava had also been kept alive tl1rough the agency of the translator Vairocana, exiled to Kinchwan, where the daughter of a king of that region became his disciple. This lineage is that of the Dzogchen-pa order, which belongs to the "ancient" (Nyingma-pa) unreformed school, and teaches a form ofTantrism in which some material from Chinese Dhyana PA I NTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL 53 (Ch' an, Zen) is preserved. A former Bonpo, Yasi Ponton (Ya zi Bon ston ), and his teacher, Aro, were also there at that time. This Aro, likewise established at Longthang in Den, had received the teachings of seven lineages from India, together with seven lineages from Given the high number of deities and their assemblies described in China. A point of interest is that alone among Tibetan writings of this period, it was his chief work, the text, it is surprising to see how little actual ly conforms to those in paintings of the Bka' brgyud pa schools in general, but especially the 'Bri gung pa school, which are dated with some certainty to the first half of the thirteenth century or earlier. ln fact, some of the divergences are so significant that it appears to be very unlikely that the text actual ly is what it is supposed to be, name! y a descri ption of the pantheon on a stupa made for Phag mo dru pa during the lifetime of 'Bri gung pa, i.e. Entering the Yoga of the Mahayana, that Atisa is recorded to have liked and praised. Aro is the first Dzogchen master whose life Go Lotsawa tells in the relevant passage.359 He also gives a second lineage specifically for Aro's lineage down to Zhigpo Dutsi, as opposed to the lineage of the Kha rag skor gsum (of Kharag Gomchung).360 On Aro, Sanlten Karmay explains in his book on Dzogchen that he was a teacher of the Sems sde class of Dzogchen teachings and in particular represented the "Kham tradition" (Khams lugs),361 adding that his treatise was important but (in the 1980s) not accessible.362 (TBRC dates Aro to the thirteenth century, a century too late.) His treatise and personal history have recently been located and published in Kham .363 Though Go Lotsawa seems to belittle the teaching when it occurs in Phagmotrupa 's life story, in fact he greatly revered Padmasambhava and his teachings, saying:364 " People of Tibet possess a head ornament and two ear ornaments. The head ornament is Padmasambhava. The first ear ornament is Kharag Gomchung. The second is the venerable Milarepa." He went on to devote the rest of the thirteenth book to Karag Gomchung's Dzogchen lineage, which originated in Aro 's tradition.365 Given such connections with Padmasambhava through the teachings that Phagmotrupa had received from his teachers, I do not think the presence of ' his depiction or that of Santara~ita need 54 entail any anachronism or special problems of art-historical interpretation here. The same goes for the Nyingma Tantric deities. Luczanits concludes by registering his final (understandable) doubts: 366 C HAPTER 3 before 1217. Most significantly, the arrangement and identity of the siddhas represented on the upper level do not conform to any of the early concepts, neither the common Bka' brgyud lineage nor the group of eight mahasiddha which must have played a major role an1ong the pupils of Phag mo gru pa. It is true that the text does not agree with our preconceptions about early Phagdru Kagyu/Drigung Kagyu religious art in about the year 1200. Yet I think we have underestimated the full breadth of Phagmotrupa's spiritual learning. If properly interpreted, his memorial stupa does witness to his vast learning as a religious student, as do his biographies. His greatest students could not compare with him in this respect and each of them transmitted a fairly small fraction of his vast spiritual patrimony. Thus, the work seems to be an authentic and reliable guide to the Tashi Gomang stupa that it describes, and we can employ the (sometimes difficu lt) details of its contents for art history, as long as we have understood them correctly. The text records, I was pleased to note, the presence of some of the earliest portraits and footprints within this tradi tion. Though I have not yet read the text in the original Tibetan, Czaja 2010 mentions in passing many rare and important works of sacred art, objects that were deposited as relics in the Tashi Gomang stupa, including a realistic image (sku 'bag) of Gampopa, a painting of Gampapa's footprints, and a painted image of Phagmotrupa.367 RICHARD ERNST 2013 In a recent article (R. Ernst 2013, "A Chemist Remains a Chemist"), Richard Ernst reconsidered tl1e identities of the last two out of four main Iamas depicted in one of his previously published paintings, suggesting that one lama depicted in that thangka was Jigten Sumgon. In an article of 2001 ("Arts and Sciences, A Personal Perspective of Tibetan Painting") he had suggested that the four larger lamas were four disciples of Gampopa (though misidentifying Gan1popa as the small Indian monk below wearing red robes and a yellow pundit hat).368 He proposes now that the last two of those four main lamas are Dtisum Kl1yenpa (Dus gsum mkhyen pa) and Drigung Jigten Sumgon: 369 Based on his physiognomy,[24] one is tempted to identify the fourth hierarch with Jigten Gonpo (or Jigten Swngon) ( 1143-1217), the founder of Drigung (Bri gun g) in 1179, 150 km east of Lhasa, rather than witl1 Taglung Thangpa Chenpo ( 1142- 1210), the famous founder of Taglung 120 km north of Lhasa in 1180. The round and smooth face of hierarch four fits the known portrait of Ji gten Gonpo well.[24 D. P.Jackson, Mirror of the Buddha., Early Portraits from fiC.J.II Lama wirh Unknown uneages 13rh cenrury 31 ~ x 21'/s in. (80 x 55 em) RRE Collection Liter:uure: A. Heller 1999, no. SS; P. Paled. 2003, fig. 128; R. Ernst 2001, p. 904; and D. Jackson 2011, fig. 2.3. Ttbet. Rubin Museum of Art. New York. 2011.] It is likely that the thangka has been painted after the death of Jigten Gonpo, 121 7, around the year 1220. This can be verified by a 14C [carbon- 14] age determination of the canvas of the painting by accelerator mass spectroscopy: For harvesting the cotton of this painting. a time span of 1229 (plus or minus 61 years) bas been determined by Dr. Georges Bonani, lnstitut ftir Teilcbenpbysik, ETH ZUrich. The identification of the figures and their life data are at least not in apparent contradiction with this l4C dating. Here Ernst slightly modifies the identifications made on the basis of Amy Heller's suggestions to Patapaditya Pal who proposed that Jigten Sumgon and Taldungthangpa were the two final main lamas.370 For the third main lama depicted, Ernst suggests he is the First Karmapa Dusum Khyenpa. But what speaks strongly against his suggestion regarding the fourth figure is that lama·s lack of any of the known facial characteristics of Jigten Sumgon. Ernst mentions his ·'rounded. smooth face:· yet the decisive feature is his hair line. On the other hand, precisely on the basis of the physiognomy of its main figure. I would suggest we reconsider Figure 3.11. It is another previously published thangka from the same collection, the ''lama with the long lineage:' This thangka has been published several times.371 In this second thanoka the "' main figure's physical appearance fits Jigten Sumgon quite well. He even holds a distinctive three-jewel emblem in his band. So despite the lack of insc riptions as more conclusive evidence, I suggest it as a possible example of early Drigung Kagyu art- purely on the basis of its stem (Pal 2003). It is. of course, tempting to identify this teacher as Driounopa o e as well. However. none of the other elements of this painting reall y support such an identification.'' suspicious physical similarities. Luczanits in his .. Early Dri<>uno.. 0 "' article of 2006 already notices and discusses this possibility:372 ''Obviously. not all paintings sharing one of the minor markers established above can securely be assigned to the Drigungpa School. A thanoka in case in point is another Iaroe "' c the RRE Collection showing a hierarch holding a flower-like Triple Jewel at its ' PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRICUNC K.ACYU SCHOOL 55 Written Sources now becoming more accessible to scholars through written Tibetan sources. The existence of its special painting tradi tion was also revealed in interviews by a painter trained in Drigung in the 1950s. Yet it and allied traditions of Dakpo Kagyu art are briefly discussed in only a few written sources. In this chapter l present several of the main Tibetan writDRIGUNG KAGYU PAINTING IS ten sources used in writing this catalog, which belong to quite different genres. Two are modern articles on Drigung Kagyu art history and the Drigung gomsha hat. My third main source is a traditional exposition of the gomsha, or meditation hat, of the Karma Kagyu . My fourth source is a painting manual, from which I have summarized key points of hat iconography. collecting descriptions and il lustrations of hats. My last two main sources are the traditional abbatial histories of Drigung, which refer to early Drigung Kagyu works of art, and Kathok Situ's classic record of visiting monasteries in D and Tsang Provinces as a pilgrim. RAsE KoNCHOK GYATSHo's ARTICLE ON DRIGUNG l<AGYU ART One of the few publications in the Tibetan language that alerted Tibetan-reading art historians to the existence of special Drigung Kagyu traditions of art was an article that Rase Konchok Gyatsho published in 2001.373 The author, who is also called HE. Dakpo Chenga Rinpoche, Detail of Fig. 4.9 is the preeminent living historian of the Drigung Kagyu. Born in Drigung in 1968 and based in central Tibet, he has published numerous other books and articles, including a voluminous Religious His- tory ofDrigung ('Bri gung chos 'byung, published in Pe cing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 2004) . 1. Sketch of Rase Konc/wk Gya.tsho's Life One of the few published biographical sources on Rase Konchok Gyatsho's life in Tibetan is the "Author's brief history" that appears at the start of his history of women in Tibet of 2003.374 It was written by the Drigung Menpa Sonam Bagdro, who was presumably an admiring friend. A similar sketch appeared in the cover flap of his Buddhist history of Drigung (2004) "Introducing the author" (rtsom pa po mtshams sbyar) , though it brings the account one year and one major work further, to the point where he had published more than 400,000 syllables of writings and established himself at age thirty-six as one of the most prolific writers of his generation. The following sketch of Rase Konchok Gyatsho's li fe has been summarized from the published sources and from biographies posted online on Drigung Kagyu websites:m Rase Konchok Gyatsho was born in the village below the monastery of Drikung The! in Tibet. At a young age he impressed those around him with his virtuous personality and sharp mind . ln 1981 he was advised by Drubwang Pachung Rinpoche (1901- 1988), the great yogi and retreat master (khrid dpon) at Drikung The!, to become a monk. That lama, who became his chief guru, imparted to him important teachings and recommended that he study and practice the Four Dharmas of Gampopa and the Six Yo gas of Niiropa. Later in life he received religious instructions from many other eminent gurus. As a young man he studied at Drikung Buddhist College and at the Tibetan College in Lhasa. He also attended the Medical and Astrological College. He studied the ten traditional fields of knowledge, as well as natural sciences, social sciences, and history, mastering many fields. [At some point, he was identified as the current rebirth of the Dagpo Gampo Chenga Tulku and given the tulku name Konchog Tendzin Trinle Lhlindrup. That was the title of a reincarnate lama not of Drigung but of Gampo, the old seat of Gampopa.] Already as a young student he began writing papers on many subjects of Tibetan history and Tibetan Buddhism under his name Rase Konchok Gyatsho.Among his books are a History of Yangri Gar Monastery. History of Densa The/ (Main Seat ofthe Phagdm Kagyu), The Benefits of Being Vegetarian, and a seven-volume publication PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 57 FIG. 4· I Rase Konchok Gyarsho "Gampo Chenga" Photograph from drikung.org entitled A Faithful Speech that shows how to develop, improve, and spread the Dharma tradition of the Drikung Kagyu in the future . He also authored a book about noteworthy Tibetan women entitled Mothers in the Land of Snows. which filled a big desideratum and received scholarly praise. Chief among his historical writings is his voluminous Buddhist History of Drikung ('Bri gung chos 'byung) published in 2004, which discussed Buddhism i.n general and the Drigung Kagyu lineage in particular. In 2007 he composed The Ornament ofGongchig, a detailed refutation of criticisms of the famous Gongchig teachings of Jigten Sumgon. He also wrote several short texts on the lives of Lord Jigten Sumgon, Achi Chokyi Dolma,Angon Rinpoche, an introduction to the famous Drigung sk:y burial grotmd, and a brief guide to the holy places in the Drigung area. Rase Konchok Gyatsho also published several scholastic and liturgical works, including 58 CHAPTER 4 commentaries on The Fivefold Path of Mahamudra (Phag chen lnga /dan) and on the Essence of the Three Vows (sDom gsum snying po). He compiled the daily rituals of the Drigung Kagyu in two volumes and authored a number FIG. 4·2. Jigren Sumgon wirh His Two Chief Disciples Drigungpa Yabse Sum Lhasa; 2002 Painted by Penpa T.~ering, disciple of Amdojampa Aher Rase Konchok Gyarsho 2004a, frontispiece. of papers concerning special Drigung teachings, including a Phowa (Consciousness-Transference) text of the Drigung tradition called The Color of the Rainbow.376 For almost ten years he collaborated with H. E. Drigung Angon Rinpocbe and some monks from Drigung Thel Monastery to rescue the most important works of the Drigung Kagy u tradition. by collecting, assembling and editing The Great Treasury of Drigung Kagyu (' Bri gung bka' brgyud chos mdzod chen mo) in one hundred and fifty volumes.377 Following a request by H. H . Chungtsang Rinpoche, he also wrote commentaries on the thirteen fundamental treatises of Buddhist doctrine and philosophy (gzhung chen bcu gsum). Rase Konchok Gyatsho commissioned a thangka. Figure 4.2. for the spiritual welfare of his kind old mother. Depicting Jigten Sumgon accompanied by his two chief nephew-disciples and main spiritual successors ('Bri kung pa yah sras gsum or sKyob pa yah sras gsum). it was consecrated in the Water Horse year. 2002. It was painted by Penpa Tsering. a famous pupil of the renowned thangka painter Amdo Jampa (i.e., of Jampa Tsheten. who was known for his modem realistic painting style).378 Here Rase Konchok Gyatsho has ordered to be depicted just four animals in the Buddha's traditional backrest and to show li ons only in the throne base. a revival of ancien t Drigung Kagyu artistic tradition. (The mountains in the background are presumably those of Drigung; note the almost pyramidal shape of one glacier peak to the left.) Note also the vajra placed on the seat before him, below his crossed feet. symbolizing the vajra seat (1•ajrt1sana; rdo rje gdan) of buddhahood at Bodh Gaya. In 2004 Rase Konchok Gyatsho sponsored the painting of an exquisite set of thangkas by the same Penpa Tsering, depicting the throne holders of the Drigung Kagyu lineage. as well as thangkas of the Fivefold Path of Mah!imudr11. The Twenty-five Main Disciples of Milarepa. and the Eight Incarnations of Ji gten Sumgon. A ll the paintings were executed foll owing his own detailed written iconographic plans. Another modern Drigung Kagyu portrait of the school's founder appeared as frontispiece of his history of Yangri Gon Monastery. (See Fig. 43 .) Though the background is greally transformed. the main figure is exaclly the same as in Figure 4.2. 2. A Synopsis of His Article Published in 2001 In his article on Drigung art. Rase Konchok Gyatsho concisely enumerates just the key names of Drigung lamas of the seventeenth through early twen ti eth century who were deeply involved in painting, also naming a few of the chief Drigung artists they patronized. His entire account of the Driri style and later sculpture and arts at Drigung fits onto just one printed page.379 He leads us to conclude that the Drigung style ('Bri bris) of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was just one of several in a long sequence of painting styles patronized at Drigung Monastery over the centuries. He displays a knowledge of different styles. detecting in the work of one later artist a stylistic synthesis and FIG. 4·3 Jigten Sumgon Lhasa; ca. 2002 Painted by Penpa Tsering, disciple of Amdojampa After Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2004b, frontispiece. asserting the presence of a non-Driri style (i.e .. the Karma Gardri) during a certain period. After mentioninglSO the presence of Khyenri painters previously at the time of the ''twenty-fifth.. abbot (Dri 26. Trinle Zan gpo), he asserted PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE ORICUNC KAGYU SCHOOL 59 also known as the "four throne orna- Zangpo after bringing the Khyenri Painting Tradition to Drigung and o ld Gar traditions" (sGar lugs, i.e., ments" (khri rgyan bzhi) or just "four ornaments" (rgyan b:hi)?fn (See Fig. old and new Karma Gardri) of painting 4.4a for a recent drawing by an art- commissioned many paintings, including a set depicting the could be seen in some thangkas. He may ist from Kham of a different tradition Jtitaka Tales. " 385 have gathered some passages relevant to statues and paintings when working on his histories, but some comments depicting not four but six animals visible that during the period of the fourteenth calendric cycle (1807- 1866) the "new embody a direct knowledge of thangkas and informants at Drigung (or in a monastery in Purang). For his account from in the backrest, including a pair of lions and nag a [khri rgyab drug 'gyogs] .) When I interviewed him in Lhasa in 2004, Rase Konchok Gyatsho explained that the fifth ornan1ent (rgyan) in the "four ornaments" was the lion 3. About the following abbot: "The ' twenty-sixth abbot' Dondrup Chogyal commissioned [outstanding] art such as a three-dimen sional mandala of Cakrasamvara." says: "The later continuation of painting of Drigung [i .e., after Dondrup Cho- (seng ge), which belongs to the throne Then Rase Konchok Gyatsho makes a telling remark: '1'he later but is not formal ly counted as one of the continuation of painting of Drigung gyal 's time, from the early eighteenth four animals of the backrest (rgyab yol) [i .e., from Dondrup Chogyal 's time century onward] is as is commonly proper in early Drigung art. ln Figure known (shes gsa{)." With those words , he refers not to common art-historical 4.2 he has ordered that earlier tradition (with the lion appearing only in the on, from the early eighteenth century onward] is 'as is commonly known ' (shes gsa[)."386 knowledge among outsiders but rather to throne base and just four animals in the backrest) to be depicted , thus reviving a the early eighteenth century onward he the common knowledge among the bestinformed artists and lamas of Drigung. Later in his article, he contributes importantly to the written sources on Tibetan art by quoting at length not o ne but two previously unknown very early writings. These sources consider the making of statues and paintings and were composed by two very early masters of his tradition: Drigung Jigten Sumgon and Jennga Sherab Jungne ( 1175-1255), an outstanding early abbot (fourth abbot of Drigw1g). ln particular, the detailed instructions381 on how to paint a thangka given by On Sherab Jungne (d.Bon Shes rab 'byung gnas) to Geshe Ashon (dGe bshes A gzhon), a religious scholar of his time, enriches understanding of early paintings of the Drigung Kagyu. One of the interesting points made by one of the early D1igung Kagyu sources on art concerns the required number of mythical animals depicted in elaborate backrests behind buddha images. Jigten Stungon taught that one should include the four "ornaments" (rgyan mam b;}li), otherwise excel- lent qualities would not arise. (He also stressed that the seat and throne should not be too low.)382 Those animals were 60 CHAPTER 4 very old Drigung tradition. 3. His Account of tlze Driri and Related Painlin.g Styles Rase Konchok Gyatsho writes very succinctly about the Driri and contemporary styles patronized at Drigung between the late seventeenth through early twentieth century. I have divided his account into eight brief sections of just one or two sentences each, orderi ng them chronologically and numbering them consecutively. His summary of the earliest period of the Driri begins: I. About Venerable Chokyi Trakpa: "The Twenty-fourth abbot, the Venerable Chodrak (Dri 25) was learned in all the traditional fields of knowledge and was wonderfuUy skilled in the arts of painting and scuJ pture. As a result he made such things as a colored-sand mandala with completed doors (sgo rdzogs) on the bottom of a teacup which was as detailed and perfect as if it had been painted."Jil.l 2. About Trinle Zangpo: '"The twenty-fifth abbot (Dri 26) Tri nJe 4. About Master-painter Gadik: '1'he art of Gadik (Ga !dig), the Masterartist (d.Bu chen) who flourished at the time of the "thirtieth" abbot (Dri 3 1, Tendzin Chokyi Gyaltshen, tenure 181 0-1826), combined three sty les in his paintings: Khyenri Tradition (mKhyen lugs), Karma Gardri Tradition (sGar lugs) and Drigung Tradition ('Bri lugs) . That fact can be clearly seen from the [surviving] thangkas he painted."387 5. A Karma Gardri Interval: "How the Old and New Karma Gardri styles also spread [at Drigung] can be understood from thangkas that were painted or commissioned there during the fourteenth calendric cycle " ( 1807- 1866) .388 6. A Few Distinctive Developments: Embroidered thangkas also took a distinctive turn stylistically at this time. Regarding statues, an outstanding sculptor who led the construction of the largest Tashi Gomang-type stupa in the time of (Dri 17?) Gyalwang Kunga Rinchen (rGyal dbang Kun dga' '\ could paint a deity on a grain of barley, and he was able to produce one than gka per day. His style had many special characteristics. His lines painted during outlining were so fine that they were just barel y visible, and the art was very captivating to a viewer. ''I I I I I •• II I ' ·, '• '' ' Such qualities of his work we can understand from the thangka that survives at Purang Gyazhing [Monastery] .''390 8. Recent carvings were copied by Khenchen Norbu Gyaltshen.39 1 To summarize, it may help to di vide Rase Konchok Gyatsho's terse references into four main periods: 1. The Earl y Formative Phase (roughly late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries). The period of three successive abbots whom he mentioned: a. The Venerable Rigdzin Chodrak produces great art of his own and inspires his disciples to follow. and thus seems to have been an enormous initial 6 Foe. 4·4A Buddha backresr wirb six legendary animals Afrer Konchok Tendzin 1994, fig. 79. rin chen) was Drigung Mangrawa Dorje Gyaltshen ('Bri gung Mang ra ba rDo rje rgyal mtshan).389 7. Regarding the later Drigung painter Barwa: ·'Barwa, who was the secretary of the "thirty-fifth" abbot" (Dri 36), Shiway Lotro (1886- 1943), abbot 1906-1943, was so manuall y skilled that he inspiration, b. Trinle Zangpo, an outstanding painter and patron who devotedly followed in Rigdzin Chodrak's tradition, and c. Dondrup Chogyal , who immediately continued the Driri through abbatial patronage. 2 . The Middle Period (circa early nineteenth century), including the time of (Dri 3 1) Tendzin Chokyi Gyaltshen and his official painter Gadik. 3 . An intervening period (in circa the mid-nineteenth century) of wider Karma Gardri patronage at Drigung. 4 . The Late Driri Period (circa late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries), the time of (Dri 36) PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KA GYU SCHOOL 6I Shiway Lotro and his painter Barwa. REFERENCES TO THE DAI<PO KAGYU MEDITATION HATS The meditation hat, or gomsha. is a key iconographic feature of lama portraits in the Drigung Kagyu and related Dakpo Kagyu Schools. Their varieties and symbolism have remained little known until now. 1. The Drigwzg Meditation Hm Recent Drigung Kagyu publications from Tibet present a few im po11ant portraits of Jigten Sumgon and his legendary hat. In them we find the founder of Drigung wearing a red gomsha. Typically the hat featured a cluster of flaming .. .. fiG. 4·48 Derail of Fig. 4.2, Jigren Sumgon with bejeweled gomsba Frc. 4.4c Derail of Fig. 0.8, J•gten Sumgoo with bejeweled gomsba jewels in the middle of its front panel. Ln some older paintings the central symbol is more subtle. as if woven into the design of the cloth. In these two recent versions, however, the jewels blaze forth prominently, like a g li ttering gold emblem attached to the hat. seen" (mthong grot gyi sgom :ltwa). was said by Jigten Sumgon to possess many excellent qualities. That master also stressed that it should be preserved and Figures 4.4b and 4.4c depict what is now his standard and correct hat. The flaming jewel (1wr bu me 'bar) emblem its practice should not be allowed to die out.393 He bestowed such hats several times upon his disciples and stressed their imponance, as was mentioned sev- was thus an essential pan of the great founder's meditation hat. (Hi s name as a bodhisattva was, after all. Rinchen Pal. "Jewel Luster.") The front emblem eral times in his writings. In his Profound Teachings Jigten Sumgon enumerates three hats that are typically consisted of six flaming jewels clustered together and standing upon an elegant base of lotus petals, either beneficial to Dharma and three that hann it. The three helpful ones were: I. the "long-eared" hat of Jowo Je (Atisa) (ma ring ma);394 2. the "hat with umbrella with three distinct petals (Fig. 4.4d) or a curved line of seven smaller petals (Fig. 4.4e). To the right and left are clouds. Rase Konchok Gyatsho devoted an article to the goms!Ja of Jigten Sumgon and his followers.392 According to it. spokes'' (gdugs rtsibs ma) of Panchen ' 395 and 3. his own extraorSakya5ribhadra: dinary meditation hat (sgom :Jnva). According to the text. this kind of hat had its own correct shape and proportions. People should not make such guru's footprints in this conte;>.'t, but he reminded them that footprints were venerated in India already in the Lord the Buddha's time. In his own lineaoe e ' previous guru Marpa had worshiped the footprints of his guru. the Indian adept Naropa, and Milarepa was also known to have venerated guru footprints.396 Jigten Sumgon further explained that his gomslw should be red in color, one of the three colors allowed to monks by the Buddhist Discipline (Vtnaya). In those scriptures the technical words for that red was ''red ochre color'' (btsag mdog). Red is also taught by Tantric scriptures to be the color of power.l97 The f rent of the hat should have the image of a jewel. he said. while to its right and left should appear depictions of clouds. The jewel symbolized the guru Jigten Sumgon as a mature teacher gave ''hat teachings" (:lnva c/ws) as recorded in his Profound Teachings (Zab clws). a hat of cotton or silk brocade: it should be made exclusively of woven woolen as the Tantric "lord of the lineage" (rigs /.:yi bdag po). Sutra scriptures also teach that a religious teacher is like a jewel. This extraordinary hat, which was called by Rase Konchok Gyatsho a ·'medita- cloth of 0 Province (dbus phrug). It should contain footprints of the guru. Some people criticized Jig ten Sumgon ·s The two c louds symbolize the enlightened gurus being purposely reborn in the world in order to benefit the Buddhist employment of and worship of the teachings and living beings, as a result tion hat that liberates through being 6l. CHAPTER 4 meritorious, like building a new temple. To destroy one was sinful, like destroying a temple. Such hats were wondrous to behold and planted the seed of buddhahood in all who saw it. Therefore Jigten Sumgon taught all his close disciples to make such a hat and wear it on their heads .398 2. Several Dakpo Kagyu Hats FIG. 4·40 Cluster of Aaming jewels with three-petal lotus base After Khreng Hra'o-khrun et al. 2008, p. 94, right. Three varieties of gomsha or related hats are illustrated and explained by an artist of the Karma Gardri style, Gega Lama.l99 In his art manual Gega Lama called the first gomsha type (Fig. 4.5a) the "Dakpo Hat" (dwags zlnva), saying it was the hat worn by the founder of his school, Gampopa. (That hat was said to have been made following a prophesy of Milarepa and to resemble in shape a rock face at Dal [rDal] in Dakpo, Gampopa 's home district.) Figure 4.5b shows Gampopa as a lineal guru wearing his distinctive hat, here quite colorfully painted by an artist of the Dri ri School. Figure 4.5c depicts Lama Zhang Yudrakpa (Bia ma Zhang g.Yu brag pa, 1123- 1193) wearing Gampopa's hat. As founder of the Tshalpa Kagyu (Tshal pa bKa' brgyud), he received the main teachings from Gampopa's nephew Gompa Tshultrim Nyingpo and is said to have inherited Gampopa's hat. The second type of gomsha illustrated by Gega Lan1a in his art manual (Fig. 4.6) was much more common. He fiG. 4·4£ Flaming jewels on a seven-petallorus After Khreng Hra'o-khrun et al. 2008, p. 94, left. of their previous resolutions made after attaining buddhahood. Such a sacred hat was not to be worn by sinful people or by lay people, he taught. If one made a new hat, it was FIG. 4-5A Gomsha of Gampopa After Gega Lama 1983, vol. 2, p. 120, fig. 2. FIG. 4·58 Derail of Fig. 7.13, Gampopa as a lineal guru wearing his hat says it is essentially the same hat as the first, but with its side flaps [and back] folded up. (In the first hat those parts hang down, warming the wearer's neck.) Gega Lama erroneously called this second gomsha a "sgam dnva" - though the correct spelling is sgom ::.hwa. (The words sgam and sgom are pronounced similarly in some Kham dialects.) He also called it a "zltwa khra," which probably is to be understood as "a variegated hat" (::.!twa mo khra nw), which other ~, FIG. 4· sc Lama Zhang Photograph from HAR ACIP image Lama Zhang no. 886_1arge (xylograph suua ed., p. 519a, right) acip no 886. PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 63 fiG. 4.6 Common later gomsha of Dakpo Kagyu lamas Afrer Gega Lama 1983, vol. 2, p. 120, figs. 3. fiG. 4.8 Bhutanese monks wearing gomsha while performing a roofrop ritual Semrhokha Dzong, Bhutan Afrer T. Tse Banholomew and J. Johnson eds. 2008, p. 119, fig. 15. 3. Karma Kagyu Written Sources 011 the Gomsha fiG. 4·7 Gomsha common in Bhutan After Gega lama 1983, vol. 2, p. 120, fig. 4. sources use to refer to a special gomsha designed by the First Kannapa. Gega Lama illustrates a third type of gomsha (Fig. 4.7), explaining that it was a lama hat commonly worn in Bhutan to the south of Tibet. It was the same as the preceding gomsha, except that it had a peak projecting up in the middle. This variant gomsha was worn by some Druk:pa Kagyu lamas. It has a distinctive central broad upward-projecting point. Figure 4.8 shows Bhutanese monks of Semthokha Dzong wearing gomsha with central red points. When viewed from the side the central points of these mu lticolored hats are easily see n. 64 CHAPTER 4 ln addition to that written discussion of the gomsl!a of the Dri gung Kagyu by Rase Konchok Gyatsho. other written sources shed light on the history of the Dakpo Kagyu gomsha. Tashi Tsering of the Amnye Machen Institute, Dharamsala, kindly shared two accounts of the origin and symbolism of the Dakpo Kagyu gomsha. Like Gega Lama's book, both come from the Karma Kagyu. a sister sc hool of the Dakpo Kagyu of Gampopa. The first of the two texts explains the special colorful gomsha that the first Karmapa devised and his disciplefollowers quickly imitated. (Fig. 4.9 illustrates a Karma Kagyu lineage lama wearing a gomslw with colorful stripes.) The gomsha of other Kagyu sub-schools such as the Drigung. Taklung, and Drukpa might derive. directly or indirectly, from the gomsha not of the First Karmapa but of their own lineal guru, Phagmotrupa. That he possessed a distinctive orange-colored (or orange-red. dmar ser) hat was mentioned in passing in one of the two Karma Kagyu gomsha sources, while the colorful or variegated (k!tra bo) gomsha hat of Dilsum Khyenpa (as distinct from his black Karn1apa hat) was mentioned in passing in his biography..oo• There we are told that one of the First Karmapa's disciples wore a distinctive hat that the source called a ·'hat of the tradition of Lan1a U-se (Dilsum Khyenpa)" (bla ma dbu se'i lugs kyi dbu :/nva)- presumably his colorful gomsha. That hat made an attacking brigand recognize its wearer as a follower of ''Lama U-se" (Bia rna dBu se), as the Karmapa was then called, and a monk ofTshurphu Monastery. Seeing the distinctive hat, the brigand broke off his attack and spared the life of the monk. A. HISTORY OF TilE VARIEGATED Gomsha OF TilE KARMA KAGYU The first brief text that discusses the Karma Kagyu gomsha lacks both a forn1al title and author's colophon.lt begins with a theme that functions as title: ''The history of this colorful meditation hat" (sgom ;;lnva khra mo 'di yi /o rgyus 111). and ends with the prayer that Gampopa 's blessings will grace the reader or reciter of the text. (For a portrait of Gampopa wearing an ordinary gomsl!a, see Fig. 4.10.) The old origi nal text also illustrates the hat {shown as Fig. 4.13). It states: Gampopa gave a piece of woven woolen cloth that was one armspan long to each of his three prominent disciples from the group known as the Three Men of Kham (Khams pa mi gsum), telling each of them: "Make from this whatever hat you like!" Phagmotrupa made his "Orange-colored hat" (dmar ser ma) , while Seltong Gompa (gSa! stong sGom pa) made the "Round eyed hat" (rilmig ma), for which Gampopa accordingly uttered auspicious prophesies. Then Diisum Khyenpa took that piece of cloth and cut it into two halves. When he was sewing it, inside and out. five qaki(IT appeared in the sky before him and uttered words of instruction singing in a single voice: This hat that you, 0 Ordained Vajra-practi tioner, have made is ornamented by two garuda wings to right and left and by five "silk ears" (dar rna) to both right and left. Within the correctly square-shaped "facedoor" (ngo sgo). to the right and left are two black spoons. In the center, a flower is placed amidst the silk (dar khrod me tog). The end (tlw ma) you should encircle with silk. Make it possess three peaks (or points on top, rtse mo) . Surely the Buddhist Doctrine will spread in all directions and all who see it (read: mtlwng ba) will surely be li berated! After singing those lines. they disappeared into the sky. Then after he had made this colorful hat, Dusum Khyenpa visited his guru, Gampopa. That master was pleased, saymg: 0 son, this hat of yours is good, being an auspicious omen. Now listen, I'm going to sing [lit. grant] you a song. That the hat's basic color is red is a sign that you will achieve the Buddha activities of the Mantrayana, through having completely petfected the dharmas of empowerment of Buddha Amitabha. That its "front door" [i.e., front panel] is square (i.e., Ftc. 4·9 Karma Kagyu Guru Jampal Zangpo 39 lh x 23'18 in. (100.3 x 59.5 em) Courtesy of the Hahn Cultur al Foundation Literature: K. Tanaka 2005, no. 50. PAINTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL 65 having perfected the mastery of the Two Vehicles. The live spoons to the right are a sign that the Five Tathagatas of the mandaw constantly dwell on your crown. The five spoons to the left are a sign that the secret ones, the five groups of l)aki!zTs. will achieve Buddha activities [for you]lik e mothers. That it is ornamented by a pair of "conch threads" (dung rkud) is a sign of your entering the path to awakening while possessing skillful means and insight inseparably integrated. That its edge is circled by silk cloth is a sign that the Doctrine will expand in all directions and that you will be surrounded by a following of many disciples. FIG. 4· 10 Gampopa wearing a goms!Ja 30 \4 x 20 in (77 x 51 em) After Rig 'dzin rdo rje et al. eds. 1985, Bod l.:yi rhang ka, plare 56. 66 CHAPTE R 4 four-sided) is a sign that you possess the four limitless qualities (tslzad med b:hi), whose nature is kindness and c.o mpassion. The two "hat-spoons.. to right and left are a sign that Vajradhara and hi s consort reside inseparably on your head. The two gamda wings are a sign of your coursing through the sublime heights by looking. That its inside is empty is a sign that the nature of all phenomena is empty. the integration of emptiness and clear appearance without [conceptual] apprehension. That the upper part of the silk is ornamented by a Rower is a sign that you have elevated to the crown of your head the guru. the authenti c precious lord. That the hat possesses three peaks is a sign that Dharmakaya. Sambhogakaya and Nirmlil )akilya -the three bodies of Buddhahood- are present [as potentials] in the basis [the k/eia-ridden human personality]. These four stages of the colorful hat's meditation I have written to please the fully-ordained monk [Dlisum Khyenpa]. All people who see this hat are sure to enter the path to Iiberation. All those fortunate o nes who make this hat [in the future] will attain the merit of building a four-pillared temple. To put this hat on their heads will be the same as receiving a hundred FIG. 4· I I Detail of Fig. 0.3 {HAR 65461) Phagmotrupa wearing a gomsha initiations. The four stages of the yoga of the colorful hat should be written down and shared with everyone, so that the Buddhist Doctrine will spread in all direc- wearing another type of gomslm. Gotshangpa by name, he belongs to the Druk"Pa Kagyu , another sister school descending from Phagmotrupa. His hat is distinctive thanks to its mystic sun/ tions. May I meet with Lord Dakpo Rinpoche (Gampopa)! May excellent merit increase! moon symbol in the front panel (where the cluster of three jewels was placed in the Drigung Kagyu gomsha and a lotus was found in the Karma Kagyu variegated hat).As a statue, it can be seen from the side and rear, unlike all the painted examples we have seen until now. (See Fig. 4.16b for a side view.) That history of Di.isum Khyenpa 's gomsha. shows the high level of hat lore that existed in other Dakpo Kagyu Schools. It helpfully reveals, for instance. that Gam popa gave hat material to eminent students and that Phagmotrupa's go111Sha was a well-known orange one. Possibly the meditation hats of the Drigung, Taklung, or Drukpa Kagyu descended from it, in shape if not in color. (Was the Taklung Kagyu one more orangish in color?) Figure 4.11 is a detail from an early painted portrait of Phagmotrupa with episodes of his life depicted at the bottom. In one episode he stands wearing an orange hat, which I take to be an early depiction of his orange gomsha. (The painting dates to the thirteenth century and came from the Taklung Kagyu.) Figure 4 .12 depicts Phagmotrupa wearing his orange meditation hat. (The painting dates to about the fourteenth century and comes from the Taklung Kagyu.) By now a few generations have passed since the time of Phagmotrupa (Fig. 4.11), and the yellow-orange gomsha has become a more integral part of his identity. He wears it not only in the central figure but also in all six episodes of his most recent saintly life depicted in the bottom register. The hat has a conical top and lacks a large square panel in the front. The description and illustration of the colorful gomsiUJ of Di.isum Khyenpa Though from the Drukpa Kagyu , it lacks a central point. B. A DHARMA TEACIUNG BASED ON THE KARMA KAGYU Gomsha present a quite different hat. (See Fig. 4.13) The go111Sha of tl1e Karma Kagyu is also discussed in a second written source, Among Karma Kagyu portraits, one of the early transmitters of the Karma Kagyu tradition (Drogon Rechen. eighth guru in the lineage) is depicted wearing such a multicolored hat. In the first and earlier version of the portrait, shown in Figure 4.14, we see not only a brief text by the seventh Karmapa Chodrak Gyatsho (1454-1506)."02 According to its author, the tradition of possessing gomslm hats was based on a hat given to the First Karmapa by Gampopa. He asserts that there also existed a tradition of gomsha hats found in the Kadan1 tradition where the shape of the hat was similar. colorful strips to right and left but also the lotus flower in the front panel, just below a cluster of three radiating jewels. In a later copy of the same composition, the early Kam1a Kagyu gomsha. still has colorful strips to the right and left of the front panel and a cluster of three jewels. (See Fig. 4.15.) But the lotus in the front panel has been done in gold, and it has become less distinct amid the surrounding gold decorative brocade details (gos chen ri mo). The hat is still very impressive. So we must expect to find different g0111SI!a. types or versions when we examine art of the different Dakpo Kagyu Schools. Figure 4.16a depicts a great master of the Dakpo Kagyu Chodrak Gyatsho stressed that the g0111SIUJ. was made at the instructions and encouragement of Dtisum Khyenpa 's guru and also at the repeated explicit urgi ng of many enlightened beings, including numerous enlightened Tantric deities, <faki{tl, budd has, and bodhisattvas, to make such a hat. Most of the work is a religious instruction (chos khrid clws su bya ba) about the g0111Sha., turning it into a Dharma teaching. The teaching had three parts, which explained the symbolism (11/lshon byed bsha.d pa) of the preparation, main practice, and resulting fruit of Buddhist practice. I have extracted a number of PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 67 FIG.4.I2 Phagmotrupa, His Previous lives and Episodes of His Saintly life Ca. 14th century 17~ x 14 in. (45.1 x 35.6 em) Phorograph by Bruce M. Whire Rubin Museum of Arr F1998.17.4 (HAR 666) lirerarure: D. Jackson 2011, fig. 5.9. 68 CHAPTER 4 • Frc. 4· '3 illustration of Diisum Khyenpa's gomsha After original text. Frc. 4.14 Dragon Rechen Ca. late 16th century 26~ x 17Ys in. (68 x 44 em) Counesy of the Hahn Cultural Foundation literature: K. Tanaka 2001, vol. J, no. 41; and D. Jackson 2009, fig. 9c. PAINTING TRADIT I ONS OF TilE DRIGUNG KACYU SCHOOL 69 FIC. 4-16A F1c.4.t5 Drogi:in Rechen as eighth master of the lineage, from Rumtek Set R umtek Monastery, Sikkim; early 20th century Dimensions unknown Photograph by David Lewiston After D. Jackson 2009, fig. 9.8. Literature: (Palpung set) Yang Jiaming 2007, p. 185. 70 CHAPTER 4 Lama Gyalwa Gotshangpa Ca. 15th or 16th cenrury Brass, copper, silver; H 26 in. (66 em) Purchase 1969 The Members' Fund Newark Museum 69.32 Literarure: V. Re)•nolds et al. 1986, S30. FIC. 4-168 Side view FIG. 4· 17 FIG. 4.18 FIG. 4·19 Hat of a rigdzin in general After G. Tucci 1970, p. 124, fig. 7 (b). Hat of me Throne-holder of Mindroling After Gega Lama 1983, vol. 2, p. 127 (6). Lotus hat worn by tertons key technical words or phrases from that second source, but could not translate it completely.403 masters.406 (See Fig. 4.17.) Rigdzin or "awareness holder" is a Nyingma term for a master who has attained one of the highest stages of realization through Tantric practice. A better-known example of a "rigdzin hat" would be the hat "Drigung rigd::.in-ter!On hat" that they wear has bright colors. In fact. Rinchen Phtintshok was almost uniquely qua.lified to wear that hat, an1ong Drigung Kagyu lineage holders, for he was indeed a terton. (1 am now convinced by the hat worn by Situ Panchen's guru Rigdzin Tshewang Norbu of Kathok in Kham.407 Figure 4 .1 8 illustrates a similar rigd::.in hat from central Tibet (called in Tibetan smin gling gong zhwa). It was that Figure 7.10 depicts a great Nyingma master from Lowo in eastern Ngari who was both Rinchen Phiintshok's guru and a well-known terton..) The most famous " Lotus hat" is worn by the throne-holders of Mindroling Monastery south of Lhasa in centra.! Tibet and by simi.larly eminent Nyingma masters. It, too, resembles in some respects the hats of Rigpa Rangshar and Rigdzin Chodrak. Yet that, too, was not the hat type the "Lotus hat of Orgy en" (Orgyan pad zhwa), which is one of the two most usual hats worn by Padmasarnbhava. I illustrate it in Figure 4.20 to show its 4. Two Other DistiJIClive Hats Returning now to the Drigung Kagyu School, I find that the vast majority of its lamas are portrayed wearing red (not multicolored or orange) gomslza, which in paintings are slightly pointed on the front if viewed with partial profi.le ..w.~ Still, other hat types are a.lso important for lamas of that school . My main written source for sorting the non-gomsha hats is again the published art manua.l of Gega Lama. Of the two Jess common hat types that were worn by certain Dri gung Kagyu lineal gurus from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, one was distinctly Nyingma:105 Both hats may help identify specific lamas when inscriptions have not been adequately photographed. The first hat type was one that was sometimes prominently worn by Rigpa Rangshar and Rigdzin Chodrak (in Figs. 7 .6 and 7.7). I at first considered their hats to be a type known as a "rigdzin hat." There does exist a "hat of a rigd::.ins in genera.!" (rig 'dzin spyi'i ::.hwa mo). which we find illustrated and explained by Giuseppe Tucci in his book of 1970 and which could be worn by many highly qua.lified Nyingma that the Drigung lamas sometimes wore in their role as rigdzin. The o ne they wore is shown by Figure 4.19. Though not the general rigdzin type, it was a hat type worn only by the special type of Nyingma practitioner and visionary known as terton. Considered a " Lotus hat" (pad zhwa) by Gega Lama, it is basically a rigd::.in hat with a golden vajra on its crest. According him, the origin of this type of hat is not clear, and it has many variants. We sha.ll see in Figures 7.6, 7 .7b, and 7.10 each centra.! lama wearing such a hat. In the firs t two cases, this After Gega Lama 1983, vol. 2, p. 128 (1). distinctive shape and crest. I fai l to see how the hat of a terton is so similar that it too should be classified as a "Lotus hat," as Gega Lama did. I think the ferton hat is closer to the genera.! rigdziJ1 hat, which lacks only a vajra crest. The second non-go1nsha hat that was worn by some Drigung Kagyu lamas from the sixteenth or seventeenth century was a red pundit hat (pa!t :!twa). (See Fig. 4.21.) Such a hat signified wide Jeaming on the part of its wearer. Technica.lly, a Tibetan lama-scholar becan1e a paw!ito. if he mastered not just scriptural learning but a.lso the other four traditiona.l fields of knowledge, including sacred visual art and the language a1ts. Examples of such a hat were those worn by Nyingma PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL 71 Sumgon had numerous disci pies and wealthy royal patrons in India. Some of them made images of him using different exquisite gilt or inlaid metals.m Rase Konchok Gyatsho in his art-historical article briefly refers to the early highly realistic portrait statues of Jigten Sumgon produced by Jennga Gar (sPyan snga mGar), and based on those, the statues known as "Mongol ian images of Jig ten Sumgon with a seat of lotuspetals that continued all the way around" (sk)•ob pa hor sku pad skor ma)."14 Though of different sizes, the Mongolian statues were said to have had the same shapes and workn1anship. FIG. 4.2.0 fiG. 4.2.1 Lotus hat of Orgyen (Padmasambhava's hat) After Gega Lama 1983, vol. 2, p. 118 (1). Pundir or all-around scholar's hat After G. Tucci 1970, p. 124, fig. 7 (d). I<ATHOK SrTu's AccoUNT oF DRIGUNG THEL AND YANGRI GAR or Kagyu lamas, which were red and had rings arotmd their pointed crests, shown in the drawing as lines. Such lines were not found in the known Drigung Kagyu pundit hats. which were plain red (with orange trim?) and were sometimes worn draped flat over the head, or with part of the long ear flaps inserted inside the hat.408 We shall see in paintings of chapters 7 and 8 that two or three Drigung Kagyu lineal masters wore pundit hats, including very prominently Rigdzin ChOdrak. who, incidentally, is also called "all-knowing" (kun mkhyen). We should not forget that such lineage transmitters as Sonam Gyatsho (Dri 20) and Konchok Lhtindrub (dKon mchog Ihun grub, disciple ofTashi Phtintshok, Dri 23) had the titles "Great Pundit'" (pa!l chen). Thei.r learned status calls out for the corresponding hat. REFERENCES TO WORKS OF ART IN those histories, Jigten Sumgon during his lifetime commissioned many sacred images. Some of the statues that he ordered made were later famed for their My last main written source of references to Drigung Kagyu works of art is the pi I gri mage record of Kathok Situ (Kal) thog Situ, 1880-1925), which I miraculous behavior or properties. For instance, Rase Konchok Gyatsho in his Religious History of Drigung mentions a few early images- including some that were later heard to speak (gsung byon ma) and one that was capable of repelling harmful spirits ( 'dre 'dul ma)wherever it was taken. 409 Heather Stoddard also collected references to several statues that Jigten briefly mentioned above. When visiting 0 Province as a pilgrim in 1918, that lama recorded his visits to both Drigung The! and Yangri Gar. At the main monastery he noted seeing in a reliquary chapel of eighteenth- and nineteenthcentury masters many thangkas with exquisite golden brocade mountings, including paintings of the eight manifestations of Padrnasan1bhava, portraits of the successive main Kagyu lineage masters (bka ' brgyud gser phreng), the sixteen arhats, and of the Avadana collection of K~emendra (dPag bsam 'khri shing), remarking about their style: " Between the New and Old Menri styles, these seemed to resemble more the Old Menri .'"4 15 Sumgon commissioned, as follows:"10 "According to Tibetan sources, ntunerous small portrait images of this great meditation master (Jigten Sumgon) were made during his lifetime for his disciples who lived in caves and hermitages scattered the length and breadth of the Himalayas." And again:411 "According to the 'Bri gung gDan rabs gSer 'phreng ("The Golden Rosary of the Abbots of 'Bri gung"), Rin chen dpal himself had DRIGUNG HISTORIES many foreign disciples and princely donors including kings of India, who ... Another important source that refers to early works of art at Drigung is the monastery's abbatial histories. According to had portrait statues made of him using precious metals.''412 The same Drigung abbatial history also mentions that Jigten 72 C HAPTER 4 Later Kathok Situ visited Yangri Gar (Yang ri sgar) Monastery, the very important Drigtmg Kagyu branch founded by Ri nchen Phtitshok in 1534 but settled in its present state in the 1650s, which Kathok Situ referred to as the summer residence of the Drigung high lamas. There he noted seeing works that he specified more precise! y to be from "the Drigung Tradition'' ('bri gung lugs) or Drigtmg Painting Style ('br i bris). In the temple for the Kagyu lin- eage masters (bka ' brgyud gser 'phreng lha khang), he saw fifteen thangka boxes (thang sgam) containing paintings by previous artists of the Drigung art tradi tion "whose color and shading wou ld be difficult to duplicate."416 Kathok Situ twice saw a set of thangkas called the "Dus gsum sangs rgyas rna" at Yangri Gon.417 It turns out that (according to Rase Konchok Gyatsho's brief history ofYangri Gon), the two sets with that name depicted the previous rebirths of the successive incarnations ('klmmg rabs) of Rinchen Phtintshok, the first excellent set comprising thirteen paintings in al l} 18 The san1e history of Yangri Gar refers to the previous existence there of a thirty-fivepainting set of thangkas called the Sa gswn ma that depicted the successive past incarnations of Rigdzin ChOdrak, which Trinle Zan gpo painted as daythangkas (nyin thang), painting them successively. one day at a time.4 19 PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 73 Early Drigung Kagyu Painting IN ADDITION to the early murals otherwise inscrutable contents of the described in chapter I, a number of works of early Drigung Kagyu portable art have survived. In this chapter I ana- entire group of thangkas, naming even the tiniest minor figures through inscriptions. In the top level we find buddhas and seven lineage gurus. The first three gurus proceed from proper right to left, and they all look inward, toward the top center, (7) Phagmotrupa. The lineage lyze a few of the most outstanding ones that are accessible to me. They include several remarkable footprint thangkas. Here 1 investigate both painted and sculptural portraits of Jigten Sumgon and consider such distinctive features as rainbow nimbuses, jewels, and special minor figures. FooTPRINT THANGKAS Several early thangka paintings survive that represent the founder of Drigung with the same fixed but highly distinctive constellation of minor deities.420 All go back to a single early plan, namely the layout of Figure 5.1. Some of the subsequent portraits that follow that plan depict painted footprints in their centers, such as Figures 5.2 and 5.3. Figure 5.1 depicts at its center a remarkable sacred relic: a great lama's footprints. Around those footprints we also find, painstakingly depicted and labeled with dye or ink, a very unusual grouping of minor deities. who are formally arranged to the right and left and in registers above and below. The structure is unique among early portraits of lamas.421 I sketch its arrangement in Diagram [A]. This thangka is a veritable Rosetta stone for a small Drigung Kagyu corpus of early icons, unlocking as it does the Detail of Fig. 5.3 then jumps to the right side of the register. and proceeds from proper left to right, again all gurus facing toward the top center. In the center the two sacred footprints (FI and F2) stand atop the sun disc of the wide lotus seat that also supports the central standing yidam deity (M , who is exactly the same height as the footprints). In the second register we find six male deities and four female consorts of the mandala of Guhyasamaja Maiijuvaj ra (dl- d ! O).In the columns to the right and left the Eight Great Adepts are depicted (gal- ga8) quite distinctively.422 Here we find the Eight Great Adepts, or Mahasiddhas, with two siddhas (gal and ga2) appearing in triads, the second being Nagarjuna with Sakyamuni in the center and Atisa to the right. Note also the presence of three decorative triratna (triple jewels) in the doth below the main figure. Also distinctive is the presence of two nag a kings (n I and n2) who support the main throne to its right and left. They are the naga Ma dros pa and Sog ma med. The first naga king (n l), Ma dros pa, is the interlocutor of a sutra in the Tibetan canon, as is Anavatapta Naga Raja (Tib. Klu rgyal rGya mtsho). Though not grouped an1ong the eight great niiga,413 he is listed in the Mahiivyutpatti glossary among naga kings ,. 2• I cannot explain his presence here, instead of the usual long-lived naga kings Nanda and Upananda. One scholar speculated that perhaps the Drigung Kagyu masters may have desired a naga who was associated with a famous lake in the Mount Kailash area.m The second 1u1ga king depicted here (n2), is named Apalala (Sog ma med). He occurs among the many naga kings listed in the Mahavyutpatti; 16 and he appears prominently in Ji gten Sumgon's life as a naga who appeared to him and gave special jewels and precious objects to his disciple Dampa Gar (Dam pa 'Gar)- in a nomadic land north of Tibet. This immensely wealthy naga king was said to dwell mainly in Magadha in central India but also to appear in certain places in the nomadic north ofTibet,.27 The footprints depicted in Figure 5.1 were taken from feet with bunions, an inflammation and swelli ng of the bursa at the base of the big toe, with a thickening of the skin. (A foot doctor confirmed that diagnosis in this case to Kathryn Selig Brown, who studied footprint thangkas in some detail.) The inscription at the base of the painting is damaged. What I could read is:•2s bsgom pa rin chen rdo rje yisl bla ma clws rje rin chenla? [or: dpal?] ... 1-y i? {:.h}ab? . ... rjes skabs [or: sku] dang ... m .. . PA I NTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL 75 I 5-I Drigung Lama's Footprints Ca. 1200 Dyes or thin washes of pigment on cloth; 23 -!4 x 23'18 in. (60.3 x 60.5 em) Photograph by David De Armas Rubin Museum of Arr C2003.7.1 (HAR 65205) Literature: D. Klimburg-Salrer 2004, fig. 1; R. Linrorhe ed. 2006, car. no. 6; C. Luczanits 2006a, figs 4.1, 4.7 and 4.8; and D. Jackson 2011, fig. 5.22. FIG. 76 CHAPTER 5 Bl B2 I 2 3 7 6 5 4 B3 B4 dl d2 d3 d4 d5 8 d6 d7 d8 d9 d !O ga l ga2 ga3 ga4 gaS Fl M F2 ga6 ga7 ga8 nl d 11 d12 d 13 dl4 n2 (v) dl5 d 16 dl7 d l8 gsol ba btab nas :hus pa ... gang cig mthong thos [draJI pas ky]angl . . . rdzogs par shag/ clws rje 'i rnam thar [nul:ad pa] ? rjes 'jug thams cad slob par shag/ grags 'ad mJslw pa [or: mchod pa] bzang ... ? I The inscription is too fragmentary to translate completely, but at least we know the icon was sponsored by Gompa Rinchen Dorje (sGom pa Rin chen rdo rje) who was deeply devoted to the lama whose prints were made. However, the only Drigung gompa (chief political administrator) with that name lived much later: he is number 12 in the lists and flourished , I estimate, in about the fifteenth century.429 r doubt that he would have added the prayer later to an earlier set of holy footprints. The first chief administrator appointed by Jigten Sumgon was nan1ed Dorje Sengge (rOo rje seng ge), and according to one history of Drigung he was appointed as the master's doer or executor of his enlightened activities (phrinlas kyi bye po) after the founding of Drigung.430 He was his paternal nephew and also brother of two early abbatial successors (Dri 3 and Dri 5). Figure 5.2 depicts another footprint thangka of the great Drigung founder, but here the footprints have been painted as key elements of the icon (Fl and F2). It represents a subsequent but still very early stage of development within this group. See Diagram [B]. Once again (following the plan of Fig. 5.1) in the second register we find six male deities and four female consorts of a Guhyasamaja mandala (dl-dJO) . In the upper register is the guru lineage, beginning with Vajradhara in the far left, and now the gurus are depicted in pairs that look at each other: gurus 2 and 3, 4 and 5, and 6 and 7, the final pair, which has been moved to the center. The latest historical figure shown is the great founder Jigten Sumgon, number 8. But here the construction is slightly simplified in that the two niiga are not shown to the right and left. supporting the main throne beneath ga7 and ga8. Each deity is painted in distemper witllin its own fully painted nimbus, but the central feet glow with soft subtlety, thanks to the thin gold washes with which they were painted. The footprints float j ust above the central disc and lotus seat- the disc has been painted as a sun disc below the central yidam deity but as a moon disc beneath the two footprints . Elsewhere the patterns of tile beautiful gold of the silk brocade support shine through: eight-petal lotus roundels and tiny vajras in the strips and gaps. Kathryn Selig Brown suggested:431 The unusual support . .. , a piece of gorgeous silk brocade with lotus roundels in squares, suggests that the fabric had a connection to the lama depicted above the footprints: perhaps it was even part of a robe worn by him. It is hard to avoid thinking that this is a very special icon made during the lifetime of the great master from a piece of his own personally blessed robes. Figure 53 depicts again a footprint thangka of the Drigung founder, still following closely the basic plan of Figure 5.1. The central footprints are for the first time painted solid gold (as in Fig. 5.5) . Each foot is ornamented with two lotus-petal wheels drawn with purple (lac-dye) li nes, one larger one at the bottom over his entire heel and a smaller one with pointed spokes above it, near the inner edge of each footprint. Since the painting's overall dimensions are smaller than Figure 5.4, the footprints have become relatively larger within the composition. Once again, no naga are depicted. The arrangement of figures is shown by Diagram [C]. The seven gurus of the upper register are shown in pairs, in exactly the same order and groupings as in Figure 5.2 . Figure 5.4 is a much simplified version, showing only seven gurus in the top register. Note that here Nagarjuna does not appear in a triad of deities. ' Also, Sakyan1uni appears in his own right in the second register as B I. The painting's structure is shown by Diagram [D]. This is the simplest construction among the last four paintings. The essentials that remain are Jig ten Sumgon (8), his footprints (perhaps real ones applied in a dye that has since faded away), his Kagyu lineage, tile eight great adepts, and five deities (two yidam and tlu·ee protectors). Thus the painting probably dates to his lifetime, and presumably the silk was personally blessed by contact with his feet. An atmosphere of simplicity is felt, partly because the thangka is not painted in full -color distemper but rather with washes of dyes over a silk support. (The small. shiny designs of the underlying silk show through in places.) The painting also includes the traditional auspicious symbols, which are just barely visible within the footprints. (Those eight auspicious symbols [bkra shis rtags brgyad] are traditionally represented in most footprints.) Figure 5.5 is the last footprint thangka of Jigten Sumgon that I present in this section. Again the footprints have been placed at the center of the icon. It represents a further development within the earlier group (Figs. 5.1- 53), including two additional lineal lamas (9 and 10) after Jigten Sumgon. The lineal order also makes a tiny adjustment, switching gurus 6 and 7. It can be dated to the abbacy of Dri 3 ( 1220-1234). Its structure is presented in Diagram [E]. Here the painting is larger and hence the central footprints (which remain their real size) are relatively PAINTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL 77 5·2. Footprint thangka of Drigung Jigren Sumgon Late 12th or early 13th century Distemper on silk brocade; 23 'h x 19% in. (59. 7 x .50.5 em) Pritzker Collection (HAR 58301) Literature: K. Selig Brown 2002, plate 6; and D. Jackson 2011, fig. 5.23. FIG. 78 CHAPTER 5 I dl gal ga3 gaS ga7 dI I dl3 d2 2 3 d3 d4 6 dS 7 4 d6 s d7 sl d& d9 8 Fl M dl4 diS dl6 (v) F2 dl7 d l8 dl9 dl diO ga2 ga4 ga6 ga8 dl2 d20 5·3 Footprint thangka of Drigung Jigten Sumgon Early 13rh cenrury 21 x 21 in. (53 x 53 em) Michael and Beam McCormick Collection (HAR 81410) Literature: K. Selig Brown 2002, p. 40, plate 7; and D. Jackson 2011, fig. 5.24. f i G. l dl oa) "' .,oa3 .,oa5 ga7 dll dl3 d2 2 3 d3 d4 6 d5 7 8 Fl M dl4 diS dl6 4 d6 5 d7 Bl d8 F2 dl7 dl8 sl d9 diO oa2 "' oa4 "'oa6 "' oa8 "' d12 d19 PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 79 FIG. 5·4 Footprint thangka of Drigung Jigten Sumgi:in Late 12th or early 13th century Washes of dye on silk; 197/s x 15 7/s in. (50.5 x 40.5 em) Private Collection completely invisible once the painting was completed, the silk was discovered by the conservator Robert BruceGardner when investigating fractures in the ground on the front side. The cracks appeared more or less as a square around the footprints, caused by the tension of the silk on the canvas. Thus the inclusion of the holy silk caused some minor long-term damage to the painting. 1. Footprints of Other Creal Ka.gyu Lamas 2 3 8 4 Fl M F2 5 Bl oa) "' ga3 gaS ga7 dl d2 smaller in the painting. Each footprint is placed on its own white lotus, which floats above the central Tantric deity's main lotus seat. (This solves the problem of whether both should be on a sun or moon disc, as demonstrated by Fig. 5.2.) The lower register of deities has been painted larger, and hence the deities seem closer to the viewer than the 8o C H A PTER 5 d3 d4 6 7 ga2 eoa4 eoa6 ga8 d5 other figures. Two niiga are shown (n I and n2) . A now invisible piece of silk (probabl y personally blessed by Jigten Sumgon) was glued to the center of the cotton supp01t before the ground was applied; it has the same dimensions as Figure 5.4 and was more or less centered on the two painted footprints. Though Outside the Drigung Kagyu tradition, a few other early Kagyu hierarchs are known to have been worshiped through footprint thangkas, though in other subschools the practice was rare. One example is Figure 5.6. which comes from the Karma Kagyu order. It is the simplest and probably earliest of the known Karma Kagyu footprint thangkas.434 As I described it in my Patron and Painter catalog: 435 A possibly still-earlier painting [Fig. 43 in that catalog, Fig. 5.6 in this one] from the Karma Kagyu tradition is painted on silk, using a different palette of ink or thin washes of dyes. (Thus. it is hard to present as a typical example of the eastern-indian style, and has therefore been placed here.) It possibly dates to the late twelfth or thirteenth century. It portrays a single religious figure wearing a black ceremonial hat, together with footprints of the main figure and eight 5·5 Footprint thangka of Drigung Jigten Sumgi:in 1220s- 1230s 30 ~ x 25 '/,6 in. (78 x 64 em) Private Collection (HAR 81411) Literature: D. Klimburg-Salter 1982, pl. 111; and K. Selig Brown 2002, plate 8. f i G. Bl dl oal 0 ga3 gaS ga7 d II nl diS I d2 9 2 3 d3 d4 dS 7 8 6 d6 4 5 d7 d8 d9 10 Fl d16 M dl7 (v) F2 dl8 dl9 B2 diO ga2 ga4 ga6 ga8 d12 n2 d20 PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 8I Frc. 5.6 Early Fomprinrs of a Black-harted Lama Central Tiber; ca. late 12th ro early 13th century Dyes on silk; 21 ~ x 19 in. (54.6 x 48.3 em) Photog raph by Bruce M. White Rubin Museu m of Arr F1997.32.2 (HAR 508) Literature: K. Selig Brown 2004, pl. 27; D. Jackson 2009, 6g. 3.2; and D. Jackson 201 t, 6g. 3.8. 0 Province that also stemmed from Phagmotnrpa. This is the o nly footprint I know from that school. As described in my Mirror of the Buddh a catalog (w here it appears as Figure 4.2), this painting depicts Taklun gthang pa Tashi Pal ( 1142- 1210). the found erofTa kluno "' Monastery, with his golden footprints. li neage, and manifestations.438 Its lineage in the top register follows the old convention from (our) left to right. It depicts Taklungthang pa 's painted footprints (FI and F2), as symbo ls of his enduring spiritual presence. Footprints are rare in auspicious symb ols.- The footprints and the lama both rest upon lotuses that grow up from a small central pond below. The same plant gives rise to intertwining vines that circle the auspicious objects and end. occasionally. as flowers. The top strip of the composition seems to be a large. pleated parasol. The depiction of the main figure's dark ceremonial hat with prominent symbo ls of sun and moon differs in its details from the depictions of the Second and Third Karmapa's hat in later periods, though it appare ntly marks its bearer as the Karmapa. presumably the First, Diisum Khyenpa (11 101193). 437 Thoug h this may be the oldest example of Karma Kagyu painting in the Rubin Museu m. its limited use of pigments and 82 CHAPT ER 5 decorative devices makes it difficult to analyze o r compare stylisti cally with the typical full-pigment Eastern-Indian style paintings. One canno t rule out that it dates to the lifetime of the First Karmapa or shortly thereafter. (Other similar undoubtedly early sil k paintings are know n, but they have yet to be studied systematically, and a more definitive dating may require Carbo n-14 analys is or other techniques.) (For more on early Karma Kagyu painted portraits, see D. Jackson 20 II, pp. 79--82 .) Anoth er example of non-Drigung Kagyu lama's footprints is Figure 5.7. which comes from the Taklung Kagyu tradition, a Dakpo Kagyu sub-school based not far from Drigung in northern Taklung Kagyu paintings, and they may be evidence that this painting dates fairly early in the corpus of surviving paintings (i.e., to about the early thirteenth century). Presumably, they were copies ofTak lungth angpa 's original footprints made by his disciples. following the tradition of Phagmotrupa.-139 The stnrcture of Fig. 5.7 is indicated by Diagram [F). The painting was previously dated to about 1200. T hat accords fairl y well with its structure as mapped inDia gram [N]. (FI and F2 are footprints.) Its patron (P) belonged to the generation of Kuyal Rinchen Goo ( 119 1-1236). second abbot ofTak lung. The painting (or its original, since it may be a later copy) was thus commissioned by a direct disciple ofTak lunglh angpa . (If Kuyalwa was the patron, then the painting must date to before his death in 1236.) The iconography and arrangement of the later standard portraits ofTak lungthangpa arc already anticipated here 5·7 Taklungt:hangpa Chenpo with Foorprints, Lineage, and Manifestations Taklung, U Province, Tibet; ca. 1200 20 ~ x 13 in. (52 x 34 em) Musee des Arts Asiariques-Guimer, Paris, France Lionel Fournier donation MA 5176 Q RMN-Grand Palais I Art Resource, NY Phorograph by Gerard Blot ART418890 Lirerarure: J. Casey Singer 1995, pl. 36; G. Beguin 1990, p. 20, pl. 2; G. Begum 1995, car. no. 143; K. Selig Brown 2004, fig. 17; D. Jackson 2011, fig. 4.2; and D. jackson 2012, fig. 1.5. FIC. in this footprint thangka. As was confirmed by later copies of this portrait (D. Jackson 2011. Figs. 4.7. 4.11. etc.). the main figure is accompanied by a fixed group of four deities in the side columns: Sakyamuni (d 1). Avalokitc:Svara (d2), Cakrasamvara (d3), and VajravllrllhT (d4). Their presence relates to episodes in Taklungthangpa Tashi Pal's life in which his disciples saw their lama in these forms.-1-10 Here Cakrasamvara (d3) actuall y appears twice (d3-l and d3-2), once as a main figure and again as one of a fixed group of four smaller figures. Guru number 8. Taklungthangpa, is represented three limes in identical ways (8a, 8b, and 8c). even down to his moustache; there is presumably a historical reason for this threefold depiction, which may be a miracle in the life of the master. (Note that he alone of all human gurus is depicted with full-face view, which was a virtually unknown mode of representation for human teachers until about the time ofTaklungthangpa "s guru Phagmotrupa.) Moreover. all seven divine figures or gurus shown in the conventionalized thatched hut (numbers 8a, 8b, 8c, d I, d2, d3, and d4) represent the same great founder ofTaklung. Some of the multiple images must reflect his abi lity, referred to in his hagiography, to manifest himself in multiple visible physical forms at the same time. which I 2 dl d3-1 8b p (=9?) 3 5 4 6 7 8a F2 Fl d3 -2 d iO d9 d8 d7 d6 1b d2 d4 8c d5 PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORICUNC RACYU SCHOOL 8J he did on many occasio ns:..' (For more on earlyTa klung Kagyu painting . see D . Jackson 20 II. p. 108ff.) 2. Buddha Footpr ints Representati ons of Buddha Sakyam uni 's soles or footprints were some of the earliest -known Buddhis t art in india , though as sculptu res. In Tibet. the genre of painted footprints of the Buddha was very rare. tho ugh a few exampl es are known. They were far outnum bered by painting s that depicted the footprin ts of great Tibetan lamas. Depicti ons of the Buddha 's footprin ts presuma bly derive from prints made from Indian rock carvings ...u Their existenc e probabl y inspired the custom of making prints of a revered human lama. whose lowest limbs were humbly venerat ed in this way by disciple s. The footprin ts of the Buddha are an importa nt genre of early Indian Buddhi st art: their most detailed study until now is the book of Anna Maria Quaglio tti published in 1998.""' She observe s that the symbol of the footprin t is nearly universal - commo n in both Western and Eastern worlds: '"' The Buddha 's footprin ts are distingu ished from those of Hindu gods by the presenc e of a I,000-sp oked the wheel, symbol of his first turnino c wheel of Dharma and also symbol of a Cakrava rtin or Universal King. with whom the Buddha identifies. When tracing the later diffusio n of the symbol that she calls the ..w-moti f' (omega -motif). Quaglio tti discuss es exampl es from East Asia, i.e., from C hina , Korea, and Japan.44' She also briefly discusse s in appendi x 2 Buddha footprin ts in Southea st Asia.- Though Tibetan art fell o utside the purview o f her study. when compar ing lists of symbol s on a buddha 's hands or feet extracte d by Peter Skilling . she records the word g .yung drung 'khyil pa as Tibetan equival ent for her key motif 84 CHAPTE R 5 naluiyllravta. the forty-first symbol in a canonic al list of auspici ous symbol s.447 Figure 5.8 is a rare and early Tibetan exampl e of a painted representatio n of what may be the Buddha ' uni ·s feet in this case rendered Sakyam with dyes on a silk suppor t.- (The highly idealized unnatural sole shapes. including five very long and thin toes. mark it as that of a buddha or divine bodhisattva. i.e., as super-h uman footprints, and not from a lama.)449 Here the central coofd footprints have eight-petal wheels of Dharma in the middle of the print, above the soles. The footprints are clearly the focus of the icon and they domina te the surroun ding minor deiti es with their size. being more than twice as tall as most of the lesser deities: '50 They dominate all but the standing ten-arn1ed Avalo kitesvara, who with his eleven heads is nearly as tall as the footprints. That bodhisattva is superio r to the other bodhisattvas and goddess es due to both hi s hi gher and central placeme nt in the paintino c ... thouoh he stands below the buddhas. who are his spiritual superio rs. .osJ (The six buddllas include Slikyamuni and the five buddha s (jina) of Yogatan tra manda las. though not all have their typical skin colors.) Each footprin t stands on a lotus seat, one of which seems to arise out of the ground between the ancient red-turbaned king in the center (Tibetan King Songtse n Gampo ). who was conside red to be the emanat ion of Avaloki te5vara • and a female fi gure to hi s left. That figure is probabl y his Chinese consort (the princess of Wenche ng). shown kneelin g to the left. The female fioure koeelino in " .. the lower-ri ght corner is more obvious ly his Nepales e queen. Princes s Tritsiin , since her headdre ss include s a few ( lndic) jewels in a simple diadem with small pointed jewel settings , unlike the other fema le figure, whose hair hangs to her shoulde rs unadorn ed. Besides , the bejewel ed consort is seated just below Green Tar!!, whose emanati on she was conside red to be.452 B. EARLY PAINTED PORTRA JTS OF jJGTEN SUMGO N Figure 5.9 portrays as its main figure Drigung Ji g ten Sumgo n, though here as a lama and not as his idealized footprints. This copy of a standard portrait depicts him surroun ded by a guru lineage, the Eight Mahllsiddha (ga 1- ga8) and other minor deities. I presum e that its prototy pe was painted by one of his disciple s after he founded Dri!!llno Monast ery in I 166, while he still lived . . .. ( He died in 12 I 7 .) It was also based on the same compos ition as the sacred footprints thangka (Fig. 5.1 ). though it has been simplifi ed through the remova l of the second register (wi th its ten Tantri c deities) . The arrange ment of the painting's fig ures is shown by Diagran1 [Gl. The painting 's main figure was at first 453 surmise d to be Jigten Sumgon . That could be confirmed through an inscription on the reverse.4>~ In the orioinal 0 footprin t thangka (Fi g . 5. 1) the lineage often leads to a centrall y placed guru number 7. placed above guru number 8. But here (Fig. 5.9) the guru lineage in the top reg ister continu es down to ouru .. number 10. i.e., Dri 3. Note the presenc e of such classic early Driouno " ., Kaoyu elements as the central vase below (v). two standin g bodhisa ttvas attendin g the ma in .. figure to his right and left (b l and b2). and the two naga (n I and n2). This and several other early human portrait s of Ji gten Sumgon follow the plan of the prototyp ical footprin t thangka ( Fig. 5.1) by regularl y depicting as periphe ral subjects: (1) in the top register: a lineage leading up to the centrall y placed main figure: (2) on the sides: eight g reat adepts. four deities. and (often) two naga kings: and (3) in the bottom register: patron, minor deities (includi ng protecto rs), a nd central vase atop a vajra (actuall y a vi.\vQI•ajra). (But as mention ed above. here the second register with Tantric deities is missing.) lo the center, the early human portraya ls FIG. 5.8 Buddha Footprints and Deities Ca. 12th century Colors on si lk; 20 x 21 in. (53.3 x 54 em) Zimmerman Fami ly Collection Literature: Pa l 1991, no. 79; and K. Selig Brown 2004, plate 26. PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 85 5·9 Drigung Jigten Sumgi:in with Lineage Early 13th century 27'h x 19 ~ in. (70 x 50 em) Private Collection, Zurich Literature: P. Pal et al. 2003, no. 132; A. Heller 2005, plate 1; and D. Jackson 2011, fig. 5.21. ftG. l gal ga3 gaS ga7 2 dl 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 B2 8b bl d2 b2 d4 nl d6 86 CHAPTER 5 Bl ga2 ga4 ga6 gaS d3 d5 n2 d7 d8 (v) d9 dlO d ll of Jigten Sumgon often include, quite strikingly, two standing bodhisattvas (bl and b2). ln Figure 5.9, at the c.enter of the painting we find the Drigung founder looking to our right, holding his hands in a teaching gesture. The portrait is painted in a Sharri (Eastern-Indian or :?ala-inspired) style, here without the rocky crags and caves but with a stylized outer frame of colorful jewels or lotus petals. His body nimbuses consist of luminous strips of rainbow colors, an element that one also finds in the upper edges of the backrests of two other Kagyu saints' portraits (Phagruotrupa and Taklungthangpa).455 Below the throne there is no bottom strip representing a lotus pool. Instead, in the middle of the bottom row is a golden vase standing upon a crossed vajra. The vase contains a liquid elixir, from which long undulating lotus vines sprout. The most striking iconographic difference from the two early standard portraits of the Taklung Kagyu (of Phagmotrupa and Taklungthangpa) was that. to the right and left of Jigten Sumgon, two bodhisattva attendants stand, partly covering the outer body nimbus of the main figure and coming up to his shoulders.456 Such attendants were unknown in the portraits of otl1er contemporary lamas, and they strongly evoke a buddha-like status for the central figure, just as we saw in the Alchi Small Stupa mural (Fig. 1.18). Several other paintings have been located that portray the founder of Drigung with the same fixed constellation of minor deities and the same basic construction as the oldest footprint thangka (Fig. 5.1). These and several other paintings belonging to a Drigung Kagyu group were also noticed by C. Luczanits in connection with his study of the eight great adepts that they regularly feature (in the diagrams: gal- ga8) .457 Figure 5.10 probably dates to the next generation. Unlike Figure 5.9. it does not depict Jigten Sumgon as the main subject. As confirmed by its lineage, the main figure must have been a prominent disciple of Jigten Sumgon. He also looks different from Jigten Sumgon, with his own distinctly flatter hairline. Yet he, too, stands between two bodhisattva attendants, just like the main figure of the preceding painting. The arrangement of figures is shown in Diagram [H]. Here the final lineal master at the top (8) is placed at the center, directly above the central figure, with the two immediately preceding gurus to right and left. The structure of this painting is unusual in two respects. First. the painting is nearly square. Second, the proportions for its minor figures become successively larger as we go from top to bottom: small on the top row, medium in the middle, and large on the bottom row. This lends to the painting a slight illusion of depth. The main figure was once tentatively identified as Jigten Sumgon, based on his supposedly identical iconography.458 But the main figure here is one generation later in the Drigung Kagyu lineage, so that can be ruled out. C. EARLY STATUE PORTRAITS The physiognomy and standard iconography of Jigten Sumgon's early portraits are confirn1ed not only by paintings but also by numerous statues, including Figure 5. I I .In this carefully rendered statue we should note his lama vest and face and hairline. (Note also what seems to be a vajra depicted in the edge of the moon disk, before his folded feet.) This was an early sumptuous commission, judging by its specially decorated throne base, which is set with numerous precious stones and features a lotus stem sprouting from a small indistinct object at its bottom, in the middle. The throne backrest includes four of the five legendary animals forming the " five ornaments of the throne," while the base shows the fifth, a lion, one on either side. The pointed wing tips of the gantda at the top are distinctive. Figure 5.12 is another classic early statue portrait of Jigten Sumgon. But here the main figure is supplemented by the two bodhisattva attendants standing to his right and left (indeed the whole was cast in five parts, partly hollow).4.w Again the face and hair seem carefully rendered and realistic. As in the previous statue he holds his hand in a buddhalike earth-touching gesture. Note also the vajra lying on the moon disc before his feet, which would have marked this statue as a "Dorjedenma" (rDo rje gdan rna) , if it were from India and a buddha had been depicted. His right shoulder has been left bare, and the same sean1s are painstakingly shown on his exposed lama vest's shoulder. I cannot see the back of the statue, but if the lotuses continue all the way around, these might be candidates as " Mongol-period statues" (hor sl..7t) of the great Drigung founder " with a seat of lotus-petals continuing all the way around" (pad skor ma), which Rase Konchok Gyatsho mentioned in his art-historical article.460 The workmanship and details of the central panel of the throne base are close to those on the preceding statue, which means they probably came from the same workshop of metalworkers, though this one is larger and more detailed. The bottoms of the lotus seat and throne pedestal are both sealed with a sheet of gilt copper decorated with a crossed vajra.461 We can see more clearly, for instance, the sprouting of a lotus stem from a small four-petal lotus flower at the bottom of the middle panel of the throne base. (This should be the crossed vajra with vase standing on it.) Single lions appear to the right and left of the base. The other four mythical ani mals of the traditional throne backrest are depicted above, though the elephant is hidden behind the feet of the bodhisattvas.As in the previous backrest a jewel appears at the top between the curved PAINTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL 87 s.ro Disciple of Jigten Sumgon with Lineage Early 13th century Distemper on cotton; 23\4 x 22 Y. in. (59.1 x 57.2 em) Prinker Collection Literature: Literature: S. Kossak and]. C. Singer 1998, p. 89, no. 17; C. Luczanirs 2006a, fig. 4.9; D. Jackson 20 10, fig. 1.23; and D. Jackson 2011, fig. 5.25. FIC. 81 I gal ga3 gaS ga7 dl dl CHAPTER 5 3 6 8 7 4 5 82 83 d2 ga2 ga4 ga6 ga8 d2 9 b2 bl n2 nl d3 88 2 d4 d5 (v) d6 d7 d8 FIG. 5-II Drigung Jigren Sumgon 13th century Statue with base and backrest; brass, polychrome; 5 1/2 in. {14cm) Musee des Arts Asiatiques-Guimet, Paris, France {MA 6032) (c) Reunion des Musees Nationaux I Art Resource, NY Photograph by P. Pleynet ART4123 75 Literature: H. Stoddard 2003, fig. 4; and D. Jackson 2011, fig. 5.26. horns of the garuda. (Note also the beautiful pointed head nimbus set with alternating turquoise and pink glass.) Figures 5.13a and 5.14 are two more statues that are clearly linked to early Drigung Kagyu art . Both are in the Rubin Museum collection. The first, based on the hairline, hand positions, and other details, clearly depicts Jig ten Sumgon. As in many early statues (and the previous two figures) , he holds his right hand in the earth-touching gesture. Note also the vajra lying at the edge of the moon disc and the typical lotus seat with petals continuing all the way around it.462 On the bottom of the statue (see Fig. 5.l3b), we find a distinctive crossed vajra combined with four threejewel motifs between the vajra tips. The next image, Figure 5.14, came to the Rubin Museum as a composite image: a Ming court Buddha Sakyamuni statue mounted on a much earlier throne base and backdrop. The workmansh ip of the throne and backdrop is clear! y early Drigung Kagyu.ln fact, it is a more complete rendering than we usually find; here we find for the first time the base is complete with a central vase and a pair of naga kings supporting it to both right and left. The backdrop has a head nimbus that is slightly pointed, FIG. 5-12. Jigten Sumgon with Standing Bodhisattva Attenda ms 13th cemury Starue with base and backrest; gilt copper with inlaid turquoise, lapis lazuli, and glass; H with base 1 Ph in. {27.8 em); H 4 3A in. (12.2 em) Literarure: Ulrich von Schroeder 2001, vol. 2, plate 258B. and behind each of the main figure's shoulders appear prominent three-jewel decorations, a beloved Drigung Kagyu motif. Originally a j ewel (which is now missing) was set at the top, between the horns of the gamda, and between the garuda and makara we find four small figures between looping tendrils possibly small buddhas or gurus. D. SPECIAL RAINBOW BODY NIMBUSES One distinctive feature of early Drigung Kagyu icons is the special rainbow body PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL 89 FIG. 5-I 3A Jigren Sumgon 13th cenrury Gilr copper alloy; 45fs x 3% x 3 in. Photograph by Bruce M. Whire Rubin Museum of An C2005.16.51 (HAR 65474) fiG. 5·!38 Bonom of Fig. 5.13a nimbuses that we find portrayed around the central figures. Such nimbuses are not exclusively Drigung Kagyu , though Jigten Sumgon did Jay special emphasis on depicting the five colors of the rainbow, for the sake of attaining the five gnoses (ye shes lnga) of buddhahood. (He also stressed in the same passage the need to paint pools of lotuses and the Eight Great Adepts.)-163 As my first illustration of a rainbow body nimbus (Fig. 5.15), I present a relatively simple early version of one in a thangka painted in the Sharri style for the Kadam order. I will subsequently present two new examples from uncertain provenances but which seem to date to about the same time as Jigten Sumgon's life or soon thereafter. Figure 5.15 illustrates the fairly modest origins of the rainbow body nimbus. Here it is relatively thin, compared with the size of the head nimbus, and it has its own thin , faint white border strip separating it from the bright-orange field of the body nimbus that it encloses. The rainbow nimbus occurs once in the entire painting. (The main head nimbus follows another classic Sharri convention.) ln Figure 5.16, a detail showing the top of the early painted portrait, we find the painter repeatedly depicting a rainbow nimbus. After using a wide, prominent rainbow nimbus behind the main figure (with a garuda at the top?), he repeats it in the head nimbus. Finally we see the artist employing it to emphasize the sanctity of the three central gurus in the top register, even using the color 90 CHAPTER 5 F IG. 5·14 Drigung Kagyu statue's base and backrest 13th century Gilt copper alloy; base and backrest; 10 'h x 7 1/8 x 5 'Is in. Photograph by Bruce M. White Rubin Museum of An C2005.16.62 (HAR 65485) PA I NT I NG TRAD I TIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 91 FIG. 5.15 Atisa Early to mid-12th century Distemper on cotton; 191/z x 13% in. (49.5 x35.5 em) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York; Gift of rhe Kronos Collections, 1993 (1993.479) ©The Metropolitan Museum of Art I Art Resource, NY Photograph by John Bigelow Taylor Literature: J. Casey Singer 1994, fig. 16; H. Stoddard 1996, fig. 1; S. Kossak 2010, fig. 14; and D. Jackson 2011, fig. 3.2. FIG. 5.16 Detail of Fig. 5.9, rop of painting to fill in the backgrounds of three head nimbuses, giving Mi larepa a double treatment. The thangka depicted as Figure 5.10 is a striking example of the special luminous body and head nimbuses often found in these paintings. In it the rainbow nimbuses are tripled for even greater effect, as we can see in the detai l of Figure 5.17. The artist has added double strips of white with outer edges of light green to strengthen the contrast with the bright-orange inner strips. Here such luminous rainbow nimbuses are used many times in the thangkas, most prominently in a series of three body nimbuses around the main figure (with white pointed-wing garuda at the top) and also one in his head nimbus; twice in the body nimbus of the guru Jigten Sumgon directly above him; once in the head nimbuses of the attendant bodhisattvas; and once each in all the remaining deities and gurus in the top register. Figure 5.18a is another extreme example of repeated rainbow nimbuses but without the legendary throne-back animals (though stylized lions and elephants feature in the throne base). Around the central buddha the painting repeats the nimbuses no fewer than five times, if you include the fragments 92 CHAPTER 5 FIG. 5.17 Detail of Fig. 5.10 FtG. s.r8A Buddha with Five Tath~garas (surrounded by vibram multiple nimbuses) Late 12th century l6 7h x 12'18 in. (42.9 x 32.7 em) Private ColleC[ion Literature: S. Kossak and]. Singer 1998 no. 15. Ftc,s.r8s Line drawing on reverse of Fig. 5.18a After R. Bruce-Gardner 1998, fig. 34. visible behind the base of the central throne. It also repeats them as head nimbuses of minor deities, including the five smaller buddhas at the bottom and the two standing bodhisattva attendants , and even in radiant strips behind the two minor deities (devaputra , lha 'i bu) floating in the sky and holding up what may be divine flower vines with jewel-like buds. Though appearing relatively well preserved, the painting's surface is actually much damaged. The throne-back animals behi nd the central buddha and even the makara surrounding the buddha's head halo that originally were there have now disappeared. If you look carefully at the yellow columns of the back of the throne and at the two yellow triangles, you can still see faint traces of PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 93 94 C HAPTER 5 are portrayed. (Here diminutive and unobtrusive whitish garuda with pointed wings have been placed at the top of each body nimbus.) The background color of deep blue adds striking contrast with the figures and their nimbuses. E. SPECIAL TREATMENT OF jEWELS Figure 5.1 9b is a line drawing on the reverse of Figure 5.10. The main outlines are done in black, to which washes of colors add volume. Like Figure 5.18b, FIG. 5·I9A (OPPOSITE PACE) Four Kagyu Ordained Lamas {with vibrant head and body nimbuses) 13th century 17 x 13 in. (43.2 x 34.3 em) Michael and Beara McCormick Collection Literature: D. Jackson 2011 , fig. 2. 7, "Four 1iberan Teachers Wearing Lama Vests." FIG. 5-198 Line drawing on reverse of Fig. 5.10 After R. Bruce-Gardner 1998, fig. 35 the expected animals, such as the black dots of their eyes and the red of their mouths.464 (The bright yellow proved to be an unstable base color.) the drawing restates confidently and with virtuosity the themes of the painting. 466 Here the center is a prominent three-jewel symbol. It shows that the lama portrayed on the front side was worshiped as the embodiment of the holy Three Jewels (Dkon mchog gsum). Though no actual jewels are drawn, the appearance of their empty double outline within a triple rainbow nimbus and repeated three-lobed decorative leaf shapes demonstrates the crucial role played by this symbol for guru worship. The central jewel warrants no fewer than three lotus seats! Indeed, the symbol evokes the great founding guru himself, Rinchen Pal. (The five tiers of jewel-like Figure 5.18b is a line drawing that was made on the back of Figure 5.18a. Rendered in thin red paint, it recaps symbolically the contents of the front side.465 A vajra stands at the center, within a twenty-one-spoke wheel, whi le five dif- Figure 5.20, a panel from a ritual crown commonly called the "Five [Buddha] Fan1ilies" (Rigs lnga), depicts as ferent symbols (including two types of vajras and a ten-spoke wheel) represent the lower tier of buddhas in the painting. (The symbols represent the Five Buddha Families [Rigs lnga] of the Tathiigatas who in the painting are undifferentiated in terms of mudra or color, which would its main subject Buddha Vairocana. Note his beautiful Sharri-style crown with sharp!y pointed jewel settings. The panel includes a radiant rainbow body nimbus. Yet its main decorative motif is the prominent three-jewel cluster in the middle of the throne base. (Here the cloth draped over the central panel of the base. (Among the four lamas, only this one has it.) Beneath the two lower main lamas we also find lotus vines show them as belonging to the Buddha, Vajra, Padma, Jewel, and Karma families.) Not a single word of written invoca- three jewels lack a prominent fringe of three-lobed leaves.) In Figure 5.21, a detail from the thangka depicting four lamas (Fig. 5.19a), we again find the three-jewel motif as a decorative element in the sprouting up from a central lotus flower, which we also saw in the bases of the very early statues. Figure 5.22 depicts a teaching buddha with standing bodhisattva attendants. The buddha is adorned with a throne base. It is the same as in Figure 5.18a. again depicted at the center of the luminous orange body nimbus and a bright-orange head nimbus with a slight tion or dedication is present. ln Figure 5.1 9a roughly the same rainbow nimbuses as seen in Figure 5.18b have been repeated around the body and head of the four lamas that orbs at the bottom may symbolize five tiers of tiny jewel-buddas, as in an elaborate tashigomcmg memorial stupa.) Ftc. 5.z.o Vai rocana in a Panel from as Buddhist Rirual Crown Mid· or late 12th century Distemper on wood; 11 5/s x 5 1/s in (29.5 x 13 em) Meuopolitan Musewn of An, New York; Purchase, the Vincent Astor Foundation Gifr 1997 {1997.152) Published: S. Kossak and J. C. Singer 1998, no. 9. PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL 95 Frc. 5.2.2 Buddha wirh Anend anr Bodhisarrvas 1 3rh cenrury Disremper on wood; 5 ~ x 4 ~ in. (14 x 11.4 em) Michael and Beara McCo rmick Collecrion Naglirjuna remains a mino r figure, sitting next to the larger Sakya muni, who sits in the cente r domin ating the other two figure s. Figures 5.23 and 5.24 are than 0okas that possess such distinctive mino r fio. " ures (Eigh t Great Adep ts).""7 Thou gh the rest of their icono graph y does not indicate it. we know they must have come from the Drigu ng Kagyu Schoo l. Figure 5.23 is a previo usly overno looke d early portrait of the DriQU " 0 founder. painted in the Beri style. Its special iconog raphy of the Eight Great Adep ts is concl usive for identifying this as an early Jigten Sumg on portrait. It could not other wise be assigned to the Drigung Kagy u. Indeed, in a previo us catalo g l overl ooked its possible Drigung connection when documeotino0 it as an exam ple of the Early Beri style.468 f. FIG. 5·21 Derail of Fig. 5.19a point at the top. This painted wood panel is a good exam ple of the comp lete lumino us nimbu s because, in addition to the intens e orang e-yell ow outer strip of the body nimbus. we find within it a series of s trips of color s that evoke the color s of the rainbow. At the top. in the rainbow zone between the head and body nimbuses, we find a white garuda with pointed wings. Finall y. in the middle of the cloth drape d over the cente r of the throne base. we find a golden threejewel motif. (Such details are not by themselves decis ive for identifying Drigung Kagyu art of the thirteenth century, but they are highl y sugge stive.) 96 CHAP TER 5 DISTI NCTIVE MINO R fiG URES The prese nc.e of distin ctive mino r figures helps us identify paintings that otherno wise migh t be overl ooked as Driou 0 "' Kagyu art. The Drigu ng Kagy u version of Eight Great Adep ts. four each to the right and left of the main figure. is a sure sign of a painti ng's sectar ian affiliation. As described by C. Luczanits 2006a , it is a telltal e sign when two of the Eight Great Adcp ts - the topoo eon both right and left-a ppea r in triads. At the top left of the group there normally appea rs lndrabhOti in a group of three. i.e .. with hi s conso rt and sis ter (LaksmTnkara). And at top right there typica lly appea rs instead of Nagarjuna alone, a triad formed aroun d Budd ha Sakya muni . Here, oddly enoug h. the Great Adep t Similarly Figure 5.24. a depiction of the Kagyu guru Milare pa. does not at firs t sight strike one as an exan1ple of Drigu ng Kagy u art. Part of the problem is that the thangka was extensively repainted durin g restoration. and the restorer did not know the details of the dan1aged icono graph y being restored.469 The original iconography and plan date the painti ng as it was first painte d to about the earl y or mid-thirtee nth century. It possesses not only the Eight Great Adep ts with triads but even preserves the niiga kings suppo rting the thron e base and sta nding bodhisattva s as attendants of the main figure. These are all distinctively Drigu ng Kagy u for early paintings of a Tibe tan sage. (An inscription on the back is said to give Milarepa's ordin ation na me as Vajraketuraja.) PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 97 F1c. 5.23 Jigren Sumgon with Lineage, Disciple, and Deities 1200-123 0 19 x 'h x 16 in. (49.8 x 40.9 em) Collection of Navin Kumar, New York Photograp h counesy of Navin Kumar Lirerarure: P. Pal1997, plate 23; and D . .Jackson 2010, fig. 4.9. 98 CHAPTER 5 FIC. 5.1.4 Milarepa with Lineage and Surroundi ng Deities 13th century 21-!4 x 18V.in. (55.2x47 .0cm) Photograp h by Bruce M. White Rubtn Museum of Art C2002.24 .5 (HAR 65121) PAINT I NG TRADIT I ONS OF TilE DRIGUNG KACYU SCHOOL 99 Paintings from the Middle Period ofDrigung Kagyu Art RELATIVELY FE\V PAINTINGS surV IVe from the Middle Period of Drigung art, a stylistic interlude that I roughly date for central Tibet from about the 1460s to the 1630s.ln Ladakh, we find prominent examples of Drigung Kagyu murals beginning with the establishment of Phyang Tashi Chodzong in the 1530s. From central Tibet the most prominent example of thangka paintings is the great set of Drigung Kagyu guru po1traits now preserved at Phyang, which dates to the mid-sixteenth century and which we shall see later in this chapter. We must clearly distinguish Ladakh from central Tibet because in this period the Ladakhi artists lagged about three or four generations behind the developments in the central cultural heartland of 0 Province. We wi ll see in the Ladakh murals striking examples of their innate cultural conservatism. In the 1440s, at the (pre-Drigung Kagyu) Guru Lhakhang of Phyang, the artists preserved the classic Eastern-Indian inspired Sharri style (one of the last places to do so), which had died out in central Tibet in about the 1360s. In Ladakh in the 1530s, we will see the employment of what is basically a Beri (originally Nepalese-inspired) style. roughly comparable to the murals of the Gyantse Stupa of Tsang, that date about a hundred years earlier. But we must not overlook Tibet's geographic heartland, where Drigung stood. There the new Menri and Khyenri painting styles had won out almost universally by the early sixteenth century, Detail of Fig. 6.3 so that the major commissions at Drigung in the mid -sixteenth century were (for conservative Ladakh) in a strikingly newfangled style, with Chinese landscapes fully integrated into the backgrounds. So Jet us not forget that the central-Tibetan ·'Middle Period of Drigung Kagyu Art" overlaps in Ladakh with an earlier stylistic period. THREE MURAL SITES OF THE MIDDLE PERIOD IN LADAKH AND PURANG The three main mural sites that I briefly describe here all survive in the far west of cultural Tibet, in Ladakh and Purang. I. Ladakh, Phyang, Guru Lhakhang, about the 1440s (predating the nearby Tashi Chodzong) 2. Ladakh, Phyang, Tashi Chodzong, Tshokkhang (Lhakhang Nyingpa) and Gonkhang, 1530s 3. Purang, Gun bur (alias Tsegu) Gonpa, about the 1550s- 1590s Indian style. In order to highlight the striking difference of styles, I include one example of a mural in this preDrigung Kagyu site of Phyang. (See Fig. 6.2.) Christian Luczanits discussed the Guru Lhakhang as one of the latest among the early establishments of Ladakh. saying: 470 "It appears that most of these genuinely Ladakhi monuments were created under some branch of the Kagyupa schools, most prominently among them the Drigungpa, which still have a strong presence in the area. That the latest of these monuments, the Guru Lhakhang, may date to the 16th century has already been suggested some time ago by Seguin and Fournier ( 1986), and their attribution has recently been supported by Erberto Lo Bue."•71 Roberto Vitali in his article of 1996 on Kanj i and the Phyang Guru Lhakhang discusses the dating of the Guru Lhakhang, which he dates much earlier, to the post-Drigungpa, i.e., the Sakya period, providing names from the inscriptions.4n The names he mentions do include prominent Sakya teachers such as Sakya Pandita ( 1182- 1251), 1. Phyang, Guru Uwkhang Phyang's Tashi Chodzong Monastery was founded in the 1530s during a revival of the Drigung Kagyu led by Choje Denma. Already existing nearby in Phyang was the Guru Lhakhang, whose murals fit chronologically into the Middle Period for central Tibet but stylistically represent a last gasp (i.e., a local archaic holdover) of a classic who here wears a yellow pundit hat. (See Fig. 6.2, directly below the central Green Tara.)473 A second prominent master is nan1ed "Choje Lama Dampa," who could only be Lan1a Dampa Sonan1 Gyaltshen (Bia rna Dan1 pa bSod nan1s rgyal mtshan, 1312-1375), sitting just to the right of Sakya Pandita and wearing a similar bat. If he is the latest lama depicted, the temple could have been built or painted during the period of his PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL IOI fiG. 6. I 2. Tashi Cl!Od:ong Phyang Gonpa in the 1930s Photograph after Marco Pallis 1949, p. 397 [-2). Phyan.g lies in central Ladakh, about ten kilometers (six miles) from Leh. The true introduction of Drigung Kagyu art there occurred with the foundation of greatest eminence. which was not the Sakya period but the early Phagmotrupa period that followed . (Though he was born into the Sakya Khon ruling family and served as an abbot of Sakya, Lama Dan1pa late in life became, ironically, a highly esteemed guru of the rebel regime that ousted the Sakya/Yuan government.)474 More recently, the surviving paintings of the Gmu Lhakhang have been estimated to predate by about a century the activities ofTashi Chodzong 's founder, Choje Denma. LoBue has dated the Guru Lhakhang murals to about the 1440s. 475 The original establishment may be a century or more earlier."76 I02 CHAPTER 6 the main monastery, Gangngon Tashi Chodzong (sGang sngon bKra shis chos rdzong).4n Luciano Petech and several scholars who followed him dated it to the 1550s."78 Petech thought Choje Denma, who he says was a (Drigungappointed) Dordzin of Gyangdrak was the founder of the Drigung Kagyu school in Ladakh, thanks to his visit in the 1550s at the invitation of King Tashi Namgyal (whose reign Petech estimated to be approximately 1555-1575), adding that he became personal spiritual teacher of the king and founded Tashi Chodzong near Phyang. Petech's account of Phyang's foundation contradicts a well-established tradition of the monastery itself, which links its foundation with King Jan1yang Namgyal.A dating to the 1530s is also FIG. 6.2 Guru Lhakhang, Phyang Ca. first half 15th century Photograph by Rob Linrothe After E. Lo Bue 2007a, fig. 2. supported by the Kai/ash Guide (Tise Karchak), which says the monastery's founder, [Choje Denma], went from Drigung to Tise as Dordzin dming the abbacy of the eighteenth abbot (Rinchen Phtintshok), which was in the 1520s.•79 One of the monastery 's own histories (in agreement with the brief Ladakhi history of monasteries and castles [Thupstan Paldan 1982]) dates its founding to the time of Jan1yang Namgyal and the l530s.480 In Phyang's building of the Old Temple or Lhakhang Nyingpa,-'8 1 we find in the Tshokkhang ([Old] Assembly Hall) and Gonkhang murals dating to the time of the temple's foundation in the 1530s. Yet some mural paintings high above, in the lanterns (clerestories) of the building, are much later additions, Frc. 6. 3 Jigren Sumgon wirh Life Scenes of rhe Ten Directions and Three Times Old Assembly Hall, Tashi Chodzong, Ph yang, Ladakh; 1530s © 2014 Arrisrs Righrs Sociery (ARS), N ew York I VG Bild-Kwm, Bonn Lirerarure: D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, mural 2; and A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 93. probably from the nineteenth century.482 (I will describe these in chapter 9.) A. A CLASSIC PAINTED PORTRAIT OF ]IGTEN SUMGON AND Hls LIFE When Driouno ('Bri ouno o e Linopa o o o Glino o pa dBon Sherab Jungne, 1187-1 255) vis ited western Tibet in 1219, he stayed for a while at the famous Khochar (Kho char) Temple of Purang, home of the Kyirong Jowo statue. While there, he sketched a mural representation of the life of his esteemed master, Jig ten Sumgon, who had passed away two years earlier. The painting corresponded to the vers ified life-story he had composed, the Hagiography of the Ten Directions and Three Times ( Phyogs bcu dus gsum ma). which later formed part of the Drigw1g Kagyu liturgy. This brief hagiography in thirteen episodes, including the past and future, is found in Jigten Sumgon 's collected writings from the Yangri Gar wooden printing blocks ..as3 It and a detailed commentary are also found in the works of Sherab Jungne.484 The tradition of painting Jig ten Sumgon 's hagiography as a series of thirteen small vignettes arranged to the right, left, and above the central figure later spread eastward to the Drigung Kagyu mother monastery in D Province of central Tibet and westward to Ladakh. Figure 63 reproduces the san1e six- in Diagram [A]. The only possible teenth-century mural in Phyang, whose composition ultimately derived from the explanation for this odd sequence is that the lowest episode on both right and left thirteenth-century pai.nting in Purang. was omitted when the painting was cop- The original must have once portrayed ied. The complete original painting in thirteen episodes in all: five episodes in the right colwnn, five in the left one, and three in the register at the top. Yet in the murals that survive in Ladakh, at least two out of thirteen episodes are missing. The ordering of the episodes in the surviving mural in Phyang is as shown 11 10 9 8 7 13 12 5 4 3 2 In Ladakh it was preserved as a classic composition of sorts: 185 An illustrated modem commentary of this biography has been published by H.H. Drigung Chetsang Rinpoche .486 As illustrations, he used details from the mural at Phyang Monastery. II (past) 13 (present) tO ( many pure lands) 9 (northeast) 8 (northwest) 7 (north) 6 (southwest) [missing in Phyang] 12 (future time) 5 (southeast) 4 (west) 3 (center) 2 (south) I (east) [missing in Phyang] PAI NT ING TRAD ITIO NS OF THE ORIGU NG KAGY U SC HOOL I03 Purang thus probably included: 9. Northeast, at Drigung (' bri gung gi ling tshe) IO.At his nirvana, passing away to many pure lands (mya nganlas 'das pa'i ling tshe) 11. Present Buddha activities [stod tshanma. da.lta ba.'i ling tshe?] 12. Past activities (stod tsha.n. 'das dus I. East, in Denyul ('dan yul du b:hugs pa'i ling tshe) 2. South, in Tolungmoche (lho stod klung mo che'i ling tshe) 3. Center, at Phagmotru (phag mo g ru pa 'i ling !she) 4 . West, at Yechung Cave (dbye chung phug gi ling tshe) 5. Southeast, at Dakla Gampo (dwags 1/w sgam po'i ling tshe) 6 . Southwest, in Urgyen (11 rgyan gyi ling tshe) 7 . North, in Thanglha (thang lha.'i ling tshe) 8 . Northwest, at Namtsho (gnam tsho'iling tshe) FIG. 6.38 FIG. 6.JF I04 CHAPTER 6 J..·yi ling tshe) 13. Future activities [stod tshan. ma 'ongs pa'i ling tshe?].a1 Hence the only scenes that are missing in Phyang are episodes I (East, his birth and youth in Denyul) and 6 (Southwest, in Urgyen). FIG. 6.3C FIG. 6.30 FIG. 6. 3A Ftc. 6.3£ 6.3A Cenrer of the mural, with Jigteo Sumgon and [\VO standing arrendanr monks FIG. fiG. 6.38 Detail of Fig. 6.3, showing two lowerright episodes {Episodes 2 and 3: South, in Tolungmoche, and Center, ar Phagmotru} 6.3C Detail of Fig. 6.3, showing two upperright episodes (episodes 4 and 5: West, at Yechung Cave, and Southeast, at Dakla Gampo) FIG. Ftc. 6.30 Detail of Fig. 6.3, showing [\VO lowerleft episodes (episodes 7 and 8: North, in Thanglha, and Northwest, at Nanusho} 6.3E Detail of Fig. 6.3, showing two upper-left episodes {episodes 9 and 10: Northeast, at Drigung, and ar his nirvana, passing to many pure lands) FIG. 6.3F Detail of Fig. 6.3, showing three uppermost episodes (episodes 11, 12 and 13: Present Buddha activities, past activities, and Future activities) FIG. B. THE DRIGUNG ABBOTI RINCHEN NAMGYAL WlTH LINEAGE Another important Tashi Chodzong mural, Figure 6.4, depicts the Drigung abbot Rinchen Namgyal Chodrak Gyaltshen (Dri 19), who was abbot at the time ofTashi Chodzong's fow1dation.488 He is depicted surrotmded by the main Drigung Kagyu l.ineage, whose arrangement is shown by Diagram [B]. Here guru number 6 is depicted in agreement with Jigten Sumgon 's special iconography, and not with Gampopa's. In any case, if the ordering is the normal one, and guru number 8 is Jigten Sumgon, then the central figure (guru number 24) would be the seventeenth or eighteenth abbot of Drigtmg. So the numbering of gurus in my chart is just one off from what the lamas of Phyang maintain when identifying him (probably correctly) as Rinchen Namgyal . In the sky to the left of the main figure's head nimbus and just beneath guru number 2 we find (23c) a black-hatted Karmapa.489 He must be the Eighth Karmapa Mikyo Dotje, who visited DrigWlg for one year in 1536 and taught Rinchen Namgyal, the main figure of the mural, after Rinchen Phlintshok (Dri 18) Frc. 6.4 Rinchen Namgya l with His Drigung Kagyu Lineage O ld Assembly Hall, Tashi Chodzong, Phyang, Ladakh; 1530s Phorograph by Roland Fischer © 2014 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York I VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn After A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 94. resi gned the abbacy.490 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 2 3 23c 23b 5 7 7b? 9 22? 23a? 24? II 13 15 17 19 21 PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL I05 Erberto Lo Bue has studied the inscriptions of these murals of this building of Ph yang Tashi Chtidzong, recording the names of several painters responsible for the murals."91 The French Buddhist and long-time student of the Drigung Kagyu tradition in Ladakh, Marcel Fran9ois. dates the foundation of the Phyang Gangngtin Tashi Chtidzong to 1535."92 He also provides the birth date and reign of Jam yang Namgyal (b. 1511; r. 1532- 1569) and dates for Chtije Denma ( 1503- 1567) . If those dates are correct (I ca1mot verify them), he was an impressively young thirty-two years of age when founding Phyang Tashi Chtidzong. It is also traditionally said that !Gng Jam yang Namgyal confirmed to the Drigung School its possession of the old monastery of Lamayuru and its own branch monasteries. In this way the trio of Shawam Gtinpa, Phyang Tashi Chtidzong, and Lamayuru (Shang sgang yur gsum) became the mother monasteries for the Drigung Kagyu in Ladakh. In the following years Chtije Denma built five monasteries in all: Phyang, Shawam Gtinpa (Sha warn dgon pa), Shara Chumik Gtinpa (Sha ra Chu mig dgon pa), Zangzang Palri Gonpa (Zang zang dPal ri dgon pa), and Kagyu Namgyal Gonpa (bKa' brgyud rNam rgyal dgon pa). He great! y enlarged Lamayuru, with its some four htmdred monks. 493 Lamayuru belonged theoretically to the royal monastery of Ph yang, (but Lamayuru and its lamas later gained a special sentiindependence for themselves) . remaining decades of his life. The "History of the Three Districts of Ngari" mentions in its Purang section (based on the Gang ti se /o rgyus) the series of four Drigung-appointed lamas called Dorje Dzinpas (or dordzin) who were sent out by the sixteenth-century Drigung abbot Gyalwang Kunga Rinchen (rOyal dbang Kun dga' rin chen, Dri 17) to Guge and Purang: Dordzin lampe Yeshe, Dordzin Gonpo Yeshe, Dordzin Kunga Tashi, and Dordzin Kunga Zangpo."95 Then the account adds that "Gyalwang Ratna" (Gyalwang Rinchen Phtintshok of Drigung, Dri 18) sent one such lama: "Dordzin Kunga Drakpa." He turns out to be the highly significant Choje Denma who went to Ladakh and founded Phyang and other monasteries.496 This painting is significant historically for the guru lineage that it depicts. I show its lineal ordering in Diagram [C]. This is the lineage of Amitayus in the Queen of Realization Tradition (Grub pa'i rgyal mo ' i lugs) transmitted by Rechungpa. Rechungpa is guru number 4 in that diagram, while Mi larepa is number 5. Jigten Sumgtin is number 8. (The lineage took about twenty lineage gurus to reach Choje Denma 's time, the 1530s.) A mural in the Tashi Chtidzong depicting Milarepa with Gampopa and Rechungpa was also published by Binczik and Fischer 2002:197 Another lineage received by that school through Ganlpopa (that of the Kadampa) is depicted around a mural panel with Atisa: 98 3. Gungbur Gonpa , Purang C. CHOJE DENMA WITH AMITJIYUS LINEAGE Figure 6.5 illustrates a mural depicting Phyang Tashi Chodzong's founder, Chi:ije Denma, as its central figure. 494 That master, after coming to Ladakh from Kailash, not only built this new monastery but also actively propagated the Drigung Kagyu there for the I06 CHAPTER 6 A third place where Drigung Kagyu wall paintings of the Middle Period survive is Purang, at Gungbur Gtinpa (alias Tsegu Gtinpa) . Like Ladakh, Purang also experienced a Drigung Kagyu revival in the 1520s or 1530s: 99 The monastery is located on a cliff above Purang town. Behind it loom the ancient fort ofTagla Kar and Simbiling Monastery- both of which were destroyed in the 1960s, though the monastery was partially rebuilt. Beneath them is Gtmgbur Gtinpa (called Tsegu Gompa or " Nine-Storied Monastery" in some sources) . Covering many levels reachable by ladders, the monastery contains its original murals, now darkly glazed from centuries of soot. Victor Chan describes the approach to the site near central Purang, which he called the monastery of Tsegu: 500 Cross the suspension bridge (from Purang center), and immediately ahead is a village made up of caves and small houses. Further along the path are old whitewashed houses built into a cliff. More cave dwellings are higher up and within a complex is Tsegu, a cave temple marked by prayer flags, and a wooden balcony nine stories above the base of the cliff. In current Drigung Kagyu sources, Gungbur is called Gongphur Gtinpa (dGung ' bur dGon pa). According to the drikung.org website, its images were reinstalled in 1985, mainly thanks to the hard work of the people of Geshing and Dosa, two vi llages of devout Drigung Kagyu adherents in Purang.501 Lionel Fournier, on the photographs he kindly provided, gave the spelling Gungbur Gtinpa and Yitrok (Yid ' phrog) for two monasteries at or near this cave complex. Though good photographs of Gongbur murals are now impossible to find , Figures 6.6 and 6.7 can be combined to document one crucial mural panel: Buddha Amitayus as main figure surrounded by lineage gurus. Though other details are hard to make out, I have reconstructed the presumed positions of lineal gurus in Diagram [D). Since the central figure is Amitayus, the panel around him probably portrays a guru lineage for that buddha. (I can just baret y make out Rechungpa with his pointed hat as guru number 4.) The lineage behind Choje Denma in Phyang (Fig. 6.3) continues down to guru number 20, so this Purang mural (whose gurus continue to number 25) appears to date approxi mate Iy five generations of lineal teachers later than the same lineage in the Ph yang Tashi Chodzong mural, assuming that the same lineage masters have been shown. The lineage thus seems to continue to approximately the last decades of the sixteenth century (or first decades of the next), but this must be confirmed by mural i nscri pti ons or other evidence. By way of comparison, three Drigung Kagyu lineages for this tradition have been traced by Olaf Czaja and recently communicated to me. Of them, the most recent is from the collected writings of Peme Gyaltshen (Dri 30).502 I. 2. 3. 4. Tshe dpag med Ma gci g Grub pa' i rgyal mo Ti bu coSanos snoaos sdono po 0 0 0 Ras chung rDo rje grags pa 5. rJe btsun Mi Ia ras chen 6. sGam po pa 7 . Phao0 0oru 8. 'Jig rten gsum mgon 9. rJe sPyan snga ba 10. Yan.g dgon pa 11. sPyan snga Ri n chen Idan 12. Zur phug pa 13 . 'Ba' ra ba 14 . Zad pa Rin rgyal 15. Brag thog pa 16. rDo rje gDan pa Kun dga' rnam rgyal (1432- 1496) 6. 5 Choje Denma wi!:h His Amirayus Lineage O ld Assembly Hall, Tashi Chodzong, Phyang, Ladakh; 1530s Photography hy Roland Fischer © 2014 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York I VG Bild-Kuosr, Bonn After A. Binczik and Roland Fischer 2002, p. 95. FIG. 3 5 7 9 II l3 15 17 I 21? 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 19 20? 2 ~ 17. sMug pa Ngag gi dbang po 18 . Chos grub sengge 19. Zhwa dmar ba bZhi pa (Chos grags ye shes, 1453- 1524) 20. mKhan chen Shes rab dpalldan 21 . mKhas grub Kw1 dga' rgyal mtshan 22. mTshungs med Chos rgyal phun tshogs 23 . rGyal dbang Chos kyi grags pa (Dri 25) PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORJGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL I07 fiG. 6.6 Padmasambhava and Amitiiyus as main figures Gungbur Giinpa (Tsegu), Purang; ca. late 16th cenrury Photograph by Uonel Fournier (125a Purang dGung ' bur) FJG. 6.7 Amitayus, Amitabha, and ~ll.kyamuni as main figures Gungbur Giinpa (Tsegu), Purang; ca. late 16th cenrury Photograph by Lionel Fournier 24. dKon mchog lhun grub Rin po che 25. Karma bhadra 26. Don grub chos kyi rgyal po (Dri 27) 27. rJe 'Gro 'dul zhabs (Dri 28) 28. rJe Dharma surya (Chos kyi nyi rna, Dri 29) 29. Padma dhva dza ( =Padma rgyal mtshan Dri 30) In this lineage guru number 20 does bring us to about the 1530s, the time of the Phyang murals. Yet the twenty-fifth guru (the final one pictured in Purang) was roughly contemporaneous with Dri 26, whose abbacy was from 1661-1718. Again, we need further confirmation through inscriptions. 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 12 14 16 18 20 22 OF THE MIDDLE PERIOD II 10 13 I? 15 17 19 21 23 24 25 Patron(?) 26? I08 CHAPTER 6 A DRIGUNG KAGYU THANGKA SET Among the thangkas of Phyang Monastery in Ladakh there survives a classic set of Drigung Kagyu guru portraits. This stunning series dates to the midsixteenth century. Originally from Drigung, it was for a while preserved first in Limi in the northwestern borderlands of Nepal (near Purang) and later brought to Ladakh. It is the earliest surviving set of Drigung Kagyu guru portraits, and I believe it was painted by outstanding protagonists of the Khyenri style in central Tibet and later sent to western Tibet. throne holder of the lineage" LDri 19, Rinchen Namgyal?]. Hence it was com- ln my History ofTtbetan Painting of 1996, I published four thangkas from this set as black and white figures:503 Ngawang Tsering showed me photographs of seventeen paintings from the set in 1995, including about sixty-two siddhas, which worked out to an aver- missioned at the time of the nineteenth abbot, i.e., about the 1550s or 1560s.508 This would work if it was commissioned age of 3.6 siddhas per painting. The set as photographed was not complete: presumably at least six paintings were missing (6 x 3.5 = 2 1), making a total of at least twenty-three paintings in the set, I then estimated. The set has been variously dated. Ngawang Tsering, for example. believed the lineage came down to the seventeenth century, to the time of Ri gdzi n Chodrak (1595-1659). In 1996 I dated it to the seventeenth century, while in my article of 2002 I subsequently discussed the set, describing it as "An Old Series of Drigung Kagyu Masters Preserved at Limi" and saying it may date to the fifteenth or sixteenth century.504 Yes he Jan1yang mentioned the set in his interview of 1994: [Concerning earlier painting,] in Limi ... thangkas survive from the time of the lama Nyernyi Chokyi Gyalpo ( ... tenth Drigung abbot, 1335-1407, a senior contemporary and guru ofTsongkhapa).l have not seen these, except for photos. Witllout having seen the set, Yeshe Jan1yang dated it very early, to about the early fifteenth century, the time of the tentl1 Drigung abbot, about the 1310s- 1340s.Angelika Binczik and Roland Fischer also documented the set, dating it to tile sixteenth century. 505 Yet the latest lineal lama they (erroneously) identified 506 was the twenty-second abbot, Tshungme Chogyal Phlintshok, who died in 1602.507 Bargyaltsang Konchok Norbu more recently has said that the set portrays up to the " nineteenth in memory of Gyalwang Rinchen Phlintshok (Dri 18), who died in 1557. Until now, I have seen photographs of nineteen paintings: the center painting ( ! ), twelve paintings hanging to the proper right and six to tile proper left. (Rosita Faber had seen and photographed a few of the previously unavailable paintings in Ladakh in 2009 for her Hamburg University MA. tllesis of 2010. which she kindly shared witll me.) Since as many as six paintings may be missing from the "left side," the entire set must have had at least twenty-five paintings.lndeed, I think it had twentyseven. (Eighty-four siddhas distributed over twenty-seven paintings yields an average of 3. 1 siddhas per painting.) If the series ends with the twenty-seventh painting, as I now believe, the last lineal gurus during its commissioning were guru number 26 (Dri 18), Gyalwang Rinchen Phlintshok, who died in 1557, and guru number 27 (Dri 19), Phagmo Rinchen Namgyal ( 1576), tenure 15341565 ( 13th to the right). (This needs to be confirmed from the actual paintings.) 1. Origin and Location of the Set The set may have been commissioned by the abbots of Drigung in the mid- to late 1550s. According to the Lamayuru notes of Marc Franr,:ois, the set was commissioned in memory of Gyalwang Rinchen Phlintshok (Dri 18), who died in 1557. The throne holder at that time was Dri 19, Rinchen Namgyal.509 The set must have originated in D Province of central Tibet and been sent to western Tibet. The Lamayuru paintermonk Yeshe Jan1yang in 1994 described the set as "from Limi,'' but at that time had never actually seen it.510 By tile late 1990s it was moved to Phyang Monastery, where it is now preserved. It was photographed there in 2001/2002 by Fischer and examined by Rosita Farber in 2009. 2. Actual Order of Drigung Kagyu Gums in the Set In appendix A, I have listed all fortyseven gurus of the main Drigtmg Kagyu lineage (and the forty abbots of Drigung). following their ideal order. Yet the actual order as they appear in the " Limi/Phyang set" is different. Since it includes Atisa as a lineal guru, the numbers of gurus after Marpa all are one higher. Here I list the theoretical sequence of the set in twenty-seven paintings, as I could so far determine, ending with guru number 27 (Dri 19) Phagmo Rinchen Namgyal (1519-1 576), tenure 15341565 (13th to the proper left). I follow the traditional designation of " to right" and " left" from the point of view of tile main figure. I . Vaj radhara (center) 2. 3. 4. 5. Tilopa (first to the proper right) Naropa (first to the proper left) Atisa (second to the proper right) Marpa and Milarepa ( 1012- 1096), (second to the proper left) 6. Milarepa ( 1040-1123), (third to the proper right) 7 . Gampopa or Dakpo Lhaje Sonam Rinchen ( 1079- 1153), (third to the proper left) 8. Phagmotrupa Dorje Gyalpo ( 1110-1170), (4th to the proper right) 9. (Dri I) Jigten Sumgon ( 11431217), tenure 1179-12 17 (fourth to the proper left) 10. (Dri 2) Khenchen Tshultrim Dorje ( 1154-1221 ), tenure 1217- 1221 (fifth to the proper right) 11. (Dri 3) On Sonam Drakpa ( 11871235), tenure 1221- 1235 (fifth to the proper left) PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL I0,9 12. (Dri 4) Jennga Drakpa Jungne (1175-1255), tenure 1235-1255 (sixth to the proper right) 13. (Dri 5) Jung Dorje Drakpa ( 12101278), tenure 1255-1278 (sixth to the proper left) 14. (Dri 6) Thogkhawa Rinchen Sengge ( 1226-1284), tenure 12781284 (seventh to the proper right) 15. (Dri 7) Tshamje Drakpa Sonam ( 1238-1286), tenure 1284-1286 (younger brother of Dri 6), (7th to the proper left) 16. (Dri 8) Nub Chogo Dorje Yeshe ( 1223-1293), tenure 1286- 1293 (eighth to the proper right) 17. (Dri 9) Chunyi Dorje Rinchen (1278-1314), tenure 1293- 1314 (eighth to the proper left) 18. (Dri 10) Nyergyepa Dorje Gyalpo ( 1284- 1350), tenure 1314-1350 (younger bro. of Dri 9), (9th to the proper right) 19. (Dri 11) 1ennga Chokyi Gyal po ( 1335-1407), tenure 1351-1395 (ninth to the proper left) 20. (Dri 12) Gosbri Dondrup Gyalpo ( 1369-1 427), tenure 1395- 1427 (tenth to the proper right) 21. (Dri 13) Dakpo Wang Rinchen Wanggyal ( 1395- ?), tenure 14271428 (son of Dri I 2), (tenth to the proper left) 22. (Dri 14) Chogyal Rinchen Palzang ( 1421-1469), tenure 1435- 1469 (son of Dri 13), (eleventh to the proper right) 23. (Dri 15) Choje Rinchen Chokyi Gyaltshen ( 1449-1484) 14691484 (son of Dri 14), ( 11th to the proper left) 24. (Dri 16) Wang Rinchen Chokyi Gyalpo (1448-1505), tenure 1484-1504? (son of Dri 14) (twelfth to the proper right) 25. (Dri 17) Gyalwang Kunga Rinchen (1475-1527), tenu re 1514?1527 (son of Dri 16), (twelfth to the proper left) 26. (Dri 18) Gyalwang Rinchen IIO CHAPTER 6 Phiintshok ( 1509- 1557), tenure 1527- 1534 (son ofDri 16's brother), (thineenth to the proper right) 27. (Dri 19) Phagmo Rinchen Namgyal ( 1519- 1576), tenure 15341565 (thirteenth to the proper left) 3. Individual Paintings Here I would like to present seven individual paintings that are now accessible through reasonably good photographs. I will diagram the structure and show the name and position of each mahasiddha pictured, if known. Figure 6.8 depicts Vajradhara as the first (i.e., central-hanging) painting of the Limi/Phyang set. Vajradhara is seated upon a lunar disc and lotus throne with arms crossed at his heart. The throne back elegantly presents the mythical Indian animals above but adds Chinese dragons curling around the supporting columns. This and the remaining paintings incorporate Chinese inspired cloud-clad landscapes (sprin ris yul snang) in their backgrotmds, as had become almost universal in Tibet by the mid-sixteenth century. The upper sky is blue, though not as deep as Vajradhara 's skin. T he sky fades into an unpainted horizon. The clouds in the sky are stylized cumulus clouds with trails and various base colors. (One at the top left is multicolored.) Lower in the landscape behind the two siddhas, we find clusters of clouds with pale brownish-orange base colors. One prominent blue-green rock stands forth in the bottom right. The arrangement of its divine figures is shown in Diagram [E]. Most thangkas in the set position at least three minor figures in the corners. Here all four corners are occupied by mahasiddhas. (They mainly follow in this set the ordering of AbhayadattaSrf and Viraprakasa, Grub thob brgyad bcu rtsa bzhi'i mam thar, as listed by Rob Linrothe 2006, Appendix 1; any number preceded by A in the diagram, for instance A3, refers to the adept's place in that list.) Figure 6.9 depicts the great Indian adept Tilopa as second guru portrait (hung first to the proper right) in the Limi/Phyang set. The accomplished yogi leans on one arm, and one knee is held by a meditation band. He sits upon a tiger skin that drapes over a blue-topped circular dais or platform. Behind him a modestly dressed female attendant stands holding an elaborate tasseled parasol over him, shading him and paying respect. His disciple Naropa appears below right, as a reddish-brown skinned siddha, who gazes up. The landscape is fairly open, with just one prominent blue-green crag, directly behind Ti lopa's attendant. The only clouds form two or three clusters in the upper right. The bottom cloud cluster is made up of standard stylized cumulus forms. The ordering of the painting's figures is shown in Diagram [F). Figure 6.10 depicts the adept and guru Naropa as the third guru portrait (hung first to the proper left) in the Limi/Phyang set. The great adept stares intently ahead whi le holding a nectarfilled skull cup in his left hand. He sits upon a corpse for his mat, and the jackals before him complete the charnel ground scene. The painting incorporates several blue-green crags into its landscape. The clouds are worked into the landscape in subtle ways. Behind the central tree, a cluster of soft white clouds fills much of the background. A pale gray strip of cloud stretches most of the way across the top. Naropa's Tibetan disciple Marpa appears to the bottom left, facing inward toward his guru . He is seated in a position that would otherwise be occupied by one of the siddhas. The ordering of the painting's other minor figures is shown by Diagram [G]. Figure 6 .I I portrays the Tibetan FIG. 6.8 ms I (A I) Luipa ms2 (A77) Darika 1. Vajradhara ms3 (A31 <;lenkipa) dhing ki pa ms4 (name illegible) Vajradhara as firsr guru of rhe main Drigung Kagyu lineage 1550s Dimensions unknown © 2014 Arrisrs Righrs Sociery (ARS), New York I VG Bild-Kunsr, Bonn Lirerarure: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 157. PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL III FIG. 6.9 msS (A3) Yirupa ms6 (A4) dombhi 2. Ti lopa ms8 (A5) Savaripa II2 CHAPTER 6 ms9 (A20) na ro pa TJ!opa as second guru of rhe main Drigung Kagyu lineage 1550s Dimensions unknown © 2014 Anisrs Righrs Sociecy (ARS), New York I VG Bild-Kunsr, Bonn Lirerarure: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 160. mslO(A7) ms II (possibly A9 or A I0?) 3. Niiropa msl2 (A8) mi na Marpa ms13 (All) vi napa da Ftc. 6. ro N!iropa as third main guru of the Drigung Kagyu 1550s Dimensions unknown © 2014 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York I VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn Literarure: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 165. PAINTING TRAD ITI ONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL II3 FIG. 6.II Milarepa as sixth main guru of the Drigung Kagyu 1550s Dimensions unknown © 2014 Anists Rights Society (ARS) , N ew York I VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn Literature: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 168. meditator Milarepa ( 1040-1123), the sixth guru (hung third to the proper right) in the Limi!Phyang set. He wears a white cotton robe, holds one hand behind his ear, and sits on an an.imal skin and a pile of leaves before a cave. Though a reverently standing Tibetan monk (Gampopa) approaches, the yogi stairs straight ahead, as if still absorbed in meditative practice. The previous three paintings' landscapes were relatively open with areas left unpainted, such as behind the shoulders of the main figures. That may have evoked a more foreign, i.e., Indian, landscape. Here we are in Tibet, and the ms22 (Al7) Kanha ms21 (A21 Syalipa) sa li ms23 (A23) Catra 6. Milarepa ms24 (A24) Bhadra ms25 (A?) name? Gampopa landscape is painted with thicker colors, including a dark-blue sky above. The most prominent blue-green crags are behind and around Milarepa, with one green tip accentuated by a small patch of pink clouds. The upper landscape is dominated by a large central somewhat blunted glacier peak.511 On the upperleft horizon, three tall rocks or peaks emerge. Small clusters of bluish-white clouds form the upper- right horizon. The ordering of the painting's figures is shown by Diagran1 [H]. Figure 6.12 depicts Gampopa ( 1079- 1153) as seventh guru portrait (placed third to tl1e proper left) in tile Limi!Phyang set. Gampopa, an awakened Tibetan yogi-monk, stares ahead raptly with hands folded on his lap in meditative equipoise. He is oblivious to the two pink lotuses behind him and the white butterfly flitting above them.512 His seat is a monk's mat, though upon it has been placed an antelope skin. He wears II4 CHAPTER 6 FIC. 6.12. Gampopa as seventh main guru of the Drigung Kagyu 1550s Dimensions unknown \!:> 2014 Artists Righrs Society (ARS), New York I VG Bild-Kunsr, Bonn Lirerarure: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 173. a gomsha of red silk. and behind him is a bound volume of sacred scriptures, resting on a pink. basket or bundle. The painter has worked many blue and green areas into this basically hilly Tibetan landscape. The most prominent blue-green crag is ahead of Gampopa. wreathed in a creeping cluster of pink clouds, which continues to the other side of his head nimbus. Another strip of whitish-blue clouds creeps across the landscape behind his shoulders. Hi gher in the landscape. a patch of pale orangewhite clouds extends around the back of the hill on the right side. Horizon tal srrips of gray-white clouds break up the medium-blue sky. The ordering of the painting's minor figures is shown by Diagram rr1. Figure 6.13 depicts Thogkhawa Rinchen Sengge (1226-12S-l). sixth abbot of Drigung. as fourteenth guru portrait in the Limi/Phyang set. (He was placed seventh to the proper right.) As sixth abbot of Drigung, his tenure was from 1278 to 1284. He wears a red gomslta and holds his hands in the gesture of teaching. He sits on a formal Chinesestyle chair with feet extending forward. Before him. near the table of offerings, stands his disciple Jennga Tshamjepa (sPyan snga ruTshams bead pa). seventh abbot. here pictured as a young monk reverently holding a golden implement. The most prominent feature of the landscape is the sturdy old tree with a bluish-gray gnarled trunk and large medium-green leaves standing behind him. The top of the landscape includes blue-green crags to both right and left. ms26 (A26) Ayogi ms27 (A27 kalapa?) 7. Gampopa Phagmotrupa ms28 dhobi (A28) ms29 (*A45 kampari) PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL II) f iG. 6.13 Thogkhawa Rinchen Sengge as fourteenth main guru of the Drigung Kagyu 1550s Dimensions unknown © 2014 Artists Rights Society (ARS) , New York I VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn l iterature: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 176. The entire sky above the horizon is a belt of gray clouds with some gaps between the clouds highlighted with brighter colors. The foreground and middle-ground of the landscape incorporate a large plane of rich malachite green, broken up below the seat by faint strips in the ground. For the painting's structure see Diagram [1]. 4. The Set's Stylistic Origin The set discussed above exemplifies a high central-Tibetan painting style of the mid-sixteenth century, namely the Khyenri style. It evidently was commissioned by the abbots of Drigung in the mid- to late 1550s, who must have tried ms (A35) Kucipa (Dri 6) 14. Thokkhawa Rinchen Sengge ms luipa? (A31 =Mahipa) ms (A?) ms Acinta (A38) to find the best available painters, if they commissioned the set in the memory of their deceased guru Rinchen Phtintshok. The Khyenri style was founded in central Tibet about a century earlier, in the mid-fifteenth century, by the artist Khyentse Chenmo of Gongkar. Nowadays it is the rarest among the three main styles.513 Khyentse C henmo was an almost supernaturally gifted artist, equally skilled as both painter and scul ptor. 514 The painting style he establ.ished was hi ghly appreciated in later generations by the greatest connoisseurpatrons, such as Jonang Taranatha and the Fifth Dalai L·una. For instance, in the early seventeenth century, certain ou tstanding painters of the Khyenri from 0 Province fOlmd appreciative patronage in Tsang (then seat of the ruler of Tibet) and at Jonang Takten Phtintshokling.515 II6 CHAPTER 6 Some Jonangpa masterpieces from thi s period were thus painted in the Khyenri style.516 A generation or two later. the Fifth Dalai Lama was also a hi ghl y appreciati ve patron of Khyenri artists, and thanks to the patro nage that he and Desi Sanggye Gyatsho (sDe srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho) gave. painters of the Khyenri School executed many paintings for them. (See below. Figs. 7 .I and 8.5b.) Still later, in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the style survived mainly in southern 0 Province. especially in Lhokha near its ori gina l home, Gongkar Dorjeden (Gong dkar rOo rje gdan) Monastery. Accordi ng to the Drigung abbatial history by Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen ( 1770-1826), himself a painter and authority on religious art. one of the abbots of Drigung of the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries held the Khyenri style in high regard. That abbot was Konchok Trinle Zangpo (16561719), an exceptionally skilled painter. Through him a branch of the Khyenri also was established at Drigung.517 Two INTRIGUING SETs Konchok Trinle Zangpo was almost certainly not the first prominent patron of the Khyenri at Dri gung. Indeed it seems that a few 0oenerations earlier, in the mid-sixteenth century. highl y discerning lama -patrons of Dri gu ng also com m issioned Khyenri artists to paint maj or works for them in this style. as is demonstrated by the existence of the above " Limi!Phyang"' set. I conclude this chapter by briefly mentioning two other stylistically noteworthy sets that warrant future investigation. One presumabl y about mid- or latesixteenth-century example of the Khyenri 's presence at Drigung Monastery may be a group of thangkas photographed at that monastery in the 1950s. As mentio ned above (see Fig. 2.6}, the paintings illustrated by Liu in 1957. which were erroneously dated to the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century by Rhie, may actual ly represent a hi gh Khyenri style of a subsequent century.5 18 Figure 6.14 exemplifies a painting from that corpus. The set seems to portray the eighty-four siddhas in single paintings. a truly monumental undertakino0 if done as full-size thangka. I suggest that its central figure depicts the adept Nalipa, here shown seated before a pond of lotuses from whi ch he has picked one. He is depicted as a peaceful Indian layman and for my taste is dressed a bit too regally. with elaborate bodhisattva-like FIG. 6.14 Nalipa, the Grear Adept Ca. 16th or early 17th cenrury Dtigung Monastery Dimensions unknown Afrer Liu 1-se 1957, fig. 20. PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL II] FiG. 6.I5 Nalipa, the Great Adept, detail After Tshewang Rinchen 2005, no. 40. FiG. 6.16 The Arhat Angaja Ca. 16th century Preserved at Phyang Monastery, Ladakh Dimensions unknown After Acllrya Ngawa ng Sa1men 1986, thangka no. 10. That is correct, though we should recall that in this case the subject matter (the Sixteen Arhats) was originally a Chinese subject and hence intrinsically possesses links with Chinese art. In the present painting the sky, clouds, and large swaths of grassy meadows are colored with faint washes that let the white ground show through, as in the Karma Gardri. Note the minuscule Tibetan monk with a transparent body nimbus who is painted at the foot of the arhat's attendant's feet, whose entire body is smaller than that attendant's face. As I stated on another occasion, 1 cannot exclude that these paintings exemplify a little-known type of Gardrilike Drigung Kagyu art.522 (The set may have been brought to Ladakh from 0 Province in central Tibet.) I hope to study these paintings more in the future. jewelry and robes - and not in a siddha 's semi wrathful charnel-ground attire. In a recent book edited by Tshewang Rinchen we also find Nalipa (see Fig. 6.15). There he is depicted with much simpler robes and ornamentation, though still in what I believe to be a Khyenri-style set of the eighty-four siddhas from roughly the same period.519 Iconographically and stylistically, the most important future comparison with Figure 6.14 will be with that surviving II8 CHAPTER 6 set of arhats that was painted three adepts per thangka and is now preserved at Sera Monastery.520 Figure 6.16 exemplifies a second set in a similar intriguingly Gardri-like style, in this case depicting the Sixteen Arhats in individual paintings. Three paintings from the set were published in the 1986 Ladakhi thangka catalog by Acarya Ngawang Samten, who described this set as having been painted in a variety of the Karma Gardri style.521 • YU SC HOO L PAIN TING TRAD ITI ONS OF THE DRIG UNG KAG II9 Paintings ofPeaceful Deities of the Drigung Kagyu we enter a more recent period of Drigung Kagyu art. Here I present Drigung Kagyu paintings of peaceful main deities dating from roughly the 1640s to the 1950s. Paintings that depict semi wrathful or wrathful main deities will be introduced in chapter 8. In my Place of Provenance catalog, 1 introduced the existence of the Drigun g painting style as a minor style in northern 0 Province.523 ln two still earlier publications. 524 I noted that the Drigung abbatial history confirms that a branch of the Khyenri School contin ued to exist at Drigung Monastery until at least the early nineteenth century, the period ofTen dzin Perna Gyaltshen (1770 -1826 ).525 Thus the Khyenri was one of the starting points for the distinctive recent Drigun g style.526 Figure 7.1 gives us an idea of what a high court Khyenri thangka painting of central Tibet of the seventeenth century looked like, but not at Drigung. It shows Lokastotrapuja ('Jig rten mchod bstod) as one of an eight-thangka set depicting Nyingma Tantric deities. Commissioned by the Fifth Dalai Lama, it is now preserved in the Potala Palace. The painting illustrates the clouds, landscapes. and distinctive lotus seats of the Khyenri, though contrary to the main topic of this chapter, its main deity is wrathful. (The Potala catalog specifies it to be a Khyenri tradition lmKhy en/ugs ] painting of the seventeenth century. 527 which the Fifth Dalai Lama preferred for wrathful deities and mandalas and not for peaceful deitie s.F IN THIS CHAP TER Detail of Fig. 7.8 Figure 7.2 illustr ates a detail from the mural paintings of Gongk ar Monas tery in about the same period . Its details of flames. flat monoc hrome clouds . and vertically striate d rocks (brag ris) resemb le some detail s that we will soon see in Driri style paintings presen ted in this and the follow ing chapte r. ln any case, if the Khyenri was by the mid- or late sevent eenth century. in genera l, the rarest among the three main painting styles of Tibet, its later (partia l) offsho ot, the moder n Driri style. was certain ly one of Tibet' s rarest Buddh ist sect-based styles. In Jackson 2002, appendix, l present a preliminary List of more than thirty thangkas and murals of all periods that I knew and could confidently ascribe to Drigun g Kagyu reli gious patron age, though the pre-seventeenth-century ones did not. of course, exemplify the (later) Drigung painting style. (Only one, no. 28, portrayed a non-Drigung-Kagyu subject matter.) A few paintings had been attributed to the "Drigu ng style" or Driri in previous publications, some in error (as discussed in this publication in chapters 2 and 3). Certainly we should never mechanically identify all paintings produced by a certain religious tradition as belonging to a single style. Nevertheless. among the more than twenty Drigun g Kagyu thangkas that I could locate in 2002 (dating from about the eighteenth century onward), many could be divided into groups belonging to or related to the Driri style. In this chapter I reexam ine several of those that depict peaceful deities as main figures, trying to ascertain for the first time their main stylistic features. MAIN HISTO RICAL PHASES A word of warning: the brief art-historical synopsis of Rase Konch ok Gyatsh o summarized in chapter 4 alerts us not to expect much stylistic unity among Drigung Kagyu paintings. especially in the nineteenth century. No single dominant Driri style monopolized painting at Drigung during that period; quite the contrary. Drigung painting even in central Tibet coexisted with or intermingled with other styles, such as the Karma Gardri. Still. from that very concise account I extracted four of five main phases of later Drigung painting, dividing and rearranging them (and adding a final fifth one of my own): I . The Early Phase (circa late sev- enteenth and early eighteenth centuries). Presumably this was a formative period of Lhe three successive abbots mentioned by Rase Konch ok Gyatsho: (a) Rigdzin Chokyi TraJ..-pa, (b) Trinle Zan gpo, and (c) Dondrup Chogy al. 2. The Middl e Phase (circa early nineteenth century), a period associated with (Dri 31) Tendzi n Chokyi Gyaltshen and his official painter Gadik (Ga !dig). 3. An intervening period (circa the mid-nineteenth ce ntury) of wider Karma Gardri patronage at Drigung. PAINTI NG TRADI TIONS OF THE ORICU NG KAGYU SCHOO L T21 were also mentioned by Rase Konchok Gyatsho regarding the Early a nd Middle Periods. The three are: 529 1. In the time of Drigung Rigdzin Chodrak (1595-1659. twenty-fifth abbot of Drigung) many oneday thangkas (nyin thang) were made - almost miraculously- [at Drigung]. 2 . In particular, during the time of Konchok Trinle Zan gpo ( 165617 18) the painting traditions of Drigung flourished greatly. 3. In the time ofTendzin Peme Gyaltshen ( 1770-1826) there was a great increase in the practice of painting and ritual music. During the period of these tllree lamas, painting flourished at Drigung. After that, the tradition did not flourish to the same extent. Yeshe Jam yang added: 4. The Late Phase (circa late nineFtc. 7.r Lokasmrrapuja Qigten Chiito) as one of Eight Pronouncements Tha ngka, now in Potala Palace, Lhasa; second half of 17th cenrury After The Potala Holy Palace in the Snow Land, 1996, p. 161. teenth and early twentieth century), the time of (Dri 36) Shiway Lotro and his secretary/painter Barwa. 5. Most Recent Developments (circa mid- to late twentieth century) . Yeshe Jamyang, a Ladakhi monk who was trained in paintinoo at Driouno e "' in the 1950s, similarly mentioned in an interview three great lan1as as representing high points of the Driri. They were three of the four great lamas who I22 CHAPTER 7 Konchok Trinle Zan gpo ([Dri 26]) painted a set of thangkas depicting his own life story. It was displayed [at Drigung] for only two years of the twelve-year animal cycle: the snake (sbrul) and pig (plzag).530 There were about twelve or thirteen thangkas in the whole set. These wonderful paintings amazed me, and I exan1ined them in great detail. They bore many inscriptions.531 There was also a set depicting the life of Rigdzin Chodrak, though not by his hand. These thangkas, too, bear many inscriptions written by the san1e lan1a. One also finds many inscriptions on thangkas from Chetsang Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen (1770-1826). Many good paintings existed from his time, known as the time of the " two lamas named Gyaltshen" (rgyal mtshan mam gnyis), since his contemporary referred mainly to thangkas from the Middle and Late Periods of the Driri. Professor Driesch was kind enough to share with me in 1997 his preliminary list of six of the most important stylistic features of the "Drigung Style.",.,3 In July 200 I he sent a more detailed chart in which he listed nineteen stylistic characteristics- including five tiny ink drawings - in which he compared twelve thangkas, mostly from prior Schoettle Tibetica catalogs. Eight of the characteristics that he listed could be found quite regularly in the majority of paintings of that corpus of paintings. I list four of them here in my own slightly expanded English translation. enumerating only those that refer to full -palette paintings of peaceful main deities (and not semiwrathful or wrathful deities, which wi ll be considered in chapter 8): I . Clouds (sprin ris) are depicted as flat ovals, often painted in two (or three) almost concentric crenelated rings , without much three-dimensional modeling or depth. (See Fig. 7 .3.) The outer edge (with its series of scallops or rounded projections) repeats itself also around the inner zone of tl1e cloud. 2 . Mountains are shown as clusters of pointed, almost conical peaks, never as rounded hilltops or FIG. 7·2. Buddha with flame.s Murals, Gongkar Monastery; ca. 17th century Photograph by Roberto Vitali After D. Jackson 1996, plate 21. lama in the Chungtsang lama pal- knolls. (See Fig. 7 .4.) The slop- ace was Chokyi Gyaltshen, son of Jigme Lingpa ('Jigs med gling pa, J729/30- J798). ing sides can be slightly concave. The mountains are painted darker toward the peaks, and borders are outlined with lines of dark blue [indigo?] and gold. KEY STYLISTIC fEATURES IN PEACEFUL LANDSCAPES In the late 1990s, my two main sources on characteristic features of the Driri style were Yeshe Jamyang (through his interview) and a German art connoisseur, the late Mathias Driesch from Cologne (through his letter and charts).532 I now realize that they both 3. Rocky outcrops (brag ris) or cliffs are drawn with lines that are broken in many places. (See Fig. 7 .5.) The rocky cliffs are depicted as thin rectangular shapes, accentuated by their vertical lines and contrasting coloration. They have peculiar "bark-like" lines: his drawing showed two or three PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL I23 3. The "shapes" (tshugs, i.e. tshugs ka) 4. Tree leaves (shing lo) - as patt of the landscape 5. Skies that were light or faint blue 6. Colors were special and distinct He added tbat tbey never employed pure or undiluted colors; tbey used Tibetan stone colors and in old times colors from Gyalmorong.5J.I Ftc. 7·3 Detail of Fig. 7.13, Aar concentric Driri clouds Such features were relevant for thangkas depicting peaceful main deities. I would add that many paintings depict Drigung Kagyu lineal lamas in distinctive ways. with heads in three-quarter profile without full back-rests , though with head nimbuses. Their pointed gomsha hats can also be distinctive for each lan1a, with points touching the edges of the head nimbuses. For other distinctive features, the thrones should always be checked for possible special treatment of animals or offering tables. Ftc. 7·5 Detail of Fig. 7.11, distinctive rocky outcropping of me Driri Fun-CoLoR PAINTINGS oF PEACEFUL MAIN DEITIES Here I present exan1ples from each phase of the Driri, starting with Period 1, the early phase (circa late sevenFIG. 7·4 Derail of Fig. 8.5, conical Driri mownaitls flat-topped bumps projecting out slightly from the main vertical lines, as we find on some outside edges of the examples. 4 . Faces of minor deities: tbeir eyes, mouth, and ears are finely drawn witb very thin lines. The key special features listed by Yeshe Jam yang relevant for peaceful deities are: I . Clouds (sprin ris) 2. Landscape (yulljongs) [including mountains and rocky crags] I24 CHAPTER 7 teenth and early eighteenth centuries). I understand this to have been a formative period in which the three successive abbots mentioned by Rase Konchok Gyatsho played prominent roles as artists or patrons or both: Rigdzin Chokyi Trakpa, Trinle Zan gpo. and Dondrup Chogyal. Several key example paintings lack readable inscriptions and adequate photographs. Figure 7.6a depicts an eminent Drigung Kagyu lama of the seventeenth century with his sacred handprints and footprints. The main figure is a fully ordained monk who also wears a rigdzin hat symbolizing his high Tantric realization. He is depicted as being a learned master. holding a text in his left hand and extendi ng his right hand in the gesture of giving. The painting also portrays two lamas to the right and left of the main figure, perhaps his personal gurus or, if not, then his immediate lineal gurus or previous rebirths. Above them , but still smaller, we find, floating in a cluster of pale, monochrome clouds, the gurus of his Drigung Kagyu lineage. I show the structure of the painting in Diagram [A]. Gurus I through 7 are the Drigung Kagyu lineage masters beginni ng with Vajradhara, down to Gampopa and Phagmotrupa. and it depicts Jigten Sumgon as number 8 (as a very small guru in the cloud behind the main figure). Guru number 9 is dressed as a long-haired lay Tantric practitioner (or tantrika) (sngags pa) with lay robes and colorful Nyingma rigd::.in hat, while number I 0 wears the robes of a fu lly ordained monk and a red pundit's hat. FIG. 7.6A Rigdzin Chodrak as First Chungtsang Tulku 0 Province (or a Drigung Monastery outside ofO Province), Tibet; ca. early or mid-18th century Dime11sions unknown Now kept at Phyang Monastery, Ladakh Photograph by Lionel Fournier Based on his iconography, the master to the left (guru nun1ber 8) is a great lay rigd:in lineage transmitter. The master to the left (guru number 9) is a monk and wears a pundit hat, with its ear flaps turned up or turned under at their ends. The main figure of the painting is an eminent learned monk who is at the same time a rigd:in, or high ly realized FIG. 7.68 Chi:igyal Trinle Dondrup, Second Chungtsang Tull<U 0 Pro vi nee (or a Drigung monastery outside of 0 Province), Tiber; ca. early or mid-18th cenrury Dimensions unknown Now kept at Phyang Monastery, Ladakh Photograph by Bargyaltshang Ki:inchok Norbu Photograph courtesy of Michael Essex Tantric master. He is, in fact, Rigdzin H2 HI Very recently I learned that this 3 2 4 5 6 7 8 10 9 11 Fl d Chodrak. Yet this figure does not agree with his usual portrayals. F2 vermilion disc atop an ornate stylized lotus vine that grows from its own pool of water. Indeed, the golden prints are painting belongs to a set that apparently depicts the successive incarnations (sku each depicted as deities standing on a moon disc above its lotus flower, with phreng) of the Chungtsang tulku (i.e., the preceding and later rebirths of Rigdzin Chodrak). A much better-preserved second painting tl1at depicts the second Chungtsang (Dri 27) also exists. (See Fig. 7.6b.) In Figure 7 .6b each handprint and footprint is beautifully presented in a each petal carefully executed. As mentioned above, the history of Yangri Gar by Rase Konchok Gyatsho records the existence of a thirty-five thangka set of Rigdzin Chodrak's successive lives called the Sa. gsum ma.. Trinle Zangpo painted them as one-daythangkas (nyin thang), executing them in PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORJGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL I25 FIG. 7-7A Rigpa Rangshar, an Eminem Lay Rigdzin Lineal Guru of Drigung 0 Province (or a Drigung monastery outside of 0 Province), Tibet; ca. late 17th century or early 18th cenrury Dimensions unknown Kept in a Drigw1g Kagyu monastery, Ladakh Photograph by Nyurla Ngawang Tsering, ca. 1995 successive days.535 These two paintings probably belonged to that or a similar set. The clouds behind the main throne in both paintings are a series of relatively flat , monochrome clouds, as in the Driri style. Three faint grayish flowers appear between those clouds and the main figure's head. If we do not look carefully, we might miss the little guru seated partly hidden within the central flower, directly above the main figure's head nimbus. Both paintings treat their main figure's offering table in the same very I26 CHAPTER 7 unconventional way. Instead of placing it directly in front of the main master, it is positioned to the left of his throne, where three servants are standing, one holding a tea pot ready to pour it. One was surely copied from the other. Indeed, the entire backgrounds are the same in both. The paintings seem likely to date a few generations after Rigdzin Chodrak.536 Though I have not been able to read all the inscriptions, I believe tl1e set exemplifies the art of the early Driri period of about the time of Konchok Trinle Zangpo (Dri 26) or the next generation. I hope to be able to document the set more thoroughly in the future. Figure 7.7a also exemplifies a prominent Drigung Kagyu lama of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Though I was originally told the main figure might be Rigdzin Chodrak.537 I could exclude that because this lama wears earrings and does not have fiG. 7.78 Detail of Fig. 7.7a the distinctive dark loop of hair at his nape or just below his earlobe that Rigdzin Chodrak normally has. 538 (Compare Fig. 7 .8.) The main figure must be a long-haired lay tmurika of the Drigung Kagyu wearing white outer layman's robes and a muJticolor rigd:in hat. Holding a vajra in his right hand and a bell in his left, he extends his feet from beneath his lower robes, one of them almost reaching the end of his sitting mat. A ritual stake (kTla) is tucked under his belt. Based on his iconography, at first I guessed that the main figure was the eminent Rigdzin Rinchen PhUntshok. Each detail of the painting is carefully done. Four very small figures - Indian mendicant yogis (saddhu or siddha)cavort in the foreground in front of the main throne. The other minor figures I cannot yet identify, though most seem to be very realistically depicted Kagyu lamas, most monks wearing gomsha. late seventeenth or early eighteenth century, when Khyenri influence was still third flows a bit lower on tl1e left, jetting from the wall in the cave of a hermit, The lama at bottom left wears a Chinese hat of official rank (las ::.hwa). (Perhaps strong. Though I was not able to examine it personally or read its inscriptions, I present it here in the hope of being able to document it better in the future. (Ngawang Tsering recommended it to me as a good early example many years ago, regretting the inadequate photograph.) Figure 7.8 depicts Drigung Jigten Sumgtin with two much later abbots of Drigung. The central figure's full name is given as: "'Jig rten gsum mgon Ratna shrr," while the two lesser lamas to his who sits raptly pouring water oblations as part of his ritual practice. The painting may look at first glance to be in a later Menri style. but it certainly is not close in its details to either the Eri or Tsangri .542 It possesses distinctive clouds and skies that may have descended (in part) from tl1e Kbyenri. The clouds in the sky are of a type not typically seen in Menri paintings. A series of yet another cloud type forms an elegant border for the throne-back of the main figure. The composition places its divine figures in a balanced way, though some asymmetry can be seen within the details of the landscape, such as near the two figures closest to the sk.-y. It depicts all three human figures (gurus) other than the central one in three-quarter profile.s.o The upper sky has a grayish base he was a Drigung layman master with the Chinese title wang, such as Dri 16.) Meanwhile the lama in the distant landscape to the right of his head nimbus is clearly the Karmapa. If the main figure were the outstanding rigdzin or Nyingma tantrika Rinchen PhUntshok, then it could be the Eighth Karmapa Mikyti Dorje, who visited Drigung and taught the succeeding abbot there for a year in 1536, after Rinchen PhUntshok resigned the abbacy and left to stmt life in an encampment (mgar), leading to the first founding ofYangri Gar.539 However, I could exclude that the main figure was Rinchen Phontshok. In the detail (Fig. 7.7b) I could read bits of the inscription under the main figure: " . .. khyab bdag 'khorlo 'i dbang phyug rig sngags .. .." Based on that incomplete name, Olaf Czaja was able to identify him as Rigpa Rangshar, a lama who died about 1713 or 1714 and whose biography (written in 1715) is preserved among Drigung Kagyu lineal lamas.>IO The main figure sits atop a very ornately rendered throne, whose twisting catfish-whiskered dragons are a small tour de force. The ritual table that would normally be placed before him has been moved out of the way and to the right of the throne base, standi ng before a brownish piece of earth, which has been left there somewhat inelegantly. A cluster of three sharp! y pointed mountains looms on the distant horizon above right, and tl1e lm1dscape between is broken up with mostly monochrome clouds a11d dramatic clusters of bluegreen rocks. One rocky crag stands prominently in front of the main figure's head nimbus, while another has been incorporated into the lm1dscape to the left of his throne base. I believe that this painting exemplifies a11 early phase of the Dri ri , the very proper right and left are Drigung Rigdzin Chtikyi Drakpa ( 1595-1659, Dri 25) and Ktinchok Trinle Zangpo (Dri 26) . These two lamas have been mentioned numerous times as patrons of art or highly skilled artists. The artistic activities of Konchok Trinle Zangpo in particular are described by Rase Ktinchok Gyatsho in his Drigung abbatial history, where he stressed that the emergence of the Dri ri style from the Khyenri was the result of this lama's having painted many thangkas himself and trained disciples in the art of painting. It is thus wonderful to find him personally represented here in this thangka. as its final (and historically most recent) lan1a.5'11 Figure 7.8 incorporates many interesting stylistic features and leads me to believe that it exemplifies the art current at Drigung in the late seventeenth a nd early eighteenth centuries. Jn other words, it may represent the early Drigung style associated with Konchok Trinle Zangpo a11d his circle. When examined closely, the painting evinces overall a high level of artistry and a wealth of interesting details, beginning with tl1e main figures ' exactly rendered hats a11d including the lions supporting the main throne, whose knees are the only things visible through the small square holes to the right and left. White mountain waterfalls (brag ri 'i rbab chu) descend prominently on either side of the landscape near the horizon, and a color and is fi lled with special flat-lying dentate clouds with borders and gaps painted with indigo. This painting seems to exemplify the period when Konchok Trinle Zan gpo (Dri 26) commissioned many paintings in this and similar styles. We find vari abi lity in the decorative elements such as landscapes. The coloring of cloud clusters is variable, and colors sometimes alternate from cluster to cluster. The cloud clusters that fringe the main figures number as many as eleven or thirteen. Each cluster can possess as many as three horizontal layers, though they lack the large dark "cloud-eye., holes of the Eri style. Another painting possibly of the early Driri phase is Figure 7.9, which portrays Rigdzin Chodrak surrounded by what seems to be a Drigung Kagyu lineage. This large painting was published in a Schoettle Tibetica sales catalog.544 The lamas were originally wrongly identified as of the Nyingma School. The main figure can be identified through the inscription: "b/a ma dbang bsgyur c/zos /;;yi grags pa." The catalog also mentions PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL I27 FIG. 7·8 12.8 CHAPTER 7 Drigung Jigten Sumgon with Two Lamas of Drigung 0 Province (or a Drigung monastery ourside of 0 Province), 1ibct; ca. early 18th century 6~ x 4 -!4 in. ( 17.1 x 12.1 em) Photograph by Bruce .\11. White Rubin Museum of Art C2006.66.555 (HAR 1034) literature: D. jackson 2012, fig. 3.27. F1C. 7·9 Rigdzin ChOdrak Drigung; 18rh cenrury 32 '/• x 21 '~ in. (83 x 55.5 em} Privare Collection Lirerarure: Schoenle libetica, no. 22 (February 7, 1973}, lot 7074; and D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, thangka no. 21. three minor lamas with inscriptions: ''Nam-mkha'i snying-po from gNubs. 'Jigs-med seng-ge and Guru Me-long . " rdo-rJC. Olaf Czaja suggested to me that this painting probably shows Rigdzin Chodrak surrounded by some of his former existences.54s Melong Dorje ( Me long rdo rje), for instance, was a pre-existence very important for him , and Jigme Senngge ("Jigs med seng ge) appears in his list of fom1er incarnations. (Czaja could not confirm Namkhe Nyingpo )Nam mkha' snying po] as a rebirth.) The line of kings depicted in the lower register presumably is also somehow connected with his previous lives. Several stylistic features link the portrait with the Driri style. For example. behind the main figure we find a series of fifteen clouds of similar shapes. all lacking dark holes. Their base colors alternate dark and light. Though no pointed mountains occur, a cluster of blue-green rocky crags stands prominently before the main figure. also fringed by clouds of the same Driri shape. but a ll white. The rocky crags have distinctive edges with repeated pairs of bumps, and they qualify as the distinctive Driri crags mentioned above. caves within the rocks.) The clouds around the gurus higher in the sky are of similar Driri types. while the upper sky is filled with strips of horizontal high clouds with some sharp points. and with a few dark gaps painted with indigo. I 2 (Note also the tiny meditation huts or 6 3 5 4 7 8 13 17? II 9 15? 14? 16? 10 18? 12 The structure of the lineage is as in Diagram [B I. PAINTINC TRADITIONS OF T>IE DRIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL I29 The seat of his throne is very unusual in its decorative ornate golden brocade motifs, which conti nue around the edge to the left. The right edge of the seat, however, breaks off sharply, and on that side we have almost a drawing in one-point perspective. Figure 7.10 is a thangka that possibly belongs to the early phase of the Driri. I photographed this much of it in the Leh Palace, Ladakh, in 1979. It portrays as its main figure a great master w ho bore the typical ly Nyingma title Great Rigdzin (Rig 'dzi n Chen po). For many years I believed he was Kathok Rigdzin Chenpo Tshewang Norbu (Kal) thoo Rio 'dzin Tshe dbang nor bu, e "' 1698- 1755), a master from the Nyingma monastery of Kathok in central Kham who visited Ladakh in the eighteenth century.546 But now I tend to think he is a Dri<>w1o Kaoyu lineal lama who flourc "' " ished in about the sixteenth century. When I first saw the painting in 1979, I did not know the Driri, and I took it to exemplify an unorthodox Karn1a Gardri painting style of Khan1. Closer examination of the clouds and mountains in the landscape. however, later led me to classify it in the Driri style.547 The main figure is backed by a mountain with three-pointed peaks. Its blue-green crags to the rioht and left are shown at a slant, c but otherwise seem to be of a Driri type. The three mountain peaks are fringed with a series of nine monochrome whitish clouds of the Driri shape. The base of the central main seat seems larger than usual, and its lions, instead of supporting it, sneak around. one showing its back instead of head or paws. At first glance we might expect this portrait to depict one of the great rigdzin (highly realized tantrika of Nyingma practices) associated with Drigung, such as Rigdzin Rinchen Phiintshok. Yet it does not agree with his iconography as lineal master. So who else might he be? Another "Great Riodzin" of Drioun!! circles of the "' c IJO CHAPTER - 7 sixteenth century was Dordrak Rigdzin Chenpo Lekden Dudjom Dorje (15121625). That prominent Nyingma teacher of the Changter ("Northern Treasure," Byang gter) tradition hailed from Mustang and was an eminent guru of none other than Rinchen Phiintshok. For lack of a better candidate, I thus suggest the main fioure was that eminent Nyingma "' rigd:in, who bad links to Drigung. (That lama is depicted quite differently as a minor figure in Fig. 8 .21, with a red pundi 1 hat and no beard.) 7.ro An Eminent Nyingma Rigdzin with Lineal Lamas Leh Palace, Ladakh; ca. 18th century Dimensions unknown Phorograph by D. Jackson, Leh, 1979 Literature: D. Jackson 2005, fig. 14 (wrongly labeled as fig. 13); and D. Jackson 2012, fig. 7.17. F JG. I. The Middle Period (circa early nineteemh cemury). a period associated with Tend::.in Chiikyi Gyaltshen and his official painter. Gadik Figure 7.11 exemplifies a more mature phase of the Driri s tyle than we have seen in the previous paintings in this chapter. It may represent the Middle Period (circa early nineteenth century). a period that Rase K()nchok G yatsho associated with Tendzin Ch()kyi Gyaltshen (Dri 3 1) and his official painter. Gadi k. The s ty! e here seems more fixed and its features well defined. The art conveys a clear, classical feeling. Th is was also the period of the "Two Gya ltshen s" (Dri 30 and 31). who were famed for pau·onizing many paintings and who actually appear in this thangka. During this period the number of clusters of clouds behind the maio figures is usually seven or nine. The cloud clusters are usually painted the same colorwithintheg~pofsevenm~ne clouds. Each cloud normally has two horizontal layers with regular scallops or crenellation. Figure 7.11 is a sacred image with a remarkable past. According to Binczik and Fischer the painting miraculously spoke to a high lama on at least one occasion.s-18 The three lamas in its sky are Jig ten Sumg()n. Peme Gyaltshen (to his proper right). and Chokyi Gyaltshen (to his proper left). Hence the painting must date to no earlier than the early nineteenth century. The fu ll names, titles, and dates of the Two Gyaltshens are: Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen, Fourth Chetsang ( 1770- 1826). and Tendzin Chokyi Gyaltshen. Fourth Chungtsang (1793- 1826 or 1840). The painting features wonderful Driri clouds (with some variation of colors from deity to deity. but not within the same cloud cluster. and all lack deep indentations). flan1es (incl uding a flame head nimbus). pointed mountains both above and below. and four vertically standing rectangular striations of blue-green rock-y crags. Note that the peaks of the higher cluster of mountains have sharper points, whi le those lower down in the landscape have a more typically Driri conical shape. The painting is very fine, and we find animals not only as vehicles ridden by the minor deities but also four different ones carefully rendered in the landscape as little decorative details. FIG. 7.11 Achi Chokyi Drolma Ph yang Monasmry, Ladakh; early 19th century Dimensions unknown 0 2014 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York I VG Bild-Kunsr, Bonn After A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 155, Achi Chokyi Drolma. Figure 7.12 depicts Padmasambhava in the form of Nangsi Silnon (Nang srid zil gnoo. which seems to mean PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DR I CUNC KACY U SCHOO L IJI 132. CHAPTER 7 and left of the great refuge tree have the typical Driri conical points. The clouds 3a 3c I 2 3b behind the central figure and the protectress Achi. bottom right. are typical 18 3d flat. monochrome Driri clouds. The lotus seat of the central figure has large pet- 4 6? 5 als and at the edges the last petal turns upward in a style distinctive to the Driri. The treatment of the elephants and lions 9 17 10 13 12 16 has chosen it as something to play 14 II in the base of the main throne is highly distinctive as well and subtle- the painter 15 around with and to bewilder the viewer. He seems to combine both lion and elephant in each square. I have extracted the historical lin- Fie. 7· u Padmas:unbhava with Episodes &om His Life Ca. 18th century 1H4 x 3Hi in. (40 x 79.5 em) Joachim Baader Gallery, Munich Published: Tibetan Art Calendar 2011, Wisdom, June. Amitabha was born, while episode 3a-3d depicts his benefitting living beings in eage of lamas (about thirty-two gurus) and numbered them in Diagram [D]. countless worlds (as Guru Padmasamb- None are labeled. Judging by the num- hava). Episode 6 is supposed to show ber of gurus. I estimate that the lineage comes down to the seventeenth century, the subjugation of Rudra by Hayagrrva with his consort (rTa phag). In any case. the Ganges River) and 18 (lndrabhOti supplicating the wish-granting jewel) are must be Rinchen Phiintshok). goddess-like attendants to his right and left and not his two usual consorts. He The painting exemplifies a high Driri style of about the late eighteenth is surrounded by eighteen or nineteen century. The lotus seats beneath the main episodes from his miracle-working prior figures are distinctive in shape with large three-lobed petals that are much larger than in Menri paintings. Its clouds vary (bKa' thang Shel brag ma) collection in base colors somewhat. but are rather that Orgyen Lingpa (0 rgyan Gling pa, b. 1323-ca. 1360) rediscovered at flat and always lack the typical Eri style dark "cloud-eye" holes. Many moun- Shedrak (She! brag).s-~9 This painting tains occur with pointed peaks, several is probably from a set of thangkas that combines the hundred eight chapters of on the horizon that more or less conform to the typical Driri conical shape. Two that rediscovered Testament of Pema mountains lower in the landscape (to the left of the central lake) ha,•e sti ll sharper with the Eight Manifestations of Guru Rinpochc (Gu ru mtshan brgyad) as main central figures.sso The stories seem to follow this peaks. The blue-green rocky crags appear four or five times in the landscape, in different variations, but seem order (as in Diagram (C)). Episode l. top right. clearly shows the pure land to be based on the Driri crag shapes. Figure 7.13 depicts Drigung J igten of Amit:ibha (a buddha who also sym- Sumgon within an assembly field of the bolizes here the Dharmakaya). a gold- Drigung Kagyu. It dates to about the eighteenth century. The three prominent roofed divine palace floating in the sl')'. Episode 2 shows how the emanation of laymen (one of whom haired festations of Existence"). with Indian existences, as told in the first eighteen chapters from the Testament of Pema rigd~i11 episodes 14 {his narrating the origin of very clearly depicted. so the others must fit between them:m ''Overwhelming All Possible Mani- at least. Gurus 22 and 24 are both long- mountains in the landscape to the right 2. Karma Gardri Patronage ofthe Mid-Nineteenth Century at Drigwzg During the third period of Drigung painting. the Karma Gardri style was commonly patronized at Drigung. This later period may have coincided partly with the time of a minority regent (1826-1832). when an eminenttulku from Kham named Lhotriil became head of Drigung while the next lama from the Chungtsang was just a child. After this brief regency, Lhotrlil returned to Kham, yet during and after it, two other trulku from Kham played crucial roles. Nyidzong Trichen Rigdzin Lotro Gyaltshen ( Nyin rdzong Khri chen Rig 'dzin blo gros rgyal mtshan) was nan1ed official tutor and Garchen Changchup Wangpo (mGar chen Byang chub dbang po) was appointed to receive the wealth of the late Chungtsang Rinpoche. though they are not to be counted as actual throneholders. as was erroneously stated in one history of the Drigung Kagyu.551 PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL 133 6 4 2 23 21 19 17 15 13 11 9 31 29 27 25 IJ4 CHAPTER 7 I 8? 3 5 7 10 12 14 16 18 20 22 24 26 28 30 32 f iG. 7.13 Drigung Jigren Sumgon in a Driguog Assembly Field Tibet, possibly Ladakh; ca. 18th century 30 Vs x 43 '!4 in. {76.5 x 111 em) Joachim Baader Gallery, Munich Published: 1ibetan Art Calendar 2010, Wisdom, February. Fi!rufe 7 .16, wh ich also depicts " the Padmapl!Qi Assembly Field of the Dri ouno Kagyu. is another possible " " of "the Kar exa mp le ma Kagyu phase. Thi s refuge tree . too. has the sam e unu s ual three-part arrange me nt as Figure 7 .15. Tho ugh the available photograph is very poor. I present it here to sho w ano the r possible way of colori ng the sky and landscape, with Kar ma Gardri-like soft oolden brown tones in the sky abo ve the pointed-mountain-defined horizon. Its clouds see m to be of the usual Driri sha pes but are hard to ma ke out exactly. The pai ntin g is only kno wn from its publication in a Schoettle Asiatica catalog.556 Sin ce the sky looks eastern Tibetan. it was described as from "east Tibet, eighteenth cen tury :· It is probably from the nineteenth century and it is impossible for me to say whether it is in a hybrid Driri-Gadri sty le or is trUe Kha m art. painted for a Dri gung Kagyu patron by an arti st from Kha m. Figure 7.1 7 depicts Achi Cht>kyi Dr6l ma as its ma in figure. wit h a Dri aun o hioh lam a at the top left .Ac hi's " " presence ma rks this painting as Drigun g Kagyu. Th e painting is a stun nin g wo rk of art, but styl isticall y it is worlds apart from the Driri. (Th e head nimbuses are mu ch larger than normal.) Indeed. it may have been painted in Kham by a Kh amp a painter. Note the clear bac karo und of mu ch of the landscape and the " t. tran slucent sky with ligh faint indigo back-painting behind clo uds . The painting see ms to date to about the nineteenth century. No te also the Kham Me nsa r bod y nim bus of Padmasambhava. at top in the middle. Un der no rmal circumstances , I wo uld classify it as a Gar dri/ Kham Mensar hybrid style of northwestern Kha m. Bu t it is also a possible cas e of patrOnage of Kar ma Gardri painting of the ninetee nth century as was prominently mentioned by Rase Kt>nchok Gyatsho. I at first considered Figure 7.1 8, wh ich is from the Rubin Museum, to .. Ftc. 7.14 Tha ngt ong Gya lpo Mu ral, Pclme Gon , Nangchen; ca. I 8th cenrury Pho tog rap h by Andreas Gruschke After Andreas Grusch ke 200 4b, picture no.1 88. Figure 7.1 4 sho ws the strikingly different style used in murals of a Drigung Kagyu monastery in Nangchen, Pal me Gt>n.ill Such distinctive local Kan na Gardri styles of northern Kham have no t been found among available Dri gung Kag yu thangka paintings. The flamboyant treatment of mountain s and clouds is worlds awa y from the Driri . So what kind of Kham styles made their presence felt? I thought at first that Figure s 7.1 5 and 7.1 6 cou ld be examples of that Karma G ardri phase. both being slightly different treatments of the sam e iconogra phic subject. Both depict a Drigung Kagyu ass em bly field (Ishogs :l1i11g) with the bodhisattva Padmapat)i as cen tral figure, with the two Tantric deities in the sky above: Jampal Sangden and Rigdu Jam pal. A worshiping practitioner (slidhaka) in the low er right sits holding a oolden mandala (sym bolic offering), " while thirteen goddesses stand at the base of the tree or dance in groups: eight OfTer ino ooddesses and five god des ses wh o ma ke offerings to the five senses, eac h symbolized by a special object. The deities Bra hm a and lndra flank the stem. Th e painting was published by Essen a nd Thi ngo ,55< wh o dated it to the eighte enth cen tury. say ing it was from Tib et, but not specifying its Dri gun g Kagyu orig in. It was previously published in the Schneelt>we Tha ngk a-Kalend er for July 1980 (Hamburg: Papyrus Verlag) . text by G.- W. Essen.s.ss Thi s rcfuoe tree is unusual fo r the " three-part arrangement of its branches. Its clo uds and mo untains have sha pes reminiscent of Driri one s and certainly are not those of the other better kno wn painting sch ools. Note the clu ster of flat monoc hrome clouds behind the ma in tree. The sam e tree lea f is found as in most Driri assembly fields. Th e decorative patterns painted wit h faint indi go in the sky (highlighted with gol d) are otherwise rare. The three circular see thro ugh golden rai nbow bands aro und eac h of the major groups of figures in the tree are also special , creating a sense of lucidity and openness reminiscent of Karma Gardri painting. So I consider this an excellent hybrid Driri paintin a with som e Ka nna Gardri elem ents. " thouoh not a true commission in the " Kan na Gardri. .. "" PAI NTI NG TRA DIT I ONS OF THE DRI GUN G KAG Y U SCH OOL 135 FIG.].I6 Padmapllni Refuge Tree 19rh cenrury 20% x 15 in. (53 x 38 em) Privare Collecllon Lirerarure: Schoenle Osrasiatica, Joachim Baader, no. 1-82, Stuttgan, Germany, paiming no. 3, "Ba um des kostbaren Jewels;" and D. Jackson 2002, appendix, thangka no. 20. Frc. 7· 17 Achi Chokyi Drolma Ca. 18th or 19rh century 15\4 x 11 ~in. (38.8 x 28.3 em) John and Berrhe Ford Collection, promised gift ro the Walters Art Museum (HAR 73896) 7-IS Padmaplll}i Refuge Tree 19d1 century 22 x 15% in. (56 x 40.5 em) Essen Collection, Museum der Kulruren, Basel 0 Museum der Kulruren Basel, Switzerland Literarure: Schneelowe Thangka-Kalender, July, 1980 (Hamburg, Papyrus Verlag), text G.-W. Essen; G.-W. Essen and T. Thingo 1989, p. 243f., 1-151; and D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, thangka no. 19. FIG. I J6 CHAPTER 7 PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNC KACYU SCHOOL 137 be a possible instance of Kham art of the Drigung Kagyu from the nineteenth century. It depicts Padmasambhava with deities that include Drigung Kagyu protectors below him and a guru lineage painted in an unusual style. Though it must be Drigu ng Kagyu art, it is definitely not in either the Driri or Karma Gardri style. It turns out to be in a New Menri style of Kham. Which lineage or lineages are shown? The three clusters of gurus represent three different teaching lineages. The gurus above the central figure are distinctive: two are white-cotton robewearing repa (ras pa) yogis , and the monk among this trio wears a gomsha of a special type. AII hats are portrayed viewed directly from the front- unlike the usual Driri three-quarter-view gomslw. The three are probably Rechungpa. Milarepa, and Gampopa, the same trio as in Tibetan Painted Scrolls. figures 40-41 ,mas discussed above in chapt er 2 (Fig. 2.1 ). The guru triad to the right consists of three Nyingma originators of the tradition. The three at the top left wear Drigung Kagyu gomsha, and I assume they are three Drigung masters who played a big role in establishing Nyingma traditions at Drlgung in the sixteenth century, such as (Drl 18) Gyalwano Rinchen Pbtintshok and two of his " most eminent successors. The main indication of the painting's Kham provenance is the seethrough rainbow-edged body nimbus around the main figure. which leaves the backoround flowe rs visible in the " gap and thus incorporates this Karma Gardri feature into a basically Kham New Menri treatrnent.558 The main figure's head nimbus is dull blue. The sky is blue-gray. The cloud s are somewhat flatter than usual in the Menri. and no prominent dark cloud holes are seen. Driri-style crags and separate conical mountain peaks are absent. Several small birds and animals appear in the landscape. including a tiger that plays 138 CHAP TER 7 partly hidden under a golden tree in the grove to the right. Four-handed Mahakala (Phyag bzhi pa) and Achi (A phyi) both appear prominently at the sides of Padmasambhava·s throne as Drigung Kagyu protectors. The bottom half of the landscape is filled with a red sea of blood. Several dogs of various colors and appearances prowl around below, near minor protec tive deities. The painting also possesses a sinole bio red hand-print on its back. ., " 3. The LAte Driri Period (circa late Nineteenth to et1rly Twentieth Centu ry) Figure 7.19 depicts Padmasambhava with a refuge tree as transmitted in the Drigung Kagyu.~ It embodies a late phase of the Driri that flourished at Drigung in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. the time of the thirty-sixth abbot , Shiway Lotro and his renowned secretary/painter. Barwa. The present painting may have preceded them by one generation. In it I sense that the painter still adhered to the formulas and forms but as a relatively uninspired repetition of old formulas. At least some painters in the style had reached such a stage by about the abbacy of Dri 35. as witnessed by this painting. Was this a Ladakhi provincial style? No doubt the later Driri style as carefully practiced by Barwa and other artists working for the high lama' s entourage was much finer. The depiction of clouds in Figure 7.19 seems much more stylized than in the period of the Two Gyaltshens (cf. Fig. 7 .II). We still find monochrome flat clusters. The crene llation in the outer, upper edge of the clouds is achieved by a series of dark indigo dots placed at the bottom of the gap between each small lobe. An element shaped like a thumbtack repeats itself. with a prominent dark circle like a thumbtack's head accompanied by a thin projection. (The •·points" of each tack point downward.) Ftc. 7.1 8 Padma53mbhava with Deities and Lineage Kham; I 9th century 25 x 17 in. (63.5 x 43.2 em) Rubin Museum of Art C2006 .66.40 4 (HAR 849) The painting's landscape details at the bottom feature five golden orbs containin g deities (somewhat like two Lhathok ones).560 Also note the eyebrows of small lineal lamas that project out into the head nimbu ses. Although admittedly not in a typical 0 Province Menri style, it is also not ·'Eastern Tibet an;· as Rhie and Thurman supposed.561 Note the shaded outer edges of the clouds and the regular bumps on the vertical striations of the rocks. Though Marylin Rhie called the painting ·'non-sectarian:· according to the Drigung Kagyu master Garchen Rinpoche. it shows a refuge tree for Yangzab (dGon gs pa yang zab) practice from a Rinchen Phtintshok Ierma tradition of HayagriVa practiced an1ong the Drigung Kagyu. The buildings shown at the bottom are, to the right, Drigung The! and. to the left. a place associated with Rinchen Phtintshok ( 1509- 1557), the discoverer of that Ierma. At bottom right is an inscription in gold: tslmb plw [sicj kar IIUJ pa. Bottom left: tshub plw [mtslwr plw] rgyal tshab. (The Karma Kagyu content of these inscriptions make s me think they are later erroneous add itions.) Rase Konc hok Gyatsho said that the lower half shows Drigung Monastery and on the left edge of the painting Terdrom (gTer sgrom) with the cave in which the tertiin revealed the hidden text of the lineage depicted in this thangka.562 The presence of the protector-goddess Achi also further identifies this undisputedly as a Drigung Kagyu lineage. The thangka was commissioned in the late nineteenth or early twentieth century by a student of Chokyi Lotro (Chos kyi blo gros. 1868-1906). thirty-fifth PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DR I CUNC KACY U SC HOOL IJ9 fiG. 7.19 Padmasambhava wirb Refuge Tree Drigung or Ladakh; ]are 19rh or early 20th cenrury 20~ x 14 in. (52 x 35.5 em) Rubin Musewn of An C2006.66.266 (HAR 413) l irerarure: M. Rhie and R. Thurman 1999, p. 476f; and D. Jackson 2002, appendix, thaogka no. 14. abbot, who is the final lineage guru depicted. (The lama shown to the extreme left of the last line is labeled Chos kyi blo gros phrin las.) The order of lineage gurus is charted in Diagram [E). 1. unclear [=Kun bzang rOo rje 'chang chen] 2 . Padma thod 'phreng 3. [=Lha sras Mu tig btsan po] 4 . sNa tshogs rang grol [= Rin chen phun tshogs?] 5. ? [bKra shis phun tshogs or Chos rgyal phun tshogs) 6. Padma' i mtshan can [= the one named "Padma"] 7 . dKon mchog ratna [rGyal dbang dKon mchog rin chen, 1590-1654, the First Chetsang, 1591- 1654] (Dri 24) 8. Chos grags (Rig 'dzin Chos kyi grags pa. 1595-1659) (Dri 25) 9. ' Phrin las mam rgyal 10. ' Phrin las bzang po (=dKon mchog ·phrin las bzang po, 165617 18?) (Dri 26) 14 dl 12 18 16 4 10 8 2 6 I 3 7 5 9 II . Don grub chos rgyal ( 1704-1754) (Dri 27) 12 . bsTan 'dzin 'gro 'dul (1724-1766) d2 II 13 15 17 19 (Dri 28) 13. Dharma [Chos kyi .. .?] 14. Chos kyi (nyi rna?) (=dKon mchog bstan 'dzin chos kyi nyi ma. 1755-1792?) (Dri 29) 15. Pad ... [ma'i rgyal mtshan] (Dri 30) 16 . Chos kyi rgyal mchog (=Jan1yang Chos kyi rgyal mtshan? Dri 31) 17 . Khri chen (= The Regent) (Dri 32) 140 CHAPTER 7 in this thangka show that the LaksmT School was transmitted by monks of the Jonang pa school who survived in the border regions of the northeast [i .e., Amdo]." But on the basis of the typical Drigung gomsha worn by the last seven lan1as, and a few key stylistic features. I would identify it as Drigung Kagyu art. One of the few stylistically distinct features is the fringe of clumpy Dri.ri clouds behind the main figure, though the clouds have much more shading than usual. (See Fig. 7 .2 1.) Another clue is the two conical mountains-one on either side of the landscape behind the standing bodhisattvas to the right and left of the main figure. The order of lineal gurus is shown in Diagram [F] . Guru number 29 in the diagram is Kathok Rigdzin Tshewang Norbu ( 1698-1755), wearing a rigd:in hat. He is ten lineal generations before guru munber 39, so on that basis alone we might estimate the lineage continues until quite late, down to the twentieth century. This is not a typical transmission of the Drigung Kagyu. Who were the latest few gurus? (Only the final seven lamas wear typical Drigung gomsha.) The last eleven names I could read with help from Tanaka, who kindly shared his unpublished notes: F IG. 7.20 Eleven-faced TI10usand-armed Avalokiresvara in Bhiksui)T Laksml"s tradition 1906- 1943 24 % 18 ~in. (63.3x 47.0 em) Counesy of the Hahn Cultural Foundation Literature: K. Tanaka 2003, fig. 67. 18. Chos kyi blo gros phrin las ( 1868- 1906) (Dri 3 5?) 19. Chos nyid nor bu ( 1827- 1865) [out of order] (Dri 33) The beginning of the lineage was clari fied by Olaf Czaja, who also located the relevant supplication prayer to the guru lineage.563 Though Figure 7.20 clearly depicts Eleven-faced Thousand-armed traAvalokitesvara in BhiksunT . . LaksmT's . dition, the thangka's origin is not obvious. Kimiaki Tanaka in his fourth Hahn Foundation catalog understandably had trouble identifying its lineage and provenance, saying:56-1 'The lamas depicted 29. Tshe dbang nor bu 30. Phrin las sbi ng rta 31 . Cbos kyi 'byung gnas (Si tu Pa1.1 chen) 32. Tshe dbang klm khyab ('Be Lo tsa ba) 33 . Chos dpal bzang po 34. Padma'i rgyal mtshan 35. Chos dbyings lhun grub 36. Chos nyid nor bu 37. mKhan bsTan pa' i rgyal mtshan 38. rJe Chos kyi blo gros (Dri 35) 39. rJe Zhi ba 'i blo gros (Dri 36), tenure 1906-1943 The practice of Eleven-faced Thousand-armed Avalokitdvara in PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL 141 F IG. 7.2.1 Detail of Fig. 7.20 Bhi4Ul)I Lak~ml's tradition was fairly widespread in Tibet, and hence I could trace the beginning of the lineage in several of the standard records of teachings received (thob yig). I found, for instance, the first ten or twelve lamas listed in the Fifth Dalai Lama's record of teachings received . There we find the lineage for the initiation of Eleven-faced Avalokite§vara in that tradition and the reading transmission for its liturgies composed by the sixteenth century of Ngor Monastery, Ngorchen Konchok Lhtindrup (Ngor chen dKon mchog I hun grub, 1497- 1557): 565 I . ' Phags pa Thugs rje chen po 2 . dGe slong ma dPal mo (Bhik~u!JI ~mT) 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Pandi ta Tsandra kuma ra PaQc:li ta Shrf dznya na bha dra Bal po PaQc:li taPe nya ba Byang sems Zla ba rgyal mtshan Grub thob Nyi phug pa Chos grags 8 . sPru pa rOo rje rgyal po (The 142 CHAPTER 7 10 22 30 36 8 20 28 34 6 18 26 32 4 16 24 2 14 ~ I 12 38 source note here that in the linea oe 0 records of Ngorchen and Gongkar Dorje Denpa the san1e master is called Sm pa.) 9. Zhang ston dGra 'jigs 10. mKhan chen rTsa 'Dul ba Thugs rje byang chub II. mKhan chen bDe ba can pa 12. Byang sems Chu bzang pa Byang chub ' bar 13. Rin po che Shes rab 'bum 14. rGyal sras Thogs med bzang po dpal 15. Gm b chen Buddha shrl 16. rOo rJ·e 'chano Kun doa' bzano0 po "' 0 (The lineage continues from Ngorchen and Mtichen to the Fifth Dalai Lama or "Zahor Bande.")-166 .} 13 15 5 17 25 7 19 27 33 9 21 29 35 39 II 23 31 37 The painting certainly warrants future comparisons with the murals of the Chenrezik Lhakhang of Lan1ayuru (dating to the 1860s and 1870s), whose main deity after all is Avalokite5vara of this type. (Cf. Figs. 9.6 and 9.7.) Those murals are a few generations earlier and display a completely different painting style. It is difficult to say where this thangka came from; based on its style I would say it does not fall into any of the usual groups known to me. But thanks to its lineage it certai nly can be counted as Drigung Kagyu art. A DouBTFUL CAsE Figure 7.22 portrays Vajradhara within his pure land. surrounded by deities and a lineage. Though according to its HAR entry it depicts a "Refuge Field .. of the Drigung Kagyu, neither its iconography nor style point conclusively to its religious school of origin. The entry for HAR 781 adds: ..At the top center arranged on billowing clouds are Yajradhara with the mahasiddhas Tilopa and Naropa at the right and left. followed by the Tibetan translator Marpa. the yogi Milarepa, the doctor and monk Gampopa, Phagmotrupa (former student of Sachen Kunga Nyingpo) and two additional figures in the line of Phagmotrupa.'' [HAR entry dated November 2000]. The entry concludes with this numbered lineage, the last four gurus being: (6) Garnpopa. (7) Phagmotrupa. (8) Tsangpa Gyare. and (9) (unidentified). If guru number 8 really is Tsangpa Gyare. then this must be a Drukpa lineage. However, I fail to find here the typical Drukpa iconography of Tsangpa Gyare or his guru Ling Repa. The lama who should be Jigten Sumgon in the lineage scents to have a third eye on his forehead and has very white skin. The painter has used jewels very prominendy as decorative elements in the architecture. Note the special style of gilt roof with open woodwork (prominently featuring decorative j ewels.) The painting's lan1a-sponsor (sadhaka) is seated with a retinue of followers. All in all. it cannot be confim1ed to be a work of Drigung Kagyu art: indeed, it may actually be Drulq>a Kagyu art from Kham. Frc. 7.22. Vajradhara wi[h Dei[ies and Lineage 19m cenrury 26 x 1 8~ in. (66.0 x 47.0 em) Rubin Museum of Art C2006.66.J52 (HAR 781) T HREE GOLDEN THANGKAS l could locate three golden thangkas that are lin ked to the Drigu ng Kagyu. One of them. Figure 7.23, depicts Padmasambhava wid1 an assembly field, painted with washes of color over a soft golden PAINTING TRAOITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KAGYU SC HOOL 143 FIG. 7·23 Golden Thangka of Padmasambhava wirh Assembly Field 18rh or 19rb century 16\1,6 x 1H'8 in. (41 x 29 em) Courresy of rhe Hahn Cultural Foundarion Lirerarure: K. Tanaka 1997, no. 14. background. The painting is preserved in the Hahn Museum, Korea, and Kimiaki Tanaka in his first Hahn Foundation catalog described it as a tshokshing (assembly field) of the Nyingma School, though noticing its difference from the assembly field of the better-known Longchen Nyingthik (Klang chen nying thig) tradition of the Nyingma.;o;7 Approximately twenty-one gurus are shown. Their arrangement is shown in Diagram [G]. Surely the painting is Drigung Kagyu art. Note the Kagyu gomsha worn by practically all the lineal lamas, beginning with guru 5. All but one (guru 9) are shown in relief (some of the front tips of their hats reach the border of the head nimbus). The clouds are not distinctively Driri- indeed they resemble the usual clouds of the Menri (though without the deeply shaded cloud-eyes of the Eri.) 1 14 16 18 20 144 CHAPTER 7 7 12 2 5 10 3 4 9 6 II 8 13 15 17 19 21 One type of tree leaf predominates here. We also find it in many other assembly-field thangkas of the Drigung Kagyu. But here we also find large clusters of triple jewels placed here and there among the leaves. Two Drigung-type mountains are present, and a single cluster of jewels pops up in the landscape in the bottom right. Two lions seem to have forgotten their job of supporting the central seat and lunge forward, looking at each other, their paws already clearing the edge of the throne base. The next two examples of golden thangkas, Figures 7.24 and 7 .25, are both preserved at Phyang Monastery in central Ladakh. The first portrays Maiijusrf with four lineage lamas of the Drigung Kagyu all wearing gomsha. 0 f iG. 7.24 Golden Tha ngka of Maiijusrr Ca. 1 hh or 18th cenrury Dimensions unknown Now in Ph yang Monastery, Ladakh After Acl!rya Ngawang Sanuen 1986 © 2014 Arrisrs Rights Society (ARS), New York I VG Bild-Kwm, Bonn Literature: Aclirya Ngawang Samren 1986, p. 16; A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 223; a nd D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, rhangka no. 8. PAINT I NG TRAD I TIONS OF THE OR I GUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 145 FIG. 7-~5 Golden Thangka of Vajrasarrva Ca. 17th or 18th cenrury Now in Phyang M onasrery, Ladakh Dimensions unknown © 2014 Artists Righrs Sociery (ARS), New York I VG Bi ld-Kunst, Bonn After A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002 Uterature: Acarya Ngawang Samten 1986, p. 18; A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 223; and D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, thangka no. 9. 146 CHAPTER 7 Ftc. 7.26 Kanaka\'arsa the Arhat &om a Drigung Kagyu Set Late 19th or early 20th century 153;.\ x lllA in. (40 x 30 em) Pri\'ate Collection The dimensions of both thangkas are unknown. Both paintings were explicitly identified as in the Drigung style ('Bri bris) by Ngawang Samten in his exhibition catalog of 1986.568 But the fact that their background is solid gold makes this stylistic judgment difficult to confirm, since the usual comparisons with landscapes in ful l-color palettes are impossible here. One hint of the presence of an lmusual style in the painting is the special treatment gi,.en to the pair of lions at the base of the main throne - which is the same in both paintings. The lions seem to no longer support the throne base; they lurk in the foreground to the right and left of the central cluster of auspicious objects or offerings that partly conceal them.A little child appears as if popping up through a miraculous birth within a lotus.569 The lion on the ri ght turns to look up at the main deity above, whi le the one on the left seems to stare straight ahead at the viewer. Figure 7.25 depicts a golden thangka with Vajrasattva as its main figure and four accompanying Kagyu lamas as minor figures. Though in the thangka depicting Maiijusrr all four lamas look like they are from the Drigung Kagyu, here the upper-left lama wears the black hat of the Karmapa and the one to his right wears a red hat resembling that of the Shamar Trulku. The long-haired lama to bottom left wears a rigd:in hat and holds a long-life vase in his hand, while the lama to his right wears a Drigung (or Drukpa) gomsha. Though heavil y bearded (like Shabdrung Ngawang Namgyal) the fourth has no other similarities with the great southern Drukpa founder. Instead, I suppose he is a recent learned lama of the Dri gung Ftc.7.27 Ajita the Arhat from a Drigung Kagyu Set Late 19th or early 20th century 153;.\ x 113;.\ in. (40 x 30 em) Pri\'ate Collection (holding a book on his lap) who had a long full beard. He may be the disciple of the third lama, who possibly was an eminent Drigung lan1a of the rigd:in (Jay tantrika) type. As in the previous painting, a young child appears within the lotus flower that grows before the central throne 's base. The child presses its palms together as if paying respect to the main figure. A LATE SET OF SIXTEEN ARHATS To conclude this chapter, I present a stylistically distinct set of the S ixteen Arhats that probably dates to the late phase of the Driri, i.e., to the late nineteenth or early twentieth century. Its PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 147 F1c. 7.2.8 Va nav~si n the Arb at from a Drigu ng Kagyu Set late 19th or early 20rh cenrur y 15.)4 x 11.)4 in. (40 x 30 em) Privat e Collec tion style is naive , with simplified and stylized versions of the Dri ri landscape elements. Could it be recem Ladakhi art? Here we seem to have arrived at a stage of late naive provincialism. Still, the series is useful as a source of simpl e later restatements of the classic Driri elements that by then had become compulsory parts of this artist's repertoire. With artistic naivete there sometimes come s simplicity, leading to clarity. One of the charm s of the set is the presence of vignettes in each Iandscape depicting famous monasteries or pilgrimage sites of central Tibet, though their labels are terrib ly misspelled. Amon g the ten paintings accessible to me through photographs. I have selected the six with the most telling clouds. mountains, and crags. Figure 7.26 portrays as its main 148 CHAP TER 7 figure Arhat Kanakavarsa (gSer be'u) .SlO Also depicted arc three buddhas above and Samy e Monastery (bSam yas. wrongly spelled bSam yos) in the landscape below. In this set all the paintings of accent the crenellation of the ed<>es e their Driri-style clouds through dark blue "thum btack " dots spaced at even intervals along the outer edges (wi th points pointing into the clouds). ln this painting we find them in every cloud of its seven-cloud fringe behind the main figure, as well as in the three small er ones in the sky. The painting otherwise lacks pointed mountains and has only one simplified patch of rocky crags to the right of its main figure. Figure 7.27 depicts the Arhat Ajita (Ma pham pa) in the same late Drigung Kagyu set.571 The painting also depicts three buddhas in the sky and in the landscape at the bottom. Gyantse (rGyal rtse) monastic complex (wrongly spelled water-damaoed ' the rGyang tsi). Tbou!!.h ~ painting is worth presenting as an exam ple of a large field of simplified Driri blue-green crags behind the main figure. .. F1c. 7.2.9 Rllhulo the Arhat from a DrigLtng Kagyu Set Lare 19th or early 20th cenrur y 15 .)4 x 11 .)4 in. (40 x 30 em) Privat e CoUecrion Figure 7.28 depicts Vanavasi n (Nags na gnas) as another of the Sixteen Arbats in the same set.572 It depicts two buddbas in the sky above him and "Tsechoklir" (Tse mchog gling) and "Dzongtshen" (rDzong btsan). two monasteries of Drib (Grib) district. in the water landscape below him .573 Thou oh e damaged in places. it exemplifies Driri clouds in a nine-cloud fringe behind the main figure. Behind that stands a cluste r of conically pointed snow-capped mountain peaks and green mountains (five peaks in al l). Behind the central peak is a five-cloud fringe of clouds. in this case with alternating base colors. here barely visibl e because of water damage. To the right and left of the main figure are two streams or small lakes. Above one lake stands a blue-green rocky crag shaped like a dragon head, FIG. 7.30 Panr:haka rhc Arhat from a Drigung Kagyu Set Late 19r:h or earl)• 20r:h cenrury 15 ~ x 11 ~ in. (40 x 30 em) Private Collection with a stream flowing down from its mouth. This is an example of forms of real objec ts that occur in nature (rang byung khams J..yi dngos brnycm). which are hidden by the painter in the landscape. Such forms of animals or auspicious objects are typically hidden by a painter within the landscape in the depictions of rocks or clouds.574 Below een of blue-!!T the main figure is a frinoe 0 .. crags above a rectangular s trip of vertically striated bare brown stony cliffs. Figure 7.29 portrays Rahula as yet another arhat from the same set.575 The painting also depicts three buddhas above and Lhasa's Jokhang (Tsuklakkhang) Temple (wrongly spelled ··gTsob lags gang') in the landscape. Behind the main figure floats a seven-cloud fringe. if you count the central cloud, which extends upward to surrow1d the central buddha in the sky. The landscape contains three outcrops of blue-green craggy rocks, upon which grow small trees or bushes with oval shapes. Figure 7 30 depicts Panthaka as Kaoyu an arhat from the same Driouno b 0 b set.>'6 It also shows three buddhas above and possibly Tashilhunpo Monastery (bKra shis Ihun po) (wrongly spelled bKra shig no bu) in the landscape. The landscape includes clouds that have two different base colors. the only instance of that in this set. The nine-cloud frinoe 0 behind the central figure is colored faint greenish blue (i ts central lobe reachino0 up to enclose the buddha above), while the clouds in the sl.:y are the usual faint bluish white. In the lake to the left floats a makara (sea monste r) head, while the blue-gre en rocky crag above it is also painted to resemb le a monstrous animal's head, another naturally occurring form hidden within a landscape. Figure 7 31 portrays VirO~a as one of the Four Great Guardian Kinos set of Kaoyu from the same late Driouno 0 0 .. Sixteen Arhats.m (The guardian k:ing 's .. Ftc. 7·31 Virop1llqa as One of rhe Four Grear Guardia n Kings in a Drigung Arhat Sec Lace 19rh or early 20r:h century 15~ x 11 ~ in. (40 x30cm) Private Collection name is phonetically misspelled -cing me sang·· in the label.) It also depicts three lamas above (two wearino0 Driouno .... gomsha) and two minor deities to the right and left: Four-armed Gane~ and Four-armed Avalokitesvara? Below in the landscape we find portrayed a monastery called "Zangdi Khama·• (which is phonetically spelled Zang 'di kha ma). The base colors of the most prominent clouds (including a seven-lobed cloud cluster behind the main figure) arc the usual faint bluish white. (The middle cloud also encloses the central eouru in the sky.) But the clouds clusters behind the bodhisattvas to the main figure ·s right and left are a faint purplish-mauve pastel. PAINTIN G TRADIT IONS OF THE DRICUN G KAGY U SC HOOL 149 Paintings ofSemiwrathful and Wrathful Main Deities IN THIS CHAPTER we remain in the same period of Drigung Kagyu painting as the previous chapter, approJtimately the 1640s to the 1950s. But I investigate painti.ngs with different types of main deities: semi wrathful and wrathful. Each of those main deity types - Tantric yidam and wrathful protectors- had its own distinctive fringe of body nimbus or flames. KEY CHARACTERISTICS OF FLAMES AND NIMBUSES Jigten Sumgon stressed the importance of depicting carefully and properly the details of paintings with Tantric charnel ground imagery. He specified, for instance. that clouds should have rain showers and thunder, while depictions of fires (me ri, which I correct to read: me ris) should all be painted (with flames?) "arranged to the right."578 (I do not know what that meant in his time, if not that the entire mass of flames blows or leans to one side, the right.) So we must keep our eyes open for special conventions, even in art of later periods that are treated in this chapter. Indeed, we should eJtpect to find differences when we compare Dri ri body nimbuses and flames with those depicted behind similar semiwrathful or wrathful deities painted in other painting traditions. Professor Mathias Driesch noted flames and complicated nimbuses as typical features of the Driri. Such features mainly occur in paintings that portray non-peaceful figures as main deities. Detail of Fig. 8.19 One relevant characteristic he mentioned was double body aureoles around minor figures of semi wrathful deities. Other traditions painted standing Tantric tutelary deities such as Cakrasamvara surrounded by a ring of flame . Figure 8 .1 shows a ri.ng of fire around standing Cakrasanwara as depicted by the Karma Gardri painter Gega Lama. (Similar flames are also seen around minor semi wrathful tutelary deities in Fig. 7.22 [HAR 781], which is Drukpa Kagyu art of Kham.) The Driri painters, by contrast, had their own way of ringing semiwrathful deities - compound body aureoles that included a prominent outer golden strip of vegetal scrollwork. One of the eight possible scrollwork types found in the art manual of Konchok Tendzin is flame scrollwork (me ris pa tra) .579 (See Fig. 8.2.) Various other line patterns were also available to artists (see Fig. 8.3) . By contrast, around standing yidam deities the Driri artists employed nimbuses filled with vegetal scroUwork. Figure 8.4 illustrates simple vegetal volutes called "mansion scrollwork" (ba gam Another prominent feature of semi wrathful (and wrathful) deities in the Driri style noticed by Professor Driesch were downward-pointing lotus petals appearing in single series of petals beneath main deities that were larger and broader than normal. When the points of the petals face downward. each petal has an unusually broad, flattened heart shape (though without any indentation in the middle as a normal heart shape would have). What this refers to is the practice of depicting lotus seats with petals approJtimately one-fifth the width of the solar disc upon which the Tantric deities stood. (The more usual practice for peaceful deities was to paint each petal about oneseventh the width of that disc, as we see in Figure 8.1.) The last petals to the far right and left were also sometimes laid flat or twisted around in distinctive ways. The use of oversize lotus petals and the tradition of twisting the final ones may have come to the Driri through Khyenri artists. Figure 8.6 illustrates a seventeenth-century thangka with such lotus petals. (See also Fig. 7.1.) pa tra). A number of more complicated vegetal scrollwork patterns could also be employed by Driri artists. (See Fig. 8.5.) As we saw in Figure 7 .8, the scrollwork used in the Driri in a body nimbus around standing Cakrasamvara was a more distinctively vegetal type. We have no problem finding in the following two or three thangka special ornate golden rings of volutes prominently framing the main standing semi wrathful deities. SEMIWRATHFUL DEITIES PAINTED WITH A FuLL-COLOR PALETTE Let us consider, in general, paintings that portray semiwrathful (::.hi ma khro) deities as their central figure. 580 With them, we reach a more neutral iconographic zone, which changed the mood and appearance of surrounding landscapes. As an iconometric class, tutelary PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL I5I Frc. 8.1 Cakrasamvara with surrounding fire nimbus (Karma Gardri school) Afrer Gega Lama 1983, vol. 1, p. 163. 8.2. Flame scrollwork After Konchok Tendzin 1994, Fig. 96. FTC. called wrathful buddhas (sangs rgyas khro bo) or deities that were "Angered like a Seer" (drang srong ltar khros pa); they were considered Sambhogakaya buddhas.581 Another term for such minor anger or irritation was "angered in mind only" (vid tsam khros pa), which implies Frc. 8.; Va rious flame parterns suitable for body nimbuses After Khreng Hra'o-khrun et al. 2008, p. 16. a fairly placid exterior. Paintings depicting this semiwrathful class as its main deity may help us find a useful common ground (with FIG. 8.4 Simple veger:al scrollwork Afrer Konchok Tendzin 1994, fig. 97. shared stylistic traits) between the truly peaceful (zlli ba) and truly wrathful (khro bo), or even the extremely wrathful (shin hi khro bo). Tibetan painting F1c.8. 5 Various vegetal scrollwork patterns suirable for body nimbuses After Khreng Hra'o-khrun et al . 2008, p. 16. FIG. 8. I deities such as Cakrasamvara were manuals divided the main iconographic class of wrathful deities (khro bo) into the three increasingly angry types: "Angered like a yak$a divinity" (gnod sbyin [tar khros pa); "Angered like a [wrathful] yiima deity" (gshin rje [tar khros pa) ; and "Angered like a [fierce] riik~·asa [demon]" (srin po ltar khros pa). It is interesting that yak~·as are included as the first and least wrathful type. (Peaceful yaksas do not belong among wrathful deities at all,581 while FIG. 8.2. angry ones form a slightly wrathful type that can be classified as "semi wrathful," the best-known examples of which are FIG. 8.3 -. FIG. 8.4 152. FIG. 8. 5 CHAPTER 8 Vajrapii.!Ji):;s5 The third class (" like an angered riik$asa demon") was slightly shorter and still fiercer looking (like its example, Guru Dorje Dro!O [rDo rje gro lod] of the Eight Manifestations of Padmasambhava) .586 Two even shorter dwarf-like propo11ional classes existed for deities like Mahakala Bernagjen (' Ber nag can) and Bh0ta<;lamara.587 In paintings, the same clouds might be found in the backgrounds behind both peaceful and semiwrathful main figures. Semi wrathful Tantric deities (yi dam) may also tum up as minor figures with any class of main deities, and in that case their distinctive golden scrollwork nimbuses could become a marker of Drigung Kagyu aJt of this period. Figure 8.7a depicts Sanwara in two-armed upright-standing form (Sahaja Samvara, Lhan skyes bde mchog) with a retinue of four other deities ('Kiwr lo sdom pa 1/mlnga) . Those deities are accompanied by a lineage of Drigung Kagyu masters. The painting may have been commissioned by a disciple of the abbot Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen (Dri 30, 1770-1826). Preserved in a private collection, Cologne, it was previously described as "Central Tibet ('Bri gung?), circa late 18th or early 19th century."51!8 Here we find the distinctive complex body aureoles behind the semiwrathful main figure (Samvara) and his main retinue of four deities. Instead of flame nimbuses we find aureoles that are FIG. 8.6 Standing ranrric deity (Chemcbok Heruka) with distinctive lotus petals Second half of 17th century Thangka, now in Potala Palace, Lhasa After The Potala Holy Palace in the Snow Land (1996), p. 171. two of the Four Great Kings. those that manifest some anger.)583 Judging by the Tsangri example drawings of Phuntshog Sangpo, the first type was only slightly wrathful (like the example, Vemacitra [Thag bzang ris] the yak$a, a prince of the Asura demigods) and slightly taller than the next class.580 The second type ("like an angered ylima divinity") was a full -fledged wrathful deity (like its example, a fierce standing made up of three or four main parts with contrasting colors: an outer fringe of golden vegetal volutes on a base color of orange, an inner field of radiating lines over a solid background color (here red), and an intervening thin strip between them. For the main deity that middle strip has actually been rendered as two thin parallel strips of dark blue and green , while for the minor figures it is painted as a strip of a single base color, green, though with dots of gold lining the inner edge. The aureoles are filled with a type of decorative vegetal PAINTING TRAD ITI ONS OF THE ORIGU NG KAGY U SC HOOL I53 FIC. 8.7A Sahaja Samvara wil:h Drigung Kagyu Lineage Ca. )are 18th/early 19rh century (1790s- 1820s) 22~8 x 15-l4 in. (58 x 40 em) Privare Collecrion Lirerarure: D. Jackson 1996, p. 343, pl. 64; and D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, thangka no. 4. 154 CHAPTER 8 10 2l 3l 8 19 29 4 17 15 27 25 33 6 2 13 23 I 12 3 14 24 5 16 26 7 18 28 34 9 20 30 II 22 32 As we can see in Figure 8.7b, FIG. 8.78 Derail of Fig. 8.7a, Four-handed Mah!ikaJa scroll-work and not the stylized ring of flames or "flame volutes" (me ris pa tra) usual in other painting schools. The seven lotus petals of the seat beneath the main figure are depicted as usual in the front, though an eighth and ninth petal can also be seen, placed too high to be realistic. A broad bank of clouds defines the horizon in the landscape. Behind the main deity the clouds form a nine-lobed series, and those around the minor deities have two lobes fewer. But they do not form well-defined fringes , and their base colors alternate from one cloud to the next, creating more visual interest. The overall feeling is dark and somber, but it is lightened here and there by the lighter clouds. Beneath the upper two registers of lineal gurus, the edges of the cloud bank have been decorated with numerous curved cloud ends shaped something like a seal 's head or porpoise snout. Four-armed Mahakiila stands before an eight-cloud fringe, with a faint mauve pastel base color (Fig. 8.7b) . Goddess Achi to the right has a ninecloud cluster as background, but each individual c.loud alternates darker and lighter base colors. No pointed mountains loom, but the artist has incorporated dramatic areas of blue-green crags as a rocky support for the flat area where the central deity's lotus seat appears. around the little Four-armed Mahakala, the special Driri flan1es are depicted. Unlike the special golden scrollwork nimbuses found around several standing semi wrathful deities in the painting, this full-fledged wrathful protector is surrounded by a mass of real flan1es. They are depicted with a red central field and gold-outlined orange flame-tips. In Figure 8 .7b, we can count in the mass of flame surrounding Four-armed Mahakiila about seventeen flame tongue-tips. In some prominent places the trough between the adjoining tongues form a sort of open mouth. The repeated flame element in Figure 8.7a has a distinctive shape, somewhat resembling (to me at least) not the mouth of a pair of tongs but the mouth of some kind of monster with pointed snout and jaws. Unl ike in the drawings of flames at the beginning of the chapter (Figs. 8.1 , 8.2 and 8.3), here, within each pair of flame-tongues that form the most prominently repeated elements, the upper tongue of flame is much larger and longer than the lower one, almost like a pointed snout. The lineage structure is as shown in Diagran1 [A]. The lineage is: L rDo rje 'chang (Vajradhara) 2. Kl u sgrub (Nagarjuna) 3. Dril bu pa 4. Dzalendhara (appearing as a monk) 5. Nag po spyod pa 6. Tilopa 7. Naropa 8. KarQari pa 9. Bla rna rDo rje gdan pa I 0. Plll) chen Abhaya 11. [rTsa mi ?] Sangs rgyas grags 12. sKyob pa ' Jig rten mgon po [He appears here out of order because of his importance for the lineage; his place in the normal chronological succession should be after no. 14] 13 . dPal chen rGa Lo tsa ba 14 . Phag mo gru pa [1110- 1170] 15. sPyan snga Grags pa ' bytmg gnas ( 1175-1255) 16. Rin chen rdo rje 17. dBang phyug bsod nams 18. Grags pa shes rab 19. Kun mkhyen Tshu l rgya1 grags [ Tshul khrims rgyal ?] 20. Grags pa rdo rje 21 . gTsang pa [Bio gros] bzang po 22. mKhan chen Rin chen bzang po 23 . rJe btsun bSod nams mtshan can 24. rJe btsun sNa tshogs rang grol [=Rin chen phun tshogs] (Dri 18) 25. Chos rgyal phun tshogs ( 15471602) (Dri 22) 26. bKra shis phun tshogs ( 15741628) (Dri 23) 27. dKon mchog ratna [dKon mchog rin chen, 1590-1654, First Chetsan g) (Dri 24) 28. Rig ' dzin Chos kyi grags pa ( 1595-1659) (Dri 25) 29. dKon mchog ' phrin las bzang po [1656-17 18] (Dri 26) 30. Dhar rna ra dza [Dharmaraja, perhaps Don grub chos rgyal , 1704-1754] 31. Ngag dbang 'phrin las 32. dPalldan 'Gar chen pa (full name mGar spml dKon mchog bstan ' dzin chos kyi nyi rna , b. Nangchen);s<) 33 . dKon mchog ting [=bstan] 'dzin chos kyi nyi ma [Dri 29, 17551792), i.e., Chos kyi nyi rna , for short]. 34. dKon mchog ting ' dzin [=bstan ' dzin] 'phrin las rnam rgyal Guru 32, Pa1den Garchenpa (dPa1 Idan 'Gar chen pa), is probably the GartrW Konchok Tendzin Chokyi Nyima (mGar sprul dKon mchog bstan 'dzin chos kyi nyi rna) of Nangchen, whose career was briefly mentioned in the Drigung abbatia1 history of Peme Gyaltshen as a very prominent disciple of Dri 27 and as a teacher of Dri 29.500 The last PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL I55 seven lamas wear Drigung gomsha. Natshok Rangdrol (Rinchen Phlintshok) wears a Nyingma yogi's apparel, and just before him, one lama has a bare head. After him, three wear red paoqita hats (numbers 25, 26, and 28: Dri 22. 23, and 25). The final lama is probably from the generation of Dri 30, and hence I date the painting to about 1800. Figure 8 .8 again depicts Samvara ('Khor lo sdom pa) in standing twoarmed form with a four-deity retinue (known together as bDe mchog lha lnga). It also shows a series of eight Drigung Kagyu lineage masters in the sky. It was previous ly published in a Christie's Amsterdam catalog.591 Some labels were found under the figures , but they are too blurred to be read in the original catalog. Though not as fine as the previous painting, it clearly belongs to the same Drigung Kagyu painting tradition. The main figure has the compound body nimbus seen in Figure 8.7a (including the golden vegetal volutes). In it (Fig. 8 .8), a thin strip of light green petals separates the orange outer highly stylized flames from the vermilion inner field of the body nimbus, which shimmers with golden light rays. The main deity stands on a lotus seat of just seven petals in all-each petal is fatter than nom1al and the final ones on both sides bend up higher than usual. A seven-cloud fringe of Driri clouds lines the upper part of the main body nimbus, each c loud with regular "indentations." No backrests are employed behind any of the gurus in the sky FIG. 8.8 Sahaja Samvara with Eight Drigung Kagyu Masters 19th century 18 7h x 125/& in. (48 x 32 em) Private Collection Literature: Christie's Amsterdam catalog Indian, Himalayan and Southeast Asian Art (Apri113, 1999), p. 27, no. 71; and D. Jackson 2002, appendix, thangka no. 5. 4 8 2 6 I 3 5 7 9 (which are also Jacking in the preceding painting). The lineage lamas are arranged as in Diagram [B]. Figure 8.9 is a more recent painting of Sal1aja Samvara with a four-deity retinue. It may be preserved in a Drigung Kagyu monastery or household shrine in Ladakh. I published it previous ly as dating to the nineteenth or early 156 CHAPTER 8 fiG. 8.9 Sahaja Samvara Late 19th or early 20th century Dimensions unknown Private Collection, ladakh Literature: D. Jackson 1996, p. 340, fig. 188; and D. Jackson 2002, appendix, thangka no 6. twentieth century.592 Though it is not as obvious a work of Drigung Kagyu art as Figures 8.7 and 8 .8, it is sti ll full of Driri characteristics. Like the previous two paintings, it depicts a complex body nimbus (with a strip of golden vegetal scrollwork) around the main deity and his retinue of four. The downward facing lotus petals are ful l and the last ones turn up, but not in an exaggerated way. A cluster of five Driri mountains dominates the horizon, and a group of snowy sharp-peaked mountains provides a proper remote setting for the protective deities that stand at bottom right. Al l the clouds have a classic Driri shape and shading, with regular crenellation. (The cloud clusters under the pairs of gurus in the sky alternate base colors, but they do so subtly.) The last two lamas in the sky have backrests- unlike in the previous two pall1tll1gs. The order of the gurus is indicated by Diagram [C] . The Indian mahasiddha above the main figure is Klu sgrub (Nagarjuna). Thangkas depicting the same Sahaja cycle are attested from other Kagyu Schools , such as the Karma Kagyu. One such example from Kham 4 7 2 3 6 (ms) 5 8 was painted in a typical later Gardri (Gar bris) style, though it has some iconographic similarities with these indisputably Drigung Kagyu paintings.593 WRATHFUL D EITIES IN FULLCOLOR PAINTINGS Among the surviving paintings of the Drigung Kagyu of the eighteenth and PAINTING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL I57 nineteenth centuries, those depicting wrathful figures are stylistically distinct. In the followi.ng pages I present a dozen examples, divided into two groups according to predominating palette. The first type, "Wrathful Deities in FullColor Paintings," has a full-color palette (rd::.ogs tslwn), though the background landscapes are much more somber than with peaceful deities. The second group wi ll be presented below as "wrathful deities in black thangkas," i.e., paintings whose background is solid ink-black. When asked about the special characteristics of the Drigung painting tradition. Yeshe Jam yang in his interview remarked: "Generally. all painting styles are similar. but the expression (nyams) and style (dbyings) of wrathful deities are special in the Drigung painting tradition."Thus he alluded to distinctive features of wrathful main deities. Frc. 8.ro Traditional pair of Tibemn mngs with other blacksmith implements After Khreng Hra 'o-Khrun et al. 2008, p. 125, borrom. 0 In particular, he said that flames in this tradition were " like a smith's tongs." Hence we should expect to find disti nct differences among Driri flames when compared with flames behind similar wrathful deities painted by artists from other painting traditions. Yeshe Jamyang followed a Driri artist's tradition that referred to mouthlike openings in the flames as '1i ke an [opened] pai.r of blacksmith tongs." But what did he have in mind? Figure 8.10 is a drawing of a Tibetan pair of tongs together with bellows and other traditional blacksmith implements.51>4 Though these tongs do not resemble any flame types known to me, Tibetan painters usually depicted flame of gnosis though repeated pairs of flame-tongues separated by rounded troughs. Could such flame-tongue openings have been the "tongs" referred to? (Presmnably the gripping mouth of the tong was the key part, not the handles.) Figure 8.11 reproduces a recent Karma Gardri artist's drawing of a wrathful deity (a form of standing Vajrapal)i ) surrounded by flames. 158 CHAPTER 8 Frc. 8.r2 Cluster of four flame patterns Afrer Yon tan tshe ring 2000, p. 85, detail. 0 0 I 0 Frc. S.n Wrathful Bodhisa rtva Vajrapl!J)i with surrounding flames After Yon tan tshe ring 2000, p. 85, Phyag na rdo rje stobs po che. Around the outer edges of the flame, many adjoining flame-tongues fom1 mouthlike gaps. Figure 8.12 depicts the repeated cluster of four flame patterns. Four types of Western blacksmith tongs are illustrated by Figure 8.13. I illustrate them to suggest that Tibet, too, had more than one type of tongs. The actual shape of flames appearing in Driri style paintings was quite distinct. I illustrate one example in Figure 8.14. It is the flame shape we saw b c d Frc. 8.r3 Four Western blacksmith's tongs Afrer Funk and Wagnall's Standard Dictio11ary of the E11glish Language bttemational Edition (New York: Funk and Wagnall's Company, 1965), p. 1322. size larger or smaller to fit the size and prominence of the deity. The tongues of flames can also be packed together tightly, allowing no air gaps, as in a "me ris pa tra" design, as mentioned above. The elements can also be spread out allowing gaps of sky or background color to show through , letting the series of flames become a vine-like cable of in Figure 7 .8, around the minor figure Four-armed Mallakiila, and we shall see flame. A still more striking effect could be created by adding at tl1e bottom of one or both sides a looping series of bare "fire rope" without any flame-tongues it many times again in this chapter. A skilled artist wi ll adjust the flame shown. One of the characteristics noted by Professor Driesch for wrathful deities FlC. 8. T4 Demit of Fig. 7.8, flames around Fourhanded Mahakala FIG. 8.16 Demil of Fig_ 8.23, repeated looping flame shape a head.) In any case_ this Aamc shape is F1c. 8.17 Detail of Fig. 8.27, repeated distinctive flame tips from a black rhaogka very commonly repeated in Driri paintings. (See also Fig. 8.17.) Figure 8.18 shows us a standard flame type that is close in its basic shape to the Driri flames. Taken from a modern Eri painting manual by Tenpa Rabtcn , it Fig. 8.15 Detail of Fig. 7.13, Driri style flames gives an idea of a possible origin of the Driri Aame-tips within a wider Tibetan anistic context. was flames that flickered in a broad ' meandering shape, "sloping or s lanted almost horizontally."" I think he was referring to the type of meandering seethrough ·•name chain'" or "flame rope'" seen in Figure 8.16. The Driri fire design for wrathful deities I believe usually consisted of a repeated classic Aame design of a panicular type. For us the shape of the finial-like tips of the Hames is the most obvious element_ such as in Fioure Figures 8. 19 through 8.23 depict wrathful main deities of the Dri 0ouno0 Kagyu with full -color palettes. Though the main figures and their attendant deities are wrathful , the overall mood of the paintings is not quite as somber as we shall see in the darker black thangkas. Figure 8.19 depicts Red- and Black-faced Yan1ari (Gshin gshed Khro chu dug sdong nag po) of the Gya Shangtrom tradition with a Dri 0ouno 0 8.15. (Perhaps the smiths at Drigung Kagyu lineage down to Rigdzin Chokyi Drakpa (Dri 25_ abbot 1626-1659). The were familiar with tongs that had such main deity features in its head ornament " F1c. 8.18 Rela ted standard fire depiction After Tenpa Rabten 1996, fig. 74, Phur pa rdo rje gzhon nu'i snang brnyan the iconographically almost unique depiction of three small buddhas (fhe Buddhas of the Three Times) placed above three stupas.Animal heads on retinue deities are also very rare iconographically outside of Bon. Note the cenLral minor deity below who also has three animal heads. On the back side of PAINTING TRADITIONS OF Tf-IE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 159 fiG. 8.19 Red- and Black-faced YamMi of the Gya Shangcrom Tradition with a Drigw1g Kagyu Lineage Ca. late 17th cenrury 23¥s x 145/s in. (59.4 x 37 em) Photograph by Bruce M. White Rubin Museum of An C2008.4 (HAR 65815) the painting are two sets of hand-prints, one large and the other small, protected by a cover flap. The fringe of fire around the main deity is not of typical flan1es. It is seethrough, letting clouds be seen through the gaps. The flan1es around the minor figures have unusual meandering shapes. The central deity's lotus seat has fatter than normal downward pointing petals. The petals are flattened distinctively, with just five facing forward and two twisted upward, one at either end. The monochrome row of clouds behind the main deity also jumps out as typical Driri. The clouds in the sky beneath the gurus is also a type of stylized cumulus with tail s that Driri painters often used, and here we find them in a few places with curved pointed "seal-head'" tips. None of the gurus are depicted with backrests, and the painter has seemingly exaggerated their gomsha's pointed tips by poking them out past the borders of their head nimbuses (or by minimizing the size of those nimbuses). About fourteen of the lineal lamas depicted (gurus 8-21) belong to the Drigung Kagyu. The last four in particular, all of whom wear a gomsha, can be identified as masters from that sect. The lineage gurus' sequential order is shown in Diagram [D]. Accordi ng to Olaf Czaja, the lineage for this painting may be: I. Maiijusrr ' 2. Sakyamwli 3. Nyan thos sde 4. MaiijusrTmitra 5. Padmasambhava595 160 CHAPTER 8 6 4 2 14 18 12 16 10 20 l 8 9 3 5 7 II 13 17 15 19 21 6. 7. 8. 9. Khrag 'thung nag po Nepali king Vasudhara gNubs chen Sangs rgyas ye shes gTer ston Rgya zhang khrom I0. Sras Don yod rdo rje I I. Rigs 'dzin Rot pa"i rdo rje 12. sNgags 'chang Karma siddhi 13. Slob dpon Ka bzhi pa chen po 14. Nyi ma bcu drug pa 15. Bla rna Kun dga· rgyal mtshan 16. Byang chub dpal mo 17. Gung rang pa Tshul khrims rgya mtsho 18. ' Bri gung zur pa Gnam lcags me ' bar (Dri 18) 19. Bla maRin chen dpa l ba 20. mKhas grub Sangs rgyas rin chen 21. [Rin chen gnyis pa? I Chos kyi grags pa (Dri 25). abbot 1626-1659 (Czaja could recognize that several gurus had been moved out of their normal order.) For the last four generations, we can follow a lineage of the Fifth Dalai Lama, where Rinchen PhUntshok is called "The Drigung Ex-abbot" ('Bri gung Zur pa) and called by his tertiin name: Nan1jak Mebar (gNam lcags me 'bar), "Raming Meteorite."" Olaf Czaja touches on this painting, which previously was identified as ··Guru DragpurNajrala1a·· or ··Padmasambhava Guru Drakpur with Drikung lineage," in a paper presented in Kobe, Japan, in September 2012, in which he discusses Nyingma influence in the Drigung Kagyu. 596 Giving a detai led iconographic description of this painting. he tentatively identifies the individual gurus of this transmission line and stresses the central role of Terton Gya Shangtrom (Gter ston Rgya Zhang khrom) for many Yamantaka teachings that were handed down in the Drigung Kagyu School. He a.lso emphasizes the role the Fifth Dalai Lama in the later transmission, showing that these teachings actually came to him from the Drigung Kagyu.597 Figure 8.20 is my second example of a wrathful painting in a full-color palette. It depicts HayagrTva with Consort (rTa mgrin yab yum) with some of the Eight Aspects of Padmasambhava. It was the first thangka of the Driri corpus to be published. appearing as it did in Tucci's Tibetan Painted ScroUr.;<;gTucci noticed the importance of Padmasambhava in the cycle portrayed, describing the small scenes around the main image in which Padmasambhava appears with different types of deities, though as I Ftc. S.:to Hayagrrva with Consort and Orher Aspects of Padmasambhava 18rh century 24~ x 16~ in. (63 x 42 em) Museo Nazionale d'Arte Oriemale "G. Tucci," Rome, no. 920 Literarure: G. Tucci 1949, p. 548, thangka no. 115, plates (black and white) 149 and 150; and D. jackson 2002, Appendix, rhangka no. 18. PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL I6I mention in chapter 2, he did not notice any Drigung Kagyu connection. These deities and episodes derive from the seventh chapter of the SevenChapter Prayer (Gsol 'debs le' u bdun ma).599 In the Drigung Kagyu there existed a Yangzab tradition of Hayagrrva practice (see Fig. 7 .19). ln their book, Padmasam.blw.va, Essen and Thingo illustrate the story through a detail of their thangka 2 (I), "Tshokye Doije- how Tara and Avalokitesvara in the form of Hayagrrva and VajravarahT overcame the evil Rudra."600 Padmasan1bhava in the form of Vajrakumara Ki Ia gave the final blows leading to his defeat. There also existed a related Nyingma teaching c ycle called Tan1drin Sangdrup (rTa mgrin gsan.g sgrub).601 This painting was an1ong the thangkas in a Drigung style that were noticed and compared in the 1990s by Professor Driesch. The seven-petal lotus beneath the main figures has final petals on each side that tum not away but up and toward the viewer. The main figure is edged by a fringe of eleven clouds. The landscape features no fewer than four dusters of pointed clouds, mostly groups of three. One also finds prominent areas of distinctive rocky crags in the center of the foreground. The deities and mowltains are fran1ed by cl usters of typical Driri-shaped clouds, with monochrome base colors w ithin each cluster. My third wrathfu l painting rendered in a full-color palette is Figure 8 .21 . It also depicts HayagrTva with Consort, though here accompanied by a Drigung Kagyu lineage. First published in a Schoettle Asiatica catalog,602 it was dated there "circa eighteenth or nineteenth century," and wrongly linked to the Drukpa Kagyu sect. It portrays instead six D1igung Kagyu lamas at the end of the Padmasambhava lineage. (All wear Drigung Kagyu gomslw., though none have labels that are readable in the 162 CHAPTER 8 F1c. 8.2.r Hayagrrva with Consorr and Drigung Kagyu Lineage Early 19th century 22 'h x 15.Ys in. (57 x 39 em) Private CoUection Litera rure: Schoettle Ostasiarica, Joachim Baader, no. 25 (October 10, 1973), Srurtgan, Germany, painting no. 8145; and D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, thangka no. 22. 8 12 6 10 4 2 I 3 5 7 11 9 13 plates.) I guess that its lineage ends in about the early nineteenth century. The painting lacks Driri-style mountains. Still, its main figure stands o n a lotus seat made of seven fat petals (lying on a pad of rock supported by cliffs of blue-green rock-y crags). Behind many of the minor deities and in lhe sky around the lineal gurus one finds distinctive Driri clouds. The ordering of its figures is shown in Diagram IE]. Figure 8.22 portrays Padmasambhava in wrathful form (Guru Drakpo: Gum drag po) in the tradition of Perna Lingpa.603 Based on the transmission lineage that he found, Olaf Czaja deciphered the names of figures in the upper register. The buddha at the top center is DharmakayaAmit abha (01os sku 'Od dpag med). To the left of Amitl!bha is NirmiiQakaya Padmasambhava (sPrul sku Padma 'byung gnas) and to his right is Sambhogakaya (Longs sku Thugs rje chen po). At the top left are the original buddha, Samantabhadra (Kun tu bzang po), Yeshe Tshogyal (Ye [shies mtsho rgyal ). and presumably the lay lama Rinchen Phtintshok, who was often depicted with such robes and hair-he is also suitable here since he introduced the Guru Drakpo teachings in the tradition of Padma Lingpa into the Drigung Kagyu.601 At the top right are shown the Buddha Vajradhara (rOo rje 'chang) with two lamas: Terton Perna Lingpa (gTer ston Padma gl ing pa, 1450-1521 ) and "the master named Konchok Trinle'' (dKon mchog 'phrin las mtshan can, i.e., probably dKon mchog 'phrin las bzang po, Dri 26. 16.56-1718).605 This carefully and skillfully executed thangka is not in a typical Driri style. The clouds are not the usual Driri ones. nor are they lhe usual non-Driri ones (from the Menri or Karma Gardri). Still. we should note lhe flat oversize lotus petals beneath the main deity as a possible Driri feature. A tiny monk ritualist is seated in lhe landscape before his ritual altar. holding aloft a drum and evoking the deity before and above him. (Does the labe l say .m gags pa. i.e .. tantrika? ) 1 take him to be an avidly practicing disciple of the las t lama depicted at the top right (the eminent abbot-artist Konchok Trinle Zan gpo. Dri 26). My hunch is that this painting dates to his tenure or that of the following abbot (Dri 27), tenure 1718-1747. Figure 8.23 is a fairly late painting ofYamari of the Gya Shangtrom tradition with a Drigung Kagyu lineage. Though it is a full-colo r painting, we shall see several more depictions of the same deity among the black thangkas that follow. The flames behind the Ftc. 8.2.2 Padmasambhnvn in Wrathful Form (Guru Drakpo) Early 18th ccnrury (1720s-1740s) 29 3!11 x 2 1 516 in. (74.5 x 55 em) Priv:ue Collection Lirerarure: D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, rhangka no. 25. main figure are lined with a series of Driri clouds. Professor Driesch mentioned a second typical Driri feature: "Aames flicker in a broad. meandering form, sloped or slanted almost horizontally.'' r suspect that he was talking about depictions of meandering flames lhat we find both here, PAINTING TRAOITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KAGYU SCHOOL 163 f1C. 8.~3 Yamllri of the Gya Shangtrom Tradition wirh a Drigung Kagyu Lineage Lare 19th or early 20rh century (ca. 1870s- 1906) 21 \4 x 17 in. (54 x 43 em) Essen Collection, Museum der Kulruren, Basel © Museum der Kulruren Basel, Switzerland Lirerarure: G.-W. Essen and T. Thingo 1989, no. 1-109 (ll-330); and D. Jackson 2002, appendix, thangka no. 11. 164 CHAPTER 8 14 24 32 36 38 12 10 8 6 4 2 I 22 20 18 16 30 28 26 34 ~ .) 5 7 9 II 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 in Figure 8.23, and in Figure 8.20. The leeward side of the mass of flames (i.e., on the right) has the more usual pointed Driri flame-tips. But if we look at the windward (i .e., the viewer's left) side we see unusual loops of flames that I think Professor Driesch was referring to. The loops of flame leave gaps through which one can see the backgrow1d. The lotus beneath the central deity has petals that are depicted in a series of eight upward pointing ones above and eight more that lie flat, below. (Note the pair of buffalos crouching beneath the lotus seat of the main figure, supporting it.) The painting was previously published by Essen and Thingo, who identified the main deity as MaiijusrfYamantaka ('Jan1 dpal gShin rje gshed) and said the deity played roughly the san1e role in the Nyingma as Vajrabhairava does in the Sam1apa Schools.606 They dated it to the early eighteenth century, though the lineage indicates the late nineteenth century. They classified the painting as "Nyingma," though here the later transmission was through the Drigung Kagyu , a "New Translation" (Sarmapa) sect. Essen and Thingo give the names of the lineal masters somewhat arbitrarily. The actual lineage order is shown in Diagram [F] . The most prominent treasure-revealer of the lineage appears as guru number 13, though he is simply called by that title (terton), with no other names or titles supplied in his label. (He is no doubt Terton Gya Shangtrom. rGya Zhang khrom rOo rje 'od 'bar.) Note also the presence of gurus number 23 and 24- Je Ratna and Chogyal PhUntshok- where the lineage joins the Drigung Kagyu. The thi rty-nine lineal masters' names as provided by Essen and Thingo are: I . mGon po Kun gzigs 2 . sDud mdzad rnon po 3. ' Byams ['Jam] dpal shes gnyen 4. sDud mdzad phyag rdor 5. Ye shes snying po 6. dGa' rab rdo rje 7. Khrag thung nag po 8. Shanti garbha 9. Padma ' byWlg gnas 10. Nam mkha'i snying po II . Sangs rgyas ye shes 12. gTsug lag dpal dge 13. gTer ston [rGya Zhang khrom] 14. Ba su rda ra (Vasudhara) 15. Lha rje gNub chlmg 16. sKu zhang dpal 17. Byang chub mgon po 18. Rig 'dzin gSang ba 19. Tshul khrims mtshan can 20. Tshul khrims rin chen 2 1. Nam mkha ' mtshan can 22. Dza chos Rin chen rdo rje 23. rJe Ratna (Dri 18 Gyalwang Rinchen Phtintshok) 24. Chos rgyal phun tshogs (Chogyal Rinchen PhUntshok, 1547- 1602) (Dri 22) 25. [PaQ chen] dKon mchog lbun grub 26. Chos kyi grag[s] pa (1595-1659) (Dri 25) 27. Na ro pa [Na ro pa gnyis pa bKra shis phun tshogs] (1574-1628) (Dri 23) 28. ' Phrin las bzang po ( 1656-1718) (Dri 26) 29. Don grub chos rgyal ( 1704-1754) (Dri 27) 30. bsTan 'dzin 'gro ' dul ( 1724-1766) (Dri 28) 31. dPalldan Gar chen pa (mGar sprul dKon mchog bstan ' dzin chos kyi nyi ma) 32. Padma rgyal mtshan (1770-1826) (Dri 30) 33. Chos kyi rgyal mtshan ( 17931826) (Dri 3 1) 34. Chos kyi nyi ma (1755-1792) (Dri 29?) 35. Chos nyid nor bu ( 1827- 1865) (Dri 33) 36. 'Gar chen Byang chub dbang po (Fifth 'Gar sPrul) 37. [name missing] 38. Thugs rje' i nyi ma (1828-1881) (Dri 34) 39. dKon mchog ting ' dzin [=bstan ' dzin?] chos kyi blo gros (Dri 35. abbacy 1871- 1906). Twelve among the later lamas wear Drigung Kagyu gomsha. Je Ratna (Dri 18 Rinchen PhUntshok) and the four following him, however, do not. The first is dressed as a Nyingma lay yogi, whi le the other four wear red pWldit hats. WRATHFUL D EITIES IN BLACK THANGKAS Black thangkas were the second main painting type or palette used for painting wrathful deities in thangkas. Called nag !hang in Tibetan, they were painted on solid ink-black backgrounds and form a distinctive genre in tenllS of predom inant base color (and considering other aspects of their production). They forn1ed a special genre also in te rms of their main iconographic subject matter. since they depicted almost exclusively protective (snmg ma) or wrathful (khro bo) deities. In monasteries they typical ly hang in the Gonkhang temples dedicated to protective deities. For many years scholars held black thangkas to have been a fairly recent development. Tucci, for instance, believed he had never seen one that dated earlier than the eighteenth century.607 After Tucci's time, one of the earliest "datable" black thangkas was thought to be a painting of Pal den Lhan10 that was dated to the 1630s.608 But surely another black thangka from the same collection was much earlierdatable to the fifteenth century at least. Pal in his Tibetan Paintings depicted that older black thangka (which he then dated to the seventeenth century).609 Much later Pal would date the same painting of Six-armed Mallakala from PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL I65 Ftc. 8.~4 Lokasmrrapuja Uigren Chota, Seventh of the Eight Pronouncements) Ca. 17th century 30 x 21 in. (76.2 x 53.3 em) Rubin Museum of Arr Fl996.16.4 (HAR 461) t66 CHAPTER 8 3 2 4 the Ford collection to the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century.610 4. Vajramrta the painting would date to just before the 5. Vajraki lay a Driri style became established in Dri- Aldo Mignucci in his article of 2000 showed that the tradition began 6. Matarah 7. Lokastotrapuja Natha gung. (Two Drigtmg Kagyu lineage gurus of about that period also wear pundit's much earlier, docwnenting in his article 8. Vajramantrabhi ru hats in Fig. 826.) I could not, however, a Taklung Kagyu example depicting two Mahlikiilas that was painted in the "Pal a" (Eastern-Indian inspired Sharri) style and that could be dated to the early fourteenth century.611 (Probably it came from Riwoche in Khan1.) For more on black thangkas and three main classes of wrathful deities, see Rob Linrothe's find labels in support of that. The ordering of the four gurus, who are depicted in the sky above the One distinctive feature of the lama on the left is the golden emblem or sym- main figure, is as shown in Diagram [G). bolic device (phyag mtshan) possibly of Maiijusrr, whose stem he holds in his Olaf Czaja in his presentation in Kobe noticed the identity of the treasure revealer (gter sto11), identifying the four lineal masters as: 613 introductory chapter to his Demonic Divine catalog.612 Figure 8.24 is one of the earliest black thangkas from the Drigung Kagyu that I will present here. It depicts as its central deity Lokastotrapuja or Jigten Choto ('Jig rten mchod bstod) in Tibetan, who is seventh an1ong the Eight-Pronouncement (bKa' brgyad) deities of the Nyingma. This wrathful deity is associated with the eighthcentury Indian adept Ran1bu or Rombu Guhyacandra (Rigs 'd:in Rom bu Gu he tsa1ula). The Eight Pronouncements are for hands. This may be a special honor paid to All-knowing (Kun mkhyen) Rigdzin C hodrak, as the definitive scholiast of his tradition. In that case, the lama to his I. Rig 'dzin Rom bu Gu he Tsandra right would be one of his most eminent (Guhyacandra, b. 8th century) and learned disciples. The thangka could still date to the last few decades of the 2. sLob dpon Dpal gyi seng ge (b. 8th century) 3. Rigs 'dzin Bdud 'joms rdo rje ( 1512- 1625?) 4. Rig 'dzin Gnam lcags me 'bar alias Rin chen phun tshogs ( 1509- 1557). Figure 8.25 seems to be another fairly early black thangka among those presented here. A wonderful work of art, with striking, colorful landscape detai ls seventeenth century, before the Driri conventions were more firmly fixed. Figure 8.26 depicts in a black thangka Yan1ari of the Gya Shangtrom tradition with a Drigung Kagyu lineage. This painting from the Rubin Museum of Art was previously described as " MaiijusrrYamari" ('Jam dpal gshin rje) by HAR, which gives an exhaustive description of the iconography.614 The textual source cited in the HAR tral deity Four-armed Mahakiila. Though 661 entry was the 'Dod 'jo bum bzang "Excellent WISh-granting Vase," a col- I . Enlightened body ('Jam dpal sku) 2. Speech (Pad rna gsung) the painting was assumed to be a work of Kagyu patronage, the precise school lection of Nyingma treasure-teaching sadhanas compiled by Terdak Lin.gpa 3. Mind (Yang dag thugs) affiliation of this painting has previously been unclear. However, now it seems (gTer bdag Gling pa, 1646-1714) and achieving: 4 . Noble qualities (bDud rtsi yon tan) in the background, it depicts as its cen- likely that it originated in the Drigung his younger brother Lochen Dharmashrr (Lo chen Dharma shrr, 1654-1718), 5. Enlightened activities (Phur pa Kagyu tradition. which was a forerunner of Kongtrtil 's phrin las) 6 . Liberating sorcery (Ma mo rbod The treatment of the standing Cakrasanwara at the top center with its Rinchen Terdzo (Rill che gter md:od) collection.615 The siidhana of the 'Dod 'jo bum bzang collection were cataloged gtong) 7. Worship and eulogies (for worldly deities) ('Jig rten mchod bstod) 8 . Wrathful mantras (d.Mod pa drag sngags) special body nimbus is reminiscent of the Drigung Kagyu painting. My working hypothesis is that the painting dates to about the time between the twenty- by Loden Sherap Dagyab in his book of 1991.616 This form of Yan1ari depicted in fifth and twenty-sixth abbots, Rigdzin Figure 8.26 should be called in Tibetan: The corresponding main deities, the Chtidrak and Konchok Trinle Zangpo, i.e., the mid- to late sixteenth century. If Tshe bdag nag po Yang zlog me ' i spu gri. For that lineage, the 'Dod 'jo bum Eight Herukas, are: the two lamas depicted at the top right bzang, a compilation of Nyingma and left with pundit hats draped fiat over teachings in the seventeenth century their heads depict Rigdzin Chodrak (who wears a pw1dit hat in Fig. 7.8) to the right by Nyingma hierarchs, does not give the tradition that was actually trans- and another learned guru to the left, then mitted under the influence of Rinchen I . Yamantaka 2 . Hayagrrva 3. Vishuddha PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL I67 Frc. 8.25 Four-armed Mah!lk:ila Last quarte r or the 17th century 30 !A x 2H4 in. (44.5 x 30.8 ern) Phorograph by David De Armas Rubin Museu m or An F1998.1.10 (HAR 634) Literature: R. Linrothe and J. Wan 2004, fig. 2.31. I68 CHAPT ER 8 Phlintshok within the Drigung School. In the present tradition the deities of the entourage of Yamari have different names, which are not fully given in the 'Dod 'jo bum bzang, in which the relevant siidhana (entitled 'Jam dpa/ gshin rje gshed yang ::.log me'i spu gri'i sgrub tlwbs) includes just three deities: Yamari, his consort, and his son.617 Note that gurus number 16 through 18 are slightly out of order ( 16 and 18 should change places). The lineage seems to include about eight Drigung Kagyu lamas at the end. Several relevant lineages are given in the Fifth Dalai Lama's record of teachings received.621 He gives the more generally shared ones as well as those that are An inscription is found on the back of the painting, but it does not reveal the name of the patron.6 18 The expected lineage order does not agree in places with the dates of the masters. The ordering of its gurus is shown in Diagram [H). The specifically Drigung Kagyu (marked with a 'bri in his text) .622 lineal masters can be Iisted: 6 19 abbacy. The yogilsiidhaka seated below at the bottom to the left of center is dressed as a cotton-clad yogi (ras pa) with a snake hair style. He seemed at first glance to be the last lama's disciple. Rase Konchok Gyatsho in his Dri- I. bsDud mdzad phyag rdor 2. 'Jam dpal ye shes 3 . 'Jam dpal bshes gnyen 4 . bsDud mdzad rOo rje rnon po 5. Ye shes snying po 6 . dGa ' rab rdo rje thuno0 nao0 po 7 . Khrao 0 8 . Shanti garbha 9 . gTer ston Lha snubs brgyud 10. Nam mkha'i snyi.ng po I I . Vasudhara 12. gTer ston rGya Shang grom [rGya Zhang khrom rOo rje 'od 'bar] Since the last guru depicted was Konchok Tendzin Drodlil ( 1724-1766), the painting could be dated to roughly the 1740s- 1760s, the decades of his gung History ('Bri gung chos 'byung) records that Konchok Tendzin Drodlil 's teacher for sacred art was the painter with a rare but impressive name: Painter Konchok Lhawang (Lha bris dKon mchog lha dbang). 623 (Lha dbang means "Master of Deities" or ·'Lord of Gods.") With Figure 8.26 we have surely arrived in their period and maybe even have 13. gTsug lag dpal dge 14. Padma ' byung gnas (Padmasambhava) confronted the personal style of that painter. Note the striking depiction of two buffalos under the lotus seat of the 15. sNub Sangs rgyas ye shes 16. Rig 'dzin Chos kyi grags pa (Dri 25, 1595-1659) central figure. Figure 8.27 is yet another black thangka depicting Yamari in Terton Gya Shangtrom's tradition with a Drigung Kagyu lineage. Now preserved in Basel, it was first published by Essen and Thin go, who described it as "MaiijusrTYamantaka," dating it to the eighteen til century.624 They did not identify it as Drigung Kagyu , though they noted tile Nyingma origin of its lineage. The painting may have been commissioned by a disciple of Chokyi Nyima, i.e., two or tllree generations earlier than the dating proposed by Essen and Thin go. The correct arrangement of the lineal lamas is as shown in Diagran1 17. rJe bKra shis phun tshogs ( 1574-1628) 18. Rin chen phun tshogs (1509-1557) 19. Pat~ chen dKon mchog !hun grub 20. dKon mchog ' phrin las don grub chos kyi rgyal po ( 1704-1754) 21. Chos rgyal phun tshogs (? 1547- 1602) 22. dKon mchog 'phrin las bzang po [Dri 26, 1656-17l8] 23. elKon mchog bstan 'dzin ' gro ' dul (Dri 28, 1724-1766)620 [I]. According to the inscriptions, the nan1es of the gurus are: 1. 'Jam dbyangs 2 . rOo rje rnon po 3. Phyag rdor 4. dGa' rab rdo rje 5. ' Jam dpal shes gnyen 6. Shanti garbha 7. Ye shes snying po 8. Nam mkha' i snying po 9. Khrag thung nag po 10 . rGya Shang sgrom II . Lha rje sNub chung 12. gTsug lag dpal dge l3. sLob dpon chen po [Padmasambhava] 14. Ba su dha ra 15. sNub Sangs rgyas ye shes 16. rOyal dbang Ratna [Gyalwang Rinchen Phlintshok] (Dri 18) 17. Chos rgyal phun tshogs ( 1547J602) (Dri 22) 18 . bKra shis phuo tshogs ( 15741628) (Dri 23) 19. [Rig ' dzin] Chos kyi grag[s] pa ( 1595-1659) [first Chungtsang] (Dri 25) 20. Don grub chos rgyal ( 1704-1754) (Dri 27) 21 . 'Phrin las bzang po (1656-1718) [out of order] (Dri 26) 22. dPal gyi rgya mtsho 23 . bsTan 'dzin 'gro 'dul ( 1724-1766) (Dri 28) 24. dPal Idan mGar chen pa (mGar sprul) 25. Chos kyi nyi rna ( 1755-1792) (Dri 29) Since tile last generation of guru depicted was 25, Chokyi Nyima (Dri 29), the painting probably dates roughly to his abbacy: 1766-1788. In the lineage, Terton Gya Shangtrom is guru 10. The lineage jumps from (gum 15) Nub Sanggye Yeshe to the Drigung tradition in the time of gurus 16 and 17: Gyalwang Ratna (rOyal dbang Ratna alias Gyalwang Rinchen Phlintshok, Dri 18) PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORJGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL I69 f tG. 8.2.6 Yamliri of the Gya Sbangrrom Tradition wi th a Drigung Kagyu Lineage Ti bet; Mid· to late 18th cemury (1740s- 1760s) 20 -14 x 13 'A in. (52. 7 x 33.7 em) Photograph by David De Armas Rubin Museum of Art F1998.16.3 (HAR 661) Literature: D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, rhangka no. 15. 170 CHAPTER 8 10 16 8 6 14 12 20 18 22 4 2 I 3 5 7 J3 9 15 19 II 17 21 23 8.2.7 Yamilri of the Gya Shangrrom's Tradition with a Drigung Kagyu Lineage Mid- or lare 18th century (1760s-1780s) 19 '/s x 15 % in. (48.5 x40cm) Essen Collection, Musewn der Kulruren, Basel © Museum der Kulturen Basel, Switzerland Literature: G.-W. Essen and T. Thingo 1989, no. Il-331; and D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, rhangka no. 3. F IG. 10 18 22 24 8 16 20 6 4 14 12 2 I ~ .) 5 13 7 15 9 II 17 21 19 23 25 PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL I7I f1C. 8.1.8 Yamllri of the Gya Sbanguom Trad1rion with a Drigung Kagyu Lineage Ca. 1920s- 1940s 20 'h x 13 in. (52 x 33 em) Rubin Museum of An F1997 ..l.7 (HAR 79) Literature: D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, rhangka no. 16. 1]1. CHAPTER 8 12 37 10 23 35 39 8 6 21 19 31 29 33 4 17 27 2 I IS 14 25 ~ .) 16 26 5 18 28 7 20 30 9 22 32 34 II 13 24 36 40 38 and Chogyal Phtintshok (Chos rgyal phun tshogs, Dri 22). The yogilsiidhaka depicted again (as in Fig. 8.26) wearing white robes at the bottom margin to the left of the central offerings could, I first thought. be a disciple of Dri 29. But the same figure is repeated in the preceding and in all successive renderings of this subject and hence belongs to its basic iconography- presumably he depicts an important early adept/yogi of the tradition. Another repeated feature of the iconography is that the central figure's seat rests on two buffaloes, whose grotesque human-corpse-devouring heads are depicted here in great detail. (The head on the right looks up at the central deity.) Figure 8.28 depicts Yamari of the Gya Shangtrom tradition with a Drigung Kagyu lineage in yet another black thangka. Previously described as "MaiijusrTYamari" ('Jam dpal gShin rje ), this painting depicts a full later Drigung Kagyu lineage, though I could not find any naming inscriptions.625 If we count all the gurus, we reach a total number of f01ty, which when compared with the earlier lineages portrayed leads to a rough dating to the mid- or late twentieth century. The arrangement of the lineal lamas is shown in Diagram [J]. If guru number 22 of the diagram is Je Ratna (Dri 18) and the Drigung lineage begins with him, then gum number 40 would be roughly 18 gurus later, i.e., we arrive at the abbacy of Dri 40, the present generation (late twentieth century). Yet the lineage count from Je Ratna (Rinchen Phtintshok) to the final generation in the full-palette late painting Figure 8.23 is just two fewer, though there the final guru indicated by inscriptions is Dri 35.626 So my guess is that the painting dates to about Dri 37. i.e., to roughly the 1920s- 1940s, which will remain my working estimate until a comparable painting with inscriptions becomes available. The final gum (number 40) is realistically depicted as a lay yogi with long hair tied up in a top-knot. The painting depicts about seventeen lamas with Drigung gomsha (gurus number 23- 39) . As in other paintings of this deity, the iconography calls for grotesque buffalo heads that jut out from under the seat of the main deity and in the lower landscape a yogi is shown very realistically, performing his rituals. Figure 8.29 depicts a different wrathful deity specialized in by Drigung Kagyu lamas: the Lion-headed l;)akii)I (Seng gdong can rna) with a retinue of four. The painting was first publ.ished by Essen and Thingo, who dated it to the seventeenth century.627 The three masters at the top are arranged as in Diagram [K]. The labels identify the lamas as: ( 1) Padmasambhava, (2) Bari Lotsawa (Ba ri Lo tsa ba, Rin chen grags (10401111), and (3 ). [Rigdzin] ChOdrak (Dri 25, 1595-1659).1 suspect that it was commissioned by a disciple of Rigdzin Chodrak and hence date it provisionally to the mid- or late seventeenth century. Figure 8.30 depicts again (as in Fig. 8.29) the Lion-headed QakiQT (Seng gdong can rna) as its main figure, but here with only one accompanying deity. The painting is surely one of the most striking and col01ful black thangkas that I have ever seen. Pratapaditya Pal, who assigned it to "eastern Tibet, late 17th century" was also much impressed by it:628 "The artist has created a more surrealistic and expressive design where multi-coloured rocks outlined in gold float like icebergs in a sea of blood whose waves dance with the san1e rhythm as the leaping tongues of fire." Pal added, "We do not know the order for which the thangka ... was done, but among the seven monks portrayed at the top is Sakya Blo gros (third from the top on the right) who was a member of with Sakya or its Khon family. Seven lamas are pictured in the top part of the painting, most of whose names are legible enough to be read from the golden labels in the published illustration. I show their arrangement in Diagram [L]. Their names are: 1. rJe Ratna pa (=Gyalwang Rinchen Phtintshok) (Dri 18) 2 . ' Phrin las bzang po ( 1656-1718) (Dri 26?) 3 . [hatless lama, no label seen] 4 . Don grub chos rgyal (1704-1754) (i.e., Tri nle Dondrup? Dri 27) 5. Padma rgyal mtshan? ( 17701826) (Dri 30) 6. Chos kyi rgyal mtshan (Dri 31) 7. dKon mchog bstan 'dzin chos kyi blo gros (Lho sprul, 1801 - 1859, Dri 32) The final figure (guru 7), Konchok Tendzin Chokyi Lotro, was a very eminent Drigung Kagyu lama from Nangchen district of northwestern Kham whose title as reincarnate lama was Lho Trulku (Lhotrtil). (His monastic seats in Nangchen were Parma [sPar rna] and Miyel Kagyu Phodrang [Mi g.yel bKa' brgyud Pho brang] .) Indeed, he is even counted as thirty-second abbot of Drigung, since he served as minority regent during the time in question, from 1827 to 1832.1 suspect this painting reflects that particular period, when high lamas of Drigung who were disciples of that regent from Kham could patronize such strikingly lmusual works of art. For me. it falls chronologically into the " Nineteenth-century Karma Gardri Kagyu Interval," but I cannot say whether it came from eastern Tibet or was created by a thangka painter from Kham. the Khon fan1ily and a disciple of Atisa." The monk Pal mentions seems actually to be named Konchok Tendzin Chokyi Lou·o, who had no known links PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL I 73 f tG. 8.2.9 Lion-headed Oaku)f Mid- or late 1 hh century 12 ~ x 9 1A in. (31 x 23.5 em) Essen Collection, Museum der Kulruren, Basel © Museum der Kulruren Basel, Switzerland Lirerarure: G.-W. Essen and T. Thingo 1989, vol. 2, p. 161, no. ll-343; and D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, rhangka no. 13. I74 CHAPTER 8 2 3 Ftc. 8.30 lion-headed l)akinr Early 19th century (I 820s- I 840s) 19 x 12~ in. (48.1 x 32.9 em) Private Collection literature: P. Pal1984, p. 152 and pl. 76; and D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, rhangka no. 12. 2 4 6 3 5 7 PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL I75 Recent Mural Sites in Lamayuru and Phyang Monasteries IN LADAKH in the last two centu- ries, the Tsangri style ofTashilhunpo dominated in many circles. Still, in the nineteenth century the Driri style was also regularly practiced at such major Drigung branch monasteries as Phyang and Lamayuru. The Driri's continued yet tenuous existence as a minor painting tradition is also suggested by the presence of a resident Drigung Kagyu artist at Phyang Monastery in the 1930s and in recent decades by the career of the monk-painter Yeshe Jamyang of Lamayuru.629 (The careers of three Ladakhi artists who painted in Drigtmg Kagyu monasteries are described in chapter 10.) ln this chapter I briefly introduce five sites of relatively late- i.e., midnineteenth to mid-twentieth centurymural painting in Ladakh, concentrating on sites within the two prominent monasteries of Lamayuru and Phyang. I have selected five that can be dated to within a decade or two of their creation. I present three from lanterns because they confirm the dating by their depictions of lineages. They include two maio murals from the Lamayuru Cheorezik Lhakhang, one from the Lamayuru Gonkhang, and two from Ph yang. To list them roughly chronologically: 1. Lamayuru, Chenrezig Lhakhang. Dukhang and Inner Sanctum, ground floor (mid- or late 1860s). 2 . Lamayuru, Chenrezig Lhakhang, Dukhang, Lantern, ( 1870s) 3 . Lamayuru, Gookhang (late 1920s or early 1930s) Detail of Fig. 9.3 4. Phyang, Tshokkhang, Lantern ( 1871- 1906) 5. Phyang, Dukhang Sarpa, Lantern, central wal 1 ( 1927- 1940) NINETEENTH- CENTURY MURALS OF UMAYURU David Snellgrove visited Lamayuru a second time in 1979, describing it in his memoirs as "a veritable museum" with wonderful murals:630 I was happy to revisit this monastery, which occupies such a fantastic position, built on rocks half way along the route down from the Photo La ( 13,432 ft.) to Khalatse. Lamayuru was largely rebuilt in the mid-19th century since the last devastation by the invading Dogras from Jammu and Kashmir. Snellgrove remarked on the excellent quality of both the recent murals (of the New Dukhang) depicting the Kings of the Four Quarters in the antechamber, and the sacrificial cakes (forma) in the Gonkhang, "which would surely win a prize." Both murals and tom1a were the handiwork of a monk-artist from Lamayuru, Yeshe Jamyang. He continued: 63 1 On this second more leisurely visit, we resided in the monastery for two days; I had time to appreci ate the high quality of the painting work recently carried out in the other parts of the monastery. The •·assembly hall'' is very impressive indeed with its beautifully painted antechamber illustrating the Wheel of Life, the Kings of the Four Quarters, and miniature paintings illustrating the keeping of vows in an idealized monastic setting. As for the images, set against the main facing wall. there is a row of high lamas of the 'Bri-gung-pa Order most elegantly arranged. In the temple of protecting divinities (srung klwng) a high cupboard contains an array of sacrificial cakes (gtor ma.), which might surely win a prize were such prizes offered for these displays. It also contains in glass-fronted cases images of the founder .. . and A-ci . There is also another small temple for Guardian Deities {the mGon khan g) just to the right of the Assembly Hall, with painted walls illustrating a whole variety of such " guardians,'' namely Vishnu and Brahma, converted to the Buddhist faith , the ubiquitous Thang-lha (God of the Plain), Tshe-ring-ma (Goddess of Long Life), yet again A-ci and so on. Also there are paintings of Sakyamuni and the 16 Arhats, and a series of images including Mi-la Ras-pa, Mar-pa and 'Jig-rten mGoo-po. The main monastic structure of Lamayuru, which was thoroughly renovated after 1842, is situated on the peak which overhangs the village. According to the research notes of Marc Fran~ois, PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U S CHOOL I 77 FIC. 9.1 General view of Lamayuru monastic complex in the 1970s Photograph afrer Romi Khosla 197 9, fig. 103 . it was enlarged to its actual proportions at the beginning of the twentieth century by the thirty-first Ladakh Ch()je, Togdan ChoktrUI Ngawang Lotro Gyaltshan (rTogs ldan mchog sprul Ngag dba ng Blo gros rGyal mtshan. 186 9-1 934). Its walls. five stories tall. enclose on the first floor the Gokhang (sgo khan g), i.e., the vestibule of the oldest ass em bly ball, and the Dukhang, which is con tinu ed by the Achikhang.6:n On the second story is found the Gonkhang: on the third, the recent Byarns pa khang: and on the fifth floor one finds the residence roo ms of the monastery 's main lam a, wh ich are named: Shel kha ng, Sha r khan g. and dPus kyi gzims chung.633 Sin ce 1996 o n the facade of the fifth story, altars of the three principal protectors (wh o were commonly called: A mgon cho s gsum). were visible from the outside because of their colors (white. blu e. and red ). Th e entire Lamayuru Monastery was much damaged by the invasion by the Dogras of Jammu in 1834 and the looting by their army led by Wazir Zorawar Singh. which had been dispatched to Ladakh by Maharaja Gu lab Singh of Kashmir. In 1841 Zorawar Singh returned to Ladakh with an arm y of six thousand troops .634 Th e Dogra invaders were defeated in the Purang district of western Tibet by a central Tibetan army late r in 184 1. but Ladakh remained under Jammu and Kashmir. which in 1846 cam e under the rule of British lndia.635 Th e dam age at Lamayuru was to a large ext ent repaired afte r 1842 by its "fa mo us renovator ," Lam a Rangdrol Nyima.636 Th at lama, it sho uld be explained. was the first Bakula Tru1ku Rangdrol Ny ima ( 180 1-1 858 ), wh o served as Ladakh Ch oje from 1843- 185 8 (functioning as abbot of 178 C HAP T ER 9 both Phy ang and Lamayuru). Rangdrol Nyima studied as a you ng man in 0 Province of central Tibet at the important Drigung branch monastery Yan<>ri Gar (and under Dri 31, ChOkyi 0 G yaltshen ?) .637 TH E CH EN RE ZIG LH AK JlA NG (AVALOKlTESVARA TE MP LE ) Th e last temple of Lamayuru that Snellorove visited in 1979 was the Chcnrezig "Lhakhang: 6J8 On our previous vis it we see m to have missed see ing one very interest ing tem ple . wh ich ma y be as late as the 19th century or eve n the 20t h century. wh ich is dedicated to Avalokite5vara and contains murals , cov erin g all fou r walls. illustrating the life of Sakyamuni, a very usual theme, but also "pr evious life'" IJataka] stories, as con tain ed in an old collection of suc h stories, known as "Th e Wi se Ma n and the Fool .. lmD :an gs bltm ] wh ich has been popular reading in the Tib eta n Buddhist lands. Th e Chenrezig Lhakhang is in a separate building of its ow n. In her forthcoming paper. ·'Lamayuru (Ladakh}- Chenrezik Lhakhang: Th e Ba r do thos gro f Illustrated as a Mural Painting," Kristin Blancke describes the temple and its murals as "the Chenrezik Lhakhang. rising by the side of a thicket of willows in the northern section of the monastic com pou nd, between the monastery kitchen and the small monks" schooJ.''639 She continu es: According to local sources. the location of this hall corresponds to the original site of the northern mo st of the five temples. Th e reconstruction and decoration of this temple see ms to have been a project particularly dea r to Rangdrol Nyima. Th e temple dedicated to Ch enr ezi k (Avaloki te5vara) is used mainly wh en people con gre oate there to recite one hundred "million Ch enr ezi k mantras. especially in the first fifteen day s of the Tib eta n year and for one we ek during summer. Th e main feature in the hall is a Iaroe ele ven -he ade d and thousand"ed Chenrezi k statue . A Iocal arm informant told me that Ba kul a Rangdrol Ny ima commissioned the paintings in the hall so as to instruct his people about what it takes to become a Bu ddh a (the south-east wall at the sides and above the main entrance is covered with detailed mural paintings of the Jataka tales and the life of the Buddha) and the way to get there through the devotional practice of Avalokite5vara. On the north-west wall. on the left near the door to the inner sanctum, there is a beautiful although very damaged painting of Avalokite5vara. with rays of light emanating from his heart to each of the six realms of samsara in order to eliminate the s ufferino0 of all beings. The mural paintings on the right band side (north -eastern direction). representing the visions one has during the intermediate state (bar do) between death and rebirth .... Blancke explains Rangdrol Nyima 's motives:600 From an interview with Lama Ko nchok Gyatso in Lamayuru (June 2009) !learned tha t Ra noo drol Nyima. while dev oti no0 all his efforts to rebuild the entire monastery, was particularly interested in the Cbenrezik Temple because he had a very strong personal connection with Avalokite§vara. From Lama Konchok Rigzin I heard that , while staying at Tritapuri during his pilgrimage to Mo unt Kailash , Rangdrol Nyima had apparently received an object with the Chenrezik mantra from a ntlga. and this has been put inside the main statue in the temple . An earlier source. the 1999 Lamayuru guide book of Jina and Namgyal, erroneously said the temple was erected in Rangdrol Nyima's mem ory, after his passing away.''" The building, which that source also called the "Rangdrol Nyima Building." includes an mner sanctum. a cen tral assembly ball ('du khang, with the Bardo-deity murals), and verandah (sgo kha11g). The entire temple. if built in the memory of Rangdrol Nyima. would have been built after the death of the Second Bakula ' Rangdrol Nyima (tenure Ladakh Chos rje 1843- 1858). who was still living in 1862.641 Yet Jina and Namgyal also said the temple was about one hundred fiftyseven years o ld. which in 1999 would have made its foundatio n year 1842.643 The main Tibetan-language source on Lamayuru's history cited by Jina and Namgyal and others is Ranodrol c Nyima ·s History of Lamayum.,.. In their bibliography. they list that work as ''Rongdol Nima, History of Lamayuru Monastery (i n Sodhi Language), unpublished script preserved in Lamayuru Monastery."645 They ci te or quote it frequentl y in their chapte r I, "Historical Background.'' The hero of the revival of Lama yuru in the 1840s-1860s was Lama Rangdrol Nyima.t>-16 Frc. 9.2. Peaceful nnd wrathfu l deities of the Bardo Ground floor, centra l Dukhang, Chenrezik Lhakhang, Lamayuru; mid- or late 1860s Photograph by Prof. Dr. G. 0 . Dyhrenfurth uterature: M. PalllS 1939, facing p. 249 [1949 edition, facing p. 234, re: p. 213): ~Painting at Yuru. Dtvinities with their consort energies under both peaceful and terrible aspects," and D.jackson 2002, appendix, murals, (3) Derails from Lamayuru Murals. Kris tin Blancke also described the author of the Lamayuru history, correctly dating hi s period. thou2h not knowing his exact year of birth:c.n ' 'Bakula Rangdrol Nyima was the abbot of Lamayuru monastery. The dates of his birth and death are unknown, but he was a contemporary ofTsUitrim Nyima ( 1796-1872) of Rizong monastery, and the two wo rked close Iy together." I estimate Rangdrol Nyi ma 's dates as from 1800/180 I to about 1879. 1 have seen two birth dates for Ranodrol c ~ PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL I79 Nyima: 1800 and 180J.M~~ Fran~ois gave a death date of 1858, which was too early. since his history dates to 1862. I suspect he died in the late 1870s. A strong hint to that effect is the fact that his rebirth as Bakula Rangdrol Nyima Tulku was said to have been in 1880.649 Normally the rebirths occur about a year after the death of a tnlkn, so I provisionally suggest that he may have died in about 1879. One small area from the Chenrezik Lhakhang's murals was photographed by GUnter Dyhrenfurth in the 1930s and published by Marco Pall is. (See Fig. 9 .2) Though some scholars thought this was from the Gonkhang, it turned out to portray the Bardo murals of this chapel. We can now easily identify the deities depicted as belonging to the peaceful and wrathful deities from that cycle of teachings. (See Fig. 93.) DATING THE MAIN MuRALs Concerning the date of construction and decoration of the temple. Kri sti n Blancke says, "From one inscription in the temple we learn that the Chenrezik Lhakhang was built and decorated in the 'year of the horse' a favorable year to go on pilgrimage to Mount Kailash."6 ji) Blancke continues: ''Most probably this must have been either 1846/1847 or 1858/1859." Though she does not mention it, it could have been the iron-horse year ( 1870171). One of the lay helpers who were assisting the painters to meet their daily needs for food. etc., during the five summers of work selflessly decided to stay behind in the summer of that horse year and continued to support those painters. Rangdrol Nyima (who I assume wrote the fairly long inscription summarized by Blancke) mentioned him by name, commending his sacri lice and had a picture of Mount Kailash painted for him; seeing its painted form was also highly beneficial, Rangdrol Nyima 180 CHAPTER 9 - . .... . • • ••• • reminded that pious layman. That is the unusual origin of the depiction of Mount Kailash as a little detail on one wall. (See Fig. 9.5.) The inscription states that during the five consecutive summers when the painting work was being done. the workers can1e to a horse year. So the period in which the painting was executed was not a single horse year. but a horse year within a sequence of five consecutive years: for example. summer 1866 to 1870, I867 to 1871 , 1868to 1872, 1869 to 1873, or 1870 to 1874. (Here we are counting only summers and do not have Frc. 9· 3 Two Peaceful Bnrdo Deities, de[3il Ground floor, central Dukhang, Chenrezik lhakhang, lamayuru; mid- or lace 1860s Phorograph by Dorjey Angdus, 2009/2010, courtesy of Kriscin Blancke FIG. 9·4 Mounr Kailash Ground floor, central Dukhang, Chenrezik Lhakhang, Lamayuru Photograph by Andreas Gruschke After Karl Heinz Everding 1993, p. 294, " Kailash, rhc Holy Mountain of the Tibetans.'' Frc. 9· 5 Derail of Moum Kailash Ground floor, cemral Dukhang, Chenrezik Lbakhang, Lamayuru; mid- or late 1860s After P. S. Jina and K. Namgyal 1999, plate 25, "Gangs Rinpoche in Rangdrol Nyima Lhakhang." Ftc. 9.6 Eleven-headed Avalokitesvara with lineal Gurus Ground floor, Dukhaog, Chenrezik Lhakhang, Lamayuru; mid- or late 1860s Photograph after P. S. Jina and K. Namgyal 1999, fig. 21, "Avalokitesva ra (Karsa rpani) mandala on the wall of Chandrazi." Nyang Ralpajen (mNga' bdag Nyang RaJ pa can). It begins the same as that for the Gyalpo Kambum (rGyal po bka' 'bum) as found in the Fifth Dalai Lama's Record of Teachings Received.652 Later the same source gives an identical lineage for the Kachem Kakholma, but adding brief iconographic descriptions of some of the gurus.653 The second lineage according to the Fifth Dalai Lama is: I . Chos sku sNang ba mtha' yas 2. Lonas sku sPy an ras 0ozi 0os 1:) 3 . sPrul sku Srong btsan sgan1 po 4 . Urgyan Padma ' byung gnas (Padmasambhava) 5. gTer ston Grub thob dngos grub (Ia stod pa sngags par Ia pa can) to specify the years as 1870n I, to take into account that each Tibetan lunar year begins on a new moon day roughly in example. It depicts a mural in the central Dukhang, left wal l, and has paintings that depict eightAvalokitdvara with Kagyu spring of a year and extends two or three gurus.651 The individual names of gurus lunar months into the next year of our Western calendar.) are not provided by labels on this mural. Figure 9.7 depicts a four-armed , one-faced white Avalokitesvara with lineage on the ground-floor walls of the I. Murals from the Chenrezig Uzakha.ng. Duk/zang, and Inner Sanctum, ground floor (mid- or late 1860s) The main murals on the ground floor of the Chenrezig Lhakhang date to the 1860s. I believe Figure 9.6 is one such inner sanctum. The lineage originates with the Nyingma School (with the Terton Nyang Ral) and was transmitted to the Drigung Kagyu by (Ngari Rigdzin?) Legden Dudjom (Legs Idan bdud 'joms), if my reading is correct. The beginning of the lineage seems to be a Nyingma tenna teaching of Ngadak 6. mNga' bdag Nyang raJ pa can (sngags dkar Ieang Ia can) 7. La stod pa Mi bskyod rdo rje 8. rJe btsun Shakya bzang po (rten doe slono) "' 0 9. Bla rna Lha rje dGe 'bum (sngags dkar Ieang Ia can skyid slumg ljangs pa) 10. Drin can Sangs rgyas ICam mo Ye shes mchog (La stod pa dge ma snyen sgom thag can) 11. Byang sems Chu sgom z.hig po 12. mTha' bzhi Bya bra! chen po (dbus pa rab byung c/zas) 13. 'Jam dbyangs bsod nams seng ge (stod pa rab byung chas) PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL I8I Frc. 9-7 Four-arm ed Avalokiresvara with Lineage Ground floor, Inner Sancrum , cenrral Dukhan g, Chenrezik Lhakhang, Lamayu ru ; mid- or late 1860s Photogr aph by Dorjey Angdus, 200912010, counesy of Kristin Blancke Sanctum , which were decorat ed after the murals were comb uildino and ori!rinal 0 " pleted during a five year period in the mid- to late 1860s or early 1870s (one of those years being a horse. namely 1870). Here. too. when the individual gurus are labeled, it is easy to confirm the Dri gung abbacy in which the mural was painted by identifying the latest abbot. [5] (II] 8 6 4 16 14 12 21 25 19 23 17 21 18 22 30 29 27 26 2 10 14. Bla rna bKra shis rgyal mtshan 15. Bla chen Blo gros rgyal mtshan (dbu.v pa rab byung elias) 16. ' Phags mchog Nor bu bzang po 17. mKhas grub bZang po rgyal mtshan 18. mOo sngags Chos kyi rgyal mtshan 19. Bla rna Rio chen rdo rje 20. sNang gsa! ba bk:ra shis rgya mtsho 21. Ri gs ' dzin du? ma rang grot 22. rJe Ngag dbang ye shes grub pa 23. Zur Khyab bdag Chos dbyings 3 7 13 (9] (15] 120] 124) [28] in Diagram [A]. (Numbe rs in square brackets are not actually visible on that photograph .) In the mural and my diagram. number 17 is Legden Dudjom . ouru e As we near the end, guru number 25 is Dri 31 , Ch6 kyi Gyalts hen (Chos kyi rgyal mtshan): g uru number 27 is Dri 30, Peme Gyaltsh en {Padma 'i rgyal mtshan); and guru number 29 is Dri 34, Thukje Nyima (Thugs rje'i nyi ma). Since the last master' s tenure was 18661871. I suggest dating thi s painting to that period. the mid- or late 1860s. rang grot 24. The Fifth Dalai Lama. "Zahor Bande" The Lamayuru mural follows that 1ineage at least up to number 15, Lachen Lotro Gyahsh en (Bia chen Blo gros rgyal mtshan) . who appears as number 18 in diagram [A]. From the available photograph I have ordered the gurus L82 C HA PTER 9 2. Mural from the Chenre::.ik Uwkhang. Dukhang. umtem (1870s) There are reasons to date the murals in the lantern of the central Dukhan g of the Chenrez ig Ulakha ng one guru oeneration later than those in the lower "' (i.e., ground-Aoor) murals of the san1e temple' s central Dukhang and Inner The same building ·s central Dukhan g has a lantern with murals that include some gurus of the Dri gung Kagyu order. As we see in Figure 9 .8, this is not just the usual main Drigung lineage (whose gums arc painted in small figures at the top center). To the contrary. it shows through the larger the two main lineages of Indian fi!!Ufes 0 Mallaya na Buddhi st practice that they inherited from Gampo pa 's Kadam training. In other words, we have depicted here the two main traditio ns of Atisa: the one transmitted via the Bodhisattva Maiijus rr and Nagarjuna (the Madhya maka tradition ) and the one transmitted via the Bodhisattva Maitrey a and Asanga (the Yogacara tradition). Stylistic ally, this and the other two panels of this lantern are interesting for not employ ing the Drigung style at all. Rather, the pai nter was obviously someone trained in the Tsangri sty le. and he was not afraid to show it. Note the solid deep-bl ue skies and promine nt cluster of non-Driri snow mounta ins on the far left edge of the panel, on the far horizon of the landsca pe. (Typically. Tsangri glacier peaks have somewh at rounded peaks and an appeara nce that is easily distinguishab le from the conically pointed Driri mountains.) this lantern was painted in the 1870s, the final decade of Rangdrtil Nyima's life. I could confirm from the photographs that the two lamas shown most prominently to the right and left of the central throne are labeled as (Dri 34) Thukje Nyima, left, and (Dri 33) Chonyi Norbu, right. Dri 35, Chokyi Lotrd, seems to be the first lan1a to the left in the bottom row. In the Drigung lineage most lamas wear gomsha. and all wear monk's robes except three: Dakpo Wang (Dri 13), Gyalwang Kunga Rinchen (Dri 17), and Je Ratna (Rinchen Phlintshok, Dri 18), who also wear distinctive rigdzin hats. (Their hats lack the vajra crest of a "Terton Lotus hat.") 3. More Recent Murals of Lamayuru: the Gonkhang (late 1920s or early 1930s) At Lamayuru, many surviving murals date to between the 1860s and 1940s, with only tl1e Sengge Gang Temple dating much older and several temples still newer. Those dating to the 1920s or 1930s are a few generations more recent than those in the Lamayuru Chenrezik Lhakhang. With them, too, if the individual gurus are labeled with nan1es, it is fairly easy to confirm the Drigung abbacy in which a given mural section Figure 9.9 shows the murals of fiG. 9.8 Drigung Kagyu Gurus of Kadam Mahayana Lineages Lantern, central Dukhang, Chenrezik Lhakhang, Lamayuru; 1870s Photograph by Dorjey Angdus, 2009/2010, courtesy of Krisrin Blancke f i G. 9·9 Drigwtg Kagyu Gurus with Jigten Sumgon in the center Lantern, Inner Sanctum, Cbenrezik Lhakhang, Lamayuru; 1870s Photograph by Dorjey Angdus, 2009/2010, courtesy of Krisrin Blancke yet another lantern ceiling in the Chenrezig Lhakhang, evidently in the Inner Sanctum of the temple. (It was said to be in the Dukhang by Jina and Namgyal 1999 .)654 In this skyli ght or lantern (called in Ladakh namling) are pictured the Drigung Kagyu lineal gurus, with Jigten Sumgon prominently in the middle. The latest gurus listed are Jina and Namgyal's munbers 28- 30, which COITespond with Dri nun1bers 33- 35.655 Hence the latest guru (number 29) is Chtikyi Lotrd, Dri 35, whose tenure was 1871- 1906. Therefore, I suggest that was painted by identifying the latest abbot among them. One chapel of Lamayuru with murals depicting fairly recent Drigung Kagyu gurus is the Gonkhang in the main building. This chapel is reached by the small stairs that lead to the upper floors. Its wall paintings were thought to date to about the 1930s. Jina and Namgyal 1999 mention that the Gonkhang murals depict up to the thirty-sixth lama of tile Drigung Kagyu order above the central figure.656 I believe they were referring to the abbacy of Dri 37, 1927-1940. Figure 9.10 presents a mural in the Lan1ayuru Gonkhang that depicts PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL I83 FIG. 9· IO Murals of protective deities Gonkhang, Lamayuru; late 1920s or early 1930s Photograph by Chiara Bellini Frc. 9· n Stupa with murals behind that depict lineage masters Gonkhang, Lamayuru; late1920s or early 1930s Murals painted by Tshewang Rigdzin Photograph by Prof. Dr. G. 0. Dyhrenfurth Literature: M. Pall is 1939, facing p. 274 [1949 edition, facing p. 234, re: p. 213]: "Ladakh Temple Decoration." Frc. 9.r2 Achi and other Protective Deiries Murals painted by Tshewang Rigdzin Gonkhang, Lamayuru; late 1920s or early 1930s Photograph by Chiara Bellini Literarure: M. Pallis 1939, facing p. 249 [1949 edition, facing p. 234, re: p. 213]: "Celestial beings. From a temple at Yuru in Ladakh." protective deities. Prominent in this mural detail is the goddess Tsheringma riding a snow lion before a three-peaked glacier mountain. To the far left, flames engulf more wrathful deities, though the tips of the flame tongues are not the typical Driri ones. The clouds and mountains are also not distinctively Driri. The painting thus seems to embody a local Menri style, though this will need to be teased out in more detail from several examples. According to one tradition, this chapel was bui It by the Eighth Togdan Tulku (1869- 1934) in 1904, and its new painting was ordered by his rebirth, the next Togdan Tulku, after the collapse of the last levels of the facade .657 (The Ninth Togdan Tulku [b. 1938] began his tenure as Ladakh Choje in 1947.) Yet actually these murals are a bit older, dating to the time of the original foundation by the Eighth Togdan. Figure 9.11 is a photograph of a stupa with a mural behind it that depicts lineal gurus. They were photographed presumably i.n 1934 by GUnther r84 CHAPTER 9 Dyhrenfurth ( 1886-1975), a Germanborn, German-Swiss mountaineer. geologist. and Himalayan explorer. who led international Himalaya expeditions in 1930 to Mount Kangchenjunga and in 1934 to the Baltoro region of the Karakoram Mountains. Figure 9.12 depicts another detail of the murals to the right of the ones in Figure 9.1 0. It allows us to see clearly a number of protectors with their various animal mounts and s urrounding clusters of white, pink. and gray clouds . To the rig ht Aames surro und the still more wrathful deities of the adjoining section, wi th Aame-tips as in Figure 9.JO.These mural s are not in the Driri style. Lamayuru is a livin g monastery. and occasio nall y its monks decide that the extremely dilapidated or unstable condi tion of a chapel calls for its complete rebuilding. At Larnayuru this was the case in the 1970s. as we see in Figure 9.13. The chapel was not one with ancient murals. Here the lay people have been enlisted to help with the work. As Romi Khosla observed in his caption. ''The building and demolition of temples is a perpetual process that has been continuing for centuries:· I beli eve the photograph shows demolition work that was carried o ut in preparation for rebui lding the sixteenpillar Dukhang Sarpa on the wes t end of the o ld bui lding, located on the upper Aoor o n Khosla·s plan as "Sar pa Du khang.''<~38 Khosla visited Ladakh in 1968, 1970. and 1977. This photograph was probably taken in 1970. (Khosla was part of the 1977 Nehru-Universitysponsored project that was meant to record all the wal l paintings of Alchi.) According to one unpublished source, the first large hall of Larnayuru (the Dukhang) was built around the cave rgyal 1547- 1602). That initial structure has been restored many times after great invasions or earthquakes; its last restoration dates to 1972. 6 ;9 As a Iivi ng monastery, and not a museum, a Buddhist monastery is also sometimes expanded through the build- that was found there by the third Ladakh Choje. Kunga Legzang (Kun dga · Legs bzang 1552-1607). who was a ppointed in 1570 by the twentieth Drigung abbot. ing of a new temple. At Lamayuru such an event occurred in the mid-1990s when a pious lama-donor sponsored the making of an excellent new Maitreya Temple (Byarns pa IHa khang). From Chogle Namgyal (Phyogs las rNan1 Figure 9.14 we can see no slackening FIG. 9.r3 Demolishing a temple just before rebui lding it Lamayuru; 1970s After Romi Khosla 1979, fig. 174. F1c. 9.14 The Maitreya Lhakhaog Chamchen Lhakhang, Lamayuru, 1995 After P. S. jina and K. Namgyal 1999, cover. PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DR I CUNC K ACYU SC HOOL r8 5 FIG. 9-IS Drigung Kagyu Lineage Lamas Lantern, Old Tshokkhang, Ph yang; 1870s- 1890s Photograph by Lionel Fournier in the quality of workmanship in either sculpture or painting. The artist Konchog Tabdol from Tar not only fashioned the main Maitreya statue but also painted the chapel's murals .~>ro According to one source, the new chapel dedicated to Maitreya at Lamayuru was installed and consecrated in 1995 on the roof of the main building's Achi Temple or "Achikhang" (A phyi khan g) . It was sponsored by the great meditator Drupwang Rinpoche (Grub dbang Rin po che), a master named Konchok Norbu (dKon mchog Nor bu, 1921- 2007).661 4. Phyang. Tshokklumg (Old Assembly Hall) Let us leave Lamayuru and consider now two murals of its sister- or mother - monastery, Phyang. The first (Fig. 9.15) is located in the main Old Assembly Hall (Tshokkhang) of Phyang, of which we have already r86 CHAPTER 9 seen three sections of its sixteenthcentury murals in chapter 6. Those we saw were in the main O ld Assembly Hall that Jina and Namgyal called "Old Temple" (Lhakhang Nyingpa) and "Chokhang.'>662 I recently discovered that the same Old Tshokkhang ("Chokhang") contains in its skylights or lanterns (called mthongs klumg or rgya mthongs in literary Tibetan) more recent murals. Figure 9.15 iII ustrates one such mural . The lineage it depicts continues up to Dri 35, 1871 -1906. Jina and Namgyal provided names of thiny-nine lamas who are depicted, including Choje Deruna. The latest abbatial names include "Thukje Neema" and ·'Choskyi Lotos," Dri 34 and 35.663 (Note that two other prominent lamas with the title "great abbot," or klzenchen (mkhan chen), are depicted, who were evidentl y neither Drigung abbots nor Ladakh Choje: Khenchen Namjom (mKhan chen rNam 'joms) and Khenchen Tshultrim Dorje (mKhan chen Tshul khrims rdo rje). The lantern panel in this case is also notewonhy for the fact that it is not painted with a full-color palette, but with water-color-like " light colors" (ha.r tshon). That was a quicker and cheaper option for painting lanterns and some other parts of murals, though I have seen FJG. 9-I6 Staircase leading ro the Dukhang Sarpa Phyang Monastery; 1970s After Romi Khosla 1979, fig. 83. it only here among the Ladakhi murals. Still, the painter has retained some Driri features, such as pointed mountains and certain cloud types. 5. Phyang. Dukhan.g Sarpa The Dukhang Sarpa or New Assembly Hall of Phyang stands above the adjoin ing central courtyard. It is reached by climbing an open wooden staircase. (See Fig.9.16) When Prem Singh Jina visited one of the main assembly halls of the monastery in 1997, he called it "Dorjechang" and noted that it possessed beautiful wall paintings.66-l He cannot have meant the main old Tshokkhang ("Chokhang"), the twenty-five-pillar "Tsog Khang" shown to the east of the grOlmd floor on Khosla's plan, p. 91 . He thus must have meant the Dukhang Sarpa. Jina and Namgyal in their Phyang book of 1995, also list the presence of lamas in a lantern of [The New] Dukhang (Dukhang Sarpa), but do not Figure 9.17 confirms that the lineage continues at least to Thugje Nyima at the bottom left. Figure 9.18 illustrates the central wall of Phyang, Dukhang Sarpa, lantern, showing the lineage up to Dri 37, 19271940. At Ph yang in the New Dukhang the murals are evidently the same style as those in the Lamayuru Gonkhang, which we could date to the late 1920s or early 1930s. Thus they belong to the period of the Menri artist Tshewang Rigdzin, possibly assisted by his disciple Konchok Gyaltsheo of Phyang (whose lives are discussed in chapter I 0) . list their names.665 But Jina's separate f iG. 9.17 Drigung Lamas Phyang, Dukhang Sarpa, central wa ll, lantern; ca. !are 1920s Photograph by Lionel Fournier FIG. 9.18 Lantern, New Dukhang, Phyang; late 1920s or early 1930s Photograph by Luciano Monticelli Photograph courtesy of Erberto Lo Bue After Lo Bue 2007b, fig. 31. publication of 1999 does: There he describes in some detail the main subjects of paintings of the upper story of his so-called "Dorjechang" Dukhang, central wal l.666 Among the twenty-one figures he lists, most are Drigung Kagyu lineal gurus. The most recent ones he mentions are: 15. "Choskyi Lotus," 20. "Zeeve Lotus," and 8. "Choskyi Zugnas."These nan1es correspond with Dri 35, 36, and 37. Hence the murals cannot have been painted earlier than the abbacy of Dri 37, Chokyi Jungne, whose tenure was 1927- 1940. PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL 187 Three Artists in Drigung Kagyu Monasteries of Ladakh in the Twentieth Century 1 smnmarize the careers of three artists of Ladakh who flourished in the twentieth century: Tshewang Rigdzin of Khalatse (Tshe dbang rig ' dzin, circa 1877/1890-circa 196811970), Konchok Gyal tshen of Phyang (d. late 1960s), and Yeshe Jamyang of Nyurla (b. 1932). Two of them practiced their arts in the early and midtwentieth century, while the third, Yeshe IN THIS CHAPTER Jan1yang, is still alive, in his eighties. Of these three, the latter two were monks of Drigung Kagyu monasteries (Phyang and Lamayuru). However, the first, Tshewang Rigdzin , was neither a Drigung Kagyu monk nor did he pai nt in the Driri. Nevertheless, as the most outstanding artist of his generation, he was invited to lead the painting of murals at both Phyang and Lamayuru. TSHEWANG R IGDZIN OF KHALATSE Though Tshewang Rigdzin was most famed as a sculptor, he was also a highl y ski lied painter, training one monk of Phyang in that art. If he did not paint in the Driri , what was his style? He executed murals in a central-Tibetan Menri style (Uri). Clare Harris discusses Tshewang Rigdzin 's career in connection with his main pupil as a sculptor, Ngawang f i G. IO. I Wayside chorren and barley field near a Ladakhi village Photograph by R. C. Nicholson, 1936 After Marco Pallis 1949, p. 397. Tsering ofTia. Harris also managed to locate a rare photograph ofTshewang Rigdzin , which I present as Figure 10.2. According to her, Tshewang Rigdzin originally came from the village of Lingshed, which before 1947 was known for clay sculpture. Lingshed was located on an inaccessible spot on the banks of the Zangskar River. and its residents traditionally sculptured clay or practiced medicine.667 Harris added that when Tshewang Rigdzin became a renowned artist, he was granted land and asked to stay at Khalatse. Erberto LoBue in a publication of 2007 sketches the career of Tshewang Rigdzin in more detail.668 ln the 2011 edition of the 2007 article, LoBue corrects a few errors folUld in the earlier version. For example. he explains that the wall paintings published by Marco Pall is in Peaks and Lamas should be identified as folUld in the Lamayuru Gonkhang, not its Dukhang. Their style and that of the woodwork in the temple is identical to that in the paintings in the Dukhang of Phyang, confinning their attribution to Tshewang Rigdzin, LoBue adds.669 In the following pages I paraphrase LoBue's biographical sketch of Tshewang Rigdzin, retaining his footnotes but regularizing the transliteration and quotations. (Since LoBue 2007b cited the 1942 edition of Marco Pallis's book- which has a different pagination - ! have added the page numbers of the 1948 definitive edition.) fiG. 1 0.2 Tshewang Rigdzin in the 1940s Photograph courtesy of Ngawang Tsering Aher Clare Harris 2005, fig. 3. His Life Story The sculptor and painter Tshewang Rigdzin from Khalatse670 was early in life a monk, but later reverted to layman status.671 He inherited a handwritten copy of a collection of texts on drawing, painting, modeling images, and related crafts, which was entitled: Cha tshad rtogs byed (A Means to Understand Sacred ProportiollS) from an uncle who taught drawing at Tashi lhunpo Monastery before returning to Ladakh.672 He was active in Lamayuru Monastery, where he fashioned and painted two 122-centimeter-tall clay statues found in the sanctum. The first, depicting Rematf, he evidently made in the late PAI NT ING TRAD ITIO NS OF THE ORJGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL 189 FIG. 10.3 Stupa with murals behind of Drigung Kagyu lineage masters Murals possibly painted by Tshewang Rigdzin Giinkhang, Lamayuru, Ladakh; late 1920s or early1930s Photograph by Prof. Dr. G. 0. Dyhrenfurth, 1934 Literature: M. Pallis 1939, facing p. 274 [1949 edition, facing p. 234, re: p. 213]: "Lama Temple Decoration." FIG. 10.41\ Achi and other Protective Deities Murals possibly painted by Tshewang Rigdzin Giinkhang, Lamayuru; late 1920s or early 1930s Photograph by Prof. Dr. G. 0. Dyhrenfunh, 1934 Literature: M. Pallis 1939, facing p. 249 [1949 edition, facing p. 234, re: p. 213]: "Celestial beings. From a temple at Yuru in Ladakh." FIG. 10.48 Achi and other Protective Deities, detail Possibly painted by Tshewang Rigdzin Giinkhang, Lamayuru; late 1920s or early 1930s Photo by Chiara Bellini 1920s, while the second, of another dharmaptila, he made perhaps in the late 1930s. With the help of assistants, he probably decorated the walls of the Lamayuru Gonkhang in the late 1920s or early 1930s. Pall is, who visited the monastery in 1936, tentatively attributed those murals to him.673 (Figures 103, 10.4a, and 10.4b illustrate the murals of that temple.) The rest ofTshewang Rigdzin 's biography I quote from LoBue 2007b: Later, around 1941, the artist also fashioned an 81 -centimeter-tall ' statue of Sakyamuni for the head lama's apartment in Lamayuru. That image was protected by a glass cabinet by the time of my visit in 1978. 190 CHAPTER !0 By 1931 Tshewang Rigdzin. with the assistance of his pupil Konchok Gyaltshen, had com pleted the decoration of the ' new ' asse mbl y hall in the monastery of Phy ang . [See Fig. I0.5.) It took them several years to com plet e it. Pall is admired those paintings for thei r boldness in composition and precision in drawing. perhaps appreciating the figures of tantric deities painted in the lant em along with the images of Vajradhara and various masters of the Kagyu tradition.67• The portraits of Tilo pa. Naropa, Marpa. Milarepa and Jigten Sum gon - the founder of the Drigung Kagyu orde r- on the rear wall of the lantern seem to correspond to those mentioned by Snellgrove and Skorupski as "ver y good paintings:~75 Between the 1920s and the 1960s Tshewan g Ri gdzi n was probably the most celebrated artist in Lad akh . K<5nchok Gyaltshen reoarded him as the best painter. "' Peo ple were eage r to get thangkas painted by him:676 his wor k was in oreat demand all ove r wes tem " t6n where the artist was Tibe called to fashion and paint the statues at Tashigang after that mon aste ry had been destroyed by fire.678 In fact, Tshewang Rigd zin may well be the Ladakhi artist mentioned by Tuc ci in connection with the construc tion of an asse mbl y hall in that very monastery in the early 1930s.679 In the late 1930s Tsh ewa ng Rigdzin was summon ed by Trak thok Monastery at Sakti to fashion the triad of a circa 107-centimeter-tall ima ge of $ai.-yamuni flanked by the circa 94-centimeter images of his 'two best" disciples. Sariputra and Maudgalyayana. In the early 1940s he fashioned a triad mad e up of a 56-c enti met er Amitabha flanked by a <IS-centimeter Avalokitesvara and a 51-centimeter Vajrapa!P for the Dun gka r Yekhyil (Du ng dka r g.yas 'khy il) Temple in the same monastery. To the late 1930s or early 1940s belonos another triad. found in the "' Perna Olin g (Padma 'od gling). the [private residence] apartment of the head lam a of Hem is Monastery: it pon rays a 35-c enti met er Manjusri. a sixty-centimeter-high Eleven-Headed and Tho usan dArmed Avalokitc5vara, and a forty -centimeter-tall Vajrapi!Qi. The artist also fashioned a life-size statue of Padmasan1bhava for the temple devoted to that master at the hermitage of Got shan gpa (rGo d tshang pa), two kilometers abo ve Hemis. In the 1940s or 1950s he modeled a 122-centimeter portrait of the Tibe tan lam a Sherab Gyaltshen (Shes rab rgyal mtshan) for the sanctum of the old assembly hall in Spit uk Monastery, for whi ch he also fashioned a large statue of Vajrabhairava with the help of his pupil Ngawang Tshering (Ngag dba ng tshe ring) [whose life Lo Bue presented later in his article] in the 1960s.680 More works by Tshewang Riodzin remain to be identified in "' akh. Som e also are Lad preserved in Europe: a collection of twenty-nine sheets with icon ometric drawings of various deities according to Frc. 10.5 Decoration of lame rn by Tshewang R1gdzin New Assembly Hall , Ph yang; ca. 1930 Phot ogra ph by Luciano Mon ticelli Ahe r E. LoB ue 2007b, fig. 31. . the Kagyu icon ographic tradition was commissioned from the artist by the mis sio nary Friedrich A. Peter in 193 4-19 35.6111 As a sculptor, he transmitted his skills to Noawano Tsherim! [of Tia F and "' ., Sonam Kalzang (bSo d nam s skal bzan g).w As a painter, he taught Koncho k Gyaltshan (dKon mchog rgyal mtshan) [of Ph yang. the next painter to be considered in this chapter!. - LoB ue ·s biographical sket ch leaves unanswered such questions as: In which monastery was Tshewang Rigdzin originally a monk, and to whi ch reliaiou s tradition did he belong? Also , from "'who m did he learn painting? Tho ugh he painted murals in two prominent Driouno Kag yu monasteries of Ladakh , " "' ., what style were they in? Clearly they are in neither the Driri nor the Tsangri. The sty\istic affiliation of Tsh ewan g Rigdzin's paintings was clarified by Clar e Harris in her article on the sculptor Ngawang Tsering ofT ia, one of his mai n disciples.684 Tba t pupil specified that his teacher followed, in general, central-T ibet an artistic traditions from PAIN TING TRA DITI ONS OF THE ORIG UNC KAG Y U SC HOO L I91 Lhasa and that as a painter he followed the Ori painting style. a branch of the Menri. But Tshewang Rigdzin was not actually trained in central Tibet. Though we are told by another source that one of his uncles had learned and practiced the Tsangri at Tashilhunpo in Tsang. Tshewang Rigdzin must have learned his Ori painting style in Ladakh. without visiting 0 Province. His style seems to be a Ladakhi variant of the Ori. though it does not closely follow the Eri in its treatment of clouds. K ONCH O K GYALTS HAN OF PHYANC Tshewang Rigdzin's main disciple for the art of painting was Konchok Gyaltshan of Phyang. Lo Bue began his brief biographical sketch of this painter's life with the words:W Konchok Gyaltsban. a Kagyu lama, was born to a family of farmers at Phyang. where he taught drawing at the local monastery.686 He died in the late 1960s and by the end of the century had been forgotten in his own monastery. where be had contributed to the decoration of the New Assembly Hall CDu khang gSar pa) and where thangkas painted by him must be [still] ex tant.687 In the 1930s l Marco] Pall is suggested that Ko nchok Gyaltshan was one of the two or three most ta lented painters in Ladakh besides Tshewang Rigdzin and fancied himself in Beato Angelico's workshop while watching him at work.688 At the same time. be found his art to be "a typical example of pleasing but not highly inspired school-work.. and added that ''his work on walls. where a broader treatment was called for. was slightly ahead of his tlumkas: for in a smaller picture. meant to be 192 CHAPTER 10 viewed from close up, questions of finesse count for more.'LoBue went on to discuss a few more points about Konchok Gyaltshan. but we should stress at once that he was not mainly trained in the Driri style. Though a monk of the Drigung Kagyu. be learned a variety of the Ori from Tsewang Rigdzin. Nevertheless, he was also one of the first living exponents of Tibetan pai nting to be investigated on the spot by a Westerner. In 1936 when Marco Pall is traveled to Ladakh and stayed at the Drigung Kagyu monastery of Phyang, he took painting and religious lessons from none other than our subject, Ko nchok Gyaltshan. In his perceptive later chronicle of that j ourney, Peaks and Lamtu, Pall is described meeting and studying under this painter, who he said came from the Ph yang valley and had in the late 1920s worked with the Ladakhi painter (Lingsbed Tshewang) Rigdzin in painting some murals at Phyang.- Konchok Gyaltsban is pictured at work opposite page 334 in Pallis's book (See Fig. 10.6). His proportions of the Buddha are presented on the page facing page 338. Pallis and his two traveling companions each commissioned thangkas from Konchok Gyaltshan. One day the painter suddenly asked Pallis: 691 "D o you wish me to put in ordinary clouds or Kargyudpa clouds?" "What are they?" we asked. "Why should there be two sorts of clouds?" "But there are," said the lama: "from ancient times the artists of the Kargyudpa have their own special convention for portraying clouds, and also certain plants. No other order draws them as we do: we are of course penni ned to use the ordinary methods. too. but we prefer our own tradition:· We of course ordered Kagyupa clouds for our thangkas; they can be seen on the photograph opposite page 404. where one of Gyaltshan ·s works bas been reproduced. Konchok Gyaltshan was thus proficient in both Drigung Kagyu (Driri) and non-Drigung (0-Province Meori or Ori) clouds. (We should understand "Drigung Kagyu·· whenever Pall is speaks of "Kargyudpa'' clouds.) lndeed. the Drigungstyle clouds can just be made out in the tiny black and white reproduction of the thangka being painted by Konchok Gyaltshan in Pallis's book. (See Fig. I0.6.) But I cannot find them in the thangka he pai nted for Pallis (Figs. 10.7 and I0.7a). Figure I 0.6 illustrates the traditional Drigung Kagyu painting that Konchok Gyaltshan was working on in 1936. There we see the typical Driri composition. clouds. and of course the Drigung Kagyu lineal lamas with gomslw above. The skies and palette are probably a bit lighter than in the Tsangri. Konchok Gyaltshan. too. had a traditional preference for whitish (sl.;ya bo) colors. something that Pallis considered his main aesthetic defect: "His chief fault lay in a tendency to mix in too much white with his paintings, which made his colours. especially blues, rather mi lky:· (Pall is did not know that whitish colors were one of the highly prized special features of Driri style pai nting; the Ori also uses much li ghter and paler blues than the Tsangri .) For Pallis's commission. however, Konchok Gyaltshan changed styles. ln Figure 10.7a we can see a much darker sky. He also did not use "Kagyudpa" i.e .. Driri - clouds. Despite the poor quality of the available photos. he evidently did not follow the Driri style in this thangka. T hough he was a Drigung monk painting for a patron who was willing to accept Driri-style clouds. for some reason (habit?) be reverted back to the main style of his training. the Meori. • ftG. 10.6 Ki:inchok Gyalrshan whi le painting Phyang,Ladakh;1936 Photograph by R. C. Nicholson After Marco Pallis, 1949, p. 397-3. Thus I conclude that Ktinchok Gyaltshan as a painter was flexible enough to sometimes adopt elements from the Driri in his paintings and even to make thangkas resembling the Driri style. But his main and usual style remained the local Ori style he had learned from Tshewang Rigdzin. YESHE }AMYANG OF NYURLA I would like to conclude this chapter by sketching the career ofYeshe Jamyang of Nyurla (b. 1932). Unlike the first two Ladakhi artists discussed in this chapter, he was primarily trained in the Driri style. He and his paintings were briefly documented thirty years ago by Erberto LoBue in his survey of twentieth-cen- tury Ladakhi traditional Buddhist painting that he published in 1983. When PAINTING TRAD ITIO NS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 193 FIG. IO. 7 "Domestic articles of everyday use. Thangka by Gyal£Shan of Phyang." Photograph by R. C. Nicholson After Marco Pallis, 1949, p. 330, full illustration. researching current painters in the early 1980s. LoBue was not able to interview Yeshe Jamyang. but he mentioned his Drigung Kagyu religious affiliation and some painting activities, including those carried out in a settlement monastery in south India, where five of hi s large thangka hung in 1981. LoBue also published a mural detail from hi s painting in the Lamayuru New Dukhang's veranda (Fig. 10.8). LoBue also mentioned Yeshe Jamyang 's painting (in 1976) of the Fo ur Great Guardian Kings at Lamayuru in collaboration with Ngawang CMphel (b. 1938), a Ladakhi monk and painter who had studied at Drepung Monastery near Lhasa for four years.691 In a subsequent publication, LoBue sketched Yeshe Jam yang's life in more detaii.69J There 194 CHAPTER 10 he explained: '·One of the foremost representatives of the Drigung Kagyu pain tina tradition in the twentieth century is "' Yeshe Jamyang (b. 1932), a monk from Nyurla, whose work has been studied by David Jackson 2002. Here I will confine myself to supplementing the information afforded by Jackson with data aathered during hi s own interviews with "' the painter in 200 I and 2002 ... Yeshe Jam yang also earned prominent mention in other publications, such as in the Ladakh book by Bedi and Bedi where he is mentioned under the name "Lan1a Jan1yang" as the most ski lied among the Ladakhi monks who were expert painters of murals.694 Yeshe Jamyang kindly revealed for the first time details about his life when interviewed in 1995 by Ngawang Tsering of Nyurla. In the following pages I would like to summarize his life story, beainnina with the facts of his early life "' "' that he shared in that interview. FIG. I0.7A Detail of Fig. 10.7, thangka painted by Konchok Gyaltshan of Pbyang 1. Yeshe Jamyang j · Summary of Styles One of the chief reasons that the Driuuna pain tina style became more widely " "' " noticed by scholars working in the 1990s on Tibetan art was that Yeshe Jam yang prominentl y menti oned it when recountina a crucial traditional list of Tibetan " painting styles.695 Yeshe Jamyang was then believed to be one of the last livi ng artists trained in Drigung's special painting lineage. 696 He still resided mainly in his homeland. Ladakh. In September 1995, my friend and colleague Nyurla Naawana ., Tserina was kind enough to "' search him out and interview him at Leh. .. When approached by his countryman and fellow Drigung Kagyu adherent, the painter agreed - at age sixty-three- to aive his first s uch interview. speaki ng in "' Ladakhi dialect.697 (See Fig. 10.9.) I have published that whole interview elsewhere (0. Jackson 2002). FIG. I0.8 Landscape derail from between rwo Grear Kings Veranda, New Dukhang, Lamayuru; 1976 Painting by Yeshe Jamyang After E. L{) Bue 1983, plate 50. [5] Eri (E ris), the painting school of E District [in southeast D Province] [6] Tsangri (gTsang ris), the painting school of Tsang Province [particu- FrG. 10.9 Ngawang Tsering and Yeshe Jamyang Leh; 1995 Photograph courtesy of Nyurla Ngawang Tsering larly at Tashilhunpo Monastery] supplementing it with further information. There I explained: 698 Yeshe Jamyang's account is important not only as a rare description of a practically unknown painting tradition, but also for what it tells about other schools of Tibetan art. The Drigung painting tradi tion , Yeshe Jamyang insisted, was unique: it was a style peculiar to Drigung and not related to the other well -known traditions such as the Menri or Karma Gardri. To clarify its independent status, he repeated a traditional list of six main regional or local styles: 699 [l] Gyari (rGya ris), the painting school of China [2] Khamri (Khams ris) , the painting school of Kham [3] Driri ("Bri ris), the painting school of Driouno "' "' [4] Tshurri (mTshur ris), the painting school of Tshu rphu [the Karma Kagyu monastery in northeast U] Yeshe Jamyang repeats here an important traditional stylistic classification, which he no doubt learned in D Province as a monk of the Drigung Kagyu tradition. D, Tsang and Kham provinces were each home to more than one school of painting, but Tibetan art termi nology commonly spoke of the style of a given province- Uri, Tsangri, or Khanui - referring to the most widespread style in each province. Accordingly, the list mentions a style of Tsang and one of Kham . But when it can1e to their own provinces, artists normally drew even finer stylistic distinctions. This was tme ofYeshe Jam yang. who as a painter trained in 0 distinguished three different schools in D Province: those of Drigu ng, Tshurphu and E. One difficult question faced by modern stylistic studies has been: How can we identify examples of each style? Yeshe Jam yang, again repeating Drigung oral tradition, gives us useful hints for differentiating regional styles on the basis of the relative darkness or lightness of their overall palette or color schemes. He seems to be a unique oral source for this, representing his training in Drigung, when he enumerates four traditional descriptions of painting schools:700 1. "Chinese style was like a rainbow in the sky" (rgya bris nam mklw'i ')a' tshon 'dra). 2 . "The painting school from Kham was like the dusk of evening" (khams ris mun pa rub pa 'dra). 3. "The style of E District is like the dawn" (e bris nam mkha' tangs pa 'dra) .701 4 . "The painting school from Drigung is like after sunrise" ( 'bri bris nyi ma shar ba 'dra). This traditional saying asserts that the colors of one non-D school, that of Kham, were comparatively dark and muted, (like the sky and landscape) after PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL I95 dusk has fallen.";02 (The colors in the Tsang style were similarly dark, though that style is omitted here.) The styles of two D-Province traditions were lighter. That of E- the Eri or Yeri (g.Ye ris) was, however. relatively faint, like the colors at dawn, while those of his own Drigung painting tradition were lighter (sl. ya ba. " more whitish"), !.ike after sun- -T • -r rise, i.e., in daylight. Thus Yeshe Jamyang's stylistic aphorism illuminates not just his own rare Drigung tradition, but also recent stylistic studies, in general. As a repository of certain crucial traditional sayings, he is a living treasure and has been cited in several publications on Tibetan painting and its history.703 He is also living testan1ent to the fact that, in addition to the famous main painting styles of Menri and Karma Gardri, there also survived at Drigung until the 1950s a rare and independent painting tradition. 2. His Life Story Yeshe Jam yang was born in 1932 in a modest fami ly of Nyurla Village in lower Ladakh as the youngest of three brothers.704 His older brother took charge of the fami ly land and lived in the family house. His middle brother, who was eight years older than he, was ordained a monk of Likir Monastery (a Geluk monastery in western Ladakh)1°5 and went to study at Drepung Monastery in central Tibet. When Yeshe Jam yang was a child, his parents used to keep him very clean. They never mixed his cup with others or stepped over him. In his third year he was taught the Tibetan alphabet by his parents, though he had difficulty learning it because they did not teach him properly. One day in spring he was left alone in bed while his parents went to work in the fields. He suddenly saw on the wal l before him characters that someone had written, and he found he could read them by himself, though he had not really learned them from 196 CHAPTER !0 F1c. ro.ro Peasant House in Ladakh Photograph by R. C. Nicholson, 1936 After Marco Pallis, 1949, p. 234. others. Feeling very happy and proud, he got out of bed and searched for a text to read. Finding a small sutra text called the Bumcfmn.g ('Bum c/umg), he learned to read from this. He could read individual characters though not certain combinations. He was overjoyed. That same year a government public school opened for the first time, starting in the monastery of Jujikzhal (the old temple of Eleven-headed Avalokitesvara at Wanla) . At that time, about 1935, Tashi Wanggyal from Tia Village was appointed teacher. At this time Yeshe Jan1yang was given a small book with the Urdu alphabet to read. Several children were present about his age or a little older. and some had already begun learning in Timigang Vil lage. They included Sonan1 Dorje (who later becan1e a teacher, being Ngawang Tsering's first writing teacher), Tobtan, and Tsering Namgyal. When given the Urdu alphabet book, the little boy was overjoyed and did not like to be separated from it, even taking it to bed with him. By learning the Urdu alphabet a single time, he was able to read it. After one month, every child in school was given a little black wooden board to practice writing on. He was supposed to copy out the alphabet on his, but he had some difficulty because in his book each character was shown in isolation, not in combination. An older student named Di:indrup who sat next to him could write, so by watching him Yeshe Jamyang was able to pick it up very quickly and his teacher was amazed. The teacher praised him as a very active boy, which made him feel proud. Yeshe Jam yang did not go beyond the first class of public school. But for whatever reason. he could learn all the Urdu characters after being shown a page just once or twice. In the middle of the year a school inspector came from Leh to inspect their school. He was not such an important person; he was a Ladakhi Muslim. He gave them all a lecture, asking the children: "What is the reason for your coming to school? Whoever can give the best answer will get this pencil as a prize." Nobody could answer, and again the man repeated the same question. Finally Yeshe Jam yang spoke up. Though a shabbily dressed boy from a poor family, he stood up and said with great composure, "The purpose of going to school is to understand with our minds important matters." The inspector remarked, "What an active, intelligent boy!" (But he never did give Yeshe Jamyang the promised pencil.) This brave public answer had to do with Yeshe Jamyang 's later going to Drigung Monastery. When the inspector was asking his question, Si:inam Tashi of Nyurla, a respected village elder, was also present and he witnessed the little boy's response, as did a number of others from the same locale. Sonan1 Tashi apparently took notice of him then as an intelligent, active child. Si:inam Tashi 's elder brother was the Drigung Lama Tashi from Pharkhethang (Phar kha'i thang). At that time. Lama Tashi had no monasti c disci pie, so SClnam Tashi seems to have approached Yeshe Jamyparents at this time , askin 0o them an!!'s ..... ~ ''Couldn 't your son become a Driouno "' ., monk and a student of my bro ther?'' Actuall y Yeshe Jam yang 's family belonged to the Geluk religious tradition. but he was pulled as a little boy into the Drigung Kagyu tradition because hi s parents were very poor. Lama Tashi was a lan1a and very rich , with lots of barley. His parents borrowed grain from him and were financially depend ent upon him. So they happily agreed. thinkin g it would benefit them (believing that they would continu e getting loans in the future). Then Lama Tashi took him to make a little monk out of him. In thi s way, he left off his secular schooling. Yeshc Jam yang later thought that if he had been able to study further in school, he would have been a ble to finish more forrnal education. When he left to be made a monk- at about age five there had not was been much schoolin o " Tibetan learn not could He for him. script as quickly as he had learned Urdu in school: he could also learn only about two or four words per day. Soon thereafter, at about age five or six. he took initial monastic ordination from the Fourth Choku Rinpoche Konchok Tendzin (Chos sku Rin po che dKon mchog bstan 'dzin, 1909-1960, thirty-second Ladakh Choje) and became a monk of Lamayuru. At that time he received the name "Yeshe Jamyang.''106 Yeshc Jamyan g stayed a long time with Lama Tashi. He learned rituals when he accompanied his teacher to villagers' houses to perform ceremonies. Lama Tashi may not have known how to make a full powder mandala . but he did know the proportion lines of mandalas, and Yeshe Jamyang learned those from him. From him he also learned to make colored butter o rnaments around torma sacrificial cakes. In this way he learned how to make offerings and mainly how to perform rituals in vi ll ages. He gradually progressed in his manual skills, but he did not learn the main scriptures or scholastic texts. After nine or ten years spent like that, in abou t 1948, Yeshe Jamyan g set off for central Tibet. Before coming to Lhasa. he had a swellin g in his legs in hi s sixteenth or sevente enth year ( 1947/ 1948). He stayed in Lhasa for one year to treat his legs. His elder brother had been there (at Drepun g) for eight years. Yeshc Jamyang received a reading transmi ssion for the sacred Kangyu r (bKa' 'gyur) canon. but at the time he wanted to learn painting and did not study scriptures much while in Lhasa. Then, around 1949, he went to Drigung Monastery. At that time, for the first year or two. his manual skills improved. though he did not learn much else. He had previously learned rituals in Ladakh , fiG. IO. JI Drigung Dzong Pborograph from rhe Tiber Album: Drigung dzongsar monasre ry {TA 2001.59.15.17.1 -0) Copyrig ht Pitt Rivers Mus~um, Universiry of Oxford and Drigung Thel Monastery was excellent for many aspects of ritual practice. However, a well-known lama at Drigung called Lama Tsheten of the Kyabsa Chukpo (Kyab sa Phyug po) family of Sharchukhul (Shar chu khul ) Monastery in Lalog (eastern Ladakh)was famous for his tonua sac rificial cakes, butter offerings, and so forthsometimes serving as personal attendant and bodyguard of the Drigung abbot, or "K yabgeln." At that time, many of the other Drigung monks had difficulty and few had mastered the perfom1ancc of ritual offerings. As Yeshe Jamyan g's manual skill s improved, the monks of Drigung began to say he was skilled PAINTIN G TRADIT ION S O F THE DR I CUNG KA GYU SC H O OL 197 at such things. Once he mustered his courage and took part in the making of colored butter offerings and decorations, he managed quite well. He held the second position in such rituals, but gradually he took over the first position. At one time the monks had to fashion (at Drigung Tse) a huge tonna sacrificial cake with butter decorations three stories tall for the goddess Achi. He made this and received a reward for his good work. After that he began to help with the personal shrine of the Chetsang Rinpoche.707 This shrine was very important, and only certain lamas could prepare offerings for it. Balog Rinpochc (Ba log Rin po che, or Balog sPrul sku. the leading Tulku of Yangri Gar. possibly Ba log Thub bstan Chos grags. seventy-fifth abbot ofYangri Gar) was then in charge of it. and together with him. Yeshe Jamyang helped make all the lonna sacrificial cakes and other offerings. which he managed to do fairly well. When Yeshe Jam yang was making forma sacrificial cakes at Yangri Gar Mo nastery, people had begun planning to renovate the Chungtsang Ri npoche 's residence quarters of Drigung Dzong.701 (That was during the regency of the young Chungtsang Rinpoche. Dri 39. who was born in 1942.) Four or five painters from Drigung Thel were there who, when they saw his forma said he was manually skilled. So he was sent to assist those painters. At that time the painter Norgye (Nor rgyas) was famous at Drigung. He was a layman from a fami ly that originally came from Ladakh. He was chief of painters. and Yeshe Jam yang stayed with him one month. From that time on Yeshe Jamyang learned roughly how to mix and apply colors. He requested the master artist, " Please teach me for one or two winters, so that I can become a qualified arti st was extremely skilled in Drigung style; he was very intelligent. also leading a group that performed the Ache Utamo folk opera. He also understood sacred texts very well. Yesbe Jamyang could not at first stay with Norgye longer than a winter due to the responsibilities he had as a monk to his own monastic college (grwa tshang). He was obliged. for exanlple, to attend its daily monastic assembly. Every month he needed to take special pennission to stay away. and this created some problems. But by asking for special leave. he finally managed to study two full winters under his teacher. Whenever the master was called to perform rituals for lay families, he wou ld take Yeshe Janlyang along. Through studying with the master. Yeshe Jamyang learned how to mix and apply colors. One of the special characteristics of Norgye was his mastery of the techniques for preparing Tibetan stone and earth colors (bod tshon). especially azurite blue and malachite green. This tradition had been maintained at Drigung, (dpon)." His teacher agreed. accepting though it seems not to have survived in complete form in either Lhasa or in him as student and teaching him painting for a whole winter. Master Norgye Tsang (Tashi lhunpo). 198 CHAPTER 10 During most of his remaining stay fiG. 10.12. Uru Katshal in 1949 Photograph b)' Hugh Richardson After Stephen Batchelor 1987, p. 211. Photograph from the 1iber AI hum (TA 2001.59.15.17.1-0) Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, Universiry of Oxford 2001.59.15.83. 1 at Drigung. Yes he Jamyang practiced painting. After learning to some extent under his teacher. he continued to practice by himself. for ten or eleven years. There were not so many statues commissioned in Drigung-mostly people wanted thangka paintings.709 While in Drigung, Yeshe Jamyang painted many thangkas, not so many for the monastery, but mainly for lay patrons in surrounding areas. He painted, for instance. numerous thangkas showing the thirty-five buddhas of confession and depictions of the pure realm of Amitiibha. many in large format. Though later in Ladakh he often painted many smaller thangkas, while still in central Tibet he commonly was requested to paint larger thangkas, some twenty or thirty in all , not just of the popular pure realm of Amiliibha but also of different "assembly fields.'"' 0 In addition to numerous thangkas.711 Yeshe Jamyang decorated sacrificial cakes. masks. window fittings, doors and other wooden architectural elements. including the shelves supporting the statues in the shrine of the abbot's apartment.712 In 1956. basing his work upon a drawing by his teacher, Yeshe Jamyang painted the Four Great Guardian Kings on the walls in the temple of Uru Katsel.m a dependency of Drigung. He was to specia.lize in the depiction of that particular iconographic cycle after his return to Ladakh in 1959.714 Then Yes he Jamyang studied and also mastered ritual dance as a compulsory monastic duty (khral}. He stayed eight or nine years and learned all the prayers and rituals of Drigung Monastery.ln all he lived eleven years in central Tibet ( 1948-1959) and did well. In 1959 when the Chinese Communist presence in Lhasa made conditions untenable. Yeshe Jamyang returned to Ladakh. Back in Ladakh. at his home monastery of Lamayuru. he took responsibility as a monk for certain duties. Activities such as making torma. the perfom1ance of mandala proportions. ritual dance, ritual chanting, and ritual music were no t so highly developed there. As a newly arrived well-trained monk from central Tibet, he could revive and improve those lacking aspects of ritual practice. He continued to pain t thangkas when he found time. (In Ladakh he painted not only large thangkas for monasteries. but also numerous smaller ones for lay patrons.) Some of the main works he painted over the years included a large project. painting five big thangkas of the Dharma-protectors (chos snmg) of the Drigung monastery in Mysore. South Indi a (Bylakuppe Kagyudpa Monastery).715 During that time he also continued to paint one or two small thangkas on the side. For Ontriil (d Bon sprul) Rinpoche's monastery at Rewalsar (mTsho padma, i.e .. Ogmin Thubten Shedrup Ling, Rewalsar. Mandi. Himachal Pradesh). he painted a complete set of Dharma-protectors. These were detailed thangkas with additional deities of the four Tantric classes. For the Zangpopa (bZang po pa) family ofTimisgang he painted less detailed thangkas of the same deities. But these thangkas included the lama lineage of Lam zab (i.e .. probably the Yang zab tradition of Hayagrfva as in Fig. 7.19) and Cakrasamvara (as in Fig. 8.1 ).716 After a certain point. Yeshe Jamyang became primarily engrossed in painting. He painted murals in Ladakh, including at Spithuk, Lamayuru,717 Sharchukhu l, and Phyang.m About 1966 he collaborated with Tshering Wangdu {the prominent Tsangri painter from Nyemo Village, who was about twelve years younger) to illustrate the twelve main events of Sakyamuni ·s hagiography in nine panels. to decorate the lantern of the Jokhang Temple at Leh.719 Yeshe Jamyang painted the figures to be placed on the side walls. while Tshering Wangdu (then in his twenties) painted the episodes for the rear wall. One year later (1967), Yeshe Jan1yang painted the cycle of the Four Great Kings at FIC. IO. T 3 Yeshe Jamyang preparing offerings Photograph from hrrp://www.drikungkagyu. org/index.php/phoro-gallery/caregory/6rorma-making 002 the Drigung Kagyu monastery of Sharchukhul. in the Changthang (the nonhern nomadic plains). for which he also fashioned and painted thiny-four masks for the 'cham dance.720 Though he mainly painted and did not make statues, Yeshe Jam yang did make masks for the Nyingma danc.es at Sharchukhul Monastery. Since the time of the previous (Eighth) Togdan Rinpoche (rTogs !dan Rin po che, thirtyfirst Ladakh Choje, tenu re 1881-1934), this monastery had planned to establish a masked dance, though wi thout success. They managed to do so on this occasion. A diligent local monk named Tepa Rabten (sTod pa Rab brtan), the monastery's business manager, had already brought some drums but could not establish the ceremony mainly because they lacked masks. Afterward a monk named Tsheten came from Tibet and planned to establish masked dance, but he died in an accident. After that some energetic monks of the monastery decided to establish it. and they invited Yeshe PAINTING TRAD I TIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL 199 Jamyang for that. He accordingly went and made some th1rty-six masks in all for Nyingma ritual dances. They already had New Translation trad1tion (gSar ma . K agyu ) dances.7,, pa, 1.e.. In 1974 Yeshe Jamyang made the beautiful sacrificial cakes housed in the sanctum of the Mrun Assembly Hall at Lamayuru. Figure IO.l3 shows him at work , carefuUy preparing similar offer. . mgs m more recent years. In 1975 Yeshe Jan1yang attended to the decoration of the New Assembly Hall (spyi khang ) of Spi tuk Monastery with the help of Ngawang Chophel (Ngag dbang chos 'phel, b. 1938).722 There he helped prunt some of the most splendid Tantric deities in Ladakh. (See Fig. 10.14.) He also helped prunt the architectural elements inside that temple .723 ln 1976 Yeshe Jan1yang painted the veranda of the New Assembly Hall in Lamayuru Monastery, with the assistance of Ngawang Chophel and five other painters. (See Figs. I0.15-1 0.16d.) He depicted the Four Great Guardian Klngs.724 He also helped Ngawang Chophel to paint the Wheel of Existence, as witnessed by a picture taken by Zara Aeming in 1976. It took the artists four months to complete their job, for which they received twenty Indian rupees a day besides board and lodging, as an alternative to eighty Indian rupees a day. The porch was entirely finished by the time Lo Bue visited in August 1978.725 Figure I 0.15 depicts the main entrance door to the New Assembly Hall (Dukhang Sarpa) of I...amayuru. Here we can make out the veranda mural panel to the door's left showing the Great King Dh(tarawa (Yul 'khor srung, with wrute skin, strumming an instrument). Figure 10.16a shows another mural section from that veranda, the one depicting the Great King Viriiqhaka. He is one of the more wrathful ones, holding a sword and surrounded by a billowing black cloud of flame-like smoke (du sprin). (He is positioned in some Sixteen 200 CHAPTER IO Ftc. 10.14 Kruacakra New Assembly Hall, Spituk Monastery; 1975 Painted by Ngawang Chophel a nd Yeshe Jamyang Photograph aher a Ladakh postcard, courtesy of E. Lo Bue After E. Lo Bue 2007b, p. 358, fig. 32. Arhat thangka sets far to the left.) Figure 10.16b shows a nc7.ga king reverently crouching, offering jewels to the Great Klng Viriiqhaka. A nc7.ga often accompan1es this deity. His small perch of land surrounds a pool of water that may represent his dwelling place. Figure 10.16c shows a detail of the nilga's head. Its headrest seems to be made of the head or snout of a seamonster (makara). Figure 10.16d depicts Yeshe Jamyang at work in summer 1976, finisrung details of the panel just to the left of the entrance door. Then aged forty-four, he looks relatively youthful. (Trus slide was kindly sent to me by Nyurla Ngawang Tseri ng of Nyurla in the 1990s and presumably originated from the artist himself.) In August 1978 Yeshe Jam yang was working in the Drigung Kagyu FlG. IO. I) Entrance door with one panel of veranda murals (one Great King) Veranda, New Dukha ng, Lamayuru; 1976 Painting by Yeshe Jamyang Photograph by Deepak Trivedi https:l/www.flichcom/phoros/41996897@ N00/409219596 Photo from Wikipedia http://en.wikipedia. orglwiki!File:Lamayurugate.jpg monastery at Bylakuppe, Karnataka, from where he retumed to Ladakh the following year. At the time of Lo Sue's visit to Bylakuppe in December 1981, five of his thangkas hun.g above the entrance to the Sanctum in the Assembly Hall of the monastery: they depicted Four-armed Mallakala, Padmasambhava, Jigten Sumgon, Guru Drakpo, and another wrathful deity. A fran1ed mandala of Amitabha painted by Yeshe .Jamyang and measuri.ng about thirty-one centimeters on each side was kept in the Assembly Hall.726 In 1989 or 1991 at Jangchubling (Byang chub gling), tile new Drigung Kagyu seat near Dehra Dun, Yeshe Jamyang painted in the entrance the Four Great Klngs.717 (Figure 10.16e shows much of the mural section depicting Great Klng Vaisrava!Ja [rNam tbos sras].) He employs here tips of "flame FIG. 10.16A Vuril4haka as one of Four Great Guardian Kings, Detail Veranda, New Dukhang, Lamayuru; 1976 Painring by Yeshe Jamyang Photograph by Rob Linrothe FIG. 10.168 Naga king as minor figure making offerings to a Great King Four Great Kings murals, Detail Veranda, New Dukhang, Lamayuru; 1976 Painting by Yeshe Jamyang Photograph by Rob Linrothe FIG. 10.16C Naga king; Guardian Kings mural, Detail Veranda, New Dukhang, Lamayuru; 1976 Painting by Yeshe Jantyang Photograph by Rob Linrothe F IG. 10.160 Yeshe Jamyang at work on Guardian Kings mural Veranda, New Dukhang, Lamayuru; summer 1976 Photograph courtesy of Nyurla Ngawang Tsering PAINT I NG TRAD ITI ONS OF THE ORJGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 201 FIG. IO.I6E FIG. IO.t6H Frc. to.t6E Va isravaJ)a as one of Four Grear Kings Jangchubling Monastery, Debra Dun Painred by Yeshe Jamyang, 1989 or 1991 Afrer Rosira Farber 2010, fig. 29.1. FIG. IO.I6F Frc. ro.r6F Viriidhaka as one of rhe Four Grear Kings Painred by Yeshe Jamyang; 1989 or 1991 Veranda, Jangchubling Monastery, Dehra Dun, India Photograph by Paljor Tsarong, February 2014 FIG. ro.r6c Virilghaka as one of Four Grea r Kings Veranda, Old Dukhang, Phyang; 1989 or 1991 Photograph by Chiara Bellini FIG. IO.I6H Two of rhe Four Grear Kings Veranda, New Dukhang, Lamayuru Painting by Yeshe Jamyang Afrer C. Harris 1997, plate 304. FIG. IO.I6G 202 CHAPTER IO tongues" (which actually represent the edge of a dark cloud of smoke here) that are closer to those of the Driri. In Figure 10.16f we see again a Great King fri nged by a dark cloud of flame-like smoke. The stylized shapes again resemble to some extent the Dri ri fl ame shapes seen in chapter 8, certainly more than those found behind the same kings in the murals of Lamayuru and Phyang. In about 1989 Yeshe Jam yang fashioned and painted for Phyang Monastery twenty masks. He also painted still another set of the Four Great Guardian Kings in the porch of the main Old Assembly Hall in Phyang. (See Fig. 10. 16g.) Those murals were stylistically similar to those that he painted in the Lamayuru veranda in 1976. In 1993 Yeshe Jamyang painted four thangkas portraying the Four Great Guardian Kings for the monastery of Kyurbuchen. Around 2000 he also designed and painted the wooden decoration in the temple devoted to Avalokitesvara at the Drigung Kagyu monastery ofTingmogang. In October 200 I and August 2002, LoBue saw him working on the Four Great Kings in the porch of the temple devoted to Maitreya below the residence built for the Dalai Lama at Bodkarbu: the porch decoration, including an image of Padmasambhava and the Wheel of Existence. was to be completed by 2004. To draw the images on the wall and retouch the drawings after he had already started painting, Yeshe Jamyang used a sharpened stick of charcoal - still used by traditional painters. who find it easier to erase than pencil lead. The artist also designed and painted the decoration of the internal architectural woodwork as well as some large pieces of furniture for the Dalai Lama's apartment above the temple.m (He considered the Bodkarbu Great Kings to be his best work, although, in general. be rated hi s artistic skill and local influence higher within the genre of decorative woodwork.) Yesbe Jamyang·s main activities after 2002 included designing the shrine in the Jokhang in Leh. After that he designed the carved woodwork for the s hrine of Chemde/Chemrcy Monastery. a Drugpa Kagyu establishment nea r Hemis, and afterward painted it. From 2005 to 2007 be fashioned a full set of ritual dance masks, forty-six in all, at Drigung Rincben Pa.lri Monastery in Kathmandu. the sole complete set outside oflibet. (The masks were painted by a painter named Nono and his assistants.) In 20 I I Yesbe Jam yang designed a three-dimensional mandala and beoan 0 of Cakrasamvara at Rinchen Ling in Nepal. basing it on an original that he knew as a young man in Yangri Gar. He completed it in 2012 (Fig. 10.17). (As of early 2014. be was living part.ly at Riochen Ling and partly at Rinchen Palri. the two Drigung monasteries nearest Kathmandu.) 3. His Later Style style that Yeshe Reoardino 0 the painting 0 Jan1yang developed in the years after returnino to Ladakh, Clare Harris con- " sidered his so-called Driri, or Drigung. style to actually be a regional version of the Menri perpetuated in Ladakh.'729 Though this judgment surprised some (for instance. LoBue in his review article),730 it was not far from the truth. Harris cited visuall y a detail from his 1976 murals at Lamayuru (Fig. I0. 16h). Here we see the two Great Kings to the ri ght side of the entrance door- red-skinned Virii~a and yellow-skinned VaisraV3J}.a - painted in what seems to be a Menri style of some sort. Since returning to Ladakh in 1959, Yeshe Jamyang found himself in the 1960s to be the onl y Driri painter in a reo ion dominated by the Tsangri. " Evidently he adapted his s tyle to tl1at aesthetic enviro nment in some crucial respects. such as applying a darker base color to his skies. Yeshe Jam yang addressed this somewhat delicate question in his interview. When asked: "Is the Drigung painting traditi on related to the Menri or Karma Gardri painting styles?" He replied: " It is not related to either; it is its own completel y independent tradition. There is no his tory of linkage with other schools.'' He went on to discuss his own personal case: " I. for example, am trained in the Drigung painting tradition. Now I have been working together wiili painters from other traditions such as the Tsangri, and there is a chance to be influenced by other traditions. It is also possible to take the good points of other traditions and use them in my own painting. One cannot say the Drigung tradition is best and there is no need for the oilier traditions.'' Ftc. 10. 17 Three-dimens•onal mandala Made by Yeshe Jamyang Rinchen Ling Monastery, Nayapati, Nepal; 2011-2012 Phorograph by Michael Pahlke Thus he frankly alluded to the fact of his own painting style becoming influenced by the Tsangri. though he quickly added in clarification: "In Driauno0 itself the tradition was so strongly established that there was no possibility of mixing it with other traditions. In " Drigung they only patronized their local tradition and had no tradition of leavino to learn o ther traditions such as the " Tshurphu Style (Mtshur ris) [i.e. Karma Gardri]. A painter learned only there and did not go elsewhere:· He then returned to his own case: " I came back [to Ladakh] from Drigung and after a long time away. came in contact wiili oilier [paintersl-" Figure I0.18 depicts Yesbe Jamythangka in ano0 standi no" before a lar!!e ~ progress in Lch in 1995. The painting depicts Vir04haka (here most visible) and Dhrtarll~!ra as two Great Guardian Kings. and it exemplifies his hybrid PAINTING TRAOITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KAGYU SCHOOL 203 fiG. 1 0. 1 8 Yeshe Jamyang with a painting of rwo Grear Kings in progress Photograph courtesy of Nyurla Ngawang Tsering, l.eh, 1995 Literature: D. Jackson 2005, fig. 5. FIG. J O. I 9A Yamiiri of the Gya Sbaogtrom Tradjtioo Ladakh; 20th century Thangka by Yeshe Jam yang Dimensions unknown Photograph courtesy of Nyurla Ngawang Tsering. l iterature: D. Jackson 2005, fig. 11. Dririrrsangri style. These large thangkas employ the same flame-like cloud of smoke and white nimbus cloud shapes as he had used six years earlier in the veranda murals of Phyang. (See Fig. 10.16g.) By then he had achieved a very high level of competence when treating this theme. These paintings exemplify his mature style, a manner that he painted already by the mid-l970s. They also repay close examination; for instance, how in the clouds behind Virut;lhaka he inserted an inconspicuous dark nimbus cloud on just one side. before the first tongue of flame-like smoke. (See Figs. 10.16a, 10.16g, 10.18, and 10.22.) lt is an elegant touch, possibly inspired by a Ladakhi Tsangri artist's depicting clouds of dark fi re-I ike smoke behind a Great King with the smoke sections regularly alternati ng with dark nimbus clouds. (See Fig. 10.26.) As quoted above, Yeshe Jamyang maintained that the Drigung style at Drigung was an independent tradition unconnected with either the Eri style of 0, the Gardri (literally, Tshurphu style, mtshur ris), or Tsangri style. He added that it would be impossible to change the Driri style at its home monastery. Yet he also specifically asserted that other schools (such as the Tsangri) had excellent stylistic features that a painter might choose to adopt. 2.04 CH A PTER !0 FtG. IO.I9B Derail of Fig. 10.19a After returning to Ladakh. Yeshe Jamyang probably began to paint his skies darker. r believe it resulted from his long and close association with Tsangri-style painters there since the 1960s, such as after his collaboration with Tshering Wangdu in 1966. It would be very interesting to compare the Four Great Kings that he painted the following year in Sharchok Khul. Figure 10.19a depicts Yaml!ri of the Gya Shangtrom tradition as main deity, with perhaps Je Ratna and Rigdzin Choorak as lineal lamas in the sky above him. Note the dark sky at the top and the prominent yellowish-orange Tsangristyle clouds to both ri ght and left, in both this and the preceding painting. (The painting has some more Tsangri colors, but the composition remai ns balanced. as in the Driri .) It is in a Driri-Tsangri hybrid style. Yeshe Jam yang's clouds have more depth and are shaded darker than in the usuall y fairly Rat Driri treatment of clouds. But the fire around all five wrathful deities features many prominent flame tongue-ends with shapes in places evocative of - but not identical to - the classic Driri flame shapes. (See Fig. 10.19b.) For me the most striking Driri elements are the evenly spaced placement of five fairly flat clouds behind the central figure , the si milar balanced grouping of clouds around three smaller figures above him. and overall the almost perfect sy mmetry that prevails throughout the composition. Ftc. 1o..z.o Sahaja Cak.rasamvara 19th or early 20rh cenrury Dimensions unknown Photograph cou rresy of Nyurla Ngawang Tsering Lirerarure: D. Jackson 1996, fig. 189; D. Jackson 2005, fig. I 0. Though easily overlooked. such details were also a hallmark of his (still partly) Driri style. Let us compare the sky and clouds of another fairly recent Drigung Kagyu painting. Figure 10.20. Depicting Cakrasamvara with four attendant deities (' Khor lo sdom pa lha lnga), the PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL 20) fiG. 1 0.21 Yeshe Jamyang with a rnangka in progress Photograph courtesy of Nyurla Ngawang Tsering, leh, !995 FlG. 10.22 Vuracjhaka, one of Four Guardian Kings, complete mural seccion Veranda, New Dukhang, lamayuru; ca. 1976 Painting by Yeshe Jamyang Photograph by Chiara Bellini F lG. J0.2.3A VirOpAksa as one of Four Guardian Kings, complete mural senion Veranda, New Dukhang, lamayuru; ca. 1976 Painting by Yeshe Jamyang Photograph by Chiara Bellini painting is now in Ladakh. In it we find (compared with Figs. 10.18 and JO.l9a) a lighter sky and more orthodox Driristyle clouds. It was probably painted by an artist who preceded Yeshe Jamyang by a few generations. It faithfully reproduces the golden scrollwork around the semi wrathful main deity, Samvara, and his immediate attendant deities. The wrathful deity bottom right stands upon a seat of pink lotus petals (which is not usually sanctioned in the central-Tibetan Driri), and his smooth body nimbus of golden flame patterns is perfectly acceptable, though stylistically it lacks a distinctive Dri ri flair. 4. His Paintings of Four Great Kings Reconsidered One of the best-known places where Yeshe Jamyang painted the Four Great Kings - his signature as an artist - was the veranda of the New Assembly Hall of Lamayuru, which he painted with the help of five or six other painters in 1976. Let us reconsider that site in more detail and try to estimate the extent of Tsangri influence in his murals. David Snellgrove admired the new 2.06 CHAPTER !0 hall's veranda in 1979. when it was still almost freshly painted:731 I had time to appreciate the high quality of the painting work recently carried out in the other parts of the monastery. The "assemb ly hall" is very impressive indeed with its beautifully painted antechamber illustrating the Wheel of Life, the Kings of the Four Quarters, and miniatu re paintings illustrating the keeping of vows in an idealized monastic setting. One vis itor described this veranda and its murals: 732 "One gains access to the Assembly Hall (dukhang) by a flight of steps that give access to a ' vestibule' (sgo khang). which is a veritable inner courtyard, of which the paintings made in 1977. are the works of Dorje Lobpen Yeshe Jam yang (rOo rje slob dpon Ye shes 'Jam dbyangs). [Dorje Lobptin was his official title by then as a senior monk of Larnayuru.J Unfortunately. because of frequent earthquakes as well as the pressure of the base of the wall. those murals are already (by 2002) delineated with fiG. IO.:!.J B Viropak~a as one of Four Guardia n Kings, detail Veranda , New Dukhan g, Lamayuru; ca. 1976 Painting by Yeshe Jamyang Photograph by Chiara Bellini F!C. 10.:1.4 Vicopaksa as one of Four Great Kings Veranda , Old Dukhang, Phy:mg; 1989 Photograph by Chiara Bellini cracks. " Let us take another look at Yeshe Jan1yang's Four Great Kings murals in the New Dukhang. Figures 10.221023b show some details. In general , all four Great Kings should be depicted very imposingly. as awe-inspiring generals or divine warrior-kings. Yet two are more threatening and physically intimidating than the others. as in Figure 10.22. Those two could be classified as a ngry yaksas, i.e., as slightly wrathful. They are iconographically distinct thanks to their military outfits. including is interesting is that he and VaisravaJ)a are depicted in the Tsangri style as considerabl y more wrathful than the other two kings. thanks in large part to the threatening masses of dark flame-like smoke that billow around them. By contrast, paintings in the Driri style (such as thangkas) can also portray all four Great Kings in simpler ways. such as all surrounded by a back-fringe of clouds (usually with a typical dark scalloped tricolor cloud lining) or even with nei- helmets, body armor, and boots, befitting a military comma nder of Central Asia many centuries ago. That mural section (Fig. I0.22) depicts Vi n1(1haka , guardian king of the south. He holds a sword and glares to ther smoke nor clouds behind them. (Cf. the Four Great Kings as minor figures in Fig. 7.13.) Yeshe Jam yang followed the Tsangri conventio n in providing dark flamelike clouds of smoke behind the two os more wrathful of the Four Great Kin o• his left somewh at aggressively. What but not behind all four. A slightly more pacific though still very intimidatinglooking king is the red-skinned king of the west, Virup~a (sPyan mi bzang). (See Fig. 10.23.) He prominently holds a stupa in one hand and a snake-la sso in the other. Behind him are a series of seven three-lobed stylized cumulus clouds. Four have deeply shaded recesses and two are prominent enough to look like "cloud-eye" holes of the Eri style. (Note the prominent cluster of glacier peaks in the upper-left corner. contrasting against the deep-blue sky, which togetller can become a hallmark of the Tsangri style: note also the slightly PAINTIN G TRADIT I O N S OF THE DRICUN G KAGY U S CHOOL :1.07 FIG. 10.25 Virupl!k~a, one of Four Guardian Kings, whole mural section Veranda, New Assembly Hall, Spituk; ca. 1975 Painring by Yeshe Jamya ng and Ngawa ng Chop he! Photograph by Chiara Bellini fiG. 10. 26 (TOP RIGHT) Vaisravana and Virupl!k~a, Two Grear Kings in the Tsangri Style Drukpa Hermitage at Sabu, Ladakh;, ca. 1981 Paimed by Tsering Wangdu of Nyemo, Ladakh After E. LoBue 2005, fig. 7. FIG. 10.27 (BOTIOM RIGHT) VirOQhaka and Dhrtar~~ra, rwo Grear Kings painted in a Tsangri Style India; 1980s or 1990s Painted by Phunrshog Sangpo After Phumshog Sangpo 2000, p. 171, "The 7th Nechu. ~ rounded points of the glacier peaks and tiny snow lions cavorting in the snow.) Figure 10.23b depicts a detail that includes Viriip~a 's face. Here the individual clouds behind the deity have dark scalloped outer edges (as described in my 2012 publication).733 The outer strip is made of three progressively darker colors as we approach the bumpy outer darkindigo edge. (I called that outer edge, 2.08 CHAPTER !0 which is used in many painting styles, the "dark scalloped cloud lining of three colors," and an informant for the Eri style different monastery. Spituk, dating to 1975, just one year earlier than the Lamayuru veranda, we find interesting from 0 Province, Legdrup Gyatsho of Nalendra, called it phing bris.) Figure 10.24 depicts again Virup~a as a Great King, but here in the veranda of the Old Dukhang of Phyang Monastery. Here Yeshe Jamyang has added another pair of clouds behind the main figure, painting nine in all. Though in every respect a highly competent work of art. the backgrounds here (as in comparisons. Yeshe Jamyang also contributed significantly to the painting of some of these murals, working together with Ngawang Chophel of Linshed. Its murals of the Four Great Kings were a tour de force, but they are in an even more distinctively Tsangri style than the murals just seen from Lamayuru and Phyang. In Figure 10.25. which depicts a mural section from them, we find a Lamayuru) lack the typical Driri skies, clouds, and landscapes. If we turn now to murals of a fringe of clouds around one king that was much more colorful. The cloudbacking is more elaborate and colorful, ·. .. •• 0 ~ •• •• 0 ' • , , 1 ... ...--... -~· -.. , .,,.·... ...... • ~ •, ,· ' l ' ~ o . . ~· ·, i ,' ' : J. .~: . J ••• • ~-' • ... ,' t.l .· .• \..... ,I t .. y ' • ·,_ ..,i 1. - 0 / • .. . • . . .. • •. • •; , • • • • , .;. - . ..........· ; , . . . . . ., \ .,..' •• ' t '• .. ...... • • t.'. •.·- . , . . • ... I •' ..... I •.• •. ,J "• ..... ~·; , .- .. ,.· ;.... " ~>... _ .. ' . ..... .. .. ..· . . ·. ...... . ... ... . 1/ . ., ·'·I. --· -~- . .• :.:.·;'.• ,.... ,- .. '-.-: ,. ... . ' , · •: • ' -=-·J ' .,.-.. • ::.::...._. __ . . ~ ' : ' ·· • "· ]1 ; . ·•t . .. . ' - ........ -.. :' •.' I ,,/ • : .r*·, ·.. ' .' , · .. T".,.: t ... , . ! .. •• • .. . . I . ...,. ...• . ,. -•.. . :'~1 0:,:,\~ :~. ·•.:·i/ lt " .. ~,' ·'"' . . ·:... ....·· . . .·. ' .. . . ..... .,,. .............. ... ,.. <~~'I • I ... ,·' - .. ,., •• I . ' • _., ·;. .,. ,•' " •,' \ ' , •, • I I ....., - '.".' c ' ~ ~ ~· .-r. -:.~ •.. •, .., ' \' .• .:J. , ' • • , .. • ' -~ ._. . .-• ' I' • • ~~-. . ' •'o I ~.,(j ~ . .. '• •f ..... ~ · ·.·· . .. . .., • :J· .""; ..... . . ...... t.'l:· ):'*... ' .... ,.... " . . -, ....... . . ~- if:.• •, /~· · , , .....,. • . ~~ f. ... ~ . ,,J., ..,,¥,, t., . .,,, .... • '·•.. , .. ;.~ ... ~ ,.J , .. \ ' \ •. ...... ... . ~ -~:~· \ ,1..-' , , .. .t• ... ~.···· :t • • •I .. .....• •' •· - ~--'· ~ -· 1 •, I , •,I' .• .. • - :, *··-.-···•~\·., •..••. ::·.-:. •..'. .··... 0 ·.,_,~· I'! ' • (. .:~, ' I·• . • • '•' ·.-.·'·' "1.': ,_ • ......!•' :. '• .•J. ....· ; . ... -·· .. .. ....... - ..... . . ... . .... .. -. . ...... ' , .. ~··. . t, ,.. .,. ' 0 ........ . : '• :~.. ~· I • : ,; " \• F1C. 10.2.8 Drawing of the Gre:u King Vaisraval)a following the Tsangri Drawn by Kachcn Losa ng Phiinrshok of Tashilhunpo After Kachen Losang Phiimshok 1993, p. 103, detail showing borrom third of thangka. consisting of twelve three-lobed clouds with dark scall oped lining of three colors. There are only one or two prominent dark holes in the centers of the clouds. The three-lobed clouds have been divided into individual lobes, each of which received a different base color. This (like the presence of pastel pink and sometimes whitish orange as base colors for clouds) was one of the distinctive treatments of cl usters of clouds that I have found in Tsangri-style thangkas. ln one previously discussed thangkas, each lobe of a three-lobed cloud had its own base colors. which were pink, blue, green, and white (not pale yellow or orange). 734 Though Yeshe Jam yang adopted much from the Tsangri. it seems that in Lamayum (and Phyang) in his clouds he refused to go further, using just a simpler and more conservative coloration. To some extent he still painted in harmony with Driri aesthetics. A true Tsangri painter would have painted the Four Great King's clouds with much more varied and exuberant colors. For example. in Figure 10.26. a mural that was painted at a Dmk:pa Hennitage at Sabu in Ladakh in about 1981 by the top Tsangri painter in Ladakh, Tsering Wangdu. we find a veritable explosion of colors. including pastel pinks and even some shockingly intense orpiment yellows. These murals byTsering Wangdu of Nyemo depict VaisravaQa and Viru~a. two Great Kings in the Tsangri style. That artist was following the tradition of showing two of the Four Great Kings with dark "Hames" (elaborate fire-like clouds of smoke). but he bas given Virupak~ a more wrathfullooki ng mass of background smoke and put douds behind Vaisraval)a. That Tsering Wangd u's multicolored clo uds behind the Great Kings did not depart from standard Tsangri practice is s hown by Figu re I0.27. T here, in a thangka painting by the Tsangri artist Pbuntshog Sangpo. we see two of the Four Great Ki ngs. one with clouds behind and the other with pale brown billowino e smoke. The series of clouds are markedly more subdued than would be seen in the Driri. though with numerous subtle base colors spread over the cluster of backrest clouds. Fioure ., 10.28 illustrates the Hamelike smoke behind VaisravaiJa as o ne of F IC. 10.7.9 Ycshe Jamyang sm nding before Lwnbini murals in a more real istic style Photograph by Ashes Rajbansh, March 2014 Photograph courresy of Michael Pahlke FIC. IO.JO Yeshe Jamyang standing before a remple entrance in Lumbini Photograph by Ashes Rajbansh, March 2014 Photograph counesy of Michael Pahlke PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 2.09 FIG. IO.JI Virop~~a and Vaisrl!val)a, rwo of the Four Great Kings Painted by Yeshe Jamyang Veranda, Jangchubling Monastery, Dehra Dun, India; 1989 or 1991 Photograph by Ani Chime/Angela Harkavy, 2013 fiG. 10.32. Derail of Vaisrl!vaQa as one of the Four Great Kings Painted by Yeshe jamyang Veranda, Jangchubling Monastery, Debra Dun, India; 1989 or 1991 Photograph by Rosita Faber the Four Great Kings in a Tsangri style, here drawn by the outstanding Tashilhunpo artist Kachen Losang Phlintshok. Again that king is shown backed with smoke, with much broader tongues or lobes of smoke than in any of the Ladakh murals. 5. Some Reflections For Tibetan painters it was rare to learn even as many as two styles and remain flexible enough to paint in either one equally well. One of the main preceding Drigung Kagyu painters in Ladakh, Konchok Gyaltshan of Ph yang, was sufficiently fluent in two styles to easily produce the clouds of each. But the available photographs (Figs. 10.6 and lO .9) are too poor for us to judge whether he was real ly painting in the Dri ri , or j ust imi tati ng some of its key elements whi le painting in the Uri. In the case ofYeshe Jamyang, he formally only learned one style, the Driri. It was his own mature aesthetic judgments as a working artist many years Iater that drove him to adopt some excellent features from fellow Ladakhi painters of the Tsangri or to keep what he thought best from his original school. It reminds me of another puzzling case of style change, that of the 210 CHAPTER IO outstanding painter Ngawang Dorje of Spiti (later of Manali). Born in Phenpo in central Tibet, he had learned the Eri as a young man, but you would never guess that from his later, heavily Karma Gardri style. Clare Harris mentioned him in connection with his student Sonam Stanzin and the so-called "Spiti Style school of Tibetan thangka painting." 735 (One example of his murals from Manali published by Harris looks in that detai l more like the Tsangri, with its deep dark-blue sky.)736 In any case, none of Ngawang Dorje's accessible paintings are like the Eri that he learned as a child in Lhasa from one of the outstanding Uchenmo (dbu chen mo) art masters.737 (Perhaps one of his surviving disciples will be able to explain it.) Yeshe Jamyang's stylistic change. too, is very hard for me to judge at a distance. (I regret that I, an admirer of his art, never had the chance to ask him about it, and I wish I had more examples of his thangkas to compare.) I think we can conclude at the very least that he did not, as an artist, adhere bli ndly or rigidly to every aspect of the artistic tradition he originally learned. Through collaborating with other (mai nly Tsangri) painters during the 1960s and 1970s on nUinerous occasions, he could see at close hand the virtues of their tradition. He was himself a practiced and discerning artist, FtC. IO. J3 Yeshe jam yan g in recenr days Phorogra ph by Ashes Rajbansh, Ma rch 201 4 Phorogra ph courresy of ~1ichael Pahlke sen ior in years to many of them. (Later in life Yes he Jam yang said that he much respected the Tsangri master Tshcring Wangdu as a painter, yet he admired eve n mo re the pictorial art of one of Tsering Wangdu's pro min ent senior disciples (Ng awa ng Gyaltshan?) from Cha pa house in Martselan g, wh o was then in about his mid- or late six.ties.)738 Yeshe Jam yan g was in the 1960s and 1970s the sole representative of his minority school in Ladakh, living in artistic isolation. Tho ugh he never kep t a lono-ti me assistant as disciple-successor. 0 in the 1990s he may have given som e training to a younger Drigung Kagyu painter nam ed Ka Gy atsh o.m Yeshe Jamyang demonstrated in the late 1980s a renewed loyalty to the Driri style when painting in the new mother temple of Jangchubling. The re, though he does not use for example the classic Driri clouds and mountains of the nineteenth century, he pays homage to the Driri through other aesthetic choices. It is wonderful to compare now Figure 103 1. his Jangchubling version of Yirfip~. the red-skinned Great King of whom we saw three other versions in Ladakhi monasteries (Lamayuru. Phyiwang, and Spituk). In Dehra Dun he refrains from using the mo re intense orange and pink pastels that we saw in isolated clouds in Lamayuru and Phyang. (Cf . Fig s. 10.22. 10.23 a and I 0.24.) His color sch em e of the background with many relative! y flat and somewhat monochrome clouds in soft-gray or soft-brown hues is akin to the Driri. He achieved a sim ilar aesthetic effect in the Jan gch ubl ing mural detail of the panel depicting white-skinned Dhr.tarastra . . . the vina-strumming Great Kin g (not pictured her e).l n the sky and clouds we again find a subtle col or sch em e consistent with the Driri. The bright pink or beige-orange clouds (one or two of which typically tum up in eac h of his Ladakh mural panels) are absent. while the clouds are relatively flat and monochrome. Thu s, Yeshe Jam yang onl y took his stylistic conversion so far. He always retained in thangka paintings a preference for certain important Driri elements. such as hea vily symmetrical compositions. Even in murals he adopted only a few of the many clo ud colors available in the Tsangri, while he kept Ftc. ro.3 4 Dhrrar~!ra and Vaisrl\vana, Two Gre ar Kings ro eirher side of the main emr anc e doo r Rinchen Ling, Nepal; tare 200 7-2 008 Painred by Tshering of Phenpo Phorograph by Ani Chime/Angela Harkavy, 200 7 in his repertoire and sometimes painted flame-tips reminiscent of the Driri. (See Figure 103 2. a detail of smo ke behind YaisravaQa at Jangchubling.) Tho ugh he did practice as a mature artist in Ladakh a Driri-Tsangri hybrid styl e, it was not close to a pure Tsa ngri. Even his Ladakhi murals feature relatively subdued cloud colors com pared with those of true Tsangri artists. Moreover, he retained other important loyalties to the Driri, as witnessed by his Jangchubli ng murals. Thus, Yes he Jam yano0 remains a fascinating and complex. painter. worthy of any tradition. It is not fair to jud ge Yeshe Janl yano0 as "th e last Driri painter." Instead we should remember him as one of the best Ladakhi murals painters of his gen eration. an artist with uncompromisingly high aesthetic standards whose paintings and oth er works of sac red art continue to PAI NTI NG TRA DIT I ONS OF THE DRI GUN G KAG Y U SCH OOL 2.11 fiG. 10.3 5 Viruc;lhaka and Dhrra~~p-a, Two Great Kings Rinchen Ling Monastery, Nepal; late 2007- 2008 Painted by Tsering of Phenpo Photogtaph by Ani Chime/Angela Harkavy, 2007 FIG. 10. )6 Padmasambbava with Other Eminent Gurus and Lamas Rinchen Ling, Nepal; late 2007- 2008 Painted by Sanggye from Bhuran Photograph by Ani Chime/Angela Harkavy, 2007 FrG. 10.37 Kl!lacakra and Maksorma Rinchen Ling, Nepal; late 2007- 2008 Painted by Sanggye from Bhutan Photograph by Ani Chime/Angela Harkavy, 2007 impress those who have the good fortune to see them. 6. A Postcript When completing this catalog, I learned that Yeshe Jamyang had in recent years (2012) completed a three-dimensional mandala of Samvara at Rinchen Ling, a new Drigung Kagyu monastery in Nayapati, Nepal. (See Fig. 10.16h.) He did not paint any of the murals of that monastery. Instead, an artist named Tshering from Phenpo in northern D Province painted the Four Great Kings.'-10 (See Fig. I 034.) In the skies above the Great Kings, the painter depicted several glacier peaks in a striking Tsangri style. a clear show of his stylistic identity. But in the skies he avoids pink or orange clouds (which we often saw in Yeshe Jamyang's Ladakh murals). Moreover, the two more peaceful of the Great Kings are ringed with fairly monochrome clouds whose colors are in tune with the Driri. 212 CHAPTER IO The tongues of fire-like rich reddishbrown smoke are particularly elegant; with flame tips highlighted by various soft colors, they make this panel a tour de force. (See Fig. 1035.) Meanwhi le, elsewhere in the main temple murals of Rinchen Ling, the Tsangri style is left behind and an amazing transfiguration has taken place. In scene after scene, behind practically every figure we find clouds and mountains in a mode very close to the Driri. These murals were painted by a painter named Sanggye from Bhutan, following the instructions of a knowledgeable monk from Drigung Thel.741 In Figure 1036, for example. the artist rendered three conical mountain peaks that loom on the horizon while (Driri-like) clouds float in regu lar clusters behind Atisa and Marpa, the two gurus nearest the horizon to the right and left. The Bhutanese painter was directed by a fifty-year old monk from Drigung The! named Jo Lama (Jo Bla ma), who planned the compositions, told the artist which old thangka he should follow as models, and supervised the work. Figure 1037 shows the carefully differentiated types of flame nimbuses and other details. Around the standing semi wrathful yidam , or tutelary deity, Kalacakra, a body nimbus of volutes has been carefully executed. Behind the female wrathful protectress Maksorma, the flames exactly reproduce the shape of the classic Driri-style wrathful flames! Figure 1038 shows a standing white goddess who also has been painted with great care. She is a standing version of Achi Chokyi Drolma, who holds in her hands a mirror and a scull cup with jewels inside. Her deli cately rendered body nimbus includes both volute patterns and depictions of colorful jewels. In the landscape behind her, the pastel pink and blues clouds create an exquisite setting. It is too soon to judge from the murals of just one new temple in Nepal, but the Rinchen Ling murals are a hopeful sign. Somehow, through the intense interest of the lama-patrons and the painstaking work of the artists and the monk closely supervising them, a painting style close in spirit and appearance to the Driri has been called to life. Let's Ftc. 1 0.38 Standing Goddess Achi Chokyi Drolma Rincben Ling, Nepal; 2008- 2009 Painted by Sanggye from Bhutan Photograph by Ani Chime/Angela Harkavy hope it can be continued. PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL 2.13 l r·-[t;- .1 u ''Beneficial to See " Early Drigung Painting BY CHRISTI AN L uczANITS, R uBIN MuSEUM O F A R T ' 42 early Tibetan paintings becoming accessible through publications and online, their attribution to particular schools of Tibetan Buddhism is being continuously refined by scholars in the field. The extant scroll paintings (thangkas), indicate that there must have WITH MORE AND MORE been a surge in production about 1200 with the rise of the Sakya and diverse Kagyu Schools as religious and political forces. These schools distinguished themselves from the older ones, Nyingma and Kadampa, through their emphasis on Highest Yoga (niruttarayoga) teachings743 and their direct transmission from India, both also prominently communicated through art. A driving force in this surge was certainly the eight Kagyu Schools founded by pupils of Phagmotrupa (Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po, 111 0-1170), who asserted the awakening of Phagmotrupa and their own. The first securely identifiable Kagyu paintings were those of the Karma Kagyu, which could easily be identified through the distinctive black hats of the Karmapa incarnation.744 While scholars long thought that the black hat was depicted beginning with the Third Karmapa Rangjung Dorje (Rang byung rdo rje, 1284-1339), this has turned out not fi G. II. I Drigungpa's footprints and rypical Drigung composition drawn on silk Central Tibet; early 13rh cenmry Photograph by David De Armas Rubin Museum of Art C2003.7.1 (HAR 65205) to be the case as depictions of the First Karmapa, Dlisum Khyenpa (Dus gstml mkhyen pa, 1110-1193), wearing a black hat have been identified.745 Further, a few early Drukpa Kagyu paintings could be recognized through the distinctive dress of some of the school's protagonists.'46 The early paintings of other schools, however, do not offer such a clear marker and have to be identified on the basis of other criteria. Works of the Taklw1g Kagyu School could be attributed to that school on the basis of the inscriptions usually found on the back of the paintings.747 The largest corpus of surviving paintings, early Taklung works, comprises a considerable number of types and styles and covers a period of several centuries. A few paintings can be attributed to the Yazang School through the distinctive representation of its founder, Yazang Choje Cho Monlam (g.Ya' bzang chos rje 010s sn10n lam, 1169- 1233), and thus largely on the basis of an art historical assessment.748 The identification of early Drigung Kagyu paintings, by contrast, is possible only on the basis of a combination of the criteria and methods used for the other groups, and a nun1ber of distinctive motifs and iconographic groups have been established as typical for that school ."09 David Jackson 's publication Mirror of the Buddha reflects the state of research in 2012.750 This contribution introduces the main characteristics of the earliest pai ntings of the Drigung School on the basis of key examples, surveys related paintings and the development of their iconography/ 51 introduces distinctive mallasiddha and Buddha depictions characteristic for this school, relates all these to monuments in Ladakll, and summarizes the evidence available so far. ln terms of chronology, this contribution focuses on the first two centuries of Drigung art, that is the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and only occasionally refers to fifteenth-century examples. CRUCIAL EVIDENCE A painting in the collection of the Rubin Museum of Art opened the door to securely identifying a group of early Tibetan paintings as products of Drigung patronage. This Cakrasaqwara and footprint drawing on si lk is also one of the earliest Drigung paintings extant (Figure II .I). As such, it is not only of great re ligious and historical importance due to the footprints of Drigungpa, or Jigten Gonpo ('Jig rten mgon po, 1143-1217), as has been described by Deborall Klimburg-Salter752 following Kathryn H. Selig Brown's work, but it contains the key for defining a number of characteristics in early paintings that now can safely be attributed to the Drigung School. These markers allow for identifying Drigung paintings despite their occasional extreme differences of style. Some of these markers are also independent of the main topic of a given painting. PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORJGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL 2.15 -... t""":"-- ....................... ~ • The uppermost row of figures in the Rubin Museum drawing represents the standard Kagyu (bKa' brgyud) School lineage up to Phagmotrupa in the top center. Immediately below him follows Drigungpa, his personal name being Jigten Gonpo ('Jig rten mgon po, 1143-1 21 7), who was a prominent pupi l of Phagmotrupa (Fig. 11.2) . He and his school are named after Drigung, the place where he founded a monastery in 1179. Drigungpa essentially follows Phagmotrupa in appearance - both are shown frontally and pe1forming the teaching gesture- and both are identified by captions. 753 But the representation of Drigungpa is larger, as is the entire row of deities at his level/ 54 and he has a distinctive hairline, which is 2.16 CH A PTER I 1 also occasionally found with other representations of him (see below). From a spiritual point of view, the most important elements of this drawing are the footprints , which are embellished with the Eight Auspicious Symbols. The fact that many of the known Tibetan footprints are based on the actual footprints of a revered teacher755 is in this case also supported by their distinctive shape756 and the spot at the bottom of the canvas - which may well be the result of a drop of the saffron color dripping from the foot during the application. Such points make it plausible that these are the footprints of Drigungpa himself, allowing for the dating of this thangka to prior to his death in 1217. The footprints are set on the same level and lotus base FlG. I 1.2 Derail of Fig. 11.1, the central lineage reachers with Drigungpa identified by caption in the bottom center as the central deity, Cakrasru1wara, indicating a convergence- if not a shared identity- of the teacher and the deity whose practice he bestowed.757 The central part of the thangka is flanked by a group of eight siddhas that is distinctive for the Drigung School, as will be explained in greater detail . Below them are two snake deities holding the throne base on both sides, and the bottom row features protective deities. All of these are inscribed into a lotus scroll emerging from a vase fiG. II.} The southern part of the monastic complex at Alchi with the three-story Sunl[sek, the prominent building, the Grear Chorten in the background on the top left, and the Small Stupa in front of the Sumrsek Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2000 FJG. I I.4 Enrry wal l of rhe Alchi Sumtsek's third floor lantern with the early Drigung lineage to the left of the entrance Photograph by J. PoncaJ; 1990 (c/ws 'klwr) of Alchi Monastery can be associated with the Drigung School. The earliest of these is the three-story Sumtsek, a building with niches on three sides, southwest of the Assembly Hall of the complex (Fig. 11.3). There a Drigung lineage is found on the entry wall of the bui lding's lantern to the left of the window (Fig. I 1.4).7 59 I have discussed this lineage in great detail elsewhere76 1 and thus here only mention those elements relevant for the subject of early Drigung art. The lineage commences with a small figure of the blue Vajradhara/Vajrasattva762 placed between the two siddhas Tilopa and Naropa. The two teachers who follow are represented standing on a crossed vajra (vifvavajra) in the bottom center. The complementary nature of these figures is emphasized through the stem supporting the main lotus holding the deity and the footprints and the scrolls branching from this stem and holding all figures in the bottom row and at the sides. The teacher is referred to as Jewel (Rin Along the bottom of the painting a very fragmentary inscription, the remains of which are still to be interpreted properly, contains some points important for the present discussion. of crucial art-historical evidence is preserved in the distant western Himala- chen), and the painting as footprint relic. More remarkably, the benefit gained through seeing it, hearing from it, and even recollecting it are extolled, as is the exemplary life of the teacher.758 Though Drigung Monastery was founded in central Tibet, a second set yas, in the monastic complex of Alchi, Ladakh, Northwest India. At least five monuments within the monastic complex in a unique manner: Marpa (Mar pa, I0 12- l 096) is dressed in white robes with a red cape and holds a vajra and bell and Milarepa (Mi Ia ras pa, 1040-1113) is shown as a naked siddha holdinoe a scarf. In contrast to the dark siddhas both have a white complexion. as do the teachers following them, who are not individualized otherwise.762 The last three teachers in the lineage are Dagpo Onchung (Dwag po dBon chung, 11301173), Phagmotrupa Dorje Gye lpo (Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po, 111 0- 1170), and Drigungpa (' Bri gung pa, 11431217; Fig. 5). That this counts among the earliest lineage representations of the Drigtmg School. and probably the Kagyu Schools in general, can be concluded from a number of facts. PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL 2.IJ Although the lineage is an e lement Since these facts are consistent added to the iconographic program of the temple at the latest stage of construc- with other information gained from the monastic complex, there is no need - tion , it is built into the program in a and no justification- for assuming meaningfu l way. that the lineage and its accompanying contemporaneous central-Tibetan thangka teachers are part of an inscription in which the founder of the Sumtsek, the monk Tsiildrim 0 (fshul constructed the Great Chorten at the southwestern entrance of the monastic painting, most of its e lements could be identified on the basis of the Rubin complex and refers to Sumtsek in the Museum drawing.767 In the Small Chorten khrims 'od), takes refuge in the inscription there. 765 While this stupa teachers of the lineage. 763 The representation of the teachers does contain the depiction of Drigungpa (Fig. II .43), his representation in the painting the central teacher is shown in three-quarter profile and flanked by two is not yet canonized, and the lin- Small Chorten is much more informa- standing bodhisattvas. Further, Sa~a~ara Loke§vara and Green Tara flank the eage introduces new iconographic tive. This stupa stands directly in front head of the teacher, who most likely is elements to the teacher representation not found in earlier western- of tl1e Sumtsek and on the way from the entrance into the core of the monastic Drigungpa. The lineage at the top of the Himalayan art. complex (Fig. 113). ate predecessor of tl1e central teacher is a siddha.768 This is surprising, since the • The lineage features two teachers 2.18 The last three teachers in the Alchj Sumtseg teaching lineage includjng Phagmorrupa and Drigw1gpa Photograph by J. Poncar, 1990. inscription are considerably later addi tions to the monument. TsUJdrim 0 also • The captions identifying the • f i G. 11.5 painting is unusual in that the immedi- following Gampopa, two of his The teacher depiction in the Small Chorten can be considered practically nephews succeeding him as abbots contemporary with the Rubin Museum is the common Drigung lineage, but it is of Dakla Gampo Monastery, who drawi ng (Fig. 11.6)766 Although stylisti- do not occur in any other Kagyu lineage.764 cally it adheres to the local art of Alchi and is much freer in its composition than consistent with the iconographic program of the stupa in which the transmission CHAPTER I 1 inscribed lineage of the AI chi Sumtsek through a siddha is emphasized. Frc. 1 r.6 Drigungpa in [he Small Chort en in Alchi, Ladak h Phorograph by C. Luczanirs, 2010 sides are again occupied by siddh as. In this case they numb er nine; five are repres ented on the right side. and some have unusual icono graph y. These and the protec tor deitie s in the bottom row count amon g the major defini ng chara cteristics of early Drigu ng painti ng and are discu ssed in greate r detail below . Like the Rubin Muse um drawi ooO' the Ale hi paintings of the Sumt sek and the Small Chort en can be consi dered repreno sentat ive of the earlie st phase of Driou 0 c Schoo l art. They also provi de evide nce of the early sprea d of the Drigu ng Schoo l in the weste rn-Hi malay an region . The main figure of the two early AI chi stupa s with Drigu ngpa is a naked siddh a. his back suppo rted by a yogic band (yogapat!a) aroun d his knees : he holds a twi g to the side and an elong ated objec t uprig ht under neath his mouth . possib ly a flute. '69 As the only figure depic ted frontally, he must be consi dered the teach er of the other s. Drigu ngpa sits oppos ite the siddh a , and the two local teach ers on the side walls both face Drigungp a. I have resist ed the idenli fication of this siddh a as Phada m pa Sangy e (d. it is fitting that the local teach ers face Drigu ngpa and not Phada mpa. indica ting that it is a vision of Drigu ngpa that transm itted the teach ings. In this conne ction. it is impor tant to recog nize that the comp ositio n with a centra l focus , a lineage in the top, and protec tors at the botto m reflects a Tibet an comp ositio nal conve ntion that likely was not fully devel oped until the secon d half of the twelft h centu ry and later remai ned a princi ple of Tibet an painti ng. This comp ositio n reflects the 1117). as sugge sted most forcef ully in Linro the, ··stren gthen ing the Roots :·no since neithe r the icono graph y of the siddha as he is show n in Alchi nor the connectio n to Drigu ogpa can be expla ined concl usive ly?" This may be besid e the point. howe ver. as the messa 0oe of the hierar chy of teach er (guru/bla ma), aspira tion deity (i.rfadevatillyi dam). and protec tor of Budd hism (dlum uapti la/ two stupa s is the new teach ing deriv ation throu gh an Indian s iddha . In addi tion. there is no doubt that Drigu ngpa saw himse lf in the tradit ion of the Indian maha siddh a,m that Phad ampa playe d a proce ss of forma tion.775 As I have tried to demo nstrat e elsew here.m thi s hierarchy as well as the icono graph y of the teach er repres entati on that devel oped major role in the transm ission of the siddha tradit ion to Tibet ,m and that event ually every naked black s iddha has been identified with Phada mpa.714 Given the time gap from Phada mpa to Drigu ngpa, chos skyong). In general. by the early thirteenth centu ry the depic tion of a teach er's lineag e at the top of a painting was sti ll a new subje ct and in the with it refl ects the public eleva tion of the teach er from a pious practi tioner to an awak ened being . Cons equen tly the teach er repres entati on orien ts itself on the buddh a image . In the Small Chort en panel the EIGHT GREA T ADEP TS Amon g the chara cteris tics of early Drigung painti ngs that could be identified on the basis of the Rubin Muse um drawing (Fig. 11.1 ), the depic tion of the Eight Great Adep ts at the sides of the painti ngs turns out to be extrem ely usefu l. These eight maha siddh as are repres ented in painti ngs of other Kagy u Schoo ls as well.m but their depic tion in Drigu ng painti ngs is hi ghly distin ctive and consisten t enoug h to allow for their identi fication. They are thus the mark er that allow s us to attrib ute a group of early Tibet an painti ngs to the Drigu og Schoo l. In additi on, the Rubio Muse um drawi no0 clari lies the identi ty of the maha siddh as. as all of them are identified in captio ns. Amon g the eight adepts. the two groups in the upper come rs on both sides are essential for identifying early Drigu ng paintings and can easily be recogniz ed. The upper-left siddh a is alway s lndrabhiiti. the king. who is represented with a conso rt and his sister ~mikara (Fig. 11.7). Surprisingly, lndrabhiiti is also accompanied by Viriipa. who raises PAINT ING TRAD ITION S OF THE DRICU NC KACY U SC HOOL 119 his hand to interrupt the sun in its course. the sun often indicated by a red circle or disk. The connection of these two siddhas to each other and the teaching this composition may signify remain unclear to date. The upper-right corner siddha depiction consistently features ' flanked by Buddha Sakyamuni Nagarjuna to his proper right and Atisa (DTpaqtkaraSnjiiana. 982- 1054). the famous Indian scholar who went to Tibet in the middle of the eleventh century and had wide-ranging influence on Buddhism there, to his proper left (Figure 11.8). Although Nagarjuna is here shown among the mahasiddhas, the triad most likel y represents what is called the Lineage of Profound View, the teaching of emptiness, which passed from Buddha Sakyamuni to Nagarjuna and eventually entered Tibet with Atisa.778 In this connection it is also imponant to note that Drigungpa was considered an incarnation of Nagarjuna. The other mahasiddhas, too. are consistently represented in the same position and with similar iconography. On the left side lndrabhiili is followed by Qorpbrheruka (Fig. 11.7), who invariably sits on a pregnant tigress. the dancing Brahmin Saraha, often accompanied by two female attendants,179 and Kukkuripa, who can easily be recognized thanks to his dog companion. On the right side, the top triad featuring Nagarjw1a is followed by Layipa. famous for nourishing himself with the entrails of fish (Fig. 11.8) . The mahasiddha who follows, Padmavajra. is iconographically the least distinctive of the group.7lD Finally, GhaQ!apl!da. or Drilbupa (Dril bu pa). is commonly shown making a gigantic leap through the air and holding a vajra and bell in his raised hands. The siddhas of the Al e hi Small Chorten panel (Fig. 11 .6), however. pose considerable problems re oardino their often not distinguished enough to identify them. Only the triad in the upper right undoubtedly represents Buddha ' flanked by Nagarjuna and Sal.:yamuni Atisa. Among the adepts depicted to the left of the central teacher. Saraha. dancing with a consort, takes the top position, and is followed by 00111brheru ka, Derail of Fig. 11.1, the upper two mahasiddhas to the left of the foorprims fearuring k1ng lndrabhoti embracing a consort and flanked by Virupa and lak~mrkara in the top triad as well as l)o111hTherub identification, as their arrangement does not conform to the Rubin Museum drawing and their individual iconography is possibly Vin1pa,781 and Kukkuripa. For those on the right side one could speculate that the triad underneath the Derail of Fig. 11 ..1, the upper two mahllsiddhas to the right of the footprints featuring Sllkyamuni flanked by Nligl!rjuna and Alisa in the top triad as well as Loyipa " l.l.O CHAPTER 1 J 0 Ftc. 11.7 Ftc . n .8 Buddl1a with Nagarjuna has Indrabhuti in its center, who is the only other mahasiddha besides Saraha conunonly represented with female attendants. The three mahasiddhas who follow then ought to represent Padmavajra, Luyipa. and GhaJ.l!apada (Drilbupa), but none of them is clearly identifiable.782 As in the case of the Iineage, the Small Chorten preserves a highly unconventional representation of the mahasiddhas. As on the Maiijusrr dhotT in the AI chi Sumtsek, the ascetic nature of the adepts is emphasized, and Indrabhiiti may thus be represented in the same way as the other siddhas, not as a king seated on a throne. The Alchi depiction is also remarkable for the separation of Indrabhati and Virupa and the distinctive representation of Nagarjuna among the mahasiddhas. Both may indicate that Nagarjuna and the Lineage of Profound View he represents were originally not thought to be among the eight mahasiddhas but distinctive from that group, and that Virupa is the original eighth mal1asiddha and was placed in a secondary position to preserve the grouping of eight. This admittedly highly speculative scenario not only would further support the attribution of the AI chi depiction to the very beginning of Drigung art but also prefigures the slight alterations seen throughout the corpus of early Drigung paintings featuring the Eight Great Adepts, to which we turn next. Boov oF PAINTINGS Based on the critical examples introduced above, and in particular the distinctive iconography of the eight mahasiddhas, a considerable corpus of early Tibetan paintings can be attributed to the Drigung School. The majority of these paintings are of the two types represented by the Rubin Museum drawing and the Alchi panel, that is, thangkas with the representation of the footprints of Drigungpa and those featuring a central hierarch. In this discussion, these paintings are presented in a hypothetical chronology based on the lineage depictions, the development of secondary themes introduced in the paintings, as well as iconographic and stylistic considerations. The group covers a period of a maximum of 150 years from the earliest depictions to the latest one, the attribution depending on which lineage is to be applied . Three Potential Lineages The lineage depicted in the uppermost registers of the paintings is the most important element for the chronological attribution, but there is now good evidence that in the case of the Drigung paintings we have more than one lineage represented and the same number of figures depicted in a lineage can result in very different absolute dates. This is certainly the case for paintings to be attributed to the western Himalayas, in which the lineage may refer to one of two local lineage traditions. We thus have potentially three different lineages that may be represented in such paintings. For central-Tibetan paintings there is justification to assume that the lineage figures refer to the abbots (gd.an rabs) of Drigung Monastery, among which Drigungpa can be counted as the first (see appendix A) .783 For western Tibet, however. there are at least two other possibilities. namely the lineage of the head of the Drigung hermitages around Mount Kailasa and Manasarovar, called the dordzin (rdor 'd:in) and continuing with the first Drigung dord:in Ghuya Gangpa (Ghu ya sgang pa) in the early thirteenth century (see appendix B), and a western Tibetan lineage in which Drigungpa is followed by Ridro Wangchuk Senge Yeshe (Ri khrod dbang phyug Seng ge ye shes, 1181- 1252), a pupil of his who went to western Tibet in 1219.784 While the dord:in was appointed from the head monastery in central Tibet, the western Tibetan teaching transmission appears to be independent of the head monastery. In general the date ranges provided for some of the paintings under consideration are based on the assumption that a painting was made during the abbacy of the last figure depicted in the lineage or that of his successor. This chronological range thus represents the maximun1 time frame within which the painting can be dated on the basis of the lineage, provided the lineage referred to is known. Within this range, dates closer to the change of office, usually following the death of the preceding hierarch, are much more likely than dates at the extreme ends of the range. On the one hand it is more likely that the painting of a hierarch is commissioned late in his tenure, and on the other band it is also common for the succeeding abbot to commission a painting in the memory of his predecessor shortly after the predecessor's death. Following Drigungpa One of the oldest thangkas in the group of early Drigung paintings is a stylistically and technically unusual thangka from the Pritzker Collection (Figure 11 .9).785 In comparison to the Rubin Museum drawing, this fascinating work features an additional figure in the lineage who likely represents a teacher that followed Drigungpa. Indeed, the top-central figure bears the hairline of Drigungpa and to the right of him is Phagmotrupa, who often is represented with a slight beard (Figure II. 10) . As in Alchi, the central hierarch is flanked by two bodhisattvas, and two additional deities occupy the corners at the sides of the central teacher 's bead. Further, the deities Acala and Vajrayoginr are added to the sides below the mahasiddhas. The style of the Pritzker hierarch is so unusual that no regional attribution can be deduced from it. If the depicted hierarch is the second abbot of Drigung Monastery, Tsiildrim Dorje (Tshul PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORJGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL 2.2I khrims rdo rje. 1154-1221 ). who held the sea t from 12 17 to 1221, then this painting dates somewhere between 1217 and 1235. the end of the reign of his suc ces sor, S<lnam Dragpa (bSod nams grags pa. 118 7-1 235 ).A western Tibetan derivation would expand that chrono looical " rter qua d thir the into bly era sid con ge ran of the thirteenth century, but a date late r than 1235 appears unlikely in terms of the iconographic details of the painting. The sam e two additional deities. Aca la and Vajrayoginr, are als o represen ted on thr ee oth er footprint thangkas centered on CakrasaiJwara, which follow the Rubin Mu seum drawing in composition. On e of those. in a private collection. provides a chronolooical "teachers re mo two ing ent res rep by clue in the corners to the sid es of the hal o of the central teacher (see Fig . 5.5).786 Th ese most likely c.ontinue the lineaoe " and represent successors of Dri ounopa " " and thus make the painting two gen erations late r than the Rubin Museu m 787 drawing. lts possible dat e ranoes "acies of abb the 5. 125 between 1221 and the third and fourth abbots of Drigung. the latter being Dragpa Chungne (Grags pa 'by ung gnas. 117 5-1 255 : in office 123 5-1 255 ). Th e footprints may nevertheless be that of the central teacher above Cakrasamvara, Drigungpa, as in this cas e they are on separate pieces of sil k glued to the canvas.188 A further example in a Zurich private collection is focused on a Dri gung hierarch who has been identified as Dri gungpa. as he is mentioned in the elaborate insc riptions on the back (Fig. 11.11).789 However. the number of lineage figures on the painting suggests that it dates two or three generations afte r 790 Drigungpa. and my preliminary reading of the fragmentary inscription from photographs provided by the owner confi rrns t h'JS rea eli ng..,., All oth er examples in the group indicate that the teacher preceding the main figure is always represented immediately above him in 222 C HA rTE R J 1 the center of the lineage. If we assume this, the teachers emphasized in the top row by a white background are Marpa and Phagmotrupa. and Drigungpa is the teacher to the right of Phagmotrupa. a figure bearing much gre ate r resemblance with other portraits of him than any of the oth er figures on this painting. If this is the case and if the painting is to be attributed to central Tibet, then the central teacher would be the fourth abbot of Drigung, Drakpa Chungne (Grags pa 'byung gnas. 1175-1255; in office 1235-1255). and the painting dates between 123 5 and 1278, that is, his tenure and that of his successor Dorje Drakpa (rOo rje grags pa. 121 0/1211 1278/1279; in office 1255-1278). A date later than the previous examples is als o suggested by the additional pai r of dei ties below the siddhas, the green fierce 792 AmrtakWJ~alin and U~I}I~vijayl!. FIG. 1 1.9 Drigung hierarc h succeedi ng Drigungpa Cenrral or western Tiber; 121 7-1 235 Prirzker Collection Phorograph by Hughes DuBois Re d Goddess Another footprint thangka is painted on embroidered silk bearing a lotus pattern sim ilar to those depicted in the robes of teachers and may well be a fragment of such a robe .""3 In this Pritzker Collection piece the central teacher. who should be Drigungpa, is set off from the oth ers by representing him underneath the Guhyasan1aja deities and jus t above the central CakrasaiJlvara (Fig. 11.12) .~ The siddha in the top-right com er of this painting cannot be explained from comparable paintings and is unlikely to 795 be pan of the lineage, which proceeds Ftc. xt.xo Derail of Fig. I I .9, rbe central part of rbe lineage featuring Drigung pa in rhe top center flanked by Gampop a and Phngmorrupa from the top-left corner via the two siddhas Tilopa and Naropa. jumps to Marpa and Milarepa represented immediately to the right of the central figure, and then to the gray-haired Gampo pa to the right of the central Phagmotrupa. The same lineage succession, with the exception of the siddha, is also found on a McCormick Collection footprint on a silk thangka in which the last teacher is represented in the center between the Guhyasamllja deities in the second row and bears features comparable to other depictions of Drigungpa (Fig. 11.13).796 In the top-right corner are the Medicine Buddha Bhai~ajyaguru and what appears to be White Tara, and on the right side the position s of Luyipa and Padmavajra are exchanged. The McCormick thangka also shares the representation of a red goddess among the protective deities in the bottom row with the Pri tzker footprint. On this thangka (fig. 11 .13) the goddess holds an elephant goad {atikuia ) and a blue lily (utpala). att.ributes that largely conform to the description of the rarely represented Red Tllrli.197 Bearing as they do the footprints of Drigungpa, all footprint paintings likely go back to Drigungpa 's time, but as in the case of the private collection footprint. there are indications in the composition and iconography of the figures on the Pritzker and McCormick footprints that they were in the making over a longer period. The McCormick footprint follows the private collection footprint closely but introduces Red Tarll in the bottom row at the expense of the continuous vase and scroll motif and the niiga at the sides of the throne. The same iconographic change is also visible on the Pritzker footprin t. the paintings of which. in their present condition, appear considerably later. While drawings of the figures may have been present on this painting originally. its actual coloring as it is preserved today cannot be comemporary with the footprints and the compositional outlines visible between the deities. Instead, the figures appear to have been painted some decades later at a time when their iconographic details were not entirely clear anymore. This would explain why. for example, Drigungpa or Virupa do not compar e to their representation in other roughly contemporaneous paintings and why a considerable number of figures lack iconographic details. These paintings are thus difficult to date more precisely. but their composition and most of the iconographic details preserved on them place them between the private collection footprint and the Zurich hierarch , and thus somewhere between 1221 and 1278, with the greatest likelihood in the second quarter of the thirteemh century. Onl y one other painting also features Red Tara. an unusual depiction of Drigungpa with a pupil, now in the collection of Navin Kumar (see Fig. 5.23) .1'18 ln my assessment. this thangka has likely been repainted, as is indicated by its many unusual features , most notable among them the quasinaturalistic face of the main image. the pseudo perspective of the throne back. iconographic misunderstandings in the representation of some secondary PAtr<TlN G TRADIT IONS OF THE ORIGUN G KAGY U SCHOOL 2.2.3 FlG. II.II Drigung School hierarch Central Tibe£; 1235- 1278 Priva£e Collec£ion, Zurich 224 CHAPTER I 1 FIG. I I. I 2 Footprint on embroidered si lk Central Tibet; before 1217 with the composition dating to the second quarter of rhe 13th century and rhe painting still later Distemper on silk brocade Pritzker Collection Photograph by Hughes DuBois PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL 225 FIG. 1!.13 Thangka with Drigungpa's footprints Central Tibet; before 1217 with the composition and painting dating to the second quarter of the 13th cenrury Collection of Beata and Michael McCormick 226 CHAPTER I 1 figures, the unusual color scheme, and many more details. Among the most tell ing iconographic anomalies the following are especially noteworthy: the figure flanking lndrabhuti in the upper-left corner holds a skull cup in his tilted raised hand/ 99 the green Drilbupa is depicted walking rather than flying even though the pattern around him indicates clouds, Gal)apati in the bottom row wears a crown of the type known for lndra and is richly ornan1ented, and the mount of Rematr is depicted too large and in a rather odd standing position with a low back not found on any other early painting.800 A comparison of these details with other depictions in the group discussed here alone is sufficient to demonstrate how unusual they are. Nevertheless, the painting's iconography reflects an original that is roughly of the same period as the last examples. In terms of the deities depicted, this painting links to the Pritzker and McCormick footprints, the only ones that share the Red Tara in the bottom row.ln comparison to these, the Kumar painting adds Sa4a~ara Loke5vara and Cakrasaqw ara under- from Karsha Monastery in Zangskar, Ladakh, Northwest lndia,802 and likely also originated in the wider western Himalayan region. A unique occurrence, Tilopa and Naropa are both shown with a Tantric staff (khatviiriga) . Stylistically, too, this painting differs considerably from what we have discussed so far. There are also more secondary deities on this painting. Underneath the lineage and above the mal1asiddhas, four deities are placed side by side, Acala, Cakrasaqwara, VajrayoginT, and Sa4~ara Lokesvara, whi le MarTer and White Tara occupy the position underneath the mahasiddhas. The unusual features of this painting may be due to its western Tibetan origin, which also accounts for the unexpected ly short lineage of only two personages following Drigungpa, their succession being not entirely clear.so.' ln the western Tibetan lineage Drigungpa is followed by Ritrti Wangchuk Senge (Ri khrod dbang phyug Seng ge ye shes, 1181- 1252) and Dtinmoripa (Don mo ri pa, 1203- 1264/1276/1288) . The painting thus would date between 1252 and 1322, the latter being the death date of Chtindorwa (Chun ' dor ba, 1241- 1322) neath the siddha. Further, the lineage in the Kumar painting leads up to Drigungpa but does not give a clue about the age of the painting. The hierarch is depicted with a pupil to his side, and a much smaller donor underneath the pupil adds another aspect of historical uncertainty. The original composition of this painting may thus roughly date within the same range as the Zurich hierarch, 1235- 1278, with a likelihood for a later date within that range. the third teacher after Drigungpa in this lineage. Within this range, a date in the fourth quarter of the thirteenth century appears most likely and conforms well to the number and selection of the secondary deities.8().1 Western-Himalayan Tlw.n.gkas based on a thirteenth-century model.806 The lineage on this painting leads up only as far as Milarepa and thus is abbreviated. The additional deities are The Kumar painting at one time may well have been in a condition similar to a thangka in the Koelz Collection in the Museum of Anthropology at Ann Arbor. Michigan, which is of a similar age or somewhat later (Fig. 11.14).801 This painting was acquired by Walter N. Koelz A thangka of Milarepa (10401123), now in the Rubin Museum, also was repainted for the art market (Fig. 11.15).805 The new rendering follows the original closely but entailed such an extensive " beautification" that the painting must be considered a new work largely the same ones as on the Koelz thangka, but they are rearranged with some of them fi ll ing the remaining space on the lineage level. Only Mru1jusrT in the upper-right comer of the central panel is a new add ition to the pantheon we have encountered so far. Due to the heavy repainting, the iconographic details of the secondary figures cannot be trusted, and it is not an accident that many of the figures do not retain their attributes. The inscription on the back of the painting identifies its subject, using both Milarepa's personal name and his ordination name, Vajraketuraja. The sole more recent addition to the corpus of early Drigung painti ngs known to me came on the market with Carlton Rochell in 2006, and it turned out to be crucial for a better understanding of early Drigung art (Fig. 11 .16).807 This rather naively rendered painting expands the lineage to five figures following Drigungpa, including two placed on top of the central figure's nimbus. Fortunate circumstances also provided me with a photograph of the inscription on the back of this painting that contained the name of the depicted, Lekden Yeshe (Legs !dan ye shes, 1263- 1344), who follows the above mentioned Chtindorwa ( 1241- 1322) in the western Tibetan lineage as the fourth teacher after Drigungpa. We thus have the curious case that there are more teachers in the lineage thru1 necessary, and I take the double representation on the halo as showing two immediate teachers of the depicted hierarch, the lama Yangdakdzongwa Gongma (Yang dag rdzong ba gong ma), who was the second-most important mind disciple of Dtinmori pa after Chtindorwa .808 This painting thus most likely dates to the second quarter of the fourteenth century. Hence it extends the possible chronological rru1ge for such early Drigung compositions to the middle of the fourteenth century and generally expands the chronological range for the development of such compositions considerably.809 Iconographically, the portrait of Lekden Yeshe has three rows of PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL 2.27 fiG. I 1.14 Thangka with Drigung hierarch Western Himalayas (acquired in Zangskar); fourth quarter of the 13th century Permission of The University of Michigan Museum of Anthropologi cal Archaeology, Koelz CoUection UMMA 17487 228 CHAPTER 11 F IG. 11.15 Mibrepa Wesrern Tibet; first quarter of the 14th cenrury (repainted) Phorograph by Bruce M. White Rubin Museum of Arr C200224.5 PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRI CU N C KACYU SCHOOL 22.9 secondary figures underneath the mahasiddhas. including a practitioner in the bottom right, opposite Green Tl\ra. The Rubin Milarepa bears many similarities to this painting but is stylistically closer to the Koelz thangka. The Rubin Museum Milarepa thus most likely dates to the first quarter of the fourteenth century. The continuation of this traditional composition in the western Himalayas into the fourteenth century also explains its occurrence in some of the contemporaneous mural paintings. but the earliest exan1ple preserved is considerably older. Westem-Himalayan Murals The oldest evidence for the early Drigung composition being used in a mural is extremely fragmentary. The composition is found on the east, or entry. wall of a ruined passage chiirten above the main temple complex in Sumda Chung. the other paintings of which arc executed in a simplified version of the western-Himalayan style of AI chi (Fig. 11.17). The relevant panel is located underneath the window. Half of this wall has already collapsed (Fig. 11.18), but it retains enough information to make it relevant for the present discussion. The central figure almost certainly was a four-armed deity. discemable in its remaining outlines. The lineage above and to the sides of the deity could have comprised a maximum of ten figures. that is. two teachers beyond Drigungpa. The three mahasiddhas on the left side of the panel suffice to identify the composition but do not allow for relating them to a distinctive group of the thangkas discussed here. Given that this stupa retains much of the sophistication of the AI chi group paintings. which can be discerned on the two best-preserved Surprisingly. even the thangkas largely reworked in modern times are still much closer to the original composition than the Drigung hierarch representation on the main wall of the AI chi Translator's Temple (Lotsaba Lhakhang; Fig. II .19). In this depiction the central hierarch is most likely again Drigungpa, and the lineage compares to that of the Koelz painting. with two additional teachers represented to his walls and the ceiling, the lineage must refer to the abbots of Drigung. This side among the mahasiddhas. and thus potentially following the main figure. While the relationship of this depic- would date the stupa within the same range as the private coll ection footprint, and thus roughly the second quarter of the tion to those discussed is obvious, it is unclear how much background knowl edge the artists of this panel actually thirteenth century, a date that also makes sense in stylistic tern1s. had. as the rendering of the minor deities around the hierarch is often practically l.JO CHAPTER 11 f1C. II.t6 Western Tibetan Drigung hierarch Lekden Yeshe (1263-1344) Western 1ibct; second quarter of rhe 14th cenrury Presenr location unknown After Orientations 37 (8) illegible and can only partially be related to the minor deities found in other depictions. Their arrangement is somewhat confused and confusing. Nevertheless. a late thirteenth-century date for this mural. and the temple as a whole, fits both the development of the AI chi temple complex and the style and iconography of the temple. which can be understood solely in relation to the earlier monuments of the site. The short lineage, with two teachers following Drigungpa, would then conform to the western Tibetan lineage and the range of 1252 to 1322 with the last quarter of the thirteenth century most likely, as established for the Koelz thangka. Another late example in the development of this composition is found among the extensive pantheon painted on the walls of the three-story temple at Wanla in Ladakh (Fig. 11.20).8 10 This is the only other case in which a deity occupies the center, namely four-armed Namasai]lgTti Maiijusrr, who does not occur even among the secondary figures on the other paintings. The top-right section of this mural is entirely lost. the number of lineage figures cannot be ascertained, but since Milarepa occupies the center of the composition, the lineage likely featured nine or ten figures , the shortest lineage represented in the temple. With only one or two successors to Drigungpa, the li neage transmission must be the western Tibetan one for this depiction. Interestingly, in this painting, an additional dark-skinned siddha is placed in the top-left corner of the central panel, mirroring the gesture of Virupa (Fig. 11.21). There are no surprises among the secondary deities, which are Acala and MarTer on the left and Vaj rayoginr and Green Tara on the right. As expected, these deities relate the Wan la depiction to the western Himalayan thangkas and indicate that it precedes the Milarepa thangka. Concerning its date , we wi ll return to the the Wan la Temple when discussing the Drigung monwnents of Ladakh. Finally, the temple in AI chi Shangrong preserves the same composition in an extremely fragmentary state. Of the central image only traces of the two flanking bodhisattvas are preserved. The dark-skinned siddha also depicted in Wanla is now represented above lndrabhOti, a place occupied by the last lineage figure on the other side. The lineage likely featured eleven figures. three successors of Drigungpa, and thus indicates a date later than Wanla. This group of early Drigung paintings identified so far on the basis of a single distinctive composition is fascinating for its stylistic diversity and wide geographical distribution. Nevertheless, with the exception of the Alchi depictions, they all follow a stylistic mode reflecting central Tibetan paintings of the period. F IG. 1!.17 Ruined passage srupa ar Sumda Chung Photograph by C. Luczanits, 1994 FIG. 1r.r8 East wall of the ruined passage srupa in Fig. 11.17 with Drigung panel underneath the window Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2005 PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL 2}1 f1G.11.19 Drigungpa panel of the Alchi Translator's Temple Photograph by C. Luczanits, 1998 FIG. 11.20 Four-armed Niimasat!lgfti Ma1ijusrT in a composition typical for the Drigung School Auspicious Three-srory Temple at Wanla, Ladakh; lare 13th century Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2003 FIG. 11.21 Vrrupa, Indrabhnti, and a dark-skinned siddha in the top-left corner of the Niimasaf!lgTri MaJijusrT composition Auspicious Three-story Temple at Wanla, Ladakh; late 13th century Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2003 Given that the Drigung School from the very beginning established a stronghold around Kailash - and Alchi is just one proof for the early spread of this school into the western Himalayan region - this demonstrates that a central Tibet-derived painting style was soon also established in western Tibet. 2.32. CHAPTER I 1 The changes in composition and the exchange and addition of secondary deities within this small group of paintings likely reflects both a chronological and conceptual development and reli gious changes within the first hundred fifty years of the Drigung School. Some of the recorded changes are also the result of misunderstandings visible in the later examples as well as the repainting of some of the relevant objects. We will now take a closer look at the main elements that make up this composition and what their development may tell. SoME CHARAcrERtsncs As diverse as the group of early Drigung paintings is stylistically. the compositions and choice of deities are comparable. With the exception of the Sumda Chung and Wanla murals. the paintings introduced so far depict two topics , the footprints of the hierarch, possibly all of them of Drigungpa, and the hierarch himself. either Drigungpa or one of his successors. Thus, all of the paintings directly refer to the founder of the Drigung School. In addition to the distinctive siddhas. the paintings discussed contain a number of other characteristics that may be indicative of paintings of the Drigung School. Analyzing these characteristics in some detail allows us to refine our understanding of how the paintings relate to each other. While the lineage is consistent in most examples. exceptions being the Small CMrten at Alchi and the Koelz painting. there appears to be considerable freedom in depicting the lineage figures individually, especially in the earlier examples. Since we will return to the issue of portraiture of the Tibetan masters later, the main interest here is at the beginning of the lineage. the two siddhas and the representation of Marpa and Milarepa. The two earliest Alchi lineages begin with a blue deity holding a vajra in front of his chest and a bell at his hip. the common iconography of Vajrasattva. but in the Sumtsek this figure is identified by inscription as Vajradhara.811 A deity of the same iconography also occupies the top-left comer of the Rubin Museum drawing. but there it is identi lied as Vajrasattva. and Vajradhara is depicted as well.812 All other lineages show Vajradhara with his usual attributes, holding the vajra and bell in the hands crossed in front of his chest. Using the iconography of Vajrasattva for Vajradhara at the beginning of a Kagyu lineage is thus a sign for an early date of the lineage. but it remains unclear if this is speci fie to the Drigung School.813 In the Rubin Museum drawing the two siddhas Tilopa and Naropa perform teaching gestures wi th their right hands and hold skull cups in their left. C haracteristically, Tilopa has his hands in front of his chest, wh ile Naropa extends one hand, usually the one holding the cup. to the side. This is the most frequent form in which these two siddhas are shown, and only their context identifies them individually. In the Alchi Sumtsek, Tilopa and Naropa are dark skinned and face each other. Ti lopa holds a fish in addition to the skull cup, and Nl!ropa holds a hand drum (tfamaru). Between them is a ritual mandala with four skull cups placed around it. While the fish is occasionally found with Tilopa. as is the case in the Small Chorten and on the Pritzker footprint. the hand drum is seen only in the Sumtsek mural. On the Pritzker hierarch thangka, both siddhas are shown teaching, like the other lineage figures. Among the Tibetans in the lineage. Marpa and Milarepa are easily recognized by their attire, the secular coat and cape of Marpa and the white cloth that covers Milarepa. Marpa ·s hair often lies flat and falls over his shoulders, while Milarepa 's hair is shown in large curls. This distinction is made on the Rubin Museum drawing and appears to remain a distinctive feature in all paintings that preserved this level of original detaiI. It is also apparent in the Rubin Milarepa painting. The ornate white dress Milarepa wears in this painting is evident in a number of other cases, most notably the Pritzker and Zurich hierarchs. Of these. only the Rubin Museum drawing depicts the last lineage hierarch frontally: in all other cases he faces sideways. Ln the earlier paintings. except for the Pritzker footprint. the hierarch is always looking toward his proper left. and only the Rubin Milarepa and the Rochell hierarch face right. In these cases, looking sideways does not indicate that these paintings are part of a set. as is commonly the case with later Tibetan portraiture. but that the hierarch is part of an oral transmission lineage (bka' brgyud) that he passes on. This differentiates the awakened teachers such as these hierarchs from the Buddha, whose other qualities have been assimi lated in their portraiture. Their association with the Buddha is most apparent in the two flanking bodhisattvas. who are present in all but one case. the asymmetric Kumar hierarch thangka. ln the Alchi chorten they are Avalokitc:Svara and Manjtcirf. while in later paintings the bodhisattvas are Avalokitesvara and Maitreya, continuing the same color distribution. white left and orange right. Only the Pritzker hierarch is an exception to this. as he is flanked by a bodhisattva with triple jewels as his attribute and Vajrapfu:li, both of a greenish complexion.814 ln the Wanla mural the central deity is flanked by two standing bodhisattvas holding a blue lily (utpala), the one to his proper right pinkish and the other one blue, possibly representing Maiijusrr and Vajrapa1,1i. Beyond these Drigung School paintings. standing bodhisattvas flanking a hierarch are rare.ln Taglung and Riwoche paintings it is mainly Sangye Onpo (Sangs rgyas dbon po, 1251- 1296) who is flanked by bodhisattvas. Interestingly. these paintings also display a certain familiarity with the Drigungpa representation of the mahasiddbas.815 Secondary Deities An unusual feature of the early Drigung paintings is that the lineage at the top PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DRICUNC KACY U SCHOOL 233 of the painting is commonly flanked by at least two additional deities, most frequently two buddhas, with the Medicine Buddha Bhai~ajyaguru represented in the top-right corner. Additionally bodhisattvas and goddesses may be represented in the corners of the main panel just below the lineage. These deities document subsidiary practices, with only on the Rubin Museum drawing and the Zurich hierarch painting, where he is paired with Vajrasattva. The other earth-touching buddhas represent Sakyamuni, clearly differentiated from Ak~obhya on the Rubin Museum drawing. He appears again only on the Pritzker hierarch. These deities connect the paintings with the Buddha's awakening often much more mundane goals such as ensuring health and support, and the importance given to them. It is thus not surprising that the positions and identity of these deities is less strictly canonized than the other features discussed so far. For example, the Rubin Museum drawing has four images flanking the lineage on top, an unidentified bodhisattva likely representing Vajrasattva8 16 and Ak~obhya to the left and an earth-touching (blu7misparSamudrii) Sakyamuni 817 and Bhai~ajyaguru to the right. The Alchi Small Chorten has Amitabha and a blue buddha with begging bowl, possibly meant to represent the Medicine Buddha. flanking the lineage. In the corners below the lineage are Sac)ak~ara Loke§vara and Green Tara. The Pritz- and the vajra fan1ily. In Alchi tl1e lineage is flanked by Amitabha and the Medicine Buddha. Of these Amitabha or rather Amitayus, holding a vase in mediation, appears again on the private collection footprint, the Rubin Milarepa, and the Rochell hierarch. Certainly tile most consistent of the buddhas in the upper area is the Medicine Buddha, who is found on all ker hierarch has Sakyamuni on the left and Ratnasa111bhava and the Medicine Buddha on the right. ln the corners of the halo are Vajrasattva and a form of Avalokitesvara holding a red lotus. There is similar variation with the occurs again in tllis position (Pritzker and Roc hell hierarch and Rubin Mi 1arepa), while Green Tara, or any other form of the goddess, occurs again only in tile lower area at the level of the main lotus. Except for tile Koelz hierarch, which has a White Tara, the other paintings and the other secondary deities in lower positions. Rather than enumerating these variations painting to painting,8 18 tracing the placement of each deity across the paintings is more telling in tern1s of the relationship between paintings and the possible temporal and geographical connotations tlleir usage and placement may entail. Vajrasattva, found in tile top-left corner of the Rubin Museum drawing, moves into the top-left corner of tile central panel (Pritzker and Zurich hierarchs) but then does not occur on later paintings, and Buddha Ak~obhya occurs 2.34 CHAPTER I 1 paintings except tile Pritzker footprint and the Koelz hierarch. He is most commonly shown in the upper-left corner and otherwise on tile level immediately underneath the lineage. ln the Small Chorten of Alchi, the comers of the central panel are occupied by Sac:Iak~ara Lokesvara and Green Tara. Of these only the former, or another form of Bodhisattva Avalokite5vara, goddess occurs again only on the Rubin Milarepa, the Rochell hierarch, and the Wan! a mu raJ. There is thus a good chance tllat tile inclusion of these deities of compassion into the pantlleon of secondary deities is an indicator of a western Tibetan origin of a painting. Exceptionally, the Koelz hierarch and the Rubin Milarepa also show CakrasaJ11vara and Vajrayoginr among the deities in the upper area. The Koelz thangka further has Acala and Sac)ak~araloke§vara represented above the mahasiddhas while tile Rubin Milarepa painting has Maiijusrr and Sac)ak~ara Loke§vara. Based on the footprint thangkas, I would judge that the major aspiration deity (yi dam) in the early depictions is the two-armed form of Cakrasaqwara with consort and his so-called five-deity mandala. Further, the footprint thangkas also prominently feature the Five Buddhas and tlleir consorts in a form that closely relates to tile GuhyasamajaMaiijuvajra mandala. Remarkably, it is the female form that is emphasized on these paintings through their location on tile left side, and Samantabhadrr and her consort. the wheel-holding Vairocana,819 take tile central positions. In comparison to tile Rubin footprint tllangka, tile three other footprint tllangkas add Acala and Vajravarahr underneatll tile mahasiddhas. Of these, Acala has been elevated from among the protectors, while Vajravarahr complements the central aspiration deity. It is tllus likely that the representation of tllis pair entered the hierarch paintings from tile ones with footprints, and in an intermediate stage Cakrasarpvara was not represented at all in tllose paintings. This was corrected in later paintings, such as the Kumar, Koelz , and Rochell hierarchs and the Rubin Milarepa, in which Cakrasaqwara is paired with Vajravarahr. Among the other deities added to the pantheon, the green protector Am~takuQc)alin and U~QT~avijaya are shown once on the Zurich hierarch, where they are paired. ln contrast, tile yellow, three-headed and six-armed Marrcr becomes a common feature of the later western Tibetan paintings (Koelz and Rochell hierarchs, Rubin Milarepa, and Wanla Maiijusrr). Eiglzr Adeprs Reviewed While the identity of the siddhas and their location remain largely consistent on the paintings reviewed so far, tlleir individual depictions show changes and alterations relevant for examining the relationship of the paintings. For example, as distinctive as the top triads are for identifying Drigung painting, their depiction on later paintings indicates that the painters were not always familiar with their meaning and identity. There are also iconographic variants with individual siddhas. Here I no longer refer to the Small Chorten at Alchi, as the iconography of the siddhas in this unusual representation has already been discussed in detai I. Only on the Rubin drawing is King Indrabhuti shown frontally and embracing a conso1t, and his sister shown to his side (Fig. 11.7) . In all other depictions lndrabhmi sits sideways on the throne, directed toward the center of the painting, with his consort seated on his lap. Only in the Kumar hierarch and the Rubin Milarepa does the consort sit behind Indrabhuti, and he embraces her shoulder. In the earlier paintings, Virupa is clearly distinguished from Indrabhuti, and the sun he raises his an11 toward is represented.ln many early representations he is kneeling sideways away from lndrabhuti and raises his right arm ,820 while on the Rubin drawing and the Rochelle hierarch he raises his left arm. On the Koelz hierarch he raises his right arm but kneels facing toward Indrabhuti . In all other cases his identity has not been clear to the painter or restorer, and on the Rubin Mi larepa he is missing altogether. Qoq1blheruka invariably sits sideways on a tigress, most often holding a skull cup in his left hand. Only on the Rubin drawing (Fig. 11.7). the Rubin Mi larepa, and the Rochell hierarch does a consort sit behind him, and on the private collection footprint he may have his hands joined in the teaching gesture in front of his chest. Except in the McCormick footprint, Saraha is always shown dancing, and occasionally he is accompanied by two female attendants, as is the case in the Rubin and private collection footprints and the Pritzker, Zurich, Koel z, and Roc hell hierarchs. Most often, Saraha has a bow carried hori zontal ly on his shoulders, but in later depictions, such as the Rubin Milarepa and the Rochell hierarch, he may simp! y dance with an arrow. There is almost no variation with the representation of the adept Kukkuripa, who can easily be recognized due to his dog companion and his green complexion. In al l cases he embraces the dog with his left arm. Only the Kun1ar hierarch and Rubin Milarepa show this siddha flesh colored. On the right side, the top triad featuring Nagarjuna also shows very little deviation from the Rubin Museum footprint (Fig. 11.8). The ea~th-touching Buddha Sakyamuni in one case holds a begging bowl (Koelz hierarch), twice Nagarjuna does not have an u~J)f~a (Pritzker and McCormick footprints), a11d Atisa's pointed hat is always recognizable. Luyipa may be represented either as an adept - as on the Rubin Museum drawing (Fig. 11 .8), Pritzker (Fig. 11.12) and McCormick (Fig. lJ .13) footprints , the Kumar hierarch and the Rubin Milarepa (Fig. 11.15)- or as a monk holding a begging bowl. As an adept, he is always seated sideways, but as a monk he may be shown frontally, as is the case in the Zurich, Koelz, and Rochell hierarchs. In the Rochell painting the head is tilted to the side, a feature that becomes most obvious with such later representations. Even more inconsistent is the representation of Padmavajra, who also is the least distinctive of the group in terms of iconography. Only on the Rubin drawing does he embrace a consort with his hands crossed in vajralu71!1ktiramudrii. . This gesture or the teaching gesture are also found on the Pritzker, Zurich, and Rochell hierarchs. Most often Padmavajra is of red complexion, exceptions being in the Pritzker and Kumar hierarchs.It is unclear where this color association derives from, but if his hand is held sideways he may hold a red lotus as his attribute, the flower referring to his name. Finally, GhaJ.ltapada or Drilbupa is commonly shown making a gigantic leap through the air and holding a vajra and bell in his raised hands; in the Rubin Museun1 drawing and Mila~·epa he is simply seated. His flying is not only indicated by his posture but also by clouds represented underneath his feet, which are missing on the Pritzker footprint and the Kumar hierarch. On both the Pritzker hierarch and footprint he is shown in a dance posture, and on the Kumar hierarch he is walking. Protectors and Wealth. Deities The placement and grouping of the wealth deities and protectors in the bottom row of the paintings are other distinctive features of early Drigung art. Generally, the comers are occupied by a four-armed Mallakala and the goddess Rematf, while the center is populated by a group of protectors standing in a posture with the right leg bent (pratyalrcjha) and brandishing their distinctive attri bute, in the raised right hand, the left performing the threatening gesture with the index finger raised (tarjanrmudrii.). The wealth deities placed between the comer deities and the central group are the least consistent on this level. Even though he is not raven headed, the four-armed Mahakala on the Rubin Museun1 painting is called that.821 He has four arms, holds a curved knife (kartrkii.) and a skull cup in his main pair of hands in front of his chest and a sword and a Ta11tric staff (kfta/ViiJiga) with a trident top in his additional hands, which are held to the sides of his body. As Olaf Czaja has clarified, this deity is a specific form of Mahakala who is called raven-headed "in nan1e only" (ming can), and a related form of this deity is also found on the Densathil PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL 235 chorten, where he is called Ravenheaded Wisdom Mahakala.822 0n the Pritzker footprint and the Kumar hierarch , this deity has his two main hands in front of his chest with his left hand holding a skull cup toward his knee.823 The bottom-right corner is invariably occupied by the goddess Reman. Only in the Rubin Museum drawing, where she is identified as such, is that goddess four-armed. There she holds a vajra and a mongoose bag in her main hands, brandishes a sword with the second right hand , whi le the second left holds a fresh skull cup with hair still hanging from it. In all the other paintings, including the Small Chorten at Alchi, she is two-armed, brandishing a sword with her right hand and holding the mongoose-bag in the left, this attri bute identifying her more specifically as Yak~T Remati (gNod spyin Re ma ti). Equally consistent is the group of protectors brandishing their different attributes who stand in the center of the bottom row, flanking the vase there. Only the A! chi Small Chi:irten representation also features Yamantaka, clearly recognizable by his bull vehicle, in the bottom center. It is the only depiction of this deity in this corpus of early Drigung paintings.B"...I In the Rubin Museum drawing, the four protectors in the bottom row are identified (from left to right) as Am.;takU!)Qalin, Hayagrfva, Guhyapati (that is, Vajrapa1~i), and Acala.82; Of these, the identification of Amrt:akUJ~Qalin poses a problem, as this deity is commonly described as green, associated with the northern direction, and holding a crossed vajra (visvavajra).826 Only the Zurich thangka features a protector possibly representing this iconography, where he is shown below Acala on the left side.827 Instead, the deity identified as Am.;takur:tQalin in the Rubin Museum drawing wields a club with a rounded tip, probably representing a jewel, and is yellow in all paintings (except for the 2.36 CH A PTER I 1 Ale hi Stupa), indicating that he is a deity associated with the south. However, trident in his upper hands and the radish and a bowl of sweets in his lower hands , given the consistency of the representation of this deity in the present context and the inconsistency in the iconography of the ten wrathful deities,828 of which though in most cases some of these attri butes are not preserved. Rather curious is the depiction of Red Tara in the Pritzker and McCormick footprints and the Kumar hierarch to the side of RematT. She is a protective goddess who has been attributed to this specific Drigung group appears to be a subset, there is no justification for doubting the Rubin Museum drawing's identifying caption. In most other paintings, this group of protectors is reduced to three dei ties in the bottom row, with the blue Guhyapati (Vajrapar:ti) in the center flanked by the red HayagrTva to his right and the yellow Amrtakur:tQalin to his left. A cala, in contrast, is placed on the left side below the mahasiddhas, probably due to his popularity during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. If there is a vase in the bottom center, it is placed between HayagrTva and Guhyapati, but the Rochell hierarch and Wanla defy this convention by exchanging the two deities. Besides the protectors, the bottom row of the Rubin Museum drawing further features Jan1bhala and Gal)apati,829 but usually only one of these two wealth deities takes the position between Mahakala and the standing protectors. The distribution of these deities is not entirely consistent, but there is a tendency to depict Jambhala on the earlier paintings, as he occurs only in the Alchi Small Chi:irten and the Pritzker hierarch and footprint. Jconographically, Jambhala is commonly shown as a corpulent yak~ holding a fruit and a mongoose bag, but on the Pritzker hierarch he holds a banner and sits on a lion, and thus is identified with or replaced by Vaisraval)a. The other paintings depict Gal)apati beside Mahakala. In contrast to the other deities, he is depicted sideways facing Mahakala on the earlier pai ntings, but turned toward the center on the Rubin Milarepa and the Rochell hierarch. He is four-armed and his common attributes appear to be an axe and a the Sakya tradition.83° Further textual research will be needed to clarify her appearance on mid-thirteenth-century Drigung paintings. Snakes , Scrolls and Jewels The throne base, which almost always features two highly stylized frontal lions flanking an elephant face, is frequently supported by two niiga represented at its sides.83 1 In the Rubin Museum drawing these are identified as the snake-kings Anavatapta832 and Apalala. both well known from Indian Buddhist l.iterature but unexpected in this context or as a pair. The conversion of the snake king Apalala was a very popular story in the early Buddhist art of Andhra and Gandhara and is depicted in reliefs.833 In Tibetan Buddhism he has been integrated as a deity of wealth.834 Lake Anavatapta is tl1e site of an assembly in which five-htmdred disciples narrated their former existences leading to their becoming disciples of the Buddha.83; Both stories were included in the books of monastic rules (vinaya) translated into Tibetan. Thus it may well be that the two ntiga were meant as references to the conversion to and protection of Buddhism as well as to monastic renunciation, the foundation for further advancement on the Buddhist path. While on the earlier examples the nliga are of the san1e size as the other secondary figures, they become less emphasized in later examples. Parallel to that they transform from a flying position to the side of the throne to a kneeling one at the lower base of the throne. Usually no 1lliga is represented as part of the upper throne backrest ornaments. When they do occur, as in the Kumar thangka and the Wanla Maiijusri, their rendering clearly derives from Nepalese painting established in Tibet predominantly by the Sakyapa School in the course of the thirteenth century.836 In most cases. the central throne is supported by a stem issuing from a vase with a vi.§vavajra base, and branches growing from this stem also generate a scroll framing the secondary images along the bottom and , less frequently, at the sides. In the Small Cho1ten of Alchi, the vase and visvavajra are reversed and the stem growing from it only supports the lotuses of the central hierarch and the bodhisattvas flanking him. The Pritzker and McCormick footprints as well as the Kumar hierarch lack the vase, once more confirming their close relationship. Both elements are absent on the Pritzker footprint, while the McCormick footprint has no vase and a truncated scroll framing on ly the side figures. The Kumar thangka lacks both elements, whi le in Wanla the vase supports the throne of MaiijusrT only. The scroll motif is uneven ly employed, and it is most clearly expressed in the earliest exan1ples. In later examples the original intention of linking all secondary deities and mallasiddhas through the scroll becomes unclear since its continuation around the corner becomes obscure. The Pritzker footprint, the Kumar hierarch, and the Wanla mural have no scroll at all, and the McCormick footprint and the Rochell hierarch have only partial scrolls, the former for the mahasiddhas, the latter for the bottom row deities. Furthermore, early Drigung painting frequently features the triple jewel prominently, most obviously on the clotl1 in the center of the throne.s:n In the Rubin Museum drawing there are three triple jewels in this position . The triple jewel, referring to the Buddha, his teaching, and the monastic community, also frequently emerges from the mouth of the makara on the throne back, be it in a single branch or in three separate ones.838 Further jewels are frequently part of the scroll framing the secondary images and often terminate it to the side of tl1e halo.839 The triple jewel may also decorate the dress of the hierarch.840 In the Pritzker hierarch, almost every decorative element is made up of jewels. In tllis context, the triple jewel, and jewels in general, may again refer to Drigungpa, who is also known by his ordination name Ratnasri (Rin chen dpal), "Magnificent Jewel.''ll4 1 ln the Pritzker thangka the identification of the hierarch with the triple jewel is further emphasized by the drawing on the back, where the position of the hierarch is taken by a large triple jewel on a fivetiered jewel throne (Fig. 11.22) . This indicates that successors of Drigungpa were equally considered jewel teachers, an association that later becomes standard for incarnate teachers (rin po che). The characteristics outlined here support the relative chronology suggested for the paintings so far but also allow for estimating which features pe1mit the attribution of paintings to the Drigung School that do not share the entire composition but only some of its elements. Indeed, there are a few paintings that can be added to the corpus assembled so far on the basis of such partial representations. ExPANDED BODY One such interesting case is a footprint drawing on silk in the Tibet Museum, Gruyere, which may depict the footprints of Drigungpa (Figure 11.23).841 This small drawing is considerably more refined than the Rubin Museum's, and its composition is fully focused on the elaborate central throne with the footprints. As on the back of the Pritzker hierarch, an umbrella covering the full width of the canvas tops the Tibet Museum composition, and its central focus is a flaming triple jewel on a lotus base between the footprints . The triple jewel thus occupies the position where the hierarch associated with the footprints is in figurative drawings.843 Along with the elaborate jewel scroll surrounding the footprints and tl1e jewels emerging from the mouths of the throne animals (both saraba and makora), this is the main element that hints at a Drigung affiliation. It is thus not surprising that the actual footprints - which are broad with rather short toes, a bunion deformation and the resulting sideways turn of the big toe, and a gap between the big toe and tlle adjoining oneresemble that of other footprint paintings of the Drigung School and differ substantially from Pagmotrupa, Taklung, and Karmapa footprints.844 Note that those other footprint paintings also emphasize the vegetal scroll, but they do not feature the jewel buds so common in Drigung painting. A similar composition executed with very faint ink is also found in a footprint painting on silk in a private collection (see Fig. 5.4). Originally the footprints were surrounded by the vegetal scroll, while the figures were added at a later stage. The footprint resembles tllose on the otller paintings, with the bunion deformation even more extreme. Possibly this indicates tl1at Drigungpa was of a rather advanced age when the footprint was done and tllat it was done in the second decade of the thirteenth century. That the figures are a later addition is clear not only from their discordant relationship to tlle earlier drawing but also from the appearance and iconography of the figures . To fit tlle lineage into the already present scroll painting, Phagmotrupa had to be represented underneatll Gampopa in the top-right comer, tlle earth-touching Buddha Sakyamuni placed into this position on tlle opposite side. The eight mallasiddhas flanking the composition do represent tlle standard group, but PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL 237 al igned with the Rochell hierarch, and the yellow hats for the Taklung teachers also indicate an early to mid-fourteenthcentury date for this thangka. The crosssectarian nature of the painting make it likely that it should be associated with Densatil Monastery, rather than Drigung Monastery. a place over which both the FIG. 11.22 Back of Fig. 11.9 with a large central triple jewel Photograph by Hughes DuBois F IG. II.2J Enthroned foorprim with triple jewel Cenrral Tiber; early 13th cenrury (prior to 1217) Drawing on silk; 20 ~ x 19 in. (52 x 48 em) Alain Bordier Fow1dation inv. ABP 53 Virupa behind lndrabOti is no longer recognizable and Nagarjuna is represented alone. The outer deities, the four-anned Mahakala and Rematr, in the bottom row also conform to the standard Drigung representation, but the remaining deities there are Acala, Sa<;!~ara Loke§vara, and Green Tara. There is no decisive clue to date the addition of these figures more precisely, but from the comparisons 2.38 CHAPTER I 1 one can exclude the possibility that this happened before the last quarter of the thirteenth century. Some of these characteristics further support a western Tibetan origin for the addition of the figures. Another hierarch on a thangka photographed in Tibet can be identified as deriving from a Drigung context only through the specific representation of the siddhas in the corners above the hierarch 's nimbus (Fig. 11.24).845 T his unusual painting shows an enormous assembly of monks arranged around a much larger central hierarch and emphasizes a number of teachers on the central axis, among them a Taklung Kagyu teacher below the throne who is identifiable thanks to his distincti ve yellow hat. The triple jewel on the throne and emerging from the makara's mouth as well as the jewel buds used to termi nate the vegetal scroll further reinforce a Drigung affi liation. The representation of the mahasiddhas is most closely Drigungpa and Taglungpa hierarchs held considerable influence. Such a more general reading is also supported by the bottom row of protectors, which does not follow the Drigung convention. Obviously, not all paintings sharing one of the minor markers established above can securely be attributed to the Drigung School. A case in point is another large thangka in a Zurich collection showing a hierarch holding a flower-Like triple jewel at its stem.846 lt is, of course, tempting to identify this teacher as Drigungpa. However, none of the other elements of this painting support such an identification. Similarly, the white-haired hierarch on a thangka of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art847 cannot be attributed to the Drigung School solely on the basis of the triple jewel depicted on his throne. The portable paintings based on a single composition or featuring some of its elements certainly constituted only a minor part of the history of Drigung painting in the first centuries. As we have seen, the composition could also be linked to western-Himalayan monu- ments, the iconographic programs of which set the composition into a wider context that is certainly more telling about early Drigung art and motifs specific to the Drigung School. Fortunately a considerable number of monuments that can safely be attributed to the Drigung School were preserved in the western Himalayas. DRIGUNG TEMPLES IN LADAKH The rise of the Drigung Kagyi.i and other more recent central-Tibetan schools PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 239 paintings in the Trans lator's Temple and the New Temple or Lhakhang Soma. In addition to the monuments mentioned so far, Alchi preserves three more chorten for which a Drigung affiliation can be suggested. These are presented here in the succession of tl1e diminishing influence of the Alchi style to place the depiction of Drigungpa in the Trans lator's Temple into a context. Drigungpa likel y is one of the two Tibetan teachers in the inner chorten preserved in the garden of the AI chi LOnpo, which in the framing of the figures directly references the Great C horten within the monastic compound.ln thi s case. the siddha has been replaced witll a buddha. and one of the local teachers with another teacher in Tibetan monastic dress .84l! Drigungpa is probably depicted twice in the c/wrten adjoining the Small Chorten and sharing a wall with it, once he is depicted together with another hierarch on one of the wal ls of the inner c116rten (Fig. 11.25), and once on a wall of the outer chorten in the same monument. Further, Drigungpa is depicted twice in the c/wrten in the center of the Main Temple's courtyard, directly above the passage that leads to the entrance of the temple. There, he flanks Buddha Sakyamuni along with sa~ak~ara Lokesvara on the upper level of the ch6rten's wal ls (Fig. 11.26), and the lower level is occupied by the Five Budf i G. II.24 Unidentified Drigung School hierarch with large assembly Central Tiber; late 13th century After Han Shuli, Xizang yi shu ji cui (fibeti1tt arts) (Taibei Shi: Yi shu jia chu ban she, 1995), 295. 240 CHAPTER I 1 in the western Himalayas resulted in a chanoe c of the artistic environment. dhas.849ln this ch6rten, Drigungpa may In the course of the thirteenth century, be represented again on the east wall just to the side of the window, with a disciple new styles of art intimately connected on the opposite side.s;o These monu- with contemporaneous central Tibetan ments demonstrate that after a period art gain predominance while the earlier western Himalayan idioms, as repre- marked by the diminishing quality of Alchi painting style, a new sophisticated sented by the AI chi group of monu - and essentially foreign painting style was ments, quickly fade away. The early Drigung depictions at A! chi discussed above were exceptions in so far as their taken up for the raised chorten in the courtyard of the Main Temple. Compared with our earlier examples, the representa- painting style is still distinctly western Himalayan. Nevertheless, even at AI chi a new central Tibet-derived style soon tion of Drigungpa in the raised ch6rten fits somewhere between the Zurich and gained ground. as can be seen from the tion of the robe underneath the teachers Koelz hierarchs, the triangular articula- FtG. 11.25 A teacher possibly representing Drigungpa in the chorten adjoining the Small Chorren Ale hi; second quarrer of the 13th cenrury Photograph by C. luczanitS, 2010 Ftc. 11.16 AnOlher represemanon of Drigungpa on the west wall of the raised ci1orten inside the courtyard of the Alchi Main Temple Third decade of the 13th cenrury Photograph by C. luczanits, 1998 lefl arm possibly being a distinctive western Himalayan feature. Given the closeness of the chorten depiction to the Zurich hjerarch, including details of the fall of the d ress and a pronounced farther eye area, I would rather opt for the third quarter of the thirteenth century than later for this dtorten.85 ' Other early examples of a central Tibetan style in Ladakh are painted gateway chorten in Lamayuru and AI chi Shangrong. which sadly are both nearly destroyed.852 To these I add the murals of the so-called Karsha Kadampa Chdrten.853 Among these three passage chorten the one at AI chi Shangrong preserves a clue in terms of affiliation, namely a ten-figure Kagyii lineage on the west wall with AmiUibha in the center. but this representation is too fragmentary to a ll ow more precise conclusions in terms of sectarian affi li ation. Whil e they all probably derive from a Drigung context. there is no certainty in this regard. C hronologically they likely date between the mid- and the late thirteenth century.8~ Along with the raised c/rorten in the AI chi monastic compound. these monuments can be taken as evidence for foreign. that is non-Ladakhi. painters working in Ladakh during that period. but now not coming from Kashmir but from central Tibet. Provided that the identifications suggested by Rob Linrothe are correcl.sss it would be here that the Hidden Temple at Lingshed Monastery would PAINTING TRAD I TIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL 241 have to be placed in the development of Drigung monuments. In the fragmentary remains of this temple a central teaching Buddha856 is Hanked by two portraits surrounded by life scenes. Of these the hierarch on the right wall is Drigungpa represented together with his life.857 Lingshed also preserves another hidden room with more Drigung paintings858 which cannot be much later than the Hidden Temple. On the left side wall of this room is a DharmadhatuvagisvaramaiijusrTma~c;lala and on the left half of the preserved murals on the main wall arc two Drigung hierarchs with narrative scenes below them (Fig. I I .27). The depiction of the eight siddhas in the uppermost row above the hierarchs suoo gests a date in the late thirteenth century for these murals.8S9 The Translator·s Temple (Lotsawa Lhakhang) of Alchi does not clearly fit into this scenario of a diminishinoe western Tibetan idiom in the first half of the thirteenth century and the emergence of central Tibetan painting styles in the second half developed so far. This temple is a poor quality add-on to the earlier MaiijusriTemple. using one of the MaiijusrTTemple·s walls including the window as its right wall. Its paintings still have a lot in common with the earlier western Himalayan idiom and appear to imitate it. but their quality indicates a local production. While the composition of the paintings and their content is distinctl y different from the earlier monuments, it sti ll continues some of the earlier iconographic features. including the emphasis on Buddha Vairocana. The only Drigung School element in the iconographic program of this temple is the above-mentioned teacher depiction to the left of the central earth-touching Sakyarnuni (Fig. II .19). Crude as they are. the two top depictions in the rows to the sides of the main teacher clearly reference the two mahasiddha triads typical for the Drigung School. and the painting also 242 C HAPT E R I I shares many of the other elements identified as characteristic for early Driouno 0 0 painting, even though some of them are distorted beyond recognition. Its lineage. for example. is entirely misunderstood and essentially illegible, but the number of Iineage figures. including the two teachers on the right side underneath the Sak}'arnuni and Nagarjuna triad. indicates a mid-to late thirteenth-century date. With this attribution I assume that the lineage depiction-the accuracy of which certainly is to be doubted - does not refer to the Drigung abbots but to the western Tibetan lineage. The poor architectural quality and even more so the poor rendering of specific Drigung themes in the Translator's Temple make it almost unthinkable that there had been direct contact with Drigung Monastery at the time of its creation. In general, while here and below I do employ the lineage representations to establish relative chronologies and absolute dates, I want to express a word of caution in this regard. In the case of a hierarch or footprint thangka it is clear that the lineage in the painting refers to the hierarch depicted. and there is thus F1 c. 11.:1.7 Two Drigung hierarchs on me main wall of th~ so< alled Hidden Temple ar lingshed Monastery Photograph by Robert N. Linrorhe, 2006 a great incentive to be accurate. In the case of monuments the employment of lineages is much more ambiguous and problematic. This is even more so if the lineage is practically unreadable, as in the AI chi Translator·s Temple, or if it contains an obvious mistake as in ' several depictions mentioned below. One also must be extremely cautious in the selection of the lineage depicted in a monument. as those lineages attached to speci fie themes more likely represent specific teaching lineages and would have to be interpreted with the knowledge of that particular lineage. A good example in this regard is the fragmentary lineage above the four-armed Maiiju5rr in Wan Ia mentioned above. which can only refer to this theme and not to the temple as a whole. I thus use only lineages that from their location likely refer to the monum ent as a whole or which cover larger sections of an iconographic program than the depi ction of a specific teaching lineage would. Other L.adakhi monuments up to at least the fifteenth century. by contrast. preserve indigenous paintings styles that may summarily be called early Ladakhi painting styles.860 These styles share a naive quality but differ considerably in details, coloring, and artistic merit. These differences also reAect a chronological spread of at least 150 years, but there are few chronological clues to date these monuments more precisely. The most importa nt an10ng these temples is undoubted! y the Auspicious Three-story Temple at Wanla. today simply called the Wanla Chuchigzhel. referring to its main image, Eleven-headed Avalokitesvara. \Vania Temple The only L.adakhi temple besides the Translator's and Shangrong Temples in of the eioht Alchi in which the oroup <> e siddhas is represented in a form peculiar to the Drigung School. Wan! a can be counted among the earliest of the L.adakhi style temples (Fig. 11.28). I have repeatedly tried to date this temple on the basis of the different chronolo!!io cal factors but am still unable to offer conclusive results. The most important chronological indicators are the inscription and the different lineaoes e found inside the temple as part of its decoration. The Wanla inscription. now available in a comprehensive study by Kurt Tropper,861 opens a window on a local Buddhist dominion centered on Wanla that otherwise is only known from local folk songs. The inscription provides the vague historicity of a traditional religious source that is more concemed about praising the heroic ruler. named BhagdarKyab (' Bhag dar skyabs). his sons, and thci r pious erection and decoration of thi s temple. BhagdarKyab's dominion included the surrounding valleys as well as AI chi and Kanji. which are explicitly named among other locales.862 Religious ly, the temple is first characterized as a Kagyu monument, mentioning the sculptures of the "Kagyu lamas·· represented in the gallery leading up to " now," that is, the time of the establishment of the temple or the time of writing the inscription (v. 70f.). Toward the end of the inscription. the youngest of his four sons, who bears a religious name in contrast to his brothers. is described as a monk who arrived at Drigung (' Bri gung) and venerated the teachers there (v. 116f.).863 In terms of art, the inscription mentions Nepali craftsm anship with appreci ation (v. 59f.) when talking Even thouoh about the woodcarvinos. 0 0 it is improb able that Newari craftsm en were actually involve d in the monument. the stateme nt proves the new cultural affiliation away from nearby Kashmir and toward the east. The inscription further enumer ates some of the topics represented and emphas izes the vast pantheon depicte d (in particular v. 67f.). Most remarka bly, the three local artists. a father with his two sons ' all bearing Tibetan names, are also mentioned and praised (v. 85f.). Overall. the inscription may be interpreted as referring to Drigung fiG. I 1.1.8 The Auspicious Three-story Temple ofWanl a Lare 13rh century Photograph by C. luczani rs, 1998 Monastery. as David Jackson does ,86-l and then the lineages may have to be interpreted that way as well. Among the numerous l.ineages throughout the temple, most of them in relation to a specific deity. those comprising thirteen and fifteen figures appear to be the most relevant. The most important thirteenfigure li neages are the one in sculpture referred to in the inscription (Fig. 11.29) and the most prominent lineage representation on the painted beam on gallery level (Fig. 11.45). The most important fifteen-figure depictions are those found at the very top of the left side wall of the Maitreya niche. the only lineage that is partially inscribed, and that on the top of the main wall of the lantern. These lineages thus continue five to seven teachers beyond Drigungpa. For a while I had hoped that the inscribed fifteen-teacher lineage in Maitreya ·s niche. which is hard to read due to the soot and dust covering the murals and the angle from which they have to be viewed. would clarify which lineage M EAN INGFUL TO BEHOLD 1.43 wa s rep res ent ed at the tem ple . Th ere , the first six figures are all identified as exp ect ed/ 165 and the seventh, Phagmotrupa, is los t. Of the one s that fol low aft er the los s. onl y the first three hav e captions. wh ich read (8.) Je Rinpoche. (9.) Gy elw a Rin poc he, and (I 0.) On Rinpoche .IIM If we com par e the se tid es with the lin eag e of abb ots of Dr igu ng Monastery in central Tib et, Je Rinpoche (rJe rin po che ), "Pr eci ous Lord," would be an unusual bu t not im pos sib le des ignation of Jig ten Go npo ( 1143- 121 7), as it cou ld be an abb rev iati on of the com mo n chos rje ri11 po che .>!47 Gy elw a Rinpoche (rG yal ba rin po che ), me ani ng ''Pr eci ous Co nqu ere r" and a com mo n des ign atio n for the present Dalai La ma . wo uld be a unique reference to the great sch ola r Tshtildrim Do rje (mklra n che n Tshul khr im s rdo rje. 1154-1221 ).1168 and On Rinpoche ('On rin po che), "Pr eci ous Nephew," cou ld refer to On So nam Dr agp a (dB on bS od nam s grags pa, 118 7-1 234 /35 ), wh o actually is kno wn by this epi the t.1169 Th ou gh hardly a per fec t match. this is bet ter tha n wb at we find if we try to match the oth er two Dri!!U ., Jlo., lin eao.,es identified abo ve. If the Wa nla depictions are indeed Iin eao es of the Dr igu ng abb ots , the e div ero .,ence in the num ber of figures repres ent ed. thi rte en and fifteen. cou ld be exp lain ed onl y by noting the sho rt tenure of the rel eva nt abb ots of the tim e. If we ass um e the con stru ctio n beg an dur ing or aft er the tenure of the six th abb ot, Rinchen Sen gge (Ri n che n sen g ge, 1226/1227- 1284; in office 127 8-1 284 ), and was finalized. inc lud ing the add itio n of the lan ter n, dur ing the tenure of the eighth abb ot, Yeshe Do rje (Ye she s rdo rje, 1223- 1293: in office 128 6-1 293) or his suc ces sor Ch uny ipa Do rje Rin che n (bCu gnyis pa rD o rje rin che n. 12781314: in office 12 93 -13 14) . we arrive at a qui te plausible sce nar io acc ord ing to wh ich the cre ati on of the Wanla Te mp le took pla ce bet we en 1278 and 1314, aro und the tim e of the raid of Dr igu ng 244 CH APT ER 11 Monastery. Th us, the last tw o dec ade s of d1e thirtcend1 cen tur y arc mo st lik ely for the con stru ctio n of Wanla. Als o if we com par e the Wa nla rep res ent atio n of the eig ht adepts wit h the thangka paintings discussed abo ve, thi s see ms to be the ear lies t pos sib le dat e for the tem ple . Th e iconographic pro gra m of the Wan! a Te mp le is ext rem ely rich, and the mo num ent may be con sid ere d on e of the ear lies t "en cyc lop edi c'' (i.e.. full pan the on) mo num ent s ofT ibe t.m Its main nic he, wh ich hou ses an ele ven headed Avalokitesvara. als o contains Pad ma sam bha va and teachings attributed to him on its walls. Th e bac k wa lls of the tem ple feature the ent ire Vajrtlvalr cyc le and the Eig ht Pronounceme nts (bk a' brgyad), ano the r prominent Ny ing ma Tantric the me . wh ile specifi cal ly Drigung themes are fou nd mainly in the are a of the entrance and on the gallery level. the latter genera lly focusina on les s eso ter ic top ics .871 Th e mo st im"por tan t Dri gung the me s dep ict ed at Wanta wil l be referred to below in relation to com par ativ e depictions. He re it suffices to me nti on that the Sa4a~ara Avalokitesvara triad on the left sid e wall can be identified as a Dr igu ng topic on the bas is of the distinctive pro tec tor dei ties rep res ent ed at the bottom of the panel (Fig. 11 .30). Ftc . r 1.~9 Some of the sculptures of a thirteen-figure Kagyii reaching lineage flanking rhe heads of Avalokiresvara at gallery level Wanla; bre 13t h cenrury Pho tog rap h by C. Luczanirs, 2003 Other Early Monum ents or the other monuments preserved in the reg ion . a small tem ple at Kanji. a lon g day 's wa lk acr oss a pas s to the sou th of Wanla , is stylistically closest to Wanla.m Th e onl y chr ono log ica l clu e for Kanji is aga in a Kagyu lineage painted on the main wall abo ve Lhe thr ee main scu lpt ure s (Fi g. 113 1 ).873 It contains fourteen figures. wh ich wo uld make the temple roughly con tem por ane ous wit h Wanla. In the Kanji lin eag e, Pb agmo tru pa - wh o can be identified by his location within the lineage, but wh o her e fea tur es the hai rlin e of Dr igu ngpa - is em pha siz ed, as only he per for ms the teaching ges tur e. ln ter ms of the iconographic topics, litt le at Kanji res em ble s Wanla. and there are no specific Dri gun g the me s. lns tea d, the wa lls are exc lusiv ely occ upi ed wit h ma nda las of the Sar vad urg atip ari sod han a cyc le. wh ich in Wan! a occ upi es one of the ground-floor wa lls and a section of the gallery.~m FIG. II.JO ~a<;lak~ara Avalokiresvara as rescuer of the eighr dangers Wanla, right side wall; ]are 13th cenrury Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2010 FIG. II.JI The main wall of rhe Kanji Temple wirh Avalokiresvara flanked by rhe Medicine Buddha and Green Tl!ra and a reaching lineage of fourteen figures above rhem Kanj~ late 13th cenrury Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2003 The depictions of teachers can also serve as criteria for attributing the Sengge Lhakhang (Seng ge IHa khang, "Lion's Temple'') at Lamayuru to this early group.m There Phagmotrupa has his characteristic beard and presumably again faces Drigungpa (Fig. 1132).876 The Senge Lhakhang also shares a number of more distinctive iconographic themes with Wanla, such as the Amitayus Paradise with Padmasambhava to the right of the Buddha and a particular representation of the eighty-four mahasiddhas. In the Sengge Lhakhang, the siddhas occupy a prominent position, and the uppermost row shares a peculiar composition with the depiction of the same topic as found in the Wanla lantern (Fig. 1133). In these representations, the siddhas are grouped in clusters of four or five figures around a larger central one. It can only be guessed which version of the two is earlier, but the Sengge Lhakhang depiction is more sophisticated (Fig. 1134). The three temples discussed so far also share the red-dominated painting background. As wi ll be shown in greater detail below, the Drigung School also maintained a specific set of the larger group of siddhas, which is consistently used in the monuments discussed here. This peculiar set of mahasiddhas - along with a characteristic variety and abstraction of the trees used as separators between them - connects the temples of Wanla and Lamayuru with that of Alchi Shangrong.877 Its mahas iddha depiction is extremely important, since it is the most sophisticated version an1ong this specific group, and its siddhas are also identified by captions (see Fig. 1135). Despite its otherwise dilapidated state, it is clear that the Shangrong Temple clearly once housed paintings of excellent quality. As noted above, this temple also contains one composition with the typical group of eight siddhas flanking a central deity or hierarch that is not preserved. The color palette and iconography of the temple, however. differ considerably from the ones discussed so far.878 PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 2.45 FIG. I r. 3 2 Phagmotrupa and Drigungpa in the Sengge Lhakhang of Lamayuru; passage to side chapel Late 13th century Photograph by C. Luczanits, 1998 II.33 The first four mahllsiddhas and a practitioner around Nag1rjw1a Wanla; late 13th century Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2010 FIG. FIG. 11.34 The first four mahllsiddhas and a practitioner around Nagllrjuna Lion's Temple, Lamayuru; Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2010 The Lhakhang Soma (IHa khang Soma) or "New Temple" within the monastic enclosure of Alchi 879 contains paintings from a workshop very close to that of Shangrong, although of lesser quality. In addition, the basic iconographic scheme of the two temples is similar. Roughly speaking, the two temples house aspiration deities and their assemblies on the main wall (Fig. 11.41 ), mandalas connected with the elimination of inferior rebirths on the left wal l, and the Medicine Buddha(s) on the right wall. While Shangrong has only aspiration deities on the main wall, with the top-center position occupied by Kalacakia, in the Lhakhang Soma ' Buddha Sakyamuni takes center stage in a composition with the seven Tara in the bottom row, a theme found twice in Wanla and also identifiable as a marker for a Drigung School affiliation. Given the development of the different themes and the stylistic changes, the succession of monuments as they are described may also represent a relative chronology.880 They likely span the period from the last two decades of the thirteenth century (Lingshed and Wanla) to the second quarter of the fourteenth century (Lhakhang Soma). Then there appears to be a hiatus between this early group and the later monuments. Even 246 CHAPTER I 1 though there is a certain continu ity in terms of the depicte d themes. stylistically the differen ces are dramati c. Ladakh i monum ents is in no way comprehens ive. but even in this abbrevi ated form it attests to the rich early history of Later Monum ents the Drigung School in Ladakh . It also at two provide s the basis for lookino e addition al early Drigung themes that are The compos ition centere d on Sakyam uni with seven Tara below is also the main topic in the center of the northern and best-pre served of the three Tsatsap uri temples .881 Now the Buddha is perform ing the earth-to uching gesture . and general ly the style and painting quality of this temple are conside rably remove d from the monum ents discuss ed so far. A major gap between this monum ent and the ones di scussed so far is also indicated by the long lineage depictio n in the upper-le ft comer of the main wall. which features at least twenty- one teachers . Lf ouno .,, these represent the abbots of Dri ., the lineage leads to the time of the fourteenth Drigung abbot. Rinchen Pelzang (Rin chen dpal bzang, 1421-14 69) who held office from 1435- 1469, the same abbot that Erberto Lo Sue associa tes with the Guru Lhakha ng in Phyang.88:! Within the Tsatsapuri comple x, the western temple, called the Lbato Lhakha ng, is certainl y older than the northern one and it contain s a depictio n of Drigung pa ·s life, proving the Drigung affi liation of the comple x .883 The temple in the east, by contras t, copied the iconographic program of the northern temple. and thus is the latest in the comple x. With the fifteenth century. we enter a period in which Drigung School art become s less and less distinct ive. Relevant monum ents are certainl y the Guru Lhakha ng in Phyang. which has been studied and newly attribut ed by Lo Sue (Fig. 11.42).88-1 Finally. the painted caves at Saspol~ share characte ristics with both the latest temple of the Tsatsapuri comple x and the Guru Lhakha ng. The best-pre served cave of the Saspol complex support s a fifteenth-century date. since Tsongk hapa ( 1357- 1419) is among the teachers depicte d. This short enumer ation of relevan t depicted in them.886 EIGHT Y GREAT ADEPT S s are paintino As the earliest Driouno " 0 0 marked by a distinct ive depictio n of the Eight Great Adepts (mahasi ddhas), the somewh at later Ladakh i monum ents preserve a specific ally Drigung Kagyu version of the eighty-p lus887 mahasid dhas, which has not been identi lied as such until now.888 Fortuna tely. the depictio n of these mahasid dhas in the badly damaged temple of AJchi Shan orono have " " been provide d with caption s that allow a fairly comple te identification of the set and also clarifies the mahasid dhas' sometim es pecul iar iconogr aphies. The depictio n is located on the entry wall to the left of the entranc e to the temple, and the mahasid dhas are distribu ted over nine rows (Fig. 1135). This example provide s the basis for their success ion and identification as it is describ ed here. The Shangr ong depictio n is to be read from top to bottom and from left to right, and here each row contain ino 0 a maximu m of ten mahasid dhas will be describ ed in a separate paragra ph. inscribe d DriO'uno A second partiallv 0 0 J set of mahasid dhas is represented in a thangka of the Tucci collecti on in Rome (MNAO 880: Fig. 36).889 Based on my study notes and photographs taken more than a decade ago, this painting is here used as the main compar ison. Further more. the Shangr ong depictio n is compar ed to Wanla, where the mahasid dhas are depicted side by side along four walls in the back of the temple' s ground Hoor. There the row of siddhas beoins " immedi ately to the right of the Maitrey a niche, continu ing in the directio n of circuma mbulati on along the four comer walls and ends to the immedi ate left of the Sakyam uni niche. Wanla further preserves a conside rable part of the mahasiddha depictio n on the north wall of the lantern. and the version in the Senoe e Lhakha ng in Lamayu ru represen ts the same set. but the docume ntation available to me does not a ll ow for a detailed compar ison for all mahasid dhas. The Drigung list of mahasid dhas no as represen ted in the Alchi ShanO'ro 0 0 temple begins with Aryade va, shown as a pa{l(jita with a flask to his side. Nagiirjuna is shown as a teachino ., buddha seated in front of a colorful snake hood. The bright-s kinned Liiyipa sucks on a beoO'ino the entrails of a fish lyino 0 Oe> 0 bowl. Saroruhavajra has a scholar 's basket and teaches a female disciple kneeling in front of him and holding a skull cup (kaptila). The pa~t4ita holding a book . ' ts presuma bly Santide va.890 Padmavajra is dark skinned and holds a lotus above a skull cup. the attribute referrino to " his nan1e. Oombh iheruka is seated on a tigress and brandishes a snake, while Vajraghar:llapada is bright skinned and teaches. Kukkuripa holds a bowl and embrac es a white dog. The first row thus contain s nine siddhas . A bright-s kinned siddha seated with yogabandha and a cup to his side is likely Buddha jiiana.891 Dark-sk inned Nalendr apa Hies with a raised sword and cup.lnd rabhuti . seated on a throne and crowne d, is attende d by a female. The next figure is a dancing siddha with a cup and is identified as Parabad ha (Pa ra 'ba dha) in Shangro ng. a name for which no possible equival ent could be found in re lated lists.892 Ti lopa holds a fish in his right hand. the left lying in his lap in mediati on pose. Ko!alipa, holding a hoe (ko!all), is again accomp anied by a female attenda nt. The mahasid dha who follows him is not preserv ed in Shangro ng. but in Wanla he is dancino0 and holding a cup. The pa~ujita with his hands in the gesture of venerat ion (aiijalim udrll) is the famous scholar PAINTIN G TRADIT ION S OF THE DRICUN G KA GYU SC HOOL 2.47 Asailga. The dark-ski nned siddha with a flute is Lingbupa (gLing bu pa) and the last siddha in this row is the whitehaired, emaciated Saraha, holding an arrow with both hands. ln the third row, the twentieth siddha, danc ing and holding a cup, cannot be securel y identi tied .893 Candrapa894 is seated in a grass hut and holds a cup. Santipa is dark skinned, sits in a yogic posture with his right arm stretched toward the floor, and holds a cup. The siddha DTpaJ11kara is shown meditating, and Naropa holds a cup and embraces 248 CH A PTER I 1 a consort kneeling on his lap.895 Kr~1,1acarin, holding a vajra and cup, rides a human corpse. Phagtshangpa (Phag tshang pa) guarding a white pig is largely lost. Bhadrapa is shown frontally with an ascetic band around his knees, performing the gesture of argumentation and holding a cup. Concluding this ' row, the hunter Savaripa dances with a <famaru and a bow and quiver in front of a female attendant. The further we go in this set of mahasiddhas, the more variations we find in their nan1es. The siddha called FIG. I I.3 5 The eighry mahlisiddhas on rhe enrry wall of me Alchi Shangrong Temple Early 14rh century Photographs by C. Luczanirs, 2009, digirally merged Madhelha (Ma dhe lha), in the fourth row of the Shangrong depiction, dances, wearing a garment of bone strings and holding a cf.amanr and skull cup.896 Lhigyipa (!Hi gyi pa) 897 sits and holds an arrow just like Saraha.Jetari kneels on one leg, holds a cup. and supports himself with a stick in his second hand. The next siddha. whose name is lost in Shangrong, is a weaver.S<l8 Sllgara sits with an ascetic band around hi s knees, performs the argumentation gesture (vilarkamudrti), and holds a cup. Jaland hara stands on one leg in a yoga posture. nis hands joined above his head. with his fingertips directed downward. Kamala is seated in meditation. Suvamadvrpa is a pa~ujita holding a book, and Vrryapa works with a plough and is attended by a consort. Finall y. Konkana has a massive (bone?) flute in his hands and is attended as well. The fifth row begins with Phakapa (Pha ka pa) crouching in a yogic posture. his knees held close together by a band. Tarnpaka kneels on one leg and holds a cup. and Bhinari flies with an axe. The siddha called Medripa (sMad dkris pa: = Maitripa?) is surrounded by a halo of skeletons. CandrakTrti is s hown as a monk, and Anandagarbha as a dark-skinned ascetic si ting in the diamond seat and teaching.899 Ca ndrabhadra 's attributes are a begging s taff and a bowl.900 Sengepa crouches a nd holds a vase and a bell. and Ananta sits against a basket and holds a bowl.901 A brightskinned siddha seated sideways and performing the gesture of argumentation is identfied as 'Dza ri pain the more complete caption of MNAO 880 (Fig. 1136). The first siddha in the sixth row sits sideways and holds a cup.902 Then, Dri ngishugchen (sPri n gi shugs can), having the power of the clouds, is s hown flying with both hands raised at his sides. The fisherman Mfnapa (Mi na ra pa(?)/Myi sha mdzad) is surrounded by fish. Siddhipa rides a lion. Padmakara is clearly identified with Padmasambhava through his iconographic depiction but wears a hat that looks somewhat like a three-pointed crown.903 Nrtapa is lost in Shangrong, but in Wanla he has hi s right fist at his hip and holds a bowl. Tseupa is shown in a meditati ve posture with both hands in fists on his knees. Kumara holds a large needle and rolled up thread. Dharmakfrti is shown flying in a cloud, holding a qamaru and kaptila. In the seventh row. the firs t siddha, Sutaloki, is attended by a female, and Avadhiitf is shown as an Indian pa!ufita with his left hand s tretched out in a blessing gesture. The dark-skinned siddha with attendant is possibly Saraha, the younger. Then there are two siddhas holding s kull cups. and both are facing toward the deity Hayagrrva between them .90-1 The second of the two siddhas is identified as Cal)<;lali at Shangrong. indicating an exchange of iconography between this siddha and Capari. who usually is associated with Hayagrfva. ' is carrying a basket on his Siikyamitra Frc. 11.36 Thangka with eighty mahllsiddhas Western Tibet; 14th cenrury Museo Naziona le d' Arte Orientale "G. Tucci," Rome, no. 880 back. The final two siddhas preserved in this row, a {Xl(l(iita holding a book and one seated beside a stupa. cannot yet be identi lied, and the last one is lost. From the eighth row onward it becomes practically impossible to identify all sidd has. as the captions are too fragmentary, the figures are less and less well preserved. and the comparisons to Wanla and MNAO 880 no longer work. Of the first three siddhas in the eighth row. all of similar iconography holding PAINTING TRAOITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KAGYU SCHOOL 249 a kapllla. only the last one can be identified, and he is Darikapa.905 The pa(rc}ita who follows, with the gesture of argumentation (vitarkamudra) and a book, may be identified as Candragomin, and Yigepa (Yi ge pa) is shown as a siddha with his hand held to his side. The next pair of siddhas is likel y Kondhali and Capari. and the last figure preserved in this row has lost its caption. There are probably two siddhas missing at the end of this row. One of the distinguishing characteristics of this Drigung set of mahasiddhas is that Viriipa is depicted toward the end of the group, and he is common( y attended by two consorts. He is followed by an unidentified red-skinned siddha and a paluf.ita identified as Sing lha pa. After another unidentified siddha holding a skull cup. the set concludes with the elephant-riding Kalaka. who is labeled as such.906 He is not the last siddha actually depicted. however, as Kalaka is followed by a dark-skinned one wearing a white cape and holding a flute and by another bright-skinned siddha. both of whom salute the other mahasiddhas. The caption of the dark-skinned siddha. written in larger letters than in the previous texts and thus not necessarily contemporaneous. is severely damaged, but reading it as Phadampa ('pha dam pa), referring to Phadampa Sangye (Pha dam pa Sangs rgyas. died 1117), would fit well with the fragments of the preserved text.907 Thus, ending with Kalaka, the Drigung set of mahasiddhas in Shangrong numbers a maximum of eighty-one. In the ground floor of Wanla only seventyeight are depicted.908 and on the MNAO painting, Kalaka is the seventy-fourth, and there are eighty alltogether.909 We may thus assume that the Drigung set of mahasiddhas consists of eighty, as they are numbered in the Shangrong caption, four less than the commonly cited number eighty-four. The additional siddhas found in some representations could 2.50 CHAPTER 11 have been added in an attempt to reach eighty-four but more likely are included to link the Indian mahasiddhas to the Tibetan tradition.910 Besides those mentioned here in the introduction to this subject. further likel y representations of the Drigung group of eighty-plus mahasiddhas are found in the best-preserved cave above Saspol Village. usually just referred to as the Saspol Cave.911 and in the murals of the Guru Ulakhang at Phyang where they surround Buddha Vajradhara.912 At this stage it is unclear how long this set was in use, but by the late sixteenth century, when the thangka set of Ph yang described in detail by David Jackson in this volume was made (see chapter 6) it had fallen out of use. ONE GREAT BUDDHA The characteristics found with the clearly identifiable early Drigung paintings as well as the evidence from the Driglll1g Kagyu monuments in Ladakh allow for distinguishing a number of other themes as specifically Drigung. Most important among these is a composition around a teaching buddha that is the main theme in some late-thirteenthto fifteenth-<'entury Ladakhi monuments. Versions of this composition are also known from thangka paintings, and whi le they often share many of the typical characteristics identified for early Drigung paintings, not all can be attributed to that school. Probably the most telling example for this composition is a thangka in the Pritzker Collection. which I describe here in detail with the identification of its different elements (Fig. 1137) . ln this configuration. a dominant central teaching Buddha Sakyamuni is flanked by two standing bodhisattvas, the ascetic Maitreya to the proper right of the Buddha and the crowned Maiijusrf on his proper left. This central triad is surrounded by an assembly arranged in fiG. II.37 Teaching Buddh~ Sakyamuni with Seven Tlirlis in the bottom row Central Tibet; early 14th cenrury Pritzker Collection a strongly hierarchical manner. At the top is a row of eight buddhas depicted frontally and teaching. and below them are eight more buddhas, facing toward the central Buddha and performing the teaching gesture (dharmacakramudrii) and holding an urpala flower (blue lily). These are the eight solitary buddhas (pratyekabuddlla). The next row is occupied by eight monks (§ravaka), the inner ones holding fly-whisks. The sides of the painting are densely filled with three rows of four seated bodhisattvas each. A fourth row below them also contains four deities. two of them bodhisattvas seated in the posture of royal ease (lalitllsana). Together with the standing bodhisattvas ftanking the Buddha. sixteen bodhisattvas arc represented at the sides of the painting. The outer deities in the row of the bottom two bodhisattvas are a goddess holding an tttpala and surrounded by blossoms and a blue wrathful deity performing a veneration gesture and holding a bow. They can be identified from the textual source as Tara. '·the compassion of Avalokitesvara," and Yan1antaka. the wrathful king. The text even prescribes the jewel mountains its caves occupied by seers and siddhas-the last two deities are seated on. the practitioner on the side of Yarnantaka. and the deities and canopy above the Buddha. ln my previous study on early Driguug paintings. I identified such paintings as potentially part of the Drigung corpus. as they share a number of the minor characteristics discussed, most notably the emphasis on the triple jewel and the naga holding the throne. I thus was convinced that the key to the identification of this theme had to be found in PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL 2.51 Drigung sources913 but I did not succeed in finding it there. Retrospectively. this is not surprising, as the composition is based on the description of a superior cloth painting (pa.ta) in the first chapter of the Maiijusrlm17lakalpa. probably the most important early esoteric Buddhist text.914 It was an important brief discussion by Kimiaki Tanaka on ..The MalljuirTm17/akalpa and the Origins ofThangka.'' in which he identifies this description as the source for later Tibetan thangkas, that put me on the right track.915 The description of the superior pata is not entirely identical to the Pritzker thangka as the latter lacks the lotus pond and the lotus stem flanked by nilga underneath the Buddha. which is integrated in other comparable paintings. such as a thangka in the McCormick Collection (Fig. 1138). Each roughly contemporaneous version of this composition on scroll paintings known to me so far appears to have its idiosyncrasies. especially in the lower areas. The lotus stem emerging from a pond may be present,916 and the figures and deities represented to the sides of the throne and in the bottom row may vary. interestingl y, two more pieces in private collections have an additional seven buddhas represented in the bottom row: one published in a calendar has repeated representations of Buddha Ak~obhya,917 and in the other the seven Medicine Buddhas arc in the bottom row, forming the complete set of eight with the central Slikyamuni (Fig. II 39) .918 ln both paintings the iconography of Sakyamuni may have been altered from the teaching gesture described in the text to the earth-touching gesture to express his relation to the budd has represented in the bouom row. The most frequent version, which is also represented by the Pritzker painting (Fig. 1137), has seven Green Tara placed side by side at the bottom.919 and l.j:Z. CHAPTER I J it is this depiction that is also found in the Ladakhi monuments. This fact, as well as their likely reference to the vision and practice of Seven Tara attributed to Drigungpa.920 allows for positively identifying such paintings as products of the Drigung School. lo the Ladakhi monuments. this composition is found twice in the Auspicious Three-story Temple of Wanta. once on the ground floor to the right side of the Sakyamuni niche occupying the entire top part of the wall (Fig. 11.40), and once on the top floor in the center of the left side wall. In the Sengge Lhakhang of Lamayuru it is shown FlC. I I.J8 Teaching Buddha Sa.kyamuni composition with lorus Stem Aanked by naga in the bottom row Tiber; early 14th century Collection of Michael & Beata McCormick FlC. I 1.39 Earth-rouching Buddha Sa.l..·yamuni with the seven Medicine Buddhas in the bottom row 1iber; 14th cenrury Privare Collection, Switzerland PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL 253 FlG. 11.40 Teaching Buddha composition with Seven Tll.ra ar the bonom Wanla; 13th century Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2003 F lG. I 1.41 Main wa ll of rhe Lhakhang Soma, Alchi, with the reaching Buddha composition with Seven Tara in rhe center Second quarter of rhe 14th century Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2000 earth, and the arrangement for the surrounding figures is also not as strictly adhered to as elsewhere. As all three monuments belong to the later group of Drigung monuments in Ladakh as outlined above, this change may also have chronological significance. It seems certain, though. that this chronology is relevant only for Drigung monuments in the western Himalayan region and does not apply to the thangkas referred to above, which may document devel opments in central Tibet and/or within other schools of Tibetan Buddhism. Due to the wide range possible for the origin of these thangkas and the considerable stylistic and iconographic variety within the small group of painti ngs known to me, the dates and attributions for these paintings given in the captions remain tentative.921 The other area in this composition where there appears to be considerable freedom is in the rock formations to the sides of the buddha's throne-base. on the right wall just to the side of the eighty-plus mahasiddhas. In the absence of central sculptures, the Buddha with Seven Tara becomes the central theme on the wall opposite the entrance, as is the case in the Secret Room at Lingshed (Fig. 11 .27, only a few elements of 2.54 CHAPTER I 1 this depiction can be recognized along the right edge of the photograph), the Lhakhang Soma (Fig. ll.41) and the northern Tsatsapuri temples at Alchi, the Guru Lhakhang in Phyang, and at least one of the fragmentary Saspol Caves. In the last three cases the Buddha is not represented teaching but touching the Described as containing caves occupied by seers and siddhas, these areas may also be used to depict the practitioner and donor portraits, or may be left out altogether. In the Pritzker buddha painting a Tibetan teacher is placed in the top center in the middle of the eight buddhas. He performs the teaching gesture and is flanked by two bodhisattvas (Fig. 1137). In this context, this teacher most likely is Drigungpa, while the figure at the right of the throne base F1c. n.42 Eanh-rouching Buddha in the central composition of the Guru Lhakhang in Ph yang Mid-15rh cenrury Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 1998 is the practitioner and possible donor of the painting. A similar practitioner is found on the McCormick buddha. also holding a Aower offe ring. but he cannot be used to establish the paintings's sectarian affi liation. Nevertheless. the painting not only very closely resembles the Pritzker painting but also contains a few hints that make a Origung context of patronage plausible. As in the earlier paintings, triple jewels are prominently represented. and a pair of deities in the outer corners derives from uaga supporting the throne base. as can be concluded from their gestures (Fig. 1138). In addition, it may not be accidental that the practitioner in the comer is shown with a white complexion. AwAKENED HuMAN As has become apparent from the paintings discussed, representations of the founder of the Drigung School. Jigten Gonpo ( 1143-1 2 17), were particularly important. At Alchi, Drigungpa's portrait is found in almost all monuments dating after the Sumtsek. where he is the last figure in the lineage (Fig. 11.5). A comparison of thi s depiction with other exan1ples from the Great ChMen (Fig. 11.43). the Small Chorten (Fig. 11.6). and the Translator's Temple (Fig. 11.19) indicates that consistent features of his early portraiture are his white skin and a distinctive hair line deeply receding at the temples while the top center of his head is still covered with hair. This distinctive hairline is even more pronounced on the footprint thangka from the Rubin Museum (Fig. 11.2) and can be recognized in many of his other representations in the corpus of early Drigung paintings summarized above.922 The san1e physical features arc also in sculptures likely representing Drigungpa. such as stone steles in the Phoenix Art Museum923 and the Potala Palace stele92• or the gilded bronzes preserved at Drigung Monastery925 and the Musee Guimet.m That many of the figures in Drigung portraits are of white complexion is curious. Possibly the color refers to the trope that convening to Buddhism is equal to turning from dark to white. as it is, for example. used in the renovation inscription of the Tabo Main Templc.927 However, in the contex t of the early Drigung paintings in the western Himalayas its meaning certainly is more specific. It is interesting that in the Alchi Sumtsek all Tibetans among the Drigung lineage figures were distinguished from the others through their white complexion, which sets them apart from the local teachers on the opposite side of the lantern window (Fig. 11.4). In some later depictions, such as the one at Wanla (Fig. I I .45), only Jigten Gonpo retains this feature. In this case, the white complexion is used to emphasize him. However. this distinction appears to have been relevant only in the earliest art and then disappears entirely. Surveying early Tibetan portraits for figures with white or very fair complexions reveals that other teachers are equally represented as such, among them Shangttin Chokyi Lama (I I 23- 1194),9:!8 and. though much less pronounced, some Taglung School teachers. such as its founder Taglung Tashipel (11421210).929 Sangye Yarjon (1203- 1272). the third abbot ofTaglung Monastery,930 and Sangye Onpo (1251 - 1296). founder of Riwoche."31 Even if not all of these teachers perform the teaching gesture, the white skin likely indicates that they are understood to be awakened beings, and they are thus compared to Buddha Vairocana. This emphasis on the awakened human through the complexion of his skin reinforces his quasi identity with the Buddha. a notion that is further supported by the textual interpretations associated with some of the paintings discussed. BENEFICIAL TO SEE As brieAy mentioned above, the Rubin Museum drawing also contains a fragmentary inscription at its bottom border. Despite its fragmentary condition. one of the clearer passages postulates the benefit the drawing bestows through seeing PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DRICUNC KAGY U SCHOO L 255 FIG. 11.43 Drigungpa in the Great Chorten of A!chi Ca. 1220 Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2006 painting is a substitute for the presence of the teacher. This, of course, harks Drigungpa in the temple of Alchi Shangrong Early 14th century Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2010 back to the story of the first buddha image of King Udayana. In many examples, the beneficial qualities emitted from these paintings are also expressed through the rainbow halos that often surround the main hierarch, it, hearing of it, and even recollecting it. his footprints, or Buddha Sakyamuni. This is quite obvious on the Pritzker hierarch, the private collection footprint, f iG. 11.44 This is strongly reminiscent of a passage of the description of the superior cloth painting (pata) in the first chapter of the MaiijusrTm17lakalpa , where the painting of the Buddha is called "beneficial to see" (mthong ba don ldan), since "all sins will be purified in a moment at the mere sight of it.' 0932 The expansion of this notion to the representation of the teacher or his footprints is to be expected, as his iconography has assimilated that of the Buddha, and the beneficial qualities of such a painting are ex pressed in other ways as well, in particular through the notion that the 2.56 CHAPTER I 1 and the McCormick buddha and contrasts with the scroll and rock framing of the secondary figures. Representing the light emitting from the central buddha, or hierarch, the radiance permeates all regions to lead those beings there out of the darkness of ignorance. This notion is even more explicitly expressed in another private collection painting in which a central teaching buddha flanked by bodhisattvas is accompanied by the Five Buddhas (Fig. I I .46).933 I read this depiction as representing the radiating and all-pervading buddha nature or the iidibuddha, manifesting the Five Buddhas occupying the directions of the cosmos. On the back, the main buddha is represented by a vajra within a lotus, while the Five Buddhas at the bottom are identified by their family symbols and have Vairocana in their center (Fig. 11.47). In this painting the triple jewel is prominently represented in the center of the throne as well as to the sides of the row of vajras along the bottom, which separates the world of the buddhas from the ordinary world. Its prominent representation as well as the composition of the depiction on the back, which relates this painting to the Pritzker hierarch, make it quite possible that this thangka is a product of the Drigung School as weiJ.934 Even in this considerably expanded form, the corpus of securely identifiable early Drigung paintings is still small and may represent only a few aspects of the art associated with this school. These paintings nevertheless represent a substantial source of information on the school's early public and F1c. 11.4 S Phagmorrupa and Drigungpa in a lhi.rteenfigure reaching hneage on the painted beam Wanla; I 3th century Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2010 religious institutions and through its emphasis on the newest esoteric teachings in the tradition of the mahasiddhas. The cross-identification of Drigungpa. who's ordination name is Rinchen- semi-public presentations. The emphasis on the footprints and teacher depictions of Drigungpa confirms the awakening attributed to the schoors founder that is evident in the written sources. It also conforms to this schoors emphasis on the teacher and meditation practice. The succeeding Drigung hierarchs then continue to be represented in the same way. Most important though. this expanded group of paintings illustrates the early spread of the Drigung School and its teachings in the far-western Himalayas beginning during Drigungpa ·s lifetime and its uninterrupted continuation beyond the destruction of Drigung Monastery in the late thirteenth century. As demonstrated by AI chi Monastery. the Drigung School quickly established itself within already existing pel, with the great translator Rinchen Zangpo. on whose teachings much of the representations within these temples were based, possibly has helped this process. but more likely it is the result of the later takeover of many Drigung institutions by the Geluk School. Among the western Himalayan examples of early Drigung thangka paintings, at least two represent a western Tibetan teaching lineage that hitherto had not been identified, namely the Koelz and Rochell hierarchs. The existence of this lineage helped considerably to clarify some of the earlier lineage representations. but it remains unclear how relevant it was in the Ladakhi monuments. I have used it above to explain the short lineages represented with specific topics within the monuments. but this correlation may be accidental.935 It is further noteworthy that Achi. the distinctive protectress of the Drigung School. is not found in any of these early representations or monuments. Achi does occur in the northern temple ofTsatsapuri. but there she is later addition to the iconographic progran1 of this temple. The broader base of Drigung paintings and subjects identified in this discussion provides new perspectives in interpreting the messages of these works of art more precisely and also points toward a general beneficial function so far overlooked in their consideration but crucial to understand a major visual element that is an integral part of them. In terms of message, the importance of the mahasiddha tradition comes as no surprise in a Kagyu School, but the consistent distinctiveness of the Drigung interpretation of the mahasiddha and its emphatic use in distinguishing the Drigung School not only from the earlier traditions but also from the other Kagyu Schools has until now only been partially known. The distinctive Drigung PAINTING TRAOITIONS OF T>IE ORICUNC KACY U SC HOOL 257 2)8 CHAPTER 11 FIC. I J ·46 Teaching lighr-emining Buddha Cenrral Tiber; 13rh century F1c. '1.47 Back of Fig. 11.46 with the position of the main Buddha on the front occupied by rhe triple jewel set of the larger group of eighty-plus mahasiddhas identified here for the first time led me to view the depiction of this subject on the MaiijusrT dholl in the Alchi Sumtsek936 and the iconographic program of the two early Alchi chorten, the Great ChBrten and the Small Chorten. in a new light. I may have been blind on that spot. but in attempting to identify the AI chi chOrten siddha. I had assumed that only a direct relationship to Drigungpa makes sense, even though neither the relative position of the teachers in the dwrten nor the relationship of Drigungpa to the other eight adepts depicted prominently in the early Drigung paintings necessa rily support that view. Instead, I now think there are good reasons to see the siddha represented there and at the very bottom of the Alchi Maiiju5rr dhotT and in the two chorten as a teacher of Drigungpa in vision only. However. his main function appears to be to link the Indian mahasiddha tradition geographically and temporally to Drigungpa and qualify the Drigung School teachings in this tradition. Phadampa Sangye certainly is an ideal candidate for achieving this link, and in later depictions. such as AI chi Shangrong,937 he is identified as such in this very position. I am thus more than willing to provisionally also identify the Alchi siddha with Phadampa Sangye. The only drawback to this scenario, and my reason to still express some degree of hesitation, is that the mahasiddhas as they are shown on the Alchi Sumtsek dlwfl have no relationship to the mahasiddha literature ascribed to Phadampa938 or with the literature on the specific Drigung group, a fact that still needs consideration. Regardless of the identity of the dark-s kinned siddha, the message communicated through him is the establishment of a new paradigm in the teaching transmission that parallels the more conventional Drigung lineage. Thus the lineage above Drigungpa in the Small ChBrten. communicating the direct transmission from a siddha reinforces that notion. In terms of function, the notion that works of art are considered agents that bestow a beneficial result just by the mere sight of them is not necessarily surprising and makes sense in this cultural context. But it has not been known until now that this notion has played a major role in early Drigung art and likely in Tibetan art production in general. The early paintings of the Drigung School are outstanding insofar as they make this notion visually explicit through the rainbow halos surrounding the main figures, resulting in some of the most outstanding early Tibetan paintings. PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL 259 The Elusive Lady ofNanam : An Introduction to the Protectress Achi Chokyi Drolma KRIS T EN MULDOWNE Y R OBERT S overflOWS with a widely varied and complicated constellation of major and minor deities, some well understood and catalogued and others barely known and seldom recognized. Identification of these obscure figures is possible although often difficult, as several works of scholarship have shown, and with time the meaning and origins of many of these deities may fade into obscurity, as they already have for many practitioners today. In other cases, once minor deities have become elevated, either in their immediate geographic region or in the rei igious sect to which they belong, gaining in popularity, importance, and purpose. Some of the greatest variety in nature and appearance can be seen in the class of divine beings known as Dharma protectors (clws skyong; Skt. dlzarmapllla), a diverse group of deities who have been tasked with the guardianship ofBuddhist teachings, teachers, and related landscapes, either through choice or coercion.m One such popular deity who has received only brief attention is the legendary Lady of Nanan1, Achi Chokyi Drolma (Sna nam ' bza A phyi Chos l..')'i sgrol rna). Venerated as both an emanation of the female THE TIBETAN PANTHEON Buddha Vajrayogini (Rdo rje mal ' byor rna) and as the great-grandmother of the founder of the Drigung Kagyil sect, Ratnasri Jigten Sumgon ('Jig rten gsum mgon, 1143-1217), Achi takes on a variety of significant roles for those who worship her. From a ritual standpoint, she functions not only as a semiwrnthful Dharma protectress but in meditation practices as a guru, a potential consort, and even a tutelary deity, or yidam (vi dam; Skt. 4!/w-devatl/). Additionally, beneath these divine personifications lies the possibility of a historical figure who inspired her hagiography, believed to have lived sometime during the tenth or eleventh century. While a profoundly significant deity in the Drigung Kagyu tradition today, A chi is a prime representation of a syncretic deity within the Tibetan cultural sphere, possessing a multitude of functions and representations, as well as an unclear past By tracing and attempting to decipher such a multivalent figure, much can be learned a bout the adoption and evolution of Tibetan protector deities into tbe Buddhist program, and, subsequently, about the needs and desires of the people who have venerated them at various points in history. FIG. I :t.I Derail of Fig. 7.17, Achi Chokyi Drolma Ca. 18£h or 19th cenrury l5 'A x 11'/s in. (38.8 x 28.3 em) John and Berdle Ford Collecrion, promised gifr ro rhe Walters Art Museum (HAR 73896) THE FIGURE OF ACIII CHOKYI DROLMA Like many Buddhist deities, Achi possesses nwnerous epithets, some relatively distinctive and others fuirly common among female deities. Most specific to her are her given name, Chol..')'i Drolma, literall y meaning "Savioress of the Dharma," and the fami liar title Achi, which simply translates as "grandmother." This second epithet refers to her status as the great-grandmother of J igten Sumgon, but its familiarity also demonstrates the personal connect ion she is believed to have to her devotees. Achi 's given name appears in the academic works of numerous top scholars within the field ofTibetan studies past and present, attesting to her relative popularity, but she is often granted little more than a line of reference identifying her status as the protectress of the Drigung Kagyu region and lineage.9W From a traditional standpoint, a significant amount of written material exists on A chi and her cult, but little of it is accessible to non-Tibetan readers, despite the growing popularity of her worship through the recent spread of the Drigung Kagyu tradition to the West To understand how A chi is perceived and worshiped in contemporary practice, I rely on my own translation and interpretation of a modern abbreviated hagiography, or namtar (mamthar), of the figure, The Abridged life-story of Drigung Achi Chokyi Drolma ( •Bri gung a phyi clws /.:yi sgrolma'i mam thar mdor bsdus). by Drigung Konchok Gyatso ('Bri gung dKon mchog rgya mtsho, also known as Rase dKon mchog rgya mtsho),941 as well as consultation with a sampling of her ritual tex'tS, including two short PAINTING TRAOITIOSS OF THE DRI CUNC KAGYU SC HOOL 261 f i G. 12..2. Detail of Fig. 7.8, Achi Chokyi Drolma Tibet; early 18th century Ground mineral pigment on cotton; 22 x 16 >h in. (55 x 41.6 em) Photograph by Bruce M. White Rubin Museum of An; Gift of Shelley and Donald Rubin C2006.66.555 (HAR 1034) stidhana practice texts, one from the Great Drigung Kagyu Treasury of the Doctrine ('Bri gung bka' brgyud chos md:od chen mo?42 and one from the Collected Works of Lozang DameliO Gyatso (Blo bzang dam c/ws rgya mtslwg gsung 'bum),943 and the catalog of a much larger ritual te>..1: devoted entirely to this deity, entitled The Stidhana Collection of the Dharma Guardian Achi (Bstan bsrung a phyi'i sgrub thabs be'u bum). 944 This work is further assisted by the translations by Tashi T. Jamyangling of a few of the texts from this particular collection, including an alternate version of her life story. 945 ln addition to providing a glimpse into the institutional stance on the figure of Achi, these texts also provide evidence about the ways in which opposing sects perceive and understand her through the arguments the authors choose to make about her. A key example of this is an emphasis on Achi 's en! ightened status and the insistence that 262 CHAPTER !2. she is of a higher rank than typical mundane worldly protector deities - a point that would not need to be made if there were not opposing or conflicting perceptions of the figure.946 This point wi ll be further explored later in this chapter. Achi Chtikyi Drolma's iconographies reflect her syncretic nature as a semiwrathful deity and a Tibetan Buddhist laywoman, as she is portrayed by her hagiographers. Typical depictions show a smiling young woman dressed in the elaborate robes ofTibetan nobility and the jeweled adornments of royalty. 947 The color of her skin is white tinged with red, and she has an open vertical third-eye on her forehead. Most commonly, she carries a two-s ided hand drum , or qamaru (mga clumg), above her head, and a skull cup (thod pa; Skt kiiptila) containing wish-fulfilling jewels at her chest In her form as a fierce Dharma protectress, she is seen flying amid the clouds mounted upon her blue celestial wind-horse, but she can also be depicted standing peacefully upon a lotus throne, a white-silver mirror (me long) in one hand and a wish-fulfilling jewel (nor bu) in the other.948 lmages of Achi riding her wind-horse, despite her youthful appearance, are believed to depict the last moment of her life w hen she is said to have taken off into the sky upon her worldly death. This configuration itself is full of action and calls to mind the various other Tibetan protectors who ride mounts of varying temperanlents, such as Penden Lhamo (Opal !dan lha mo; Skt. Sri Devi),949 Tashi T.~eringma (Bkra shis Tshe ring ma) and her retinue, and the Twelve Tenma Goddesses (Bstan ma bcu gnyis). Each of the individual aspects of Achi 's attire and accoutrements conveys deep meaning within the culture from which she emerges, carrying the weight of early Indian Tantric, monastic Buddhist, and indigenous Tibetan connotations.950 In her common manifestations, Achi is fully clothed in elaborate brocade robes and ornate jewelry described in some stidhanas as the five kinds of silken garments, which could refer to the five elements of dress that represent each of the Five Buddha Families.951 As to Achi 's accoutrements, many female Tibetan Buddhist deities, particularly those classified as cf.akinl and maintaining a connection to Vajrayogini in particular, carry a skull cup, which has its roots in the early Saiva movements.952 Unlike many (ia/..inf who carry kti.ptila full of blood from which they drink, Achi's skull cup usually contains a wishfulfilling jewel, signaling her ability to bestow the desires of her devotees. The FtG. n.3 Detail of Fig. 7.18, Achi Chokyi Drolma Kham, libet; 19th cenrury Ground mineral pigment on corwn; 31 ~ x 2J '/1 (80.6 X 58.8 em) Rubin Museum of Art; Gifr of Shelley and Donald Rubin C2006.66.404 (HAR 849) primary ritual tool most commonly associated with Achi, however, is the handheld damam, and aside from appearing in her stories and iconography, the thundering sound of the small drum is said to accompany her miracles and visits to her followers. 953 Achi 's third most common instrument is the divination mirror-a flat, round metal disk to which colored ribbons are sometimes attached. This tool is used in various indigenous oracular and divination practices throughout Tibet.954 From a purely visual standpoint, it is often Achi 's mount that sets her apart and acts as a primary point of identification for the deity. While uncommon among fully enlightened buddhas and tutelary deities, mounts are often possessed by worldly indigenous teaching guardians. Due to the vast distances and difficult terrain separating premodem Tibetan communities, horses were revered for their swift and reliable transport and were even granted their own set of thirty-two marks of perfection, akin to those given to buddhas and (iitkinT. Achi's mount is no ordinary horse, however, but is a blue celestial wind-horse (rlung rta), which carries a number of auspicious connections in Tibetan culture. Both the horse and the wind are viewed as natural vehicles for movement, and prayer flags are known by this name as well. The mount of the epic hero Gesar of Ling is also the wind-horse, and, in Tibetan medical and astrological systems, the divine animal symbolizes the combination of all of the elements of personal health and harmony: life energy (srog ); health (Ius); personal power (dbang /hang); and lastly success, for which the Tibetan word lungta (rlung rta) literall y translates as "wind-horse" on its own.9Ss As she is the protector of the Drigung Kagyu lineage, small images of the deity are often found within larger compositions attributed to the tradition, particularly in works from more recent centuries. Relatively standard representations of the deity can be seen in two thanokas in the Rubin Museum of Art's 0 collection, one of Jigten Sumgon and the other of Padmasarnbhava, both attributed to the Drigung Kagyu tradition. In these two instances, Achi takes a subordinate position to both the lineage holders and the central figure. In the first she is placed as one of the protectors, appearing at the bottom right (Fig. 12.2), while in the second, she is placed as part ofPadmasambhava's entourage directly to the right of him (Fig. 12.3). Her iconography in both is nearly parallel, the only significant difference being in the contents of the kapttla-whereas the Achi in the earlier image carries what appears to be one full of multicolored wish-fulfi llingj ewels in her left hand, the second has a skull cup full of distinctly red blood. Otherwise, both raise a qamaru to the sky in their right hand, ride a fierce and noble blue horse, and possess a halo, a third eye, and a peaceful expression. Even the shade of the garments each wears is strikingly similar, with a red dress, white robe, and hemlines and scarves of blues and greens. Achi and mount are also delicately adorned in ornate jewelry and bridles painted with gold ink and are surrounded by images of clouds to PAINTING TRAD I TIONS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SC HOOL 263 indicate their fl ight.9 ;.s Achi in this form is easily recognizable, and while she can be found in relation to other sectarian sources, because she is considered a key guardian for the Drigung Kagy u specifically, her presence can often be used, along with other supporti ng evidence, to help positively tie the provenance of an object, location, or text to that sect. A GRANDMOTHER 'S STORY According to her hagiography, Achi Chokyi Drolrna was born to human parents of the prestigious Nanam clan957 in the Drigw1g region of central Tibet sometime after the period of the First Propagation of Buddhism (ca. 650850).958 This ancestry gives precedence for an often-used epithet for the figure, Nanamza (Sna nam bza ') or " Lady of Nanam," reflecting her noble birth and connections to the ancient clan systems of Tibet, and also places her origin in the future geographic seat of her lineage trad ition. Her birth was tbretold by prophetic drean1s and accompanied by auspicious signs, and because she was born with a third eye and spoke immediately upon her delivery, her hagiography attests that she must not have been an ordinary child but rather a divine </ilkinT and emanation of the fully enlightened Queen of the Oakini, Vajrayogini. At the age of three she spontaneously began reciting the mantra ofTarii, teaching it to friends and neighbors, which earned her the name ofChokyi Drolma; Drolma (sgrol ma) being the Tibetan translation of the nan1e of the popular Buddhist goddess. By the time she was in her late teens, both of her parents had died,959 and Achi, now living with extended family, chose to renounce her inherited wealth and sneak away with a merchant caravan traveling east toward Kham (Khams). As s he had prophesied to those around her many ti mes before, it was here that she met and convi nced a practiced Nyingma (Rnying rna) yogi by the name of Arne Z.64 CHAPTER 12 Tsultrim Gyatso (Ames tshul khrirns rgya mtsho)960 to marry her, even though both claimed to have little concern for worldly endeavors. Ame TsUitrim Gyatso was of another powerful family line, the Kyura (Skyu ra) clan,961 and with him Achi eventually gave birth to four sons: Narnkha Wangchuk (Nam mkha' dbang phyug), Peka Wanggyel (Ope ka dbang rgyal), Nanggakpa Sonarn Pel (Nang dgag pa bsod narns dpal), and Katung Druzhi (Ka thung gru bzhi).962 Namkha Wangchuk became father to Nenjor Dorje (Rna! ' byor rdo rje), and his son in turn was Jigten Sumgon, also known as Kyopa Jigten Gonpo (Skyob pa ' Jig rten mgon po ), who would go on to establish the Drigung KagyOiineage and the monastery ofDrigung Thel Okmin Jangchupling ('Bri gung mthil 'og min byang chub gling) in the year 1179. Throughout her hagiography, Achi drew near, A chi informed her family and disciples that her time with them had ended, and swearing to protect her Iincage for the next fifteen generations, she rode her celestial blue wind-horse into the sky, ascending bodily to the <fiikinr pure land of Khecara. 964 Alternatively, in Drigung Konchok Gyatso's version of her hagiography, Achi achieves the state of rainbow-body when she decides it is time to die and ascends to the celestial realm from which she had originally emanated.965 According to him, Achi was born in the early eleventh century and must have lived at least seventy years, meaning this departure would have occurred shortly before I087. 966 By these same traditional accoW1ts, Achi is said to have appeared to Jigten Swngon and his retinue during their lifetimes, personally vowing to act as the protectress of his monastic lineage, its followers, and the is shown to demonstrate her miraculous Tantric powers and otherworldly abilities. On the occasion of her wedding, her intended husband and his family became panicked when no feast could be provided for their guests due to their poverty. In response, Achi. with a land surrounding the monastic complex, which coincidently was located in the region of her birth, the Drigung valley. T his was by her own volition, provi ng her status as an en lightened and sp iritually advanced wisdom (iilkini (ye shes mere recitation of the wrathful syllable ''Pilat!" calmly and unexpectedly produced a <famam and a skull cup from rather than a worldly spirit deity bound by oath to serve as a guardian of the teachings, a point ardently defended by the pockets of her robes and manifested an abundance of food and drink through the performance of a mystical dance, pleasing all those present. Later in her the authors of her hagiographies. The Tibetan term for the literary genre of hagiography is namtar , which life, while Achi was subduing local malicious spirits and teaching the Buddl1ist doctrine in a cave along the Pan1e River (Dpa' smad chu bo), she is said to have transformed a fresh corpse into a great Tantric feast offering (lsog 'klwr, Skt. ga~raca/..7a) for all to partake in. Those that did so gained many spiritual achievements and abilities, known as the common and supreme siddhi attainments,963 a nd a bodily imprint of Achi and her four sons was left on the rock waU. Most fantastic of all is the scene of Achi's death. As her time to depart kyi mkha' 'gro ma, Skt. j!liina<fiikinr) literally translates as "full-liberation [story]," tha t is, an account of a Budd hist individual's spiritual ach ievements and subsequent enlightenment. 967 Aside from merely recording the events of a person's life, these life stories serve two distinct yet mutually important purposes: to supply an exemplar for devotees to strive toward if not to follow; and to provide a legitimizing force, not on ly to the figure herse lf but to the lineage, sect, and tradition to whi ch she belongs on a greater religious scale. In the case of Buddhist saints and incarnate <fiikinT, a proper exemplar maintains a particular pattern to her life stories and behaviors that mirrors the life story of the historical Buddha Siddhartha Gautama. 968 Like many Tibetan saints, from a young age Achi is portrayed as possessing distaste for the worldly life, desiring to leave it behind her. Unlike other figures, however, the Dharma protectress's goal is not the pursuit of religion but rather the drive to produce offspring who would further spread the Dharma- specifically her grandson Jigten Sumgon and his subsequent religious Iineage. Despite this fundamental divide, A chi's hagiography parallels the traditional framework of the Buddhist narrative genre of hagiography quite closely. 969 ln doing so, it succeeds in portraying her as both an ideal Buddhist saint to be admi red, emulated, and venerated appropriately and also as an ideal Tibetan mother, putting the continuation of her lineage before herself. Verifying her status as an enlightened being through the use of an established pattern is not the only role Achi's hagiography plays; by convincing the potential audience of this divine status, the integrity of the Drigung Kagyu tradition is maintained. 970 To prove A chi possesses a divine identity and is no mere woman or mundane Dharma protectress, it is important that she be identified as an emanation of the fully enlightened Buddha, in this case VajrayoginT. As a wisdom cf.akinT, A chi is separated from her more mundane and violent counterparts, the worldly t/tikin.r ('jik rten /..:yi mkha' 'gro; Skt. lokat/tikinl),911 and corroborating this distinction is a fervent point made by Konchok Gyatso in his hagiography. The mothers, sisters, and consorts of high incarnate lamas are sometimes considered wisdom cf.akin.f in general by virtue of their auspicious birth in relation to such important figures; likewise, A chi's position as the great-grandmother of an accepted great lama is a possible indication of her divine nature. This formulation of Achi's identity justifies the devotional practices and religious worship related to the deity; these things would not be appropriate for a mundane (lakin! but are perfectly allowable to an emanation ofVajrayoginT. Further, through this hagiography the founder of the tradition, Jigten Sumgon, is shown to be entirely of good stock, not only of the prestigious Kyura and Naman clans but as the great-grandson ofVajrayoginl herself through her incarnation as Achi.mThis combination of pre-Buddhist indigenous ideals of divine ancestry with Buddhist concepts of reincarnation is further evidence of A chi's ability to act as some kind of advanced synthesis of Tibetan cultural ideals. ON ROLES, RITUALS, AND RETINUES Aside from serving as an inspirational and legitimizing figure for the Drigung Kagyu tradition, Achi is able to play an active part in the Iives of her devotees through the use of ritual. Because Achi fulfills so many different roles, there are a variety of functions, both spiritual and material, that she can be called on to perform and an even greater variety of means to do so, ranging from mundane offertory practices to advanced Tantric siidlwnas. Achi's most prominent power is the ability to grant wishes to her devotees, particularly in the field of spiritual achievements, or siddhi, as described in her hagiography. While such boons can be granted with rituals as simple as offerings and prayer, practitioners can access Achi through more complicated yet relatively standard ways as well. For instance, when she is viewed as a tutelary deity, practitioners can use siidhaTws to visualize themselves as the deity; as a guru, she can be called on for teachings; as a Dharma protectress, she can be invoked for various protections against enemies, poisons, and so forth; and as a tftikinT, she can be summoned by yogis as a sexual consort in advanced completion-stage practices ofTantric deity yoga. One of the largest extant works about A chi, The Sadhana Collection of the Dhanna Guardian Achi, consists of two volumes containing a total of thirtynine chapters. 973 According to its catalog, in addition to several sections of exaltations, a story of her past lives ( 'khrung rabs), and a Conveniently Arranged A bridged Recitation Manual (Bsnyen yig bsdus pa khyer bder bkod pa), the work holds twenty-eight rituals dedicated to the Drigung protectress, with only ten of these bearing the forn1al title of siidhana (sgrub tlwbs). The rituals themselves are richly diverse; to name a few, there are thre-e empowerment rites (dbang chog), allowing the practitioner access to the deity; four expiation and confession rites (bska.n.g bshags); three smoke offerings (bsang mclwd); and ritual s involving the construction of a ritual thread-cross (bskang mdos) and a torma (gtor ma). There is even one chapter containing what looks to be three separate violent rituals to be used against the enemies of Achi and her retinue. The goals of some of these rituals seem strictly spiritual in nature, but others seek worldly rewards, like the Wealth Sadhana (Nor grub). But despite the title 's dedication of the Stidhana Collection to Achi specifically, she is not the only goddess mentioned, and there are several rites related to other female entities of Tibetan religion to be placated as well. These include Achi 's own retinue, Tashi Tseringma and her retinue, othenvise known as the Five Long-Life Sisters (Tshe ring mched lnga), and a larger group of indigenous Tibetan female deities, the Twelve Tenma Goddesses. Within some of the rituals of the Stidlwna Collection, A chi's retinue is described more than once alongside the principal deity. Referenced as her "sisters," this retinue consists of four cf.akinT with accoutrements and dress closely aligned with indigenous Tibetan PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG K AGYU SCHOOL 2.65 FIG. I2..4A Demil of Fig. 7.17, Two Members of Achi Chokyi Drolma 's Recinue FIG. I2.4B Demit of Fig. 7.17, Two Members of Achi Chokyi Drolma 's Recinue 266 CHAPTER !2. iconography: Yeshe Drolma Tsugna Norbu (Ye shes sgrol rna gtsug na nor bu), yellow in complexion with golden cfamaru and skull cup, riding a wild yak; Damtsig Drolma Yizhin Norbu (Dan1 tshig sgrol rna yid bzhin nor bu), light red in color, holding a flayed mongooseskin bag and jewel, riding a special breed of horse called a c/umgsluf(cang shes);974 Padma Daki (Padma da ki) or Wanggi Khandroma (Wang gi mkha' ' gro ma), ruby-red in complexion, holding a curved knife and hook, and riding agaruda; and Shaza Ukyi Khandro (Sha za las kyi mkha' 'dro), dark blue in color, carrying a sword and a ktiptila full of blood, riding a dark mule. 975 While the names and epithets can vary subtly by textual source, the basic descriptions are consistent and each appears to be a different class of qakini; the first two being the peaceful wisdom and oath (Tib. dam tshig; Skt. samaya) types adorned in jewels and silk garments, the third a wrathful or semi wrathful type adorned in skulls akin to VajrayoginT in appearance, and the last a ferociously violent flesh-eating type in charnelground attire, akin in appeardnce to a type of fierce Tibetan spi rit-deity called a mamo (ma mo) goddess and other similar worldly cfakinr. A beautiful painting from the John and Berthe Ford Collection, discussed earlier by David Jackson and featured as the frontispiece of this chapter, features Achi and depicts these standard four female deities within her retinue (F igs. 12.4a and 12.4b). From left to right, the first is her " sister" Yeshe Dr6lma Tsugna Norbu upon a yak, the second Padma Daki on her garuda, the third the >vrathful blue-skinned Shaza Lekyi Khandro on a mule, and the fourth the red-skinned Damtsig Drolma Yizhin Norbu on a horse.976 The second volume of the Sadhana Collection also holds two empowennent rituals dedicated exclusively to Tashi Tseringma and her retinue, and they can be seen to make an appearance in some of Achi 's own rituals as well. The Five Long-Life Sisters and the Twelve Tenma Mountain Goddesses are ancient pre-Buddhist deities said to have been subjugated and oath-bound by Padmasambhava during the First Propagation of Buddhism in Tibet Later, the Five Long-Life Sisters were said to have been encountered by the founder of the Kagyu tradition, Marpa (Mar pa, I0 12-96), who went on to give them various teachings.m While this retinue of five deities features throughout the Tibetan Buddhist tradition, they are most prominent \\ithin the Kagyu and Nyingma sects. This retinue of five mountain deities is led by the goddess Tashi Tseringma, who typically rides a white snow Iion and carries a nine-pronged vajra and a longevity vase of nectar (tshe bum bdud rtsis). She is accompanied by Thinggi Zhalzangma (Mthing gi zhal bzang ma), who is blue in color, carries a mirror and banner (lluz yi bad em gyob), and rides a kyang978 with a white muzzle; Miyo Lozangma (Mig.yo blo bzang ma), who carries a ktlpllfa full of food and drink and rides a young tigress; ChOpan Drinzangma (Chod panmgrin bzang ma), who carries a chest of treasures and a wish-fulfilling jewel and rides a doe: and Tekar Drozangma (Gtad dkar 'gro bzang ma), who is bluish-green in complexion, earries a snake lasso and a bunch of durva grass, and rides a turquoise-colored dragon. All five wear precious jewels, tiaras, and topknots, as well as various layers of silken garments.91'1 These worldly female guardians share many visual markers with Achi, as mentioned. Each protectress rides a fantastic mount decorated with banners and jewels, is beatific in appearance, dresses in the silks and jewelry of a traditional Tibetan noble woman, and bears attributes in her hands related to various common ritual practices- many used in divination and the granting of mundane desires. In her typical iconographic representations, Achi could easily fit among their ranks, and she often takes up similar positions as part of the entourage ofDrigung Kagyu teachers and deities. The connections, however, do not end here. It is common to find images of or references to the Five Long-Life Sisters in works of the Kagyu tradition, due to their connection to the sect's founder, Marpa. Members of both Achi's and Tseringma 's retinues bear a close resemblance to the members of the Twelve Tenma Goddesses as well, and these are also mentioned in at least one ritual of the Sadhana Collection and as a point of contrast in Gyatso 's hagiography to Achi's enlightened nature. The iconographies of these deities vary fur too significantly to be adequately described here, but each is often cited as the matron of a particular group oflesser female deities and described as beautifully attired, carrying auspicious or ritual r:z.. 5 (ALSO FIG. 7-II) Achi Chokyi Drolma f iG. PAINTING TRA D I T I O N S OF TH E DRIG U NG KAGYU SCHOOL 267 FIG. I2..6A Achi Chokyi Drolma and the Five Long-Life Sisters Drigung Kagyu; 14th cenrury 15 'h x 17 J/g in. (39.5 x 44 em) Private Collection, Switzerland 1iT26 2.68 CHAPTER !2. implements, and riding an ordinary or fantastic mount of some kind. 980 Their inclusion in the Sadhana Collection may signal some greater connection between these very similar female deities or may merely demonstrate these deities' mutual importance to the Drigtmg Kagyu tradition. This textual source is not the only place in which these female deities are depicted in relation to one another. As described by Jackson in this volume, the thangka collection of the Phyang Monastery contains an important painting featuring Achi as the central figure, with her source-deity VajrayoginT (or possibly that deity 's emanation Vajravarabi) above her head, and her great-grdndson Jigten Sumgon above that (Fig. 12.5). At the upper left and right are two male figures with inscriptions, whom Jackson identifies as the thirtieth and thirty-first abbots of Drigung Thel Monastery, Tendzin Peme Gyaltsen (Pad me rgyal tshen, 1770- 1826) and Tendzin Chokyi Gyaltsen (Cho kyi rgyal tshen, 1793- 1826). Surrounding Achi are her four clearly identifiable "sisters" as described above, rendered in great detail and with accents of gold ink. Directly below the central deity and looking very similar to Achi in appearance is a depiction ofTashi Tseringma with vajra and vase atop a snow lion, which in this case is not white and turquoise as usual, but instead white and orange. Here Tashi Tseringma matches the smaller scale of Achi 's retinue, clearly placing her in a subordinate position to the Drigung protectress. Regrettably, there are no additional inscriptions visible on the front of this thangka to provide further information on her retinue. 98 1 In another enigmatic example, a European private collection contains an early painting of what appears to feature Achi as the central figure alongside Tashi Tseringma and her own aforementioned retinue (F ig. 12.6a) If the central figure is Achi, as I suspect, the Long-Life Sisters are again placed in a subordinate position to the deity as part of her entourage, flanking her right and left sides. Iconographically, the deities match up to the description above, with one exception: whi le Tekar Drogzangma is riding a dragon, it is bronze and gold in color here rather than the usual turquoise. This may simply be an error of the artist or represent an alternate iconography, but either way, it is not significant enough to put doubt on the identification of the group as a whole. The painting can be positively identified as Drigung Kagyu, with a I ine of eight appropriate I ineage holders along the top register. From left to right, the first five figures are clearly identifiable as Vajradhara (Rdo rje ' chang), the Indian Maltasiddha Tilopa (988- 1069), his direct disciple Naropa (956-1 041 ), Marpa, and then Milarepa FIG. u.6H Derail of Sranding Achi Chokyi Drolma with Mirror and Skull-Bowl Drigung Kagyu; 14th eenrury 15 Y.t x 17% in. (39.5 x 44 em) Private Collectio n, Swi tzerland liT26 FIG. I ~.6C Derail of Standing Aehi Ch okyi Drol ma with Mirror and Arrow Drigung Kagyu; 14th eenrury 15 Y.t X I n~ in. (39.5 X 44 em) Private Collection, Switzerland liT26 in the center. The six1h and eighth figures are not so clear but could easily represent Milarepa's disciple Gampopa (Sgarn po pa. I079-1153) and J igten Sumgon, with Jigten Sumgon's lineage teacher Pakmodrupa (Phag mo gru pa, Ill Q- 1170) between them in his distinctive yelloworange hat.932 Below this Iinc on the right is an image of Cakrasa11wara with his consort Vajravarahi, and on the left is a four-armed form of the deity Mahiikiila wielding a sword and Tantric staff, called a khatvt11iga, in his two upper hands and a curved Raying knife (Skt. kartika) and skull cup in his lower hands.9 u The rest of the painting, however, requires some interpretation. The central figure looks to be Achi in her mundane Dharma protectress form riding her ornately decorated blue wind-horse. She is dressed in royal garments and a jeweled crown and carries a divination mirror and wish-fulfi Iling jewel in her hands, which as noted earlier are the accoutrements usually held by representations of Achi when she is being asked to grant boons or offer assistance in worldly matters. While these accoutrements di1fer from the more commonly depicted damant and skull cup, they are not unknown and in fact are Iisted as part of her description in some of the rituals featured in the Sttdluma Collection. There appears to also be a second, smaller image of Achi on the left side below Thinggi Zhalzangma (Fig. 12.6b). Unlike the central figure, this one is standing bare-footed, has a halo denoting her enlightened status, a Five-Buddha crown, and, instead of the wish-fulfilling jewel at her chest, there appears to be a skull cup. The lowest line of figures has four animals and three women. While I am unsure of the identity of two of these women (Fig. 12.6c), the central figure seems to resemb le the standing figure of Achi to the left, as she is wearing the same garments, crown, and halo. The only difference is that this standing Achi is holding a divination arrow (mo mda') or silk-arrow (mda' dar) across her chest rather than the skull cup, along with the divination mirror seen in each of the other two images of the deity. The two unknown women flanking her sides hold the same mirror and arrow as weLL Having translated various rituals associated with the protectress, I surmise that this painting reflects the visualizations and offerings of a particular divination or expiation ritual dedicated to Achi. While I have yet to find a direct textual equivalent, the imagery resembles elements seen quite clearly in Aclti s Elephant Liturgy Divination and in the Jewel Garland of Atonement from the Sadhana Collection. In each of these examples, Achi is described and honored in both her mounted and standing forms, and the Long-Life Sisters are described in detaiL Ritual implements, including the divination mirror and the arrow, are offered to the goddess as part of the ritual, as depicted in the lower register of the painting. Arrow-s, their shafts and ribbons of different colors and materials depending on their purpose, are widely used in Tibetan ritual practice and are often seen in conjunction with the divination mirror. Rene de Nebesky-Wojkowitz notes that the arrow is often carried by deities considered to be pre-Buddhist in origin and describes several types of divination arrows used in various types of rituals. The shaft of the arrow in this image is yellow, which may Iink it to an increase ritual for prosperity.'IU What confused me most in this image were the four animals featured at the bottom left and right, and at first I thought they could possibly represent the four mounts of Achi 's usual retinue. The animals, however, did not correspond Instead, similar animals are individually PAINTI NG TRADITIONS OF T H E DRIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL 269 given to Achi and her retinue as offerings in the Jewel Garland ofAtonement, so their inclusion may simply represent the offertory animals specifically requested in the rite this thangka is meant to represent. 98 ; While further research needs to be done to detenn ine the exact meaning behind each element of its iconography, the presence of such an early image of Achi, displaying at least two of her iconographic forms, is highly intriguing. Melissa Kerin thoroughly documents another early appearance of Achi and her retinue, this one in Nako, a village in Himachal Pradesh, India. Within the mural on the west wall of the Gyachagpa (Rgya ' phags pa) temple, she cites an image of Achi Chokyi Drolma as one of the critical pieces of evidence that proves the temple's Drigung affiliation (Fig. 12.7a). While this image had been misidentified by the local populace 2.70 CHAPTER !2. and early docwnenters as the popular hero Gesar, its accompanying phonetic inscription of "A chi chos kyi dron ma" and specific iconography positively identify this image as the protectress. Occasionally Achi can appear as one of many protector deities for other lineages and traditions, but it is only in the Drigung tradition that she is featured as the primary protectress, akin to Pendan Lhamo (dPal ldan lha mo) for the Geluk sect This, along with the identification of Jigten Sumgon's portrait within the lineage group of monastics, identifies the temple as having been affiliated with the Drigung Kagyu sect at the time the murals were painted in the si:\ieenth century, despite the site's current affiliation with the Drukpa Kagyu ('Brug pa bka' brgyud) tradition. 986 Achi here again carries what appears to be a divination mirror, as well as what is obviously a skull cup full of some kind of unidentifiable gray FJG.I2.7A Achi Chokyi Drolma and Retinue Nako, Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh Photograph: C. Luczanits, 1996 substance that may be meant to depict brain matter. Her jewelry and crown are delicately rendered in gold and turquoise paint, and, despite damage in other areas of the wall, her beautiful face is still very much intact. In contrast to her typical iconography, Achi 's mount is a white steed with turquoise mane and tale mther than the usual blue wind-horse. We are able to make out three mounted female deities flanking the goddess as her retinue, each with an accompanying inscription. Only one of these clearly matches up with the retinue described earlier, and that is the most wrathful of the group at the bottom left of the image (Fig. 12.7b). Labeled Remati (Re rna !i), she is blue Frc 12.78 Remaci Nako, Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh Photograph: C. Luczanirs, 1996 Frc. 12.7 C Kanno Nako, Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh Photograph: C. Luczanirs, 1996 Ftc 12.70 Dorje Chenmo Nako, Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh Photograph: C. luczanirs, 1996 in color with a skull cup in one hand and something unidentifiable in the other, and riding a brown mule. The other two retinue members appear more peaceful. Directly above Remati is a protectress with the inscription Kanno (dKar mo), meaning " white lady" (Fig. 12 7c) This accurately describes the deity, as she, her gannents, and her doe mow1t are all painted a stark white, with only black lines and a few touches of gold jewelry delineating their shapes. She also appears to be holding some kind of golden vase in her hands. Opposite this figure to the right of Achi is a blue-skinned goddess riding a blue horse (Fig. 12.7d). She and her mount are also adorned in golden jewelry, and she is holding something gold but indistinct in her hands. The inscription above her reads Dorje Chenmo (rOo rje chen mo). While the first could easily represent the wrath.fi.JI member of A chi 's typical retinue, Shaza Lekyi Khandro, it is quite common to see similarly rendered protector deities in many murals and thangkas from Tibet The other two deities- Kanno and Dorje Chenmo-are more distinctive in their iconography, as they do not correspond to any of the remaining three members of Achi 's retinue or that of Tashi Tseringma. They may represent an alternate or earlier retinue of the goddess or could even represent local female deities popular within the region at the PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 271 time of the mural 's creation. In this case, their inclusion could have signified to the original audience that the deities had been brought under control by the Drigung Kagyu and were now subservient to the protectress Achi, who would have been imported from the Drigung valley region in its assimilation to that sect. As both inscriptions are rather generic, they require more in-depth research than is possible here. It may be that changes in A chi 's retinue reflect regional differences. Another example of an alternate set of accompanying deities for the protectress, as well as further evidence of her close relationship to Tashi Tseringma, can be seen among the mural paintings of Phyang Monastery's fierce protector deity chapel (mgon khang), which dates to the sixteenth century (Fig. 12.8a). Here, there is an image of Achi and Tashi Tseringma opposite one another and of equal proportion, each surrounded by small representations of their retinues. The Five Long-Life Sisters appear to bear their Standard iconography, although more crudely rendered than is often seen in other works. The set of four small figures below Achi has similarities to both the standard retinue described in modem textual sources, as well as the one above depicted in Nako. From left to right, the nrst appears to be a wrathful red-skinned deity on a brown horse, the second a peaceful white deity in a green robe on a white horse with a brown mane, the third the familiar blue-skinned Shaza Lekyi Khandro, and the fourth a red- or orangeskinned figure in a white robe riding a yak (Fig. 12.8b). 987 No inscriptions appear to accompany them , and as in Nako, the details and origins of these alternate retinue members remain obscured. While Achi is portrayed as primarily peaceful in her hagiography, it is in her variety of associated rituals and images that we begin to see the hints of her w-rathful nature. Additionally, local :Z.7:Z. C HAPTER I~ stories w ithin the Drigung region seem to emphasize this fierce aspect of the deity. At the former site ofYangri Don (Yang ri gdon), an appendage monastery to Drigung The! originally dating to the fit~ teenth century, Hugh Richardson reports that before being looted to form a military base in 1966, it contained a great deity shrine (lha khang), a line of stupas, and an ornate chapel to fierce protector dei- ties (mgon klzang) enshrining a famous image ofAchi. Five hundred monks were in residence when the site was razed, leaving nothing but one single stretch F1c. 12..8A Achi Chokyi Drolma and Tashi Tseringma Phyang Monasrery, Ladakh Lirerarure: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 11 7 F1c. n.8B Derail of Fig. 12.8a Achi Chokyi Drolma's Retinue Phyang Monasrery, ladakh Q 20 14 Anisrs Righrs Sociery (ARS), New York I VG Bild-Kunsr, Bonn Lirerarure: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 117 of wall, which remained w1til 1985. According to local accounts, this wall \>Vas a special residence for the Dharma protectress and local legend said that anyone found disturbing the site would die as a consequence of their disrespectful actions. This prophecy seemed to have come true, as a series of deaths among those who had taken part in the rest of the destruction prompted locals to leave the final wall standing for years, until it was finally dismantled as well, preswnably under proper ritual precautions to avoid A chi's wrath 9 88 As further testament to her fierce nature, it is said that during the thirteenth century, when political control of this region was in dispute, an attack on Drigung Thel Monastery was thwarted when A chi incinerated many of the invaders after imprisoning them in a chapel devoted to her below the monastery. 989 Despite her peaceful appearance and mythology, Achi still fulfills many of the stereotypes of other fierce protectors. She repays those that disrespect her places of worship with curses of death, destroys enemies to protect the monastery, and it is Achi, not the local spirits, whose permission is asked before beginning a great pilgrimage festival that takes place in the region even today. 990 The peaceful and wrathful elements of Tibetan rei igion are allowed to coexist in the persona of Achi Chokyi Drolma, who represents an advanced synthesis of these apparently not so discordant features, intrinsically connected not only to each other but to the religious resources and narrative constmctions of Tibetan culture and society. THE ELUSIVE LADY OF NANAM Despite clain1s that Achi was born as early as the tenth or eleventh century, her image does not appear consistently in Drigung art until later, and aside from texts attributed to Jigten Sumgon himself, the earliest verifiable sources Konchok Gyatso uses in his hagiography date only as early as the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, many years after the highest points of the Drigung Kagyu political reign in central Tibef.99 1 While not enough work has been done to say exactly when incorporating her image became popular practice in DrigW1g painting traditions, it seems that it was not until some tin1e after the sect's founding. This is not to say she could not have been present in some other tbrm, in text or local tradition, but she was not felt to be important enough to warrant the ubiquitous presence she maintains in the Drigung artistic tradition in more recent centuries. Many things about Achi Chokyi Drolma, including her origins, her evolution as a deity within the tradition, and the possibility that she was once a living Buddhist figure, remain unclear and in need of further investigation. What can be seen is that Achi is a syncretic deity within the Drigung Kagyu tradition today, encompassing elements from a vast reservoir of Buddhist models and resources based on indigenous notions of religious practice throughout the culture's history. This theory is supported by the work of scholars within the field, and Matthew Kapstein specifically cites Achi as an example of an advanced synthesis of non-Buddhist Tibetan beliefs and institutional Buddhist concepts. According to him: contradictory cultural resources but still belongs to the same societal standards that gave birth to her. She fulfi lis a mundane need for a violent personal defender and a granter of wishes while at the same time satisfies the desire for a compassionate deity who exemplifies the key religious traits of serenity, wisdom, and equanimity that are held so highly by the prominent religious tradition. By further investigating the origins and evolution of Achi and deities like her, we can better understand what was and continues to be important to those who honor these traditions and can also better reconstmct the history and movements of religious traditions through their presence in or absence from artistic and textual sources at different places and in different time periods. This can further assist historians in dating and identifying the sectarian affiliations of these works, so many of which have been removed from their places of origin or are without e"iant documentation providing such infonnation. For now the Lady ofNanam and deities like her are elusive, but they do not always have to remain so. Though the goddess Achi is a purely Buddhist divinity, with apparently no non-Buddhist antecedents, nevertheless she seems clearly to represent a cult of ancestors, of a type that was perhaps more prominent prior to the ascendancy of Buddhism in Tibet 992 Achi is not only an enlightened buddhadeity but is believed to be a once-living ancestor in the tradition as well. The acceptance of Achi 's multivalent persona must negotiate varied and perhaps PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DR!G U NG KAGYU SC HOOL 273 The Main Lineage of Drigung pa bsod nams, 1238- 1286), tenure Here I list the main Drigung Kagyu lineage. My numbering of Drigung throne holders (abbreviated Dri) follows 1284-1286 (younger bro of D6.) IS. [Dri 8] Nub Chogo Dorje Yeshe Rase Konchok Gyatsho's History of the Drigung Kagyu.993 (gNubs Chos sgo rDo rje ye shes, 1223-1293), tenure I286-1293 I . Vajradhara (rDo rje 'chang) 2 . Tilopa 3. Naropa 4 . Marpa Lotsawa ( 1012-1 096) 5. Milarepa ( 1040-1123) 6. Gampopa or Dakpo Lhaje Sonam Rinchen ( I 079-11 53) 7 . Phagmotrupa Dorje Gyalpo (1 1101170) 8 . [Dri I ] Drigungpa ChenpoJigten Surnoon ('Bri ouno pa Chen po 'Jio0 0 0 0 rten gsum mgon, 1143- 1217), tenure 1179- 12 17 . [Bodhisattva name: Rio chen dpal.] 9 . [Dri 2] Khenchen Gurawa Tshultrim Dorje (mKhan chen Gu ra ba Tshul khrims rdo rje, 1154-1221), tenure 1217-1221 10. [Dri 3] Onchen Sonam Drakpa (dB on chen or dBon Rin po che bSod nams grags pa, 1187-1235), tenure 1221-1234 I I. [Dri 4] Jennga Drakpa Jungne (sPyan snga Grags pa 'byung gnas, 1175-1255), tenure 1235- 1255 12. [Dri 5] Jung Dorje Drakpa (gCung De mo ba alias gCung po rDo rje grags pa, 1210-1278), tenure 1255-1278 13. [Dri 6] Thoghawa Rinchen Sengge (Thog kha ba Rin chen seng ge, 1226-1284), tenure 1278-1284 14. [Dri 7] Tshamje Drakpa Sonam (sPyan snga mTshams bead pa Grags 2.74 APPENDIX kyi rgyal po, 1448- 1504), tenure 1484-1504? 24. [Dri 17] Gyalwang Kunga Rinchen (rGyal dbang Kun dga' rin chen, 1475-1527), tenure 1514?- IS27 (son 16. [Dri 9] Chunyi Dorje Rinchen (bCu gnyis rDo rje rin chen, 1278-1314), tenure 1297- 13 14 I7. [Dri 10] Nyergyepa Dorje Gyalpo (Nyer brgyad pa rDo rje rgyal po, 1284-1350), tenure I3 14-1350 of Dri 16) [FuJI name rGyal dbang Kun dga' rin chen dpal bzang po] 25. [Dri 18] Gyalwang Rinchen (younger bro. of D9) 18. [Dri II ] Jennga Chokyi Gyal po (sPyan snga Chos kyi rgyal po also known as 'Dzam gling chos kyi rgyal po, 1335-I407), tenure 1351- 1395 26. [Dri 19] Phagmo Rinchen Namgyal (Phag mo Rin chen mam rgya1 , 1519-1 576), tenure 1534-1565; ful l name: Rin chen rnam rgyal chos kyi grags pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po. 27. [Dri 20] PaQchen Sonam Gyatsho (PaQ chen bSod nams rgya mtsho, I 527-1 570), tenure I 565-1570 19. [Dri 12] Goshrr Dondrup Gyalpo (Go shrr Don grub rgyal po, 13691427), tenure I395-I427 20. [Dri 13] Dakpo Wang Rinchen Wanggyal (bDag po Wang Rin chen dbang rgyal , 1395- ?), tenure 1427-1428 (son of Dri 12). [Regents: After Dri 13 left, regents called "Khenpo , Lobptin, and Chopon" (mKhan po sLob dpon Chos dpon) served, their tenures from I429 to I435. They can be counted Dri !3b, 13c, and I 3d.] 21. [Dri 14] Chogyal Rinchen Palsang[po] (Chos rgyal rin chen dpal bzang [po], 1421- 1469), tenure 1435-1469 (Son ofDri 13.) 22, [Dri I 5] Choje Rinchen Chokyi Gyaltshen ( 1449- 1484), tenure 1469-1484 23. [Dri 16] Wang Rinchen Chokyi Gyalpo (dBang Rin chen chos Phtintshok (rGyal dbang Rin chen phun tshogs, I509- 1557), tenure 1527-1 534 (son of Dri 17's brother) (younger brother of Dri 19): full name: PaQ chen Rin po che bSod nams dpal gyi rgya mtsho 28. [Dri 21] Rinchen Chokle Namgyal (Rin chen phyogs las rnam rgyal , I SS7- IS79), tenure 1570-1579 (nephew of Dri 20) 29. [Dri 22] Chogyal Rinchen Phiintshok (Chos rgyal rin chen phun tshogs , 1547- 1602), tenure 1579- 1602; Chos rgyal rin chen phun tshogs bkra shis dpal bzang po. 30. [Dri 23] Naropa Tashi Phlintshok (Na ro bKra shis phun tshogs. 15741628), tenure 1603- 1615; full name: Na ro pa bKra shis phun tshogs grags pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po. 3 I. [Dri 24] Gyalwang Konchok Rinchen, first Chetsang (rGyal dbang dKon mchog rin chen, 1590-1654), tenure I 6 15-I 626 32. [Dri 25] Kunkhyen Rigdzin Choorak, First Chungtsang (Kun mkhyen Rig 'dzin Chos grags, 1595-1659), tenure 1626-1659; full name: Kun mkhyen Cbos kyi grags pa ' phrin las rnam par rgyal ba' i sde. 33. [Dri 26] Konchok Trinle Zangpo, Second Chetsang (dKon mchog ' phrin las bzang po, 1656-1718). tenure 1661- 1718 34. [Dri 27] Chogyal Trinle Dondrup, Second Chungtsang (Chos rgyal ' phrin las don grub, 1704-1754), tenure 1718-1747; full name: ' Jam dbyangs chos kyi rgyal po ' phrin las don kun grub pa' i sde. 35. [Dri 28] Konchok Tendzin Drodtil, 3rd Chetsang (dKon mchog bstan 'dzin ' gro ' dul , 1724-1766), tenure 1747- 1766 36. [Dri 29] Tendzin Chokyi Nyima, 3rd Chungtsang (bsTan 'dzin chos kyi nyi rna, 1755-1792), tenure 1766-1788: full name: dKon mchog bstan ' dzin chos kyi nyi rna 37. [Dri 30] Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen, 4th Chetsang (bsTan 'dzin pad ma'i rgya1 mtshan, 1770-1826), tenure 1788-1810 38. [Dri 31] Jamyang Chokyi Gyaltshen. 4th Chungtsang ('Jam dbyangs chos kyi rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, 1793-1826), tenure 1810-1826 [A minority regent: 39. [Dri 32] Lhochen or Lhotrli.l Konchok Tendzin Chokyi Lotro (Lho chen or Lho spru.I dKon mchog bstan 'dzin chos kyi blo gros, 1801- 1859), tenure 1827- 1832.] 40. [Dri 33] " Konchok" Chonyi Norbu , 5th Chungtsang (dKon mchog? chos nyid nor bu, 1828-1865), tenure 1832-1866; fuJI name: Rin chen bstan pa'i mdzes rgyan rang byung chos nyid nor bu dpal bzang po. 41. LDri 34] Konchok Thukje Nyima, 5th Chetsang (dKon mchog thugs rje nyi ma, 1828-1885), tenure 1866-187 1; fuJI name: dKon mchog thugs rj e nyi ma nges legs chos kyi 'od zer ' gro ' dul dpal bzang po. 42. LDri 35] Tendzin Chokyi Lotro, 6th Chungtsang (bsTan 'dzin chos kyi blo gros, 1868-1906), tenure 1871- 1906: full name: dKon mchog bstan 'dzin chos kyi blo gros ' phrin las rnam par rgyal ba' i sde 43. [Dri 36] Tendzin Shiwe Lotro, 6th Chetsang (bsTan 'dzin zhi ba' i blo gros, 1886-1943), tenure 1906-1943 ; full name: dKon mchog bstan 'dzin 47. [Dri 40] Tendzin TrinJe Lhlindrup, 7th Chetsang (bsTan ' dzin ' phrin las !hun grub, 1946), tenure 1958- ; full name: dKon mchog bstan ' dzin kun bzang ' phrin las Ihun grub pbyogs las rnam par rgyal ba 'i sde. thub bstan gsa! byed zhi ba ' i blo gros dpal bzang po 44. [Dri 37] Tendzin Chokyi Jungne, 7th Chungtsang (bsTan 'dzin chos kyi 'byung gnas, 1909- 1940), tenure 1927- 1940; full nan1e: dKon mchog bstan 'dzin chos kyi ' byung gnas 'jigs med rnaru par rgyal ba' i sde dpal bzang po 45. Minority regent LDri 38] Gyera Choktrlil Konchok Thubten Wan gpo (brGyad ra mChog spru.I dKon mchog thub bstan dbang po, 1924-1979), tenure 1943- I955. 46. [Dri 39] Tendzin Chokyi Nangwa, 8th Chungtsang (bsTan 'dzin chos kyi snang ba, 1942- ), tenure 1955-1958; full name: dKon mchog bstan 'dzin ngag dbang thub bstan chos kyi s nang ba dpal bzang po. PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL 27 5 Abbots ofDrigung, Drigung Kagyu Representatives at Kailash and Ladakh, and Kings ofLadakh The following chart lists the abbots of Drigung Monastery with five contemporary early head lamas (dordzin) of Kailash (fi se rDo rje 'dzin pa), the later (post- 1530s) lama-representatives (Choje) of Ladakh and ki ngs of the Namgyal Dynasty of Ladakh. It was mainly based on an unpublished list entitled "Hierarques et regents Drigungpa, rois du Ladakh," which Marc Frans:ois compiled in French in 2003 and Lionel Fournier kind ly shared with me.994 (Abbreviations: Chet. =Chetshang; Chungt. = Chungtsang; K. = Konchok; T. = Tendzin; TD = Tise Dordzin: and L. = Ladakh Choje) DRIGUNG HIERARCHS HEAD LAMAS OF KAILASH (fi se rDor 'dzin) (La dwags rgyal po) I . Rinchenpal (Rin chen dpal) ( 1143- 1217) ten. 1179- 1217 TDl. Ghuya Gangpa ( 1184-1243) ten. 1215-1239 2. Gurawa Tshultrim Dorje (1154-1220)ten. 1217-1220 3 . Onpo Sonam Drakpa (1187- 1235) ten. 1220-1234 4 . Drakpa Jungne ( 1175-1255) ten. 1235-1255 TD2. Nyima Gungpa ( 1203- 127 1) ten. 1239- 1255 5.Jung Dorje Drakpa (1210- 1278) ten. 1255- 1278 TD3. Kunga Gyaltshen ( 1211- 1277) ten. 1255-1271 TD4- Dam1a Gyaltshen ( 1239- 1296) ten. 1271-1279 6 . Thogawa Rinchen Sengge (1226-1284) ten. 1278- 1284 7. Tshamjepa Drakpa Sonam ( 1238- 1286) ten. 1284-1286 8 . Chogowa Dorje Yeshe ( 1223- 1293) ten. 1286- 1293 [1290: Drigung Monastery sacked and its abbatial throne left vacant from 1293 to 1297] 9. Chunyipa Dorje Gyalpo (1278- 1314) ten.1297- 1314 10. Nyergyepa Dorje Gyalpo ( 1284-1350) ten. 1314-1350 11 . Jengna Chokyi Gyalpo ( 1334-1407) ten. 1350- 1395 12. Goshri Dondrub Gyalpo 2.76 APPE N DIX TD5. Rinchen Gyalwa ( 1247- 1308) ten. 1279- 1287 KINGS OF LADAKH ( 1369- 1427) ten. 1395- 1427 13. Dakpo Wang Rinchen Wanggyal ( 1395-1467) ten. 1427- 1427 [Rupture of the Drigung Kagyu transmiss ion after the exit of Dri 13 from Central Tibet to Wutai Shan sacred mountain in the Chinese borderland.] 14. Rinchen Palzangpo (142 1-1469) ten. 1436- 1469 15. Rinchen Chokyi Gyaltshen ( 1449- 1484) ten. 1469- 1484 {Narngyal Dynasty of Ladakh} [DriI S's brother 16. Wang Rinchen ChoJ..-yi Gyalpo ( 1448-1504) ten.1484-1504? The Drigung transmission was reestablished (ca. 15 14) after about a ten-year gap thanks to help from Taklungpa Ngawang Drakpa ( 1418-1496).] Tashi Namgyal ( 1455-1529) r. 1481 1529 17. Kunga Rinchen (1475- 1527) ten. 1514?- 1527 {"Ladakh Choje"} Tshewang Narngyal (1494- 1532) r. 1529- 1532 18. Rinchen PhUntshok Narngyal ( 1511( 1509- 1547) ten. 1528- 1534 1569) r. 1532- 1569 Ll . Denma Kunga Drakpa Jam yang ( 1503-1 567) ten. 1534-1565 19. Rinchen Namgyal ( 1519- 1576) ten. 1534-1565 20. Panchen Sonarn Gyaltsho ( 1527- 1579) ten. 1565- 1570 L2. Kunga Chogyal Sengge Namgyal (1543( 1531 -1 584) ten. 1565-1579 1623) r.J 569- 1623 21. Chokle Namgyal (1557- 1579) ten. 1570- 1579 22. Chogyal Phtintshok ( 1547- 1602) ten. 1579- 1602 23. Naro Tashi Phtintshok ( 1574-1628) ten. 1603- 1615 24. 1st Chetsang Konchok Rinchen ( 1590- 1654) ten. 1615- 1626 25. 1st Chungtsang Chokyi Drakpa ( 1595- 1659) ten. 1626- 1659 1..3 .- Kunga Legzang ( 1552- 1607) ten. 1580-1607 L4. Kunga Lotro ( 1567- 1618) ten. 1603- 1615 L5. Dnmgpa Kunga ( 1577- 1635) ten. 1615-1626 L6. Namgyal Drubpa ( 1587- 1640) ten. 1626- 1636 L7. Drungpa Thampa ( 1606-1651) ten. 1636-1644 Jarnyang Deldan Narngyal Deldan Namgyal ( 1596- 1667) r. 1623- 1667 L8. Rinchen Gyatsho ( 16 18-1655) ten. 1644-1654 L9. On Rinchen Gyatsho ( 1621- 1669) ten. 1654-1659 LlO. Tashi Rinchen ( 1634-1687) ten. 1659- 1668 PAI N TING TRAD I TIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL 277 [End of the Kyura (sKyu ra) family lineage at Drigung; beginning of the lineage of reincarnations.] 26. 2nd Chet. K. Trinle Zangpo ( 1656- 1718) ten. 1661- 1718 Lll. Konchok Monlam ( 1642- 1694) ten. 1668-1675 Ll2. 2nd Gyalse Tendzin Phuntshok ( 1648- 1690) ten. 1675-1687 Deleg Namgyal( l6251686) r. 1667- 1686 Nyima Namgyal ( 1651-1 717) r. 1686-1717 27. 2nd Chung Trinle Dondrub ( 1704-1754) ten. 1718- 1739 28. 3rd Chet. K. Tendzin Drodul ( 1724-1766) ten. 1747- 1766 29. 3rd Chung. Chokyi Nyima ( 1755- 1792) ten.l766-1788 30. 4th Chet. T. Peme Gyaltshen ( 1770- 1826) ten. 1788- 1810- 31. 4th Chung. T. Chonyi Gyaltshen ( 1793- 1826) ten.1810- 1826- Ll3. Third Norbu Tendzin Kunkhyab ( 1660- 1714) ten. 1687- 1695 Ll4. Chuda Khyentse Wangchuk ( 1672- 1724) ten. 1695-1707 Ll5. Konchok Tendzin Shenwa ( 1678-1730) ten. 1707- 1724 L16. Chowang Gaga Lhundrub ( 1693- 1768) 1718-1739 Ll7. Paljin K. Tri. Tendzin ( 1702- 1765) 1739- 1752 LJ8. Choku Konchok Drodlil ( 1722- 1779) ten. 1752- 1766 LJ 9. 3rd Rongdo Tshultrim Gyaltshen ( 1728- 1792) ten. 1766-1779 L20. 3rd Balog Tendzin Gyaltshen ( 1740- 1796) ten. 1779- 1788 L21. Konchok Ngedon ( 1757- 1819) ten. 1788-1802 L22. 6th Togdan K. T. Chodrak Tshepal ( 1771- 1843) ten. 1802- 1810 L23. 3rd Nyatag K. T. Choyang ( 1784-1834) ten. 1810-1821 L24. 4th Balog K. T. Khyentse Wangchuk ( 1797- 1844) ten. 1821 - 1826 Deskyong Namgyal ( 1688-1739) r. 1717- 1739 Phlintshok Namgyal ( 1720-1752) r. 1739- 1752 Tshewang Nan1gyal ( 1742-1782) r.1752- 1782 Tshetan Namgyal 1772( 1808) r. 1782- 1808 Dondrub Nan1gyal ( 1777- 1832) r. 1808-1830 32. Minority regency of Lhotrul (1826-1832) 33. 5th Chung. K . Chonyi Norbu ( 1827- 1866) ten. 1832- 1866 34. 5th Chetsang Thukje Nyima ( 1828- 1889) ten.1866- 1871 2.78 APPENDIX L25. 6th Gyalse K. T. Choying Namdrol Sonan1 Tshewang ( 1796-1843) 1826-1831 Rabten ( 1810-1839) r. 1830-1835 L26. 6th Nyangse Drakpa Choyang Namgyal ( 1799- 1850) 1831-1 834 Jigme Kunga Namgyal L27. 2nd Bakula Rangdrol Nyima 180 1- 1858179) ten. 1843- 1858 ( 1834-1 874) r. 1840-1842 L28. 4th Nyatag K. T. Trinle Kunkhyab ( 1835-1892) ten. 1858-1865 L29. 7th Togdan T. Ngawang Geleg ( 1844-1868) ten. 1865-1868 L30. 7th Gyalse K. Rinchen Chokyi Wangchuk ( 1844-1897) ten. 1869- 188 1 35. 6th Chung. K .T. Chokyi I...otro ( 1868- 1909) ten. 1871- 1906 1..3 1. 8th Togdan K. T. Ngawang I...otro Gyaltshen ( 1869- 1934) ten. 1881- 1934 36. 6th Chet. T. Zhibai Lotro ( 1886- 1943) ten. 1906- 1943 1..32. 4th Choku Konchok Tendzin ( 1909- 1960) ten. 1835-1941 37. 7th Chung. T. Chokyi Jungne (1909- 1940) 8th? Drubgyti Tenpai Gyaltshen ( 1915-J973) ten. 1941- 1947 38. [Minority regent: 1943- 1959] Gyera Choktrtil K. T. Thubten Wangpo (1924-1979) 1..33. 9th Togdan Thubten Tenpai Gyaltshen (b. J938) ten. 1947- 39. 8th Chung. K . T. Chokyi Nangwa ( 1942- ) ten. 1959- 197840. 7th Chetsang K. T. Trin le Lhtindrub ( 1978-) PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL 279 Monasteries of the Drigung Kagyu, Past and Present Over one hundred Drigung Kagyu monasteries are listed in the unpublished notes of Marc Franyoi s, "Dances of Lamayuru," which Lionel Fournier kindly shared with me. There we find presented "Major Branch Monasteries of the Drigung Kagyu and Its Tulkus," listing the monasteries where the Drigung Kagyu sacred dances took place before 1959 and their number of reincarnate lamas (tullm). Though no sources are mentioned, the list includes several branches in Ngari that belonged to the school in the thirteenth century (as mentioned in the Tise Karc/Jak) and were long ago converted to other schools. So I think the list was meant to be as inclusive as possible, even including some monasteries that have not functioned for several centuries. Central Tibet: I. 'Bri gung The! (orThil/mThil) Byang chub gling ( 10 tulku) , 2. Yang ri sgar ( 14 tulku), 3 . sKa tshel (3 tulku), 4. rDzong gsar bKra shis (2 tulku), and 5. rTse ba Grwa tshang, Khra ba kha. Nyemo (sNye mo) northeastern Tsang: 6. sNye 1110 gZhu te' u gSang sngags Chos sgrub gling and 7. Shag ram Shil dkar mThong smon sGrub sde. Western Tibet (N gari) Pu hrang 8 . dGung phur Ri phug dgon pa ( l tullm), 9 . sPu hrang rGod khung, 10. Kho chen lHa khang, 11. Shang Khrang dpe'u , 12. Brag ska rag bSam gtan gling, 280 APPENDIX Khunu 13. Khunu bSam gtan Chos gling Mt. Kai lash Zone At the foot of Kailash 14. rGyang grags dgon ( 1 tulku), 15. Nyan ri , 16. rDzu ' phrul phug, 17. Ri bo rTse brgyad, 18. Ser lung sGrub bde, 19. rTa rgo Gang Ia 0 ma phug sGrub bde. Limi Limi or sLe mi Valley (nowadays northwest Nepal): 20. Wa rtse Rin chen gling, 21. Til Kun 'dzom gling, and 22. Dzang ' Phel rgyas gling. Eastern Ngari Kyirong (sKyid rong Khul) 23. Ri Shed dgon and (24.-28.) its six branch Southeastern central Tibet (Kongpo) The monasteries of Kong po: In the province of Kong po, near the district of 'Bri, 39. Kong po rGyud 'Bri gung dgon pa, 40. rGod ' phug rdzong, 41. 'Bum mda rdzong, 42. rGya Nang gi Del mgon dgon , 43 . Yar rig sTon mchog dgon, 44. sKong smang bKra shis Rab bstan A phyi IHa khang and 45. sPo pho Phu lung dgon Rin chen gling. Nagchukha (Byang Nag chu kha), a northern Nomadic area northeast of 046. 'Brong ngur Thub bstan rNam rgyal gling dgon (3 tulku), 47. sGom sde Chos 'khor Byangs pa gling dgon (3 tulku), 48. Zla ba dgon, 49. Nem tsha dgon dPal dkyi l dgon (2 tulku), 50. ' Bong Thub monasteries. bstan Dar rgyas gling ( 1 htlku) and 51. Od sna dgon. Central Himalayan borderlands of Nepal (including Mustang and Dolpo) and Adjoining nomadic lands to the north: (Dolpo) 29. Dol po Shes rdo rje rdzong, 30. Mum Rri khrod , 31. Glo [bo] Chu mig brgya rtsa (Muktinath in southern Mustang), 32. lCags Ye shes rdzong, and 33. Gro shod rKyang phug Eastern Tibet Khan1s: Gapa (sGa ba) district 52. !Dan glu dkyil dgon ( 1 htlku), 53. Nyi rdzong dgon (4 tltllat), 54. sGrub brgyud dgon Thub bstan Chos ' phel gling (6 tulku), 55. Ba dan Kar rtags dgon (1 tulku), 56. sGe'u dgon ( 1 htlku), Eastern Himalayan borderlands (including Tsari and Labchi) In the secret valley ofTsa ri , 34. 'Bum 111da Se 'bum IHa khang, 35. sGrub chu IHa khang, 36. Chos zam IHa khang, 37. Yul smad gTsug lha khang; on the frontier of Nagai and in India, 38. La phyi bDuJ 'duJ Phug 1110 che dgon pa. 57. sGa bKra shis dgon (2 tulku), 58. sGa ba bShi bs dgon (2 tulku), 59. sGa A dbyangs dgon (3 tulku). 60. sGa Khams sGyogs dgon (3 tulku), 6 1. Thub bstan Dar rgyas gling dgon (3 htlku), 62. sGa rTse le dgon ( I htlku), 63. !Dan skyu ra Grags rtsa ( I tulku), 64. rDza rna A grags dgon (2 tulku) and 65. !Dan A grags dgon , 66. !Dan stod bKra shis dgon , 67. 'Bri stod dgon, and 68. sPar sme dgon. In Nang chen district (Khams) 69.1Ho dPal me dgon Theg mchog Shed sgrub gling (3 tulku), 70. mKhar 'go dgon (2 tulku), 71. Mi g.yel dgon (2 tulku), 72. mGar dbyangs chen Byang chub Chos gling (4 tulla1), 73 .1Ho Lung dkar dgon Thub bstan Shad sgrub gling (3 tulku), 74. Ka bKra shis dgon Thub bstan Dar rgyas gling (2 tulku) , Its branch 75. bTsun dgon , 76. Bu mang dgon (3 htlku), 77. dBa' yir dgon. Western borderlands of China (llang yul and Zi khron): In Yunnan Province (IJang yul): 78. Dar rgyas gling dgon (2 htlku), and 79. Thub bstan Dar rgyas gling dgon ( 1 tulku); Sichuan (Zi khron) Province: 80. Om rgyal dgon (3 hllku), and its three branch monasteries (81.-83.) of sDe ring rDzas du (two have become Geluk in 1982). Ladakh 84. Phyang. The five main branches of Phyang were (Binczik and Fischer 2002, p. 91 ): 85. Shyang, 86. Sara, 87. Larnayuru, and 88. SechukuJ. (87.) Lamayuru. The second main Drigung Kagyu monastery in Ladakh (after Phyang) was Lamayuru (Bia ma g.Yung drung), whose full name was Lan1ayuru Tharpaling (Bia ma g.Yung drung Thar pa gling), which possessed more monks than Phyang. Lamayuru's eighteen later branch monasteries or sanctuaries were (according to the note of Marc Franyois): I. (89 .) Henasku Gon (He gnas sku), 2. (90 .) Kanji Gon (rKan gzhi dgon), 3. (91.) Phuto Gonpa (Phu mtho dgon pa), 4. (92.) Heshug Gonpa (He shug dgon pa), 5. (93.) Kugsho Gi:in (Kug sho dgon), l. ( I07 .) Brag rtse dgon, 2 . (108.) Ye rad T har pa Chos gling, 3 . (I 09 .) Phra rug bDe legs sgang, 4 . (11 0.) dKar rgyan1 dgon dGra 'dul Byang chub gling, 5. ( Ill.) Pho drang Theg mchog dPal . fl , 6. (112.) rDor khul dgon, 6. (94.) Stagmachig Gi:in (sTag mag gcig dgon), 7. (95.) Skyidri Gi:in (sKyid rid dgon), 7 . (J 13.) Chu shul Zang zang dPal ri dgon, 8. (114.) Theg chen sNang gsa! Chos 8. (96.) Kaltsi or Kholatse Gi:in (mKhar Ia rtse ' i or Kho Ia 1tse dgon), 9. (97.) Atitse Gi:in (A ti rtse'i dgon), 9. (1 15.) Chu shul brGyud rNam rgyal , I0. ( 116.) Byi lam mThong grol Chos olino doon 10. (98.) Stagchig Gi:in (sTag gcig dgon), 11. (1 17 .) Me rag dgon 12. (11 8.) Pang gon mTsho, 13. (119.) Re le dgon , and II. (99.) Urji Gi:in (Ur byi dgon). 12. ( 100.) Hanupata Gi:in (Ha nu Pa ta dgon). 13. (1 01.) Hinju Gon (Hin j u dgon), 14. ( 102.) Urtsi Gon (Ur rtsi dgon), 15. (1 03.) Dar Gi:in (Dar dgon), 16. (1 04.) Stagtsiphug Gi:in (sTag rtsi phug dgon) 17. ( I05.) Darathang Gi:in (Da ra thang dgon), and 18. (1 06.) Achi Gi:in (A phyi dgon). (88.) Sharchukhul (Shar chu khul) and gling, "' "' "' 14. (120.) sPang mig dgon gSer bum its Branches. A third main monastic seat of the Drigung Kagyu in Ladakh was Sharchukhul, which stands in the nomadic areas near the Chang thang. 995 Its full name was Sharkhul Phtintshok Chi:iling Gon (Shar khul Phun tshogs Chos gling dgon).996 Sharchukhul had fifteen branch monasteries (Marc Franyois lists fourteen): PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL 2.81 PREFACE 1 Kathok Situ. pp. 53-53 (27a-b): SIIUJII gsar my. ing [aj J7nan mying cung 'dra bar srumgl. 10 Ibid .. p. 373. II Ibid., p. 376. ll ' Ibid .. p. 62.5 (31a): but' brgyud gs~r 'phreng lha Mtu11g duthang sgamlx'O lnga tumg 'bri gu11g lugs MillO" gyi 1/w b:o plml gyur /SitOIImtltmg; till I=tie I 'dm '01111 tlka 'ba'i gras/. ' See 0. Czaja 2006. 2010. and fortllcoming; and C. Luczanits 2010. u The ··Pown Chenpo" has been described by M. Kapstein 1998. 14 SeeM. Kapstein 2006. p. 46, who describes Achi (A phyi) as Jigten Sumgon's wonderwod:ing grandmother. 7 10 E. Sperling, 1987, p. 53. 18 Sperling·s second article on tl1e fllJIIIfJ'I of Drigung (E. Sperling 1992) deals witll later Dngung-Mongol contact: "Notes on References to 'Bn-gung-p a-Mongol Contact in the Late Soxteenth and Earl} Se• enteenth Centuries." 19 M. Kapstein 2006. The Tibetan.;, p. 114. 20 Karl-Heinz Everding 2002. p. 124. See also E•' trding ·s study of the history of Mangyul Gungthang. Karl -Heinz E• erdmg 2000. Da; KIJnigreicil Mang yu/ Crmg thmrg. II. pp. 41-446. ll The next several Chagatai khans were appointed by Kaidu. who controlled his khan· ate until he died. He eventually found a suit· able political successor in Barnq 's son Duwa (ruled 1282-1307). who took part in Kaidu's wars against Qubtlai Khan and his successors of the Yuan d) nasty. It was onl} after Krudu's death in 1301 that Duwa renounced his aile· giance to his successor. making pence with the Yuan dynasty and paying tributes to the Yuan COUrl. 2l 0. Czaja forthcoming. ftn. 65. 1.1 0. Czaja ·s footnote 65 adds: In the Rg)'ll • R. Vitali 1996a. p.372f.9 282 NOTES The conRicL which soon included open warfare. lasted for about two. to three years from 1288to 1290. This is in agreement with the statement made by Kun dga · rdo rje. and repealed by Dpal 'byor bzang po. saying that during the time of the three dpon chen Gzhon dbang. B}ang rdor and Ag len the Sa skya pa fought 1\ith the 'Bri gung pa (Deb therdmar po 53.19. Rgya bod yig tshang 360.17). whose terrn of office o~ can assume as 1288 for the first. ca. 1289tbe second and ca. 1290 to 1298 for the third. Furthem>or e.the remark by Bynng chub rgyal mtshan is of some interest. Having an argument with the 'Bri gung sgom pa, he stresses thai the 'Bn gung pa had forrned theor domains "ithin fi••e }ears. held for eight years. butlost1n t\\ o years (see beiO\\ ). Based on the }ear of 1290. as the assumed year of the defeat of the 'Sri gung pa. tl>is results in a terrn for tlle forrnation period from 1276to 1280. consolidation from 1280181 to 1288 and loss from 1288189 to 1290. Notably. it corresponds to the lifetime of important personalities such as 'Phngs pa. who died on 1280. and the 'Sri gung abbot Grags pa bsod nnms (1238-1286). "hose suecessor was Jo nubs a has OlOS sgo ba Rdo lje }t shes ( 1223-1293). As otis well- known. the allied forces of the 'Bri gung pa and the Stod Hor (i.e .. Chagatai) were fully defeated by the Sa skya pa and the Mongolian troops. and tl1e main seat of 'Sri gung was looted and burned down. www.dhnrma-mcdia .org/ratnashripjlthanka. html. See also: hllp://www.dhanna-media.org/ ratnashripj/. "THANKA Scanning & Touch-up Projects Prescn ing a legacy for present and & future generations" (tl1e •·ersion I consulted dated February 7. 2012). 17 R. Vitali 1996b. p. 95. ' Ibid .. ftn. 594. and the "Bri gung pa. Accordmg to the dribmg.org website (http:// www.drilune.oau. consulted May II. 2013). • D. Jackson 1996. p. 70. • 'J•g rten gsum mgon. Collected Writings. vol.4. p. 44 (11g0 22b.6): tlpo11 cfltll pO /Shu/ Tillg)'i.\ lxlag mtl:odl. And on the Newar artist: 1/w hal 1/.l'i 1/w b::n rig po'i yon /lJII plm/ du phyi11 pol b:o 'i sprul por gmgs Jlltf tlpo11 chen fJ'' ma (ti blw tiro ::.Ires b)YJ ba >P.\'1111 tlrangs nasi. Here the title dpon clten po "as g01•en to both great arusts (later the forrn "as sometimes dpon nro ell~). The author later includes tlle title (p. 12) even for smitlls and rnetal-workmg, respect· fully addressing them as contemporaneous master artists (tlfJOIIIIm lJ:;tJ flltWIS Ia :lw). On Jigten Surngon's "Single Intention" (t/Congs gt'ig) teachings. Dan Marun cites elsewhere: Liu. Kuo-wei 2002. '"Jog rten mgon po and tlle 'Single Intention' ('Dgongs gcig'): His View on Bodhis.nnvn Vow ar~d Its Influence on Medieval Tibetan Buddhism:· Ph.D. dissertation. Ann Arbor, Ml : University Microfilms. (Not seen.) See also Dan Martin 2001 b. " Unearthing Bon Treasures:· pp. 148-160.and Ronald Da•idson 2005. p.335 and note 29. INTRODU CTION ' Sec Dan Martin 2008. thos excerpt is from treasuryoRives.org of Aug. 2008: hnp:/1 www .treasuryofli vcs.orglbiographies/view/ Jigten-Gilnpo-Rinchen-Pcl/2899, consulted on Jan. 13. 2013. Besides the Blue Amw/.1. Dan Martin also referred to: Uu Kuo-wei 2001. "Jig rteo mgon po and the Single Intention (dgmrgs gcig): His Vie" on Bodhisan• a Vo" and Its Influence on Medieval Tibetan Buddhism." Doctoral drsscrtation. Harvard University; Khenpo KOnchog Gyehsen 1984. Prayer Flags: The Life 011d Spiritual Teacltiugs oj.ligteu Sumg1J11 (Ithaca: Snow Uon): Khenpo Konchog Gyeltsen 1990. The Great Kagyu Masta>: Tit~ Coltkn Lineog~ Treasury (Ithaca: Snow uon) lbiograplucal sletch on pp. 220-69): Sobisch. Jan. Ulrich 2002, Tltree· Vow 77teories i111ibell111 Bmi<lltism (Wiesbaden : Verlag). pp. 329-335: Dbon shes rab 'byung gnas 1995. Skyob Jlll'i rnam thar phyogJ lx·u (/JU gMtm mo (Dehrn Dun: · Bri gung bka · brgyud rdo lje dbyings gtsug lag slob gn}tr khang): and Ra sc dkon mchog rgya mtsho 2003. 'Bri gung skyob Jlll "jig rUtt glum mgo11 g)'i n10m tliar snying b;d1u [Brief biograph} of Jig ten Surngon] (Lhasa: lhasa bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang). bod yig tslumg tlle same plan of the Sa skya pa is reported. but in this source the statement is added that Grags pa rin chen guarded (the religious community of Gdan sa mthil). g<"rmg rg_l'lJ pos skyon~s. One might be right to assume that this is a corrupt textual transmission. gcsmg rgya 'i rtlng 'bri gung pas mntm Jllt>. As it is said by Kun dga · rdo rje ( 1309-1 364) (and also po·cserved in the Rgya IHxlyig tslwng), this situation constitutes tllc beginning of the war bet" een the Sa skya pa CHAPTE R I See Gyurme Dorje 1996, p. 212f. See also Victor Chan's descriptions of Drigung Thelin the early 1990s (V. Chan 1994. p. 553). ,., Photographs also"' ad able from: Tibet Arch11c. "drigung dzongsar and yuna monasteries:· no. 2001.59.1 5.15.1.0. On Drigung Durtrll see Victor Chan 1994, pp. 545 and 556: on Yangri Gar. ibid., pp. 553 and 561: on Drikung Tsa. ibid_ p. 561 ): and on Terdrom. ibid .• p. 344). (Chan said tllat Terdtom Monastcry. lile nearb) Drigung Thcl. were llC){ damaged much during Cultural ,. ,. "' " J2 JJ ... J5 ... J1 ... ,. .., " .., Revolution, but T he! certainly was damaged.) On p. 70.6 (35b), Kal} thog Si ru mentioned seeing at the Sra brtan rdo rje pho brang, the Drigung Tse (rTse) estate. a wonderful Lhangka painting or paintings of the dPag bsam ' khri shing cycle in an "Old Drigung Painting Style" ('bri bris mying pa). Rase Konchok Gyarsho 2004b, p. 15. menlions dordzin being appointed to the three main sacred sires (Kailash, Labehi . and Tsari) but also to sacred Lake rnTsho Ma pham and Kyirong (sKyi rong). But he asserts that numerous head lamas of far-flung Drigung Kagyu branches were appointed not from Drigung Thel but from Yangri Gar. Most or all of the posr-1650s Ladakh chojes, for instance, were lamas of Yangri Gar. Some of the most prominent even served as abbots of Yangri Gar. See ibid., p. I7ff., fo r the monastery's seventy-nine abbots. and p. J6f. for a list of its three main and nine minor lulku . A. Gruschke 2004b. p. 12 If. http://www.drikung.org/drikung.kagyu ..lineage/ main-monas re ri es/eastern-ti betl Ba ri Zla ba tshe ring, comp. 2005, p. 68. A. Gruschke 2004b. p. 70. Ibid .. p. 74. Ibid., p. 75. Ibid., p. 107. Ibid .. p. 75. Ba ri Zla ba tshe ring, comp. 2005, p. 26. Ba ri Zla ba tshe ring, comp. 2005, p. 40. Ba ri Zla ba tshe ring, comp. 2005. p. 45. According to Marc Francrois, Nyi rdzong dgon in Gapa was founded in 166 1 by Nam gsong sPrul sku dKon mchog bstan 'dzin (16171675). disciple of the firs t Chetsang Rinpoche (dKon mchog Rin chen 1590- 1656). and it became the sear of the first Nyi rdzong Khri pa Rin chen (I 632.- 1687), who became tutor of the second Chetsang Rinpoche (Phrin las bZang po 1656- 1718) in 1661. See also the Kailashzone Charitable Trust home page (http://www .kailashzone.org/pagesl lirnilphelgye.html). For a list of Ladakh Choje, see Appendix B and P. S. Jina and Konchok Namgyal 1995, p. 37. A. Bincrik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 91. See P. S. Jina and Konchok Namgyal 1999, p. 34. fig. 2.1. ss See Appendix C. " V. Chan 1994, p. 293f. and 620. S7 See: hllp://www.drikung.org/drikung-kagyulineage/main-monasterieslwestem-tibetl kailash. .. ,. 61 ., 63 .. 65 .. ..., .. .,. C. Luczanits 2005, p. 74. C. Luczanits20JJ. p. 175. See D. Jackson 2011, Figs. 1.13- 1.1 5; Cf.J. Casey Singer 1995, Figs. I I and 18. C. Luczanirs 2005, p. 87 . C. Luczanirs 2006b, p. 191. C. Luczanits 2006c, p. 469 . Romi Khosla 1979, p. 139. On Larnayuru Monastery, see also D. Snellgrove and T. Skorupski I9n: Prem Singh Jina and Konchok Namgyal 1999; and the brief article of Christian Luczanits 1999. R. Vitali, 1996a. p. 387. note 622, Jines 20-21. Ibid., lines 30-31. R. Vitali J996a, p. 420. See A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002. p. 344; and D. Jackson 2010. fig. 630. .. CHAPTER 2 Marco PaJiis was a Renaissanc·e man among travelers to Ladakh: born in Liverpool of Greek parents. he was a gifted musician. com· poser. mountaineer. translator, and a widely respected author on Tibetan Buddhism. A distinguished member of the ' 'Tf'ddilionalist" or "Perennialisr" school of comparative religious thought, his eloquenl writings focused since the 1930s on Buddhist docuine and method bur are noteworthy for thei r universalist ourlook. At age fifty-two he became a Buddhist and recei ved the name Thubten Tendrin, li v- ,. .. (including links with ancient sun worship there) have been presented by A. Vanquaille and H. Vets, 2004, ·'Lamayur u. the Symbolic Architecture of Light.'' ... R. Khosla 1979, no. 12. p. 69. A. Gruschke 2004b. p. 64. 71 R. Khosla 1979, p. 68fT. "' s; R. Vi tali I999a, p. 388. Since LoBue in his articles (LoBue 2007b and 2011 ) paraphrased in chapter I 0 cites still another version, that of 1942, I will add crossreferences as needed. 101 I could nor locate the corresponding passage in the 1948 edition. 102 M. Pallis 1939, p. 336. IO.l E. LoBue 2001. p. 211. 1.. LoBue explained, ibid., p. 212: ''Its first part is a detailed analysis of Tibet's history and of Tibetan historical sources (263 pages. with only a score of pages devoted to some artistic monuments of southwestern Tibet); the second [main part] (60 pages) deals with the evolution and character of Tibetan painted scrolls, with on! y a few pages devoted to iconography: the third [main part. in vol. 21 (286 pages) is devoted to the analysis of the plates published in a separate album, again wiLh constant references to Tibetan historical and religious sources; whereas the fourth fmain partl ( 142 pages) . .. [is a·l translation from Tibetan into English of a number ofTibetan historical Ibid., p. 69 . D. Snellgrove 2000, p. 319f. M. Pall is 1948, p. xvi. M. Pallis 1939, p. 336. See in the present catalog. Fig. 9.13 . "'., Ibid., p. 69f. Ibid., p. 70 . ., R. Vi tali i996a. p. 382 . .., R. Vitali i996a. p. 382, note 614. Marco P.all is 1939, p. 293 . "" The architecture and situation on irs site D. Jackson 2003, p. 530. baliiUindex.bimL Mimi Church and Marieue ._ Wiebenga 2008. "A four-fold Vairocana in the Rinchen Zangpo tradition at HaJji in Nepal," Asian Art, dared October 21 , 2008. ., D. Jackson 2010, p. 120. Fig. 6.27 . D. Snellgrove 2000. p. 3 J8f. hLm and hup://www.asianart.com/arLicles/ .. ., 1; bnp:;J/w~)::>Y.asia oaa.,s:unlaaj'I s:-slba Uili odt~. 9l Vitali J996a. p. 387. note 622. ing for many years in Kalimpong. Ibid . Ba ri Zla ba tshe ring, comp. 2005. p. 49. See Gyangdrak Monastery hup://www. drikung.org/drikung-kagyu-lineage/ main-monasteries/westem-libetlkailash. C. Luczanits 2006a. Fig. 4.1 0, Four-armed Mailju§rr. Three-story Temple of \Vania. R~ P. Den wood in D. Snellgrove and T. Skorupski 1980, vol. 2, p. 154. P. S. Jina and Konchok Namgyal 1999. p. 85. kagyu.lineage/main·monasteriesl wesrem·ti bel. C. Luczanits 2005 referred at this point to a contribution by Vitali to the same volume published in 2005. which I could not yet consult. " ., P. Denwood in D. Snellgrove and T. Skorupski 1980. vol. 2, p. 152. n .,. .,. C . Luczanits 2005, p. 89. R. Vitali J996a. p. 388. P. Denwood in D. Snellgrove and T. Skorupski 1980. vol. 2, p. 143. " See hnp://www.drikung.org/drikung- R. Vitali J996b, p. 95. 90 C. Luczanirs. 2011 , p. 175. R. Vitali J999a. p. 382. 1) .. ., .. .. See Roger Goepper and Jaroslav Poncar 1996, p. 216. 11 Ba ri Zla ba tshe ring. comp. 2005. p. 47. Ibid. ., ... A. Gruschke 2004b. p. 121. .u •• .. .. Ibid. ... ,, ... 52 ChiJyang The Voice of Ti!JetOfl Religion a11d Culture, no. 6 (1994), pp. 27. ~· .u " sources.:· 105 G. Tucci 1949, p. 548, notes this as thangka no. 115. plates 149 and 150 (black and white) . "'' "" "" G. Tucci 1949, p. 537. G. T ucci 1949, p. 366. Cf. a similar lineage portrayed in D. Jackson PAINTING TRAD ITIO NS OF THE ORIGUNG KA GYU SC HOOL 2.83 1996. plate 65: and G. Es..,n and T. Tlungo 1989. no. D-28-1. 100 The record of teachings rece1' ed of the Fifth Dalai Lama gives this lineage (Oalru Lama V_ Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho. lab (XI dong rg)<J che ba'i ... , voL 2, (p. l83a l: t;/wr p<l clws kyi rgyal pa_, mtl:ml pa 'i byin rltiiJs kyi cho go pad tlkar b:Juul1x• 'i 'phrenfiiH• us 0. Snellgro• e 2000, p. 123. The inte""' winter cold compelled them to Sla) most of !be time in Leh as their mam base and male only brief day trips to outl ymg sites. ... mt;/ws mtl:atl pa'i byin rlah; kyi clio go 'i ;teng 11os tlpal 'khar /o stlom fX' ·; rgynd 111/lfiOII par brjod pa 'bum pa Ia; $11111/1> pa 'i tshe dpag med lha gcig bum gcig llbt g:.tm Ia brtm pa 'i dba11g b:./1i brill rlab; A\·i 1>/ml tluthob pa 'i brgyutl pa ,;j "'-~"" pa i;he tlpag mtdl11ra gcig grub pa'i rg,WJI molti plm gsang sngags sdong pol rje ra; clnmg nlo rje grogs pol mi Ia b:hatl (XI n/a rfrlmn,m m med :Ia 'od g:ho11 mt! bde !1-'heg• Uwm; p<l n/or rgyaU 'bri gung 'jig rte11 g;um mgon/ spy(m ;ngu cho; kyi rg_1wl pa gra~> (XI 'hyung gna.J yang dgon p<1thugs tyi rtlo rjelthug; sraJ Jpyan snga rigs ltltml :.ur plwg pa riu cen tlp<ll b:angl 'ba '"' ba rgyalmt;/um tlpal b:anglgrub chen rin cen 'pheU :/111 lnmkhan d1e11 'khrul :big ts/wl khrimJ rgyalmtJium/ stu :lw11g rdo rje 'chang mkl11·en rt1b rin an mdwg grub/ rje btsun nlo rill/If)(} chen paltshar chen dws kyi rgyal pol 'jam dpal dh_rangs mkhye11 brtse'i tlhm•11 phyug Info rje 'chang dbm1g phyug rob brtwrl ri~; Aun khWJb bdag mgon pa bsod noms mchag It/ani :.11rtlwms cad mkh)·en pa chos dbyi11gs rang groU de; bdag :a hor bande Ia 'a/. A sim1lar hneage is found in the Tlrob _rig of Klong rdol Bla rna (mOo sngag; kyi dba11g lung Ahrid gsumthob p<l'i gs<m yig thor pa 'i them ;km (part 2. smad chal (ASOP file no. S6548E2). fol. 208a: 11111 gcig grub pa 'i rgyal mo 'i lug.• Ayi uhe khrid rd:ogs rim dang 'brei hll rflytll ba dge 'dun grub kyi yig c/wltar thob pa nil IIIli gcig grub (HI 'i rgyal molti p/111 g.wng -"'11"11" sdong put ras clumg rdo rje grog.v mi Ia b:)wd pa nlo rjel dwags pa :)a 'od g:.lwn nul plwg gru n/o rje rgml po/'bri gung 'jig rte11g.rummgo111 rgyal sras spyan snga rin c:h~1J! Aun m1J1yeu ull p/111 bol 'ba · ra ba rg_ml mt>ha11 dpal b:angl de JIOS dbu mapa dpa 'bon/a rjel rje blo b:ang don grub/ mkb(lJ grub clws rjel ba so clws k)i rgyal mtshanl "j<11n tlbya11g> dgt 'dun 'phtU rgyud chen bAm sllis 'phagll rg_•·ud chen bsum grub rgya moho/ rg,111d dum brbOI/ 'gru; 'phagll rgyud chm rtlo rje b:ang pal rig; lda11 songs rgya.1 r[O'llmt;hol t/~011 mdwg rgya mtslwl dkon mdWfl yar 'phe/1 lca11g ;kyo ngag dbang b/o lfol. 208b l b:ang dws ld01rl grub p<1'i dlmngphyufl blo h:a11g dw; 'd::Jnl/cang sk_w1 rol p<1 'i rtltJ rjel des lxlag ngag dbang blo b:angla 'ul. Ibid., footnote 9 . 118 Ibid., p. 278. 110 119 Ibid., p. 318f. 1,. Ill "' D. Snellgrove and T. Skorupski. \ol. 2 (1980). report in part I on SkorupsL.1's tra• cis to Zangskar. Pan D describes ca• e temples of Ladakh. "bile Pan rn pre..,nts the biogrnph) of Rinchen Zangpo. Part IV presents the temple and rock inscriptions of Alchi (b) P. Denwood). 113 D. Snellgrove and T. Skorupski, vol. I. p. xvi. 114 On p. 20. footnote 18, Petech told Snellgrove and Skorupski that Drigung Jigten Sumg<ln's name was mentioned in the Lud(lkh Roral History. La dwogs rgyal rabJ (Francke\ ed, AntiquiJies. voL 2. p.36,1ine 10). Rase Konchok G}atsho 2QO.Ib. p. 6. These Ibid., p. 325. P Pal 1982. p. 22f. P. Pal 1982 cites, in fooLnoto 3 1. both B. C. O lschak and G. T. Wangyal 1973. pp. 50-51: and H. (Stoddard) Kam>ay 1975. pp. 41--42. "" P. Pal 1982. p. 34. ID 0. Jackson 20 I 0, p. 27 _ hneal cle=nt starting from top left. .,. ISO 152 Ibid., pp. 22-24. lil ... 136 recent srudy of the Alehi mumls: P-JI 1982b. 131 P. Pal 1983, p. 136. 132 Ibid .. P14, "Life of Milarepa." ll3 Cf. G. Tucci 1949. the erroneous Drukpa ideotification of plates 40-41. .... ,., 1.37 P. Pali969, flg.l3.pp.6 1 and 135. IJB G. Seguin 1977 (French version (, pp. 22 and 95: see also G . Btguin 1977. Gem1an version. p. 22 and 95; cat. no. 57. IJ9 See H. Richardson'" P. Pal 1983. p. 260. ... '"' The full saying. as repeated by H.H. Orikung Chetsang Rinpochc (interview Hamburg. December 7, 199-1) was: khums bris 1111111 pa rub (XI 'drtt!l 'ilri bri; 110111 mkha 'longs pa 'drol/1/-_\'f! ri; ll,l'i ma ;/wr ba 'droll. ''Here the colors of (the background )~apes of) the non-0 ..,hool of Kharn arc described as ha• mg been compara~•cly dark and muted. as after darl.ness has fallen." bile those of the two 0-dlstrict trad1llons were lighter. Those of the 'Sri bns \\-ere. ho\\ever relative!} thin and faint. like the colors at dawn. while those of the g.Ye ris (orE bris) wert brighter and more intense. as n.ftc:r sunrise:· In lhis connection. it is interesting to compare the saying of Wangchuk (dBang phyug} of Ladakh (interview Leh. July 3 1. 1977). who similar! y chamcterizod the main Menri (sMan ris) painting tradition of the whole of 0 province in central Tibet. in contrast with his own Tsangri style: "The color of 0 is like dawn: the color of Tsang IS like dw.k" (db•u gi tshon 11i sft)·a mda' 'droll g1.1a11g gi tsiiOIIIIi sa rub 'droll). W..ngchuk had studled (10 about the late 1960s or earl) 1970s?) under Pasang. an old master of the Tash1lhunpo tradJtion. "'' A~ang listically with the Bntish Museum's thanoka depicting Padmasambh.wa "ith Consorts" published in John Lowry 1973. cover and p. 63. no. 26. H. Stoddard 2008, p. 16. 1<2 Acarya Nga"ang Samten 1986. thangkas ownber I and 2. ... Acarya Ngawang Samten 1986. p. 12. 1-" Cf. Hwee Lie Blthaut. "An Interview with Lionel Fournier," Orie/1/atiun.l. vol. 32. no. I (January 200 I). pp. 68-75. 145 See D. Jackson 2002. p. 164. 146 R. Goepper 1996. p. 18. ,., ll>id .. p. 16. The 'Bri flllllfl lug; or 'Bri bris. a painting Sl) le eulu• ated at the monastery of Origung and also at eertam other monasteries of the Ongung Kag) u secL 1S mentioned by Kal) thog Situ, p. 62.5 (31a)." ho saw at Yang ri sgar that conta1ned pruntings by early artists of the Origung art tmd1tion. 161 H. H. Orikung Chetsang Rinpoche. interview. Hamburg. December 7. 1994. See also M. Rhie and R.Thurman 199 1. pp. 60 and 250. 1-10 H.(Stoddardl Karmay 1975. p. 42. ... M. Rhie and R. Thurman 1999. p. 55. 1-" bsTan 'dzin(>.1dma rgyalmtshan. Nges don. p. 40L w Ibid_ p. 150. Pal also compar<d the M1larepa painting Sl)'· See uu. Yis1 ed. 1957. Xi:ang fojiao yishu (7ibeum Budtlltbt Art(. (Beijing: Wenwu cbuColumbia U libr:lt)': hnp:l/clio. banshe). cul.col umb1a .edu: 70 18/vwebvlholdingslnfo?s earchld=5923&recCount=50&recPointer=O& bibld=380361 0. 1-"' D. Jackson 1996. pp. 338-343. P. Pal 1983, p. 148. "" Ibid_ p. 250. cr. Ibid_ p. 40. the mnth com ention. Pal also referred in footnote 13 to his own M. Rhie and R. Thurman 199L p. 60: ilL 251. us Ibid .. p. 52. 129 P. Pal 1983, p. 116. LlO A Origung histoncal source mentioned the building of Lamayuru by Origung Lingpa Sherab Jungnc then. as discussed by R. Vitali 1996a, p.382. '" R. Goepper 1996. p. 19, L. Petech 1978, p. 324f. "' SeeM. Pablke 2012, p. 28. 111 C. Copeland 1980. fig. 92. Koel z collcc~on no. 17490. Ibid .. p. 319f. three main dord2in were appointed by Rincben PhUntshok while still abbot. Else" here in the same book Rase Konchol. G)atsho menlions (p. 15) dordbn bemg appointed to tho.., three locations. plus to mTsho Ma pham and Kyirong (sKyi rong). "' "' "' ,., Ibid_ p. 217. Ibid .. p. 278. II? dang Jhauu· cad m.khyen pa tlge 'thm rgya '"" Ibid_ also d1scussed on p. 2181L Rinpoche, London. December. 1984. This nsscrtion came in a ~ riuen statement shared w1th me in 1994 by Mr. Ngawang Tsering of Nyurln. 1-'dakh. 16< H.H. Drikung Chetsang Rinpochc, interview, Hamburg, December 1994. Other noteworthy painters who nourished at Drigung in the midtwemieth century were the painters (lha bris) Zla ba. Chos blMg. and Chos Jje. "'' 166 167 H.H . Drikung Che!Sang Rinpoche, interview. Hamburg, December I 994. I referred for instance to the two golden thangkas in Ngawang Samten 1986. pp. 16 and 18. C. Harris 1999. 168 Ibid .. p. 68f. 169 Ibid .. p. 68f. "" E. LoBue 2001. p. 214. who then cited D. Jackson 1996. p. 339. CHAPTER 171 111 17l 3 C. Luczani ts 1998, p. 152. C. Luczanits 1998. p. 152f. C. Luczanits 1988.1n footnote 10 he sums up Lhe existing research or photo.documentation on all those sites by such researchers as R. Khosla 1979. G. B~guin and L. Fournier 1986. and Charles Genoud 1982. I" G. B~guin and L. Fournier 1986, p. 153. 115 C. Luczanits 1998. p. 153. 176 177 Ibid .. pp. 154-156. Ibid., p. 155f. "" Ibid .. pp. 156-159. 179 C. Luczanits 2002, p. 123, frn. 16. '"' Ibid., p. 124. 181 Ibid., p. 116, fln. I. I" Ibid., pp. 223 and 224. 199 Ibid., pp. 226- 324. 200 lOI Ibid .. p. 325ff. D. Jackson 2003, Figs. 2 and 3. ,.."" D. Jackson 2005, p. II Of. e "" "" ""' ""' Ibid., p. 112. Ibid .. pp. 149- 151. P. Pal et al. 2003. no. 128. Ibid .• p. 68. Stoddard refers again in her footnote 30 to the history by Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen. and also to her own nearly contemporaneous article, H. Stoddard 2003b. pp. 90f and 95. H. Stoddard 2003b, pp. 32. Ibid .. p. 17. Donald Dinwiddie ed. 2003, no. 46, p. 192. also referred to an image in G. Essen and T. Thingo 1989, val. 1-84. p. 140, saying. '1t is reputed to follow a 12th/13th century model of the master (Jigten Sumgon?) made in his lifetime:· But I was unable to trace any dis- cussion in Lhe passage of Essen and Thingo's book that Dinwiddie referred to. 182 Compare C. Luczanits 2006c. p. 471, who said: "Further, the later depictions considered here, such as that at Wanla, demonstrme that similar compositions were produced on into the 14th century. For the western Himalayas, it may well be that the lineages depicted are those of local hierarchs [dordzin l at Mount Kailash.") 183 A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 6711. IOl Ibid., p. 325ff. 1&5 Ibid., p. 67. 186 Ibid., p. 69. 187 .. Ibid., p. 90. , Ibid .. p. 91. 1&9 Ibid., p. 116. "" Ibid. Those names are also found among the artists who painted other pans of the Tashi CMdzong. according to LoBue 2007a: cf. the list of names given by Prem Singh Jina 1999. Some Mouasreries. p. 7. 216 1.! A Binczik and R. Fischer 2002. p. 147. K. Selig Brown 2004, p. 40. m P. Pal et al. 2003. no. 132. "' Ibid., p. 291. ll4 A. Heller 2005, p. 6. liS Ibid., p. 3. Ibid, p. 4. m C. Luczanits 2011. p. 176. 2.!8 C. Luczanits 2004, p. 291. "" Ibid. 2.00 C. Luczani ts 2004. p. 292. Ul Ibid., p. 153. "" "" "" ,.., Ibid., p. 292. ,.,. C. Luczanits 2005. p. 73. Ibid. Ibid .. p. 74. Ibid. U1 Ibid, p. 76. ,... Ibid .. p. 86. m Ibid., p. 87. ,_., Ibid., p. 89. C. Luczani ts 2006a. p. 82f. 211 Ibid., p. 50. 252 Ibid., p. 83. 2:18 Ibid .. p.51. Ibid., p. 87. 219 Ibid .• p.51f. '" "" To ··examine evidence for a Drigung style'" '-" See Cyrus Steams 200 I, p. 26ff. was not exactly what I meant to do in Jackson 2002. I wanted to present in translation an interview with Lhe sole known surviving Drigung Kagyu artist in Ladakh. who himself incidentally asserted many times the existence of a Driri style. I did also list in a final appendix the publislred examples of Drigung Kagyu paintings of different s tyles and periods then known to me. The entry HAR 81411 (accessed April2013) describes K. Selig Brown 2002, plate 8, but provides no image. m K. Selig Brown 2004, plates 6, 7, and 8. 2ll D. Klimburg-Salter 2004, p. 52. "' D. Klimburg-Salter 1982. pl. Ill. lli D. Klimburg-Salter 2004, p. 52. 1.'6 Ibid. Ibid., p. 149. Ibid., p. 154. 1.. Ibid .. p. 156ff. 1.5 Ibid., p. 195. hierarchical structure embodied a political symbolism. saying that the Kagyu lamas of that time were "particularly active in pro- 1.. Ibid .. repeated on pp. 207 and 209. pagandizing through images a lheocr-atic Ibid .. pp. 211 - 221. 231 151 193 1., Ibid. D. Klimburg-Salter 2004. p. 49. 121 1.1 2.!0 Ibid., p. 197. Ibid., p. 90f .. ftn. 16. 21.5 Ibid .. p. 39. ,,. 211 li.J ll9 D. Jackson 2012, chapter 7. pp. 145-155. H. Stoddard 2003a. p. 64. 213 K. Selig Brown 2004. plates 6, 7. and 8. Ibid .• p. Ill f. 210 212 "" Cf. K. Trapper 2007. 202 ,.. sculptural art: Anna Marie Quaglioni 1998, BuddlwpadtiS (Kamakura). ,_,., Ibid., p. 53, also thought the first painting's political model." She also refers to a book on Buddha footprints in Indian Buddhist 255 C. Luczanits 2006b. p. 187. L~ Ibid .. p. 188. 257 Ibid., p. 191. ,. C. Luczanits 2006c. p. 471 IT. '-" Ibid., p. 474ff. le<l Ibid., p. 470. 261 Ibid., p. 470f. 162 .. ,.. , 265 C. LuczaniiS 2004, p. 253. dKon me hog bsod nams 1980. val. 3, pp. 90-93. dKon mchog bkra shis 1995, pp. 664-71. The Tibetan sources Trapper cited here were dKon mchog bkra shis 1995. ''G.yung drung thar pa gling." in "Jam dbyangs rgyal mtshan ed. 1980. dGon rabs kun gsal nyi snang I The History of Ladakh Monasteries. (Leh. Ladakh: All Ladakh Gonpa Soeiery). pp. 633- 90: and dKon mchog bsod nams 1980. La dwags dgon pa mams kyi lo rgyus padma'i phreng ba I A History of the Various Religious Establishments of Ladakh called "A Rosary of Lotuses," vols. 2 and 3 (Bir, H.P.: D. Tsondu Senghe). PAINTING TRAD ITI ONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 2.85 ,.. ,., "" .. , ,. '" A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002. pp. 326-333. K. Tropper 2007. p. Ill. 11 3 yab 1.-yi drin lan gsob phyir lha gang rim bzhin bzhengs II 114 nyo= stag lung =du spur khang steng du yang II 115 me hod rten bzhtngs nas mchod pa 'i nta shi btsugs II. K. Tropper 2007. p. 110. I explained Ibis term in D. Jackson 1987. p. 115. fln. 12. ,.,, LoBue cites !his in 2007a as the article: '"The Guru lha kbang at Phyi dbyang: A Mid-15th cenruryTemple in Central Ladalh." w hi ch later appeared in A. Heller and G. Orofino eds. 2007, Discoveries in IVestem 'Tibet om/the IVestem Himalaya> Ithe Oxford PlATS volume] (Lciden: Brill). pp. 175- 196. In footnote 12 he gives this inscription: .1tyob 'jig rren mgon po Ia na 1110 mdwg d11.1 gs11m mas bslwr ba Ia 11a mall 'dti dba11g gi tlpo11 lob lr •.cmg don 'grub kyi> bri>l. IIK'hog (best) is a misspelling for pllyog• (d•rec!Jon). "hieh should be foliO\\ ed b) bc·11 (ten). Lt .. phyogs ben dus gswn mu. G. Tucci 1949. p. 275. Jl8 M. Kerin 2008. chapter4, p. 149ff. "' ,.. M. Kerin 2008. p.9 Jl9 Cf. D. Jackson 20 I I. figs. 4.9 and 4.17. Ibid .. p. 170. C. Luczanits 2009. p. 134ff. JOO R. Vitali 1996a. p. 501. "" "' JOI Kerin (2008) refers. p. 173.to the gap in the local histontal record noted b) both Petech and Vitali during !he Yuan period as high!) signifieanL but gaps 111 the record are not as m Ibid .. p. 141ff. ID 0. CzaJa 2006. p. 33. ill Ibid .. p. 34. J15 Ibid .. p. 33. J,. Ibid .. p. 35. Jl7 Ibid., p. 39. J"' Ibid ., p. 40. J19 0. CzaJa 2010. p. 201. JJO Ibid .. p. 198ff. JJI Ibid .. p. 202ff. lJl lb•d - p. 2m. JJJ Ibid .. p. 222ff. "" ''" 1'92 ,., ,.. ,.. ,.,"" ,. A. Bmczik and R. Fischer 2002. p. 116: and "'' D. Jackson 2002. p. 81. Ker~n rna) ha• c been too literally follo•Hng !he reman. of Klimburg-Salter 200-1 (p. 52. "ho said that I examined in m) article of 2002 ""e\ldtncc for the Drigung St)le"). Kerin lhus apparently o' erlooked lhe earlier discussion of Drigung painting in my History of'TiiH'tall Pai111i11g. though she cites the book in her bibliography. See D. Jackson 1996. pp.338-343. ,., .... .., .. .,. "" 1ti I could not find any mention of Ladakh m Klimburg-Salter 's article. ,.. "" M. Kerin 2008. pp. 87-89. But for classifications of styles. it would have been more germane for Kerin 2008to discuss his other articles o n early Drigung paintings, such as Luczanits 2006a and 2006c-which she lists in her bibliography but does not go into in Lhis context. 2.86 SOTES Sec G. Tucci 1949. p. 339ff. no. 10, plates 8-12: and D. Jackson 2011. fig. 3.16. ''Tsongkapa wilh Two Kadam Lineages:· M. Kerin 2008. p. 156. Ibid. C. Luczanits. 1998. p. 152. M. Kerin 2008. p. 160. Ibid .. p. 161. Ibid .. p. 162. qUO!es 0. Khmburg-Salter 1997. Tabo. pp. 226f. Ibid .. p. 158. lbtd .. p. 140. ..... Ibid .. p. 237ff.. under "Fragments." See !he summaries of western Tibetan style names in Christian Lucznnits 1998a. p. 152f.. "Naming Early Westlibctan Painting Styles'': C. Luczanits 1998b, p. 226ff., ''Early Westem Himalayan ~'!ointing Styles"; and too recently for Kerin. C. Luczanits 2009. his revi sion of the "Styles in Western Himalayan Art.'' pp.134-145. See also C. Luczanits 2004. Jl5 0. Czaja 2010. p. 262. J,. Ibid., p. 273. JJ7 Ibid .. p. 231. JJ8 D. Jackson 20 II. p. 136. JJ9 0. Czaja 2010. p. 233. 312 M. Kerin 2008. pp. 114. 160. 163. et passim. "" D. Jackson 2011. p.68. JIJ D. KJimburg-Salter 1998. p. 2. -'" 0. CzaJa 2010. p. 266. M. Kerin 2008. used that term on p. 158 and else,. here. JO Ibid .. p. 246. note 80. J<l Ibid .. p. 234. See also D. Jackson 2011. p. 138: and C. Sttants 2001. p. 27f. J.. C. Stearns 200 I. p. 60. J45 0. Czaja forthcoming. J ... C. Luczanits 20 10, p. 282. J-17 Cf. 0. Czaja 2006. p.40. Fig. 19. l'8 D. Jackson 1999. p. 144. JIO G. Tucci 1949. p. 275. 311 existence without providing visual docu- M. Kerin 2008. p. 86f. Ibid .. p. 149. C. Luczanits 2009. p. 144f. Sec C. Harris 1999, p. 68f. Kerin concludes that in Jackson 20021 invcnt'-d the style's mentation. Yeti did publish several Drigung Kagyu-related thw•gkus in Jackson 1996 (Figs. 188-192 and Pl. 64) andJacl..son2005. my article on Ladakbi prunting (Jaclson 2005. Figs. 9-11 ). M. Kerin 2008. p. 126. 30J 31); See Binczik and Fischer 2002. p. 95. and Lo Bue 2007a. fig. 3. R. Vitali 1996a. p. 528. D. Jackson 2010. Fig. 7.29. pp. 156-160. m Ibid., p. 2. Ibid .. p. 54 and ftn. 15. L. Petech 1980. "Ya tse. Gu gc Pu rang." pp. I(}.If. Jill m E. LoBue 2007a. p. 114. ""' "" ,., M. Kerin 2008. in footnote 6. significant as sut\'i\ ing accounlS. Prem Singh Jina and Konchok Namgyal 1995. M. Kerin. 2008, p. 25f. M. Kerin 2008 >a)S (p. 113. note 24): ""Due to a lack of photographic t\•idenct, I cannot bring lhe painting of Ph> i dbang 's Gong kbaug into !his discussion." But relevant murals of lhe Phyang Gonkhang were already published in Binc1jk and Fischer 2002 (which she cited in her bibliography). name and strcssed lhe crucial role of Ibis lama. "hom he tails ChoJC Denma Kunga Drakpa. M. Kerin 2008 dtd not use lhe an-historical article of Rase Kbnchok Gyatsho. the prominent Drigung historian. (She cites in her bibliography one of his writings, his large Drigung Kagyu history of 2004, as a source on !he names of the Drigung abbots.) She did interview him in u,asa about the identitica. lion of names in her Nako parliallineage. Though she laments that there are no journals of "Himalayan art." there do exist journals on libellln art m the Tibetan language. The article b) Rase Konchok G) atsbo on Drigung Kag) u an "as pubhsbcd m one such journal: Bod IJongs sgyu rtsal 2hib 'jug [Tibetan Art Studltsl. "htch has tables of contents in Clunese and Enghsh at !he back.Anolher omission g" en her politieallhemes was Elliot Sperling·s two articles on Drigung gompa or sixteenlh/;eventeenth century developments. the second of which was relevant for her period. See E. Sperling 1987 and 1992. pll ,. M. Kerin 2008. p. 112. Jl7 See C. Luczauits 2002. plate 35: I published it as D. Jackson 2010. fig. 630. dating it to "1300-1350" following C. LucZMtiS. m K. Tropper 2007. p. 127. m E. LoBue 2007a. p. 105. '" "" "" ... liS C. Luczanits 1998a. p. 153. Jlo See L Petech 1978. p. 324. Kerin suggests !hat an imponantlantn. whom she keeps referring 10 as .. I Dan ma:·-a place name-may have played an importanl role. She describes him correctly as a "charismatic 'Sri gung pa monk.'' Later she mentions that the lama in question "may have"led a "short-lived Drigung revival.'' Yet Petech gave the full '" .,. C. LuczanilS 2010. p. 283. Ibid .. p. 283 . J$1 See D. Jad..son 1999. p. 143. \1 here I cite a hneaac from the Fifth Dalai Lama's record of teachings rece.. ed for th.s trnduion. "' See R. M. Da' 1dson 2005. pp. 74f.. and 2700. m 0. Czaja 2010. p. 246. n<Xe 80. .... G. N. Roench trans. 1949-1953. p. 556 . m lbrd .. p. 557. "" Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation of Alexander Schill<r. "Die Vier Yoga Stufen" (Hamburg Un1versity. 2009). p. 25-a revised version of which is fonhooming in the Contributions to Tibttru1 Studies series and which I cited in D. Jackson 20 II. note 381.) "' "" , .. ,.,"" ,., ..., .... .... On Aro sec R. Davidson 2005. p. 75. R. A. Stein 1972. p. 73. The book's four marn chapters are listed by R. David;on 2005. p. 388. n<Xe 6-1. See also TBRC.org: P8333:Theg pa chen po'i mal 'b) or Ia 'jug pa '1 thabs b)e brag ru 'byed pa. bKa · rna shrn tu rgyas pa (Kah !hog); W25983. 22 fols. (pp. S-48).1 Kah thog mKhan po ·Jam db)angsi.IChengdul. ( 19991; and Slob dpon a ro }<shes 'b)ung gnas l)i to rgyus. bKa' rna sh1n tu rg}a> pa (l..ah thog); W25983. 14 fols. (pp.321-348). (Kah !hog mKhan po •Jam db)angsi.IChcngdul.l1999]. "" '" .... m lbrd .. The Blue Annals. m !he index to 1ibetan bool titles mentions on p. 988. A ro khrid mo m Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2001. p. 43. 380 Ibid. ..., .l8.l .... .... .... "' nJ Rase Konchol. Gyatsho 200 I. m GangsiJOilgs Sl)tS ma'1 to rgyus Sp)i bshad. pp. 1-3 m In November 2013. a b1ographicm sketch of Ra>c Konchok G)atsho posted on !he zhib ·jug, 200 1. no. 1: 6S-70;and "Gangs scng dang gangs g.yag gi bzo rig sgyu rtsal gyi dngos gnas rin thang bs.am g2higs.~' Bod ljongs sgyu rtsal zhib ·jug. vol. 2004. no. I, pp. 88-94. ,.. )<) !bid.. gdan rahs n)cr lnga pa rje 'phnn las bzang pos mkhyen lugs k}i rg} un 'bri gung du blangs nas skyes rabs sogs bris !hang mru1g du bzhengs/. Ibid .. gdan rabs surn cu pa'i dus kyi dbu chen ga !dig gi lag nsal ni mkhyen lugs dang sgar lugs 'bri lugs gsum 'dus kyi rgyun yin pa ni khong gi phyag bstar gyi bris thang n1arns su gsa! por mthong thub tal. "" Ibid .. gos sku'i lag nsal yang gzhan g)i bzo rgyun dang mi 'dra ba zhig yod cing I mchod nen gyi bzo bkod yang thig sogs khyad par yod pa zhig dar ·dug/ 'jun bzo dang ras bse sogs Ia yul gru so sor khyad chos mi ·dra ba yod pa bzhin ' dir yang de ltar }od lyang re re nas brjod kyis mi tangs bas zhib cha l..ho bos l<'bri gungchos 'byung>du bl.od pa !tar )ID I dptr na gdan rabs bcu drug pa rgyal dbang kun dga · rin chen gyis bkm shiS sgo mang che shosshig bzhengs pa'• bzodpon 'bri gune mang ra ba rdo rje rg)al mtshan }In pa dang/. (Some of lhcst details he S3} s he has" riuen about in his Religious Htstory of Dngung.) .... rtsal skor gleng ba:• Bod ljongs sgyu rtsal Rase KOo<:hok Gyatsho 2001. p. 43: &dan rabs Ibid .. mkhyen lugs kyi rjes nas sgar gsar rnying gi rgyun yang dar tshul rab byung bcu bzlll 'i nang bris pa · i thang ka las rtogs thub par snangl. 4 art o r artistic symbolism by the same aulhor are: "'Bri gung bka' brgyud k-yi khyad chos bkra shis sgo mang mchod rten gyi bzo'i sgyu ,... Ibid .. oyer drug pa don grub chos rgyal gyJS bde mchog bios bslangs sogs bzhengs shing I da lta'i bar du 'bri gung gi ri mo'i rgyun gnas pa ni shes gsaJ !tar yin tal. Ibid .. gdan rabs so lrrga pa :/1i ba 'i blo grw kyi phyag drung 'bar bani sor ma'i •gyu Rase dKon mchog rgya mtsho 1995. " ' Bri gung b~a · brgyud k-yi bka · nags cod pan rn1hong grol sgom zhwa•j mam bshad." Sod ljongs nang bstan, vol. 17, 1995. no. I: 97-107. Dan Martin kindly referred me to this source and Tashi Tsering helped me get a copy. Two other articles treating religious Cf. Dung dkar Blo bzang phrin las 2002. p. 346 and 649. who lists tl•em and what !hey symbolize: I. glru1g chen (slobs): ri dwa&s (snying rje). 3. chu snn (chos rna 'dres). and 4. bya khyung (srung ha rna 'drts pa). .l88 C. Lucum IS 2006c. p. 483 . CHAPTER ,., Jigten Sumgon. Zab chos. quoted by Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2001. p. 42: thub pa Ia sogs pa phyi'i sku bri ba Ia yang I gdan khri drnns na 'khor gyi gnya· ninon pa'i skyon yod I de bas tshad dang !dan par bya'o/ rgyan rnarn bzbi med na yon tan rni · byung bas tshad dang Idan par bri I. nyer bzhi pa rje blsun cbos grags ni ng gnas kun Ia mkhas shing bris 'burt!} 1 ph) ag n.saJ rmad du byung bas zhaJ dkar g) I mlhilla dl) 11 'khor sgo rdzogs ri mOl' bns pa Itar rdultshon bkod pa sogs dang/. R. Ernst20 13. p. 64 . A. Heller 1999. no. 55: P. Paled. 2003, fig. 128: R. Ernst 200 I, p. 904; and D. Jackson 2011. Rg. 5.13. J91 lb1d, nye dus miJUJt1 chm nor bu '1/)'tll mblratl gyis 'bri gang gi snga mo 'i brko :0 'i '1/)'lltl g:/1ir b:;rng IUJS 'dra ris kyi '1/_¥1111 ph)ug b:/1es nllf:;1d pll sogs re re nas mi fangs par mchW. JOI Ibid .. quoted on pp. 46-48. 0. Czaja 20 I0, p. 23 1. Rt: P. Pal 2003. Fig. 128. Per Sorensen and Sonam Dolma 2007 10 their book Rare Texrs from1iber: Sl'\·en Sourre> for rhe &c/esiaslil' Hisrmy of Medi..,·a/1iber (Lumbini: URI). p.3171T.. hstlhe otlcs 1n this colleetion. On Jampa Tsheten. see C. Harris 1999. p. SOff. C. Luc£anits 20 I 0. p. 305. R. Ernst 200 I, p. 904 . N<Xe !hat !he foregoing account as posted online was composed b) Venerable Khcnchen Konchog Gyaltshen Rinpoche. January 2007. ..,. G. N. Roench trans. 1949-1953. p. 999 . when he saw it. .... .... ..,. Samten G. Karmay 1988. p. 209. mind: on p. 534. A ro 'i gdams pa (a Dzokchen n1ethod) together with the spungs skor (a text of the N) ingma): on p. 534, A ro'i rgyud chung gi lung; and p. 1001. A ro'i !beg chen n1al 'byor. Ati§a is said to have liked this book ,., Drikung_teachers.h!miGampoO~enga. Ibid .. p. 1005. che-a Nyingma instruction on the muure of .... index.tlht1ltomtlQntnll~2•ll'Dil11121il~l.=vi'"· See also hnp:llbome.s\\ ipnet.se/ralnaShri/ G. N. Roerich trans. 1949-1953, pp. 999- 1000. Ibid .. p. 126. rrsal/amkhas pa nus 'bru 'i >/eng du/ha sku gsa/ rd:og> >II bkod rlmb cing I nyin rer t1yin rlrm1g re b:/1engs rlmb pa :hig yin Ia I klrong gi ri mo 'i rgyun Ia I hun tnong ma ~·U1 pa ·; Lhytul chm, nllmg pa ldtm yod I pir bead ni Ira cang phra mo 11mgon tsam :lrig las med cing yid dbtmg 'phrog pa :hig yod pa ni klrong gi phyag bsrar gyi :halrhang da Ira sprr hreng '1/)'ll :hing du b:hugs pa las rrogs rhub pa dang/. drikungkagyu.org site was also avrulable under his Dharma name of Dagpo Chenga Rinpoche: bnp:lll!!'l!'ll.dri~uo~ka~):llllriJI ... ,., '"' .. , Ibid .• p. 102. The "long-eared" hat of Jowo Je Ati5a must refer to a pundit hat (pan zhu) wilh long ear flaps. Set D.Jackson 2011. fig. 2.17. I do not lnO\I \\hat the ''hat wilh umbrella ~kes" (gdugs nsibs rna) of Panchen lya§rfhhadra was. He is not normally depiCted "caring a hat. (Cf. D. Jackson 2011. figs. 1.1 and 12.) If !he hat \\'as umbrella-like he rna) be referring to an earl) broad. widenm hat type found in >ery early paintings of 1ibttan lineal lamas (and worn by total lamas m the earhest Akhi murals). See D. Jackson 2011. figs. 124 and 125, which I suspeet m1ght renectlhe usage of early central tibetan follm•ers of the Eastern Vina)a traditions. Rase dKon mchog rgya mtsho 1995. p. 104. Ibid .. p. 105. Ibid .. p. 106. Gegn Lama 1983. vol. 2, p. 120, figs. 2-4. ""' The ACI P image of Lama Zhru1g comes from an "illustrated" As!aslihasrika (brGyad sto ng pa) Prajilap.~ramit>1 Sutra xylograpbed (II Lhasa by Dingriwa Chokyi Gyaltsban ( 1897-1956?). ''" ..., !translated it in D. Jackson 2009. p. 40. and note 167. quoting Situ and Belo. vol. I. p.447. .... Chos grags rgya mtsho. Co/leered IVrirings. vol.4 (nga). fol. 98a. I found these technical terms relating to hats: p.l95.line6:mrha'imu 'brel(horderoflhe edge?) 'gag bLriJ <= 'khrid) thor mor (conbnuousl}) rgy1m mi 'rhad pa _vod pa: p. 196. hne 4: mrha'i mu 'brei (border of the edge?) nm khy1mg gshog gn_,·is gyen du '1/YD je cher md:;ul pa: p. 197.1ine 3: kf1y1mg gshog gnyis dan~ dar sna bcu: p. 197.1ine 4: klrym1g gslrog gnyi> liyi dbus su dpral1ndangs nrd:ad pu: p. 197: n;yan rkud L'yi re mig b:hi: p. 198. hne I: :/nm 'i g:hi 11111 klra mdog gcig klro 1111r PAINTING TRAO t TlONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL 287 byed pa. klryung g>lrog gnyiJ. gdong gi re ·, mig b:Jri,[l-,l'liJ g.yon gyi dor mt>lrarr brga: and p. 20 I. lrne 1: g>lrog gi rgymr rlwd bcu dmgl :JrMYJtlmr gnyi>l dt.lf mllhon bculgdong gi Tg)Ylll rLtd b:Jril. khyad 'phags las Ihan drub bzang nges bcu/ gshin rje sogs shin tu mang ngol. ••• Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2004b, p. 38f. "" G. Tucci 1970. p. 124. fig. 7 (b). Mr. Dan Manin lindly referred me to this important hat discussion wtth illustrations. "" D. Jaclson 2009. figs. 1.8 and 932b. upper right. ..,. SeeE.Speriing 1987.p.52.Appendix L Sperling reproduces three lists of sgom pa (all three listrng Rin eben rdo rje as no. 12. CHAPTER) .r.;o a ., The special grouping of adepts helped C. LuczanilS recognize a number of earl) Drigung Kagyu paintings. See C. LucZ...'lnils 2006a. p. 82 and note 26. 421 "' Ibid .. p. 68. '" Stoddard. ibid .. refers in note 30 again to 'Bri gung bsTan 'dLin Padrna'i rgyal rntshan." pp. 90fand 95. ' 11 'Bn gung bsTan 'dzin Padma't rg)al mtshan. p. 95: rje rryid kyi >An/ rgya gar lima 'khml met/ d:Jri AJimtslw gser rorr da11g li dmor uha g>er cwrlli dwr Ia b dn11.1r gyi phra 'd:;ud em• >Og> 'go' :JIIIfl n.qe> par yod pa )'in no/. "' Rase Konchol G) atsho 200 I. p. 43: spyan snga mqar 1yiJ t:IJO> rje okyob pa rrga 'dra mo b:Jrmg< pa dmrg I de Ia dper bgyis nos skyob Jll.l hor •Au pad sAar nwtlrog mar b:Jrengs pa ni rje >tyob pa ·; >A)Yl'i b)'atf tlbyibs ji Ito ba b:hengs yod Jll.l yin/a/ hor sAu yitr tslratl dre dmng mi 'tfrtt yang b)Ytd dbyibs b:o bAatl gcig gyur red/ de IIIIJ >lob brgyrttf TII<JIIIJ >II bri> 'brtr gyi riiJ·rm dar rg)m AyiJ 'bri gmrg the/ du plryir sgo mung me/rod Jdorrg lng<t dang llw klw gdan .Ill the/ dn bAra >hi> sgo nKmg mehod 1d011!1 btlmt b:lterrg> Jll.l .1ogs yin 'dug mod I pltyil Jll suga ma ·; rgyun 11_\'WIIJ tlamJ .111 plryin )'(}t/ Jll.l red I. -"'II" '" Kathok Situ. p. 53-53 (27n-b): smtJn g.1ar myinN las .\mmt mying czmg 'tlralx1r Jmmgl. <~• Ibid .. p. 62.5 (3 1n): bktJ · brgyrul gser 'plrreng 11111 klumg du tlumg sgtJm bco lngllmmg 'bri gmrg lug.< .IIIJ:OII gyi llw b:o plrul gyur tslron llrtltmg.f da I=tiel 'tfrll 'ong tfku 'ba 'i grasl. '" The entire passage from Kathok Situ. p. 6256: yang ri'i bka' brgyud gser phreng lha khang du thang sgarn bco lnga nang 'bri gung lugs sngon gyi lha bzo phul gyur tshon mdangs de 'dra 'ong dka' ba 'i gras/ rin chen phun tshogs 'khrungs rabs/ dus gsurn sangs rgyas rna zhal !hang bcu g>um/ gnas bcu lnga tsbar/ bka' brgyad thang nag tshon rdzogs gser ma bcu gcig bde mchog !hang chen/ gong las lha bzo cung zhan 'lhrung> rabs/ dus gsurn sangs rgyas rna dang I yang bla' brg}ad cha gcig dpag bsam 'lhn shtng zhtb cha che nges n)er lnga/'bri gung sl)Obl. pa nn po cbc't slyes rabs e bris nyi shu/'bn lues bka' brg)ud gser phreng nyi shu/ sangs 'l!) as stong slu beu/tsbc dpag stong slu bcu/ darn chos dgongs pa ) ang 7ab thnng La bdun/ ·dLam gltng 'l!) an drug gos 288 NOTES For the typical m7ga-king form, see 'Jigs med chos kyi rdo rje 200 I, p. 1216. The same author explains the six backrest animals as symbolizing the Six Perfections (p/urr plryi11 drug). Seep. 1201 on the backrest of a buddha with its six animals. E. Speritng 1987. p. 34 and note II. "' K. Seltg Bro" n 2002. p. 40. "" HAR 81410 gi\cs a description of Selig Bro" n 2002. plate 7. but no image. .w HAR 81411 gives a description of Selig Brown 2002. plate 8. but no image. "" Compare D. Jackson 1999. Figs.43.4.4and 4.6. "" 0. Jackson 1999. p. 73. "' R.Sakaki ed. 1916and 1925. numbcr 3239. ...,. In D. Jackson 1999. footrtote 249.1 stated that the custom of depicting footprints was old in Tibet. I also referred to K. Selig Brown 2005: G. B~guiu 1990. p. 21. plate 2 (MA 5173); and G. B~guiu 1995, p. 34 and catalog no. 143. 425 .O? "" lhse Konchok Gyatsho 2()()..1a, · Bri gnng clros 'b)'llllfl, p. 3051'. H. Stoddard 2003. p. 64. Stoddard refers in note 16 to 'Bri gung bsTan 'dzin Padrna'i rgyal rntshan." p. 90f. This distincti\'e grouping of deities "as also explicated by C. Luezanits 2006c. .,, Cf. D. Jaekson 2010. chapter 2. ..., See D. Jacl.son 2009. fig. 5.9. " 0 recorded.) '" Ibid_ p. 23. ..,. S.,e for mstance the lineage gurus in Figures 8.6. 8.20 and 8.23 . ..,. A lru.t 'tl') rare halt) pe that can be found in Dngung Kag}u portraliS is the unusual bright-red hat "om b) Dal..po Wang Rinchen Wangyal. On 16. Sec A. Binczik and R. Fischer. p. 188. tlram> chad -I slob por >hog I grogs pa 'od IIK'Irotl pa b::.arrg tu I lend unclear] (The backside inscription may not bave been accurately This was suggested 10 me by Dr. K. Tanaka. .,. R. Sakaki ed. 1916 and 1925. number 3273. .m See 'Bri gung bsTan "d2m Padma'i rgyal mtshan. 'Bri grmg gdan robs, p. 90f.. where Klu rgyal Sog rna med is prominently mentioned: '011 k)Ylllg khyod rgyu'i stob> carr :Jrig yi11 pas klw ba 'i 'dra 'bag cig gyis Ill de·; · n<Jng du lrJmgs slrigl :he> g.<rm.~> pa lwrl grub tlrob 'gar gyis rgya n<J~ gi b:.a ba ba.\ tel rite/ :hoi du b:.a Tshob btsug> 11m cho1 rfr rin po <'he 'i stu b:Jreng> >lri11gl de'i tUmg du de b:hi11 bshegs pa'i tJhmr.s lrJrugJI rje uyitl kyi rob guos brg_va rtstJ sogs md:llll pa> g<er khong chos rfr :he> rfr uyid dau.~ dbyer nur nrclris pa 'i rim tlryad par can 'di uyid yi11 Ia/ gdwr sa no rim plral chu dang sAu guyer lp. 91] yang 11111ng por gsrmg byon :hingllhog par sku g11yer :Ia ba :ires pa :higla dtos drug gi khrid kyang gnangl gli11g log gi Jlab.<tiiJII ru bye gslwngs su sbttS (fol. 62b) JII.U plryis gliug :Jrig bsos grub JULf bLial bas ma rnyetl poslnga 'dir yod gsuug> ua.l plryag steug dn brA)-allg ba sogs 11go mtslurr mtlw' yo• p11 mnga' ba yin dug/ 'di JkubJ .w dam fNI 'gar gyilsl rje ll_rid kyi >kll 'tlrama11g tlu b:lrellfl.l par md:ad pas/ tla /tar lror s~ur gmg> P" TJUlmS yin ciugl h:o bo rgya yin kyang Tfl)'tll po lror gyis byas pas lror .1k11r gmg,1 soil. .,. I am grateful to Karl Debreczeny for photographing these inscriptions. I also bencfincd from being able to compare the two versions of the transcription by C. Luczanits, whi ch he provided in his unpublished research notes on this painting. C. LuC'zanits version I: Wriuen on the bottom border: brgom Ia rill dre # rtfo rje yis I b/amo cliO> rje rill c/,.11 Ia I :Jwlll rjes sktt 'dang I I gldim/a I g>ol bit gtab 1101 :hus po I I s gmrg cig mtl1011g brfultlrOJ trail pas l)'Wig fxo I I I I I rd:.ag> mar >hog/ clws rfr 'i mamtlrar md::.ad pa I rje> 'tlrlbrug tlram.s c:had slob par shog I grog> pa 'otf mclr lo pa lrJJng ding ? C. Luczanits \•ersion 2: Wrinen on the bonom border: fbeginning unclear] brgom/11 rill eire I rdo rfr yis I b/<1 nw cho• rje rin chen Ia I :hob< rjes sktt 'dang I I gldimlul ,,sol btr gtab IIlLI :hu sa pa II> gwrg dg mthong brmlthoj trail pas kyang I lo 111111 rd:og> mar ;frog I clros rfr 'i mllln thor 1111./:ad Jll.l ? rfr> 'tlrlbmg In D. Jackson 1999. footnote 250.1 compared HAR 271 and P. Pall991. no. 79.p. 142, for stylistically comparable paintings possibly C\ en from the same provenance . "" D. Jackson 20 II. p. I08. .,. K. Selig Brown 2~.p. 31. note 39. quotes from Phagmotrupa's manual on making a guru's footprints. .uo See G. N. Roericb trans. 1949/53. p. 619. "' The Tibetan: sku'i bkbd pa dr111111 drts gcig Ia mthmrg ba Ia sags pa n101rg du b_\llng. ""' SeeK. S.,lig BI'O"n 2()().1. p. 16. "" Anna Mana Quaglioni 1998. "Buddhapadas: An Essa) on the Representations of the Footprints of the Buddba with a Descriptive Catalogue of the Indian Specimens from the 2nd Centlll') B. C.to the 4th Cenrury A.D.'" .w Quaglioui 1998 cites the article of Jeanine Aubo)er 1987. "A Note on 'the Feet' and Their Symbolism in Ancient India." in M. S. Nagaraja Rao ed_ Kusumaojali. New Interpretations of Indian Art and Culture (Delhi) pp. 125-127. "' A.M. Quaglioni 1998. p. 149ff. ""' Ibid .. p. 195ff. "" Ibid .. p. 85f. Citing P. Skilling 1992, "Symbols on the Body. Feet and Hands of a Buddha-1," Joun1al of tl1e Siam Society. vol. 80, pp. 67-79. ..., Cf. HAR 271. a tlrmrgk<t with Buddha footprints. Sec also the Buddha's footprints in a tlrwrgka from Kathok Monastery. Derge. Hahn Foundation. published inK. Tanaka 2012. fig. 91. .uo K. Seltg Brown 2~. p. 60. ""' Christian Luc:zanilS suggested to me in a recent cmarl that he thinks the central footprints rna) be those of A' alootclvara. and not ''Buddha footpri IllS." '" P. Pal 1991. p. 142. ,.., 453 On the story of King Songtsen Gampo ·s two fo reign brides, seeM . Kapstein. p. 58f. "" P. Pal et al. 2003, p. 29 1. ~" See Amy Heller 2005. .,. "" "" ..,. ..,.., ..,. ""' "" .... ..., .., ..... D. Jackson 2011. Mirror of the Buddha. figs. 5.2B (detail), 5.14B (detail), 5.16A and 5.18A (detail). D. Jackson 2011, p. 165. See Luczalli IS 2006a. p. 82 and note 26. Another old (probably 13th-century) Drigullg Kagyu painting of Jigten Sumgon follow .. ing the classic plan, though in an unrestored condition. is found in the Koelz Collection of the University of Michigan, Museum of Anthropology. See C. Copeland 1980. no. 98, Koelz Collection no. J 7487 (HAR 92037). ... See 'Jig nen gsum mgon, fCollected Writings] 'Bri grmg c/ws rje 'jig rlen mgon po ·; riu chen dpal gyi gsung "bum (New Delhi: 1969- 7 1), vol. 1, pp. 123- 179, forthe text of this biography. .., 483 ... po'i mam par thar pa phyogs beu dus gsum ma," The collected works (Gsun 'bum) of Spyan snga Shes rab 'byung gnas : a chief disciple of the Skyob-pa- 'jig-rten-gsummgon, 1187- 1241( New edition by H.H . Drikung Kyab-gon Chetsang (Konchog Tenzin Kunzang Thinley Lhundub) (Delhi: Drikung Kagyu Publications, 2002.). pp. 186-192; and ';'Jig rten gsum gyi mgon po'i mam par lhar pa phyogs beu dus gsum ma'i 'grel pa." pp . 192- 293 . "" D.Jackson2010. Fig.4.9. The painting's heavy repainting was discussed a few years ago by R . Linrothe et al., 2004 in "Turning a Blind Eye.'' Oriemations. vol. C. Luczanits 2005. p. 90. 471 Luczanits 2005 in footnote 2 1 referred to Lo Bue's recent research on the Guru Lhakhang presented at lOth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies. m R. Vitali 1996b, p. 97f. m Rob Linrothe kind! y shared photos of the mural and of the two inscriptions beneath the lamas. confirming Vitali's description. .,. "' 6 •1<1 Matro Monastery in Ladakh is said to have been founded by a disciple of Lama Dampa. "' E. LoBue 2007a. .l76 Marc Fran~ois, in an unpublished research note. says the Guru Lhakhang was a Kadampa establishment originally founded during the reign of Lhachen Jopal (Lha chen Jo dpal, r. 1284-1303). Olaf Czaja. email of March 11. 2014: For the biography rutd oommentary. see Shes rab 'byung gnas, mJig rten gsum gyi mgon See R. Bruce-Gardner 1998, p. 200. CHAPTER ... ... Jigten Sumgtin, Zab chos. quoted by Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2001. p. 42: zhing khams mam dag tu sk')'e bar bya phyir pad ma'i ldum rdzings bri I ye shes mam lnga thob par bya ba"i phyir 'ja· 'od mam lnga bri Imam shes brgyad dag pa"i phyir sgrub chen brgyad bri I. 35-2 (2004), pp. 48- 53. •OJ M. Fran90is's unpublished note similarly dates it 10 1535. "' ... ... ... 491 Rin chen phun tshogs, sPyan >ngt< 'bri gung gling pa"i m amtlwr. 7b3: de nas spu rangs kho char du b~lmgs pa "i dust m am tlwr phyogs bcu dus gsum ma "i lha bris thugs lt1 'khnmgs pas glsug lag klwng gi gyang logs Ia >kya bris su btab m1s b:hag pa phyis "bri gung du yang dar roll. Sherab Jungne made other paintings too: see ibid.. pp. !Oa.4-7 and 13a.6-7. The publication: sKyob pa "i mamthar phyogs bcu dus gsum mt1. ·an gung bka· brgyud M. Frru190is, researeh note dated February 11 , 2005. Mr. Fran9ois told me in a recent email that his notes were based on both oral tradi tions and texts. and that he reached his dates by comparing the person or event in question with contemporary people whose dates were beuer known. 1 conclude that many of his datings are careful estimates, and probably can be rounded to the nearest decade. Here we can round his date of 1535 to "the 1530s." which 1 believe is accurate. I use lantern here in the technical architectural sense of an open structure on the roof to admit light and air, i.e., a lantern ceiling or clerestory. when studying thei r depictions of the Eight Great Adepts; see C. Luczanits 2006a. .... .... See also Thupstan Pal dan 1982, A Brief Guide to the Buddhist Monasteries and Royal Castles of uulakh, p. 14. who says Ph yang was founded H446 years ago (reckoning from 1977)," which would have been in 153 I. "" U. von Schroeder 2001 . vol. 2. p. 1036. .... See R. Bruce-Gardner 1998. p. 200. fig. 34. .... SeeR. Bruce-Gardner 1998. p. 200, fig. 35. ..., T his was also discovered by C. Luczanits, L. Petech 1978, p. 321. '" Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2001, p. 43. Cf. D. Jackson 2011, figs. l.l 6ru1d 1.17. 1wo statues of Lowo Khenchen, one with continuous and one with inlerrupted lotus petals in the rear. J92 P. S . Jina and Konchok Namgyal 1995. p. 29, called the temple, ·'Lhakhang Nyingpa." A. Heller 2005. p. 5. U. von Schroeder 2001, vol. 2. p. I036. On Phyang Monastery, see Prem Singh Jina and Konchog Narngyal (Dkon mchog mam rgyal) 1995; D. L. Snellgrove and T. Skorupski 1977. p. 123. ,., ,., ,., M. Fran9ois. research note dated Feb. 11. 2005. See A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 95 . mNga' ris srid gros rig gnas lo rgyus bsdu rub u yon lhan khang ed. 1996. Bod ljongs st()(l mnga' ris skor gsnm .. . . p. 180. Regarding the history of Purang, i_ n general. L . Petech 1980, at the end of his ··va 1she, Guge. Purang'" article. summarizes the history of Purang. R. Vitali i996a, by contrast, treats the history of both Guge and Purang. A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 149 . See A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 104, "Atisha ... The Drigung abbot highly relevant to Purang in this period of Drigung Kagyu revival is called ""rgyal dbang mma '" in the To Ngari Korsum Hiswry (mNga · ris srid gros rig gnas lo rgyus bsdu rub u yon lhan khang ed. 1996. p. 180). But he is clearly Dri 18, Gyalwang Rinchen PhUntshok. So Rama must be corrected to Ratna. i.e .. Rin chen in Tibetan: he should be rgyal d!J<wg ratnt< (Gytllwtmg Rarna). .500 Victor Chan 1994. p. 959. 501 See bup·//www drikung.ocg/. 302 Drigung ChOdzti Chenmo, vol. He, rJe padma"i rgyal mtshan gyi bka 'bum kha pa bzhugs so. 2. Khyab bdag padma'i rgyal mtshan gyi gsan yig thor bu phyogs bsdus bzhugs so, ff. i-80 [= pp. 473-629]. p. 49 112: ma gcig grub pa"i rgyal mo nas rgyud pa' i tshe dpag med lha gcig burn gcig mar grags ba rta mgrin dang ?ung 'brei ? kyi bla rna rgyud pa ni. SOl D. Jackson 1996, p.341, figs. 190A. B, C, rutd D. [Series], vol. 1 (Dehra Dun. Drikung Kagyu Institute, 1995). H.H. Chetsang Rinpoche in the 1990s paid much anention 10 the murals depicting this biography in the old assembly hall of Phyang Monastery in Ladakh. saying that they were similar to the ancient original paintings. (Mr. Ngawang Tsering of Nyurla. Ladakh. oral communication. Hamburg, 1994.) ..,. Note that Chetsang Rinpoehe seems 10 use here ling tshe (which is defined by M. Goldstein's New Tibetan-English Dictionary as meaning table or form} in the sense of section or episode. "" See the drikung.org websile (bnp:Uwww drikun2.0r2ll, ;.A Recent Project to Save Tlwngkos of the Drikung Kagyu Tradition'' (consulted May 11 , 2013). "" M. Fran9ois's unpublished Lamayuru notes evidendy recorded oral traditions when he said: ··From that second Drigungpa school one could admire for instance the work illustrated by the series of thtmgkas of the seventeen first [Drigung] hierarchs. a work ordered by Chogyal PhUntshok fo r the funerary rituals of dissolution (dgongs rd:ogs), of his father Drigungpa Rinchen PhUntshok (1509- 1557)." See A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002. p. 94 . His presence here was pointed out to me by Christian Luczanits. Rase Konchok Gyatsho. · Bri gung chos "byung, p. 443. E. LoBue 2007a, p. 109, and footnotes 9-20. D. Jackson 2002, p. 166 (no. 2). SO.< A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 156. "" "" A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 194. In the same book, Binczik and Fischer also presenl many Drigung Kagyu thangkas from Ph yang. PAINTING TRAD ITIO NS OF THE ORJGUNG KA GYU SC HOOL 2.89 He also speculated that they were brought to Phyang from Yangri Gar in the 1850s. 510 I vaguely remember hearing in the 1990s that the set had for many years been divided up among families of Limi. 511 Compare D. Jackson 2012, fig. 5.11. 512 a. the butter'flies flunering over flowers in a lhangka painting of siddhas in Tshewang Rinchen 2005, nos. 40-42. 5ll I summarize the Khyenri style in D. Jackson 2007, ·'Painting Styles in the Rubin Collection.'' 530 Presumably these were the years of his birth and death. 1719 was a phag year. but 1656 was a sprel. or .. monkey." ill According to H.H. Drikung Chetsang '" M. Driesch. letter, February 1997. 533 See D. Jackson 2002, p. 173. ''Stylistic Summary." "' D. Jackson 1996, p. 161. SIS On murals in the Nyungne Lhakhang of Jonang Phuntshokling, see R. Linrothe 20 I I , ' 'Polishing the Past: The Style of a Seventeenth-Century Tibetan Mural.'' Artibus Asiae, vol. 71 - 2, pp. 247- 281. SlS See D. Jackson 1996. p. 190. plate 30. .... 517 'bri gung 'tlir mkhyenlugs kyi ri mo rje 'dis l= 't/i'i] :Jwl slobkyi rgyuu yiu.l owe this ref. erence to Mr. Tashi Tsering. Karma Rinchen Dargye (Kanna rin chen dar rgyas) also mentions a Konchok Thrinley (dKon mchog 'phrin las) on p. 247, though he would seem to have lived much later. 518 319 M. Rhie 1999, p. 55; and Liu 1-se 1957. figs. 22 and 24. S31 "" D.Jackson2012. Fig. 7.23.and p. 154. S2l "" "' S!O Sl7 ,. ..... D. Jackson 1996 and 2002. yul gm b pa 'i klryumdrog brgyad bcu 'i r/ogs brjod sogs dtmg bde 'dus gra1/rang b::Jtengsl H.H. Drikung Chetsang Rinpoche. interview. Hamburg, 1994. large scale.~' 290 NOTE S Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2004a, p. 50 I: 1/w bri ba lt1 sbyangs pllS J'hiulll mklwr par gyur pas gyes pa '·; ri mo'i rgyun 'di b_nmg ngol. Ibid .. p. 503: tie·; snya phyir swn pa bla mimed pa 'i 'klrrrmgs rabs mtl:.tld brgya dang/ 'plrags bsTan ' dzin padma rgyal mtshan. Nges tlon, p. 401. See D. Jackson 2002. lnterview. When asked whether Lhe Drigung painting tradition possessed a tradition of painting the lan1as of its main Drigung Kagyu lineage (bka ' brgyud gser plrreug). Yeshe Jamyang replied: "Yes, it does. Also depicted in series are tloe Sa gsum ma biography of the [previous incarnations of the"l Chungtsang Rinpoche [i.e . of Ri gdzin CMdrak]. which shows the series of his previous rebirths. Likewise. the series of previous rebirths of the Chetsang Rinpoche is shown. from Ati~a onward. These were done on a Nyingma liturgies and practice. "' Compare Phuntsog Sangpo 2000. pp. 172- 174. There the first thangka of the set portrays only eleven episodes. 552 See Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2004a. p. 277. He refers lOan otherwise unknown religious history by one of the Togdan Trulku ( rTogs ldan sPrul sku) of Ladakh. m According to Marc Franc;ois, the Palme Gon (dPal med dgon) mother monastery was founded in 1639 in Nangchen by the third Lho bon sprul dKon mchog Phrin las rNam rgyal ( 1612.- 1669). "' G .• W. Essen and T. Thingo 1989, p. 243f., no. I 151. s;s These and the following references are oourtesy of Prof. M. Driesch.556 Schoettle Asiatica, Joachim Baader, no. I-S2, painting no. 3. ·'Baum des kostbaren Jewels." SS1 G.Tucci 1949. .., g~um yang bris sku sllinlu mtmg ba dang/ dngnl gar blugs dang /san dan. dkar dmar las skn rzen sogs r/.en mtmg du b:Jtengsl. "" I briefly presented the Eri and Tsangri styles in D. Jackson 2012. chapters 3 and 4. "' Profi le is in Tibetan zur zhal, (Tibetans also have a word "half profile.~ 2ur zhal phyed tsam pa.) ..., Schoettle Tibetica, no. 22 (February 7, 1973), lot 7074. ..,; 0 . Czaj a. email of March 7, 2014. "' "' See Peter Schwieger 1997. Compare basically the same feature in the cenual Tara's body nimbus in D. Jackson 2012. fig. 5.7. SS9 Cf. M. Rhie and R. Thurman 1999, p. 476f. ""' "'' Cf. D. Jackson 2012, figs. 5.10 and 5. 11. 562 ,.. uyid kyi phyag sor gyi 'du bye Ia> :}wl lhaug mtmg du b:Jrengs shing >lob ma bskyangs pas! dalw ·; 'bri ris :}res grags pa'i ri mo ·;lugs chen b::Jri'i ya gyalmklryen lugs las :,r1r du D. Jackson 2012,chapters 3and 7. D. Jackson 1996. p. 159. See also the dark loop of hair in the drawing of Rigdzin Choorak by Yeshe Jamyang in D. Jackson J996. fig. J91. Olaf Czaja, email of March 7, 2014, cited the text as dPal 'bri gung bka' brgyud chos mdzod chen mo'i dkar chag (vol. Ro). rJe rig pa rang shar gyi rnam mgur dang phag gru"i gsung sogs bzhugs so, (I ) khyab bdag 'khor Jo'i mgon po mal 'byor gyi dbang phyug chen po Jje btsun rig pa rang shar gyi rnchog gi mdzad pa'i rnam mgur don bsdus skal ldan dad pa'i shing rta zhes bya ba ngo mtshar gyi phreng ba zhes bya ba bzhugs so, fols. 1- 2021= pp. 1-404]. 7 T he Prnala Hoiy Palace in the Snow Land. 1996. p. 160. He was identified as Rigdzin Choorak by Mr. Ngawang Tsering. ,;., "' CHAPTER This lhaugka was kindly shared with me by Lionel Fournier. who photographed it at Phyang Monastery. Rase Konchok Gyatsho. ' Bri gung chos 'byung. p. 443. thangka painting Oampopa in the present cata· log, Fig. 6. 12. andTshewang Rinchen 2005. nos. 40-42. 5ll G. Essen and T. Thingo in thei r book Padmasambhava explained a great deal about the Eight Manifestations of Padmasambhava (Guru mtshan brgyad) and its links with Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2004b, p. 23. 5.l9 .,. a. the bunerfly flu ttering over a flower in the See Acarya Ngawang Samten 1986, p. 32. According to H.H . Chetsang Rinpoche (inter· view, Hamburg. 1994) we should check land· scapes for distinctive local landscape features peaks. 2 . rurbulent rivers with roi ling waves. and 3. 1ocal special (gentian) flowers (spang rgyan me lOg). See Tshewang Rinchen 2005, no. 40. '" S!(l of Drigung such as: I. mountains with pointed bsTan · dzin padma rgyal mtshan, Nges dorr (composed in 1808-9), p. 401 : 1/w bris Ia shy· tlugs pa uul~ad pas shi11 111 mkhas shi11g dalw For complete translations of the Padma bka' than g. see Gustave-Charles Toussaint. Le Diet de Padma: Padma thang yig (Paris: Librarie Ernest Leroux, 1935): and K. Douglas and G . Bays. T he Life and Liberation of Padmasambha,•a (Emeryville, Ca.: Dharma Publishing, 1978). translated from Toussaint's French version. Rinpoche. interview. Hamburg, December 7. 1994, dKon mchog 'phrin las bzang po painted a small one-day thangka (nyi11 1ha11g) of Jigten Sumgon that sti ll survived in Ladakh. 5 1.t .,. "'" .... 56.< cr. ibid . Jorg Heimbel. email of Feb. 2013. Olaf Czaj a. email of March 7. 2014, referred to dPal 'bri gung bka' brgyud chos mdzod chen mo'i dkar chag, vol. Nge, rJe rin chen phun tshogs kyi gter chos rtsa tho bzhugs so, (44) Dam chos dgongs pa yang zab kyi gsol ' debs bzhugs so: fols. 1- 2 I= pp. 422-425]. K. Tanaka 2003, p. 156. See Dalai Lama V. Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya rntsho, Zab p<t dang rgya eire ba'i .... vol. I. p. 70b: Padma'i rigs kyi bdag po, dPal mo lugs l-yi 'phags pa bcu gcig ?.hal. The first fourteen lineal gurus of that lineage are almost identical with those in the "alternative·~ lineage for the initiation of Eleven-faced Avalokite§vara with Five Oakas (bCu gcig zloal mKha' 'gro lnga dang bcas pa) that we find recorded in ibid., vol. I, p. 7 Ja: I. sPyan ras g2igs (Avalokite~vara) 2. Bhiksuor Laksmlkara 3. Tsandra Kumara 4 . Su dznya na See D. Jackson 2012, p. 150 and Fig. 7.17. ... A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002. p. 154. According to tradition. the thangka spoke once to the Fifth Dalai Lama. 5. Bal po Pe nya ba 6. Byang sems Zla ba rgyal mtshan 7. Nyi n phug pa 8. Sru pa rOo rje rg}al po m 9. Zhang ston dGra "jigs Vilil~ (lib. Mig m1 bzang Ot sP)an mi bzang) isM. Willson and M. Brauen 2000. no. 37. ... 10. 'Jad pa rTsi 'Dul ba chen po II . rnKhan chen I Dog Ihod pa CHAPTER 12. mKhan chen Chu bzang pa ... 13. Bla rna Shes rab 'bum 14. rGyal sras Thogs rned pa 15. Rin po che bSod nan1s bzang po 16. de bSod dar ba 17. dMar ston pa 18. Thams cad mkhyen pa dGe 'dun grub 19. gNas mying Cbos rje Kun dga · bde legs (and below him the lineage ts the same as the immediately preceding lineage m that source.) .... ,., "" ... "" '" m The first lineage listed by Dalai Lama V. Ngag dbang blo b2ang rgya mtsho, Zab ptt dtmg rgya che ba'i .. ., vol. I, p. 70b: ylg m yiug gi ste11g 11as IJCu gcig ~tal mklta · 'gm Juga da11g hem pa'i rjes gmmg JW.I ptt'i brgy~~tl pa uil 'pltag> pa spyan ras g~ig.<l dge >lang ma dpalma [p. 71a] I I (Xllll/i ra ye ;/te; b~ng pol (Xl!JI/i ra ~a ba g~wn mu jo h<1 a ri sluu 1/w bwm !Jytmg chub 'od/ h<tl po ~ nya baJ bywrg sems ~a ba rgyal mtshanl grub tlu>b nyi plmg pol bshes gnym gm,~s I"' btu Mu sgrub mrshan can/ dka · b~i pa <hes rahl b/a nra sangs rg_ms rin cenl bag sron g~on 1111 tslml U1rirtul rje rin c·en rgyal muhanl hill IIIli tin cen gntbl rje rgylll ml.lhan ri1r t•eul gnaJ rn_r· ing pa kun dga 'lxle legl rin cen rgyalmblum/ tluum cad mkilye11 (XI dge 'tluu rgya mt;ilol tsheg pa hlo /J:aug e wturt! .~ras klwng ;ngags ram ptl h:ong po rnam rgya/1 rtlo rje 'c/umg plw bong kha pa dpttl 'byor 1/wu /ITIIbl rl>'a !Ja'i blama rfr btsw1 c/10.\ tlbyiug.<rang gro/1 de> bdag ~ !tor baude Ia 'o/1. Note that there also existed a special transmission passed on by Ati~a (Jo bo), ibid., vol. I. p. 142b: thug; rje che11 po dpalmo btg> kyi dmttr ~hrid jo bus yo/ ston Ia gnang ba ·; brgyml ptt. K. Tanaka 1997. no. 14, p. 50. Christian LuC?.anits informed me that boys depicted within lotuses are found in Guge painting. For the names and iconography of Kanavatsa (Gser be'u) the arhat, see also M. Willson and M. Brauen 2000, no. 23. On Ajita (Ma ph3.nl pa) seeM. Willson and M. Brauen 2000. no. 18. On Vanavasin (Nags na gnas) see also M . Willson and M. Brauen 2000. no. 19. .,. a. D. Jackson 2012, figs. 5.10 and 5.11. .,. ... ,., "" ... Panthaka (Lam bstan) in M. Willson and M. Brauen 2000. no. 29. See the summa<) of iconographtc classes in D. Jackson 1984. p. 50. M. Willson and M. Brauen 2000. p. 590. Ibid., p. 594f . "" ,.. Ibid , ex3.nlples on pp. 90.92 and 104. .... "I "" line of the second lineage of dissemination. Wrathful in appearance. with d1ree faces and six hands. he holds three axes in the right hands and heartS in the three left. The right face is green and the left face is red. Direcdy above the three faces are three srupas with the nght and left matching the colours of the faces below and the central stupa white abo\'e the central red face. The Buddhas of the Three Times are seated abo• e the three srupas. Large blue wmgs are unfurled beb.ind the upper torso. The to" cr body 1S in the shape of a kila. a three bladed peg. with the point embedded into two prone corpses lying atop a sun and moon disc above a multi-coloured lotus blossom. Konchog Utadrepa 2005. p. 251. Ibid .. example on p. 82. At the top center is the bodhisattva of Wisdom Manjushri. along with Shnl'Yamuni Buddha and Padmasambhava on the viewers left. Teachers of the Drigung Kagyu Tradition of Tobetan Buddhism fill out the upper half of the compoSition. The to" er half of the composition is populated "ith eight retinue figures attendants to the central deit). This deit} form is umque to Tibetan Buddhism in comparison "ith Indian Tantnc Buddhist forms ofY3.nlari. relatio~h1ps w1th the Bon religion. indigenous to the Hmtalayas and Tibet. is directly indicated b) the shared imagery of animal headed retinue figures and the use of symbolic stupas and Nirmanakaya Buddha figures above the heads .... Iwhich are I more commonly found with deities of the Bon reli gion. Jeff Wau2-20081updated 10-20121. Ibid .. example on p. 88. This painting~ been publ1shed 111 D. Jackson 1996. p. 343. pl. 60. Drigung abbatial histOf). Gangs ctm rigs nrti:Pd no. 8. p. 321: mGar sprul dKon mcbog bstan 'd2in chos lyi n)l ma. b. Nangchen. Olaf C2aja informed me that he was one of the main teachers of Dri 29. dKon mchog bstan 'dzin QIOS kyi nyi mn ( 1755-1792). aose See Padma'i rgynl mtshan. Gtwgs mn rigs md:od. VOl. 8, p. 32 1. Christie's Amsterdam. Indian . Nimalawm anti So111hea.1t AI ian Art (April 13. 1999). p. 27. no. 71. D. Jackson 1996, p. 340. fig. 188.Compare also to the sim1lar later thangl.tt. D. Jackson 1996. p. 340. fig. 189. "" .,. "" a . K. Tanaka 2001. p. 127. no. 55. ... ,., The entf) fO< HAR 65815: Y3.nl3ri. Krodharaja: this meduational deil) is a form of Manjushri but appears with many features of the deities Vajralila and Guru Dragpur. Karma Chagmc. of the Karma Kagyu. is a prominent seventeenth-century figure in the KonchokTendzin 1994. Figs. 96 and 97. He enumerates, p. 299. eight kinds of pa tra. beginning with those of the four elements: earth. water, fire and atr. "' ,.,. ... .., gsungs/. Phuntshog San gpo 2000. example drawing on p. I 00. whose rocks both featured the hidden forms of animals. Rahula (sGra can 'dzin) in M. Willson and M. Brauen 2000, no. 26. Jigten Surngon. Znb chos. quoted by Rase Konchok Gyatsho 200 I. p. 4 1f: rje bla ma'i 2bal snga nas /lha 'brei ba 'di Ia rten ·brei yod pas I IJ>. 421 ro thams cad tsho ba I snum pa I gad mo rgod pa I dmar ba snum pa bri/ mdangs med cmg rid pa rjud pa rna }tn pa bri /Ice Sp)ang Ia sogs pa mam~ k)ang ·grangs pa I rg} us pa I ·gymg ba I gar stabs b)ed pa'o I mkha' 'gro thams cad k)ang gar g)i n)'ams dgu dang ldan pa'o/ me ri l1.e .. me risl thams cad kyang g.)as phyogs su ·gnp pa bri I chu bo th3.nls cad k)ang phyogs th3.nls cad nas 'bab pa'o //sprin rmms lyang char dang 'brug sgra sgrog pa I mal 'byor ba marns kyang brrul 2hugs 'dzin pa mchog bri I ro rjud pa dang skam po sogs bris na nor bral ba dang ' tsho ba zhan paIn sogs pa'i skyon yod "" Acarya Ngawang 53.nlten 1986. thanglas no. 8 and 9. m Olaf C2aja kindly indentified the r.. o monasteries. .,, ,.,. 8 Olaf Czaja. email of October. 2012. C2aja in his Kobe: presentation also outlined bo" N}ingma teachings "'ere ineO<porated in the Drigung Kagyu school. emphasizing Yamantaka tradttion and illustrating them by images of rlumgl.tts of the Rubin Museum of An. He provided detailed information on their iconography. transmission and ritual and religious importance and use. He also dealt with the broader political contexL especially the political struggle between the Drigung Kagyu and the Gelut... basing himself on texts of the 'Bri gtmg !Jka · brgyud dws md~od cile11 1110 collteiiOtl and related texts. The HAR entr} for65815 was updated "Ral'13 Y3.nlari: Protecllon from Black Magic." correcting the identificatton of the main deit) depicted. highlighting the role of the "Shang Trom Lineage:· G. Tucci 1949. p. 548.thangka no. 115. plates (black and white) 149 and 150. Her< I follow an unpublished catalog entry for this prun11ng by C. Luc23nits. wbo also recorded the capbons beneath the figures on the fronc (I) loyn [1.c: .. o rgyanl sman g)i bla dang Two German-language PhD. dissertations (not seen) may be of relevance: Hanna RauberSchwei2er 1976. "Der Schm1ed und sein Handwerk im traditionellen Tibet" (Rikon: Tibet lnstirut); and Vcronika Ronge 1978. ·'Das tibetische Handwerkcrtum vor 1959'' (Wiesbaden: Steiner Verlag). db)tr med pal (2)1oynm~ha' 'gro \nor lha'i tshogsdang\ beasl (3) loyn yi dam lhn dang dbyer med \pal (3a) las cnn \ · gro ba 'i don \ du gter \ ·doni (4) oyn bzhi . <sic for gzhi> \ bdag \ gnyan po 'i \ · khor dang bcasl (5) oyn dpa · bo \ ging dang srung mar \beast (6)oyndpa'i bo \gyaddangldanpal. Does guru number 5. Padrnasambhava actually appear in position 4? ""' G. Essen and T. Thingo 1991. p. 21. PAINTING TRAOITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KAGYU SC HOOL 291 "'' That teaching is refe rred to in !he TBRC websi te and elsewhere: r7itmgrin gstmg sgrub was a revealed teaching received by sKyer sgang Chos kyi sengge from Padmasambhava in a vision and discovered as a physicalterma text by sNye mo Sangs rgyas dbang chen. The Fifth Dalai Lama ·s gSau yig (Dalai Lama V, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya m£Sho~ Zt1b I"' dang rgya che ba 'i .. .. vol. 3, p. 30 I a) also refers to an initiation.ceremony liturgy for Secret Hayagrrva and Phagmo (rTa phag gsang ba'i dbaug chag) entitled a Mala aj Lotuses (Padma'i 'phreng ba) which was set down in writing by gNubs Nam snying po. mkha~i 602 Schoettle Asiatica. Joachim Baader, no. 25 (October 10, 1973), painting no. 8 145. 603 Olaf Czaja was able to track the relevant lineage in the record of teachings of Dri 30 Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen (1770-1826) There one finds. in dPal 'bri gung bka' brgyud chos mdzod chen mo'i dkar chag, vol. He. rJe padma'i rgyal mtshan gyi bka' 'bum kha pa bzhugs so, p. 48913 : bla rna zhi drag gnyis las zhi ba padma gling pa lugs kyi gtor dbang !hob pa'i brgyud pa ni: chos sku snang ba mtha · yasl longs sku thugs rje chen pol sprul sku padma 'byung gnasl mkha' ·gro ye shes mtshs rgyall lha learn padma gsal/ gter sron padma gling pal grub chen tshe 'phel bzang pol rgyal dbang ratna'i mtshan can/ mtshungs med chos rgyal phun tshogs/ rgyal dbang chos kyi grags pal bla rna dkon me hog Ihun grub/ rje phrin las bzang pol dharma raa dza/ shaa sana dha ral lho chos kyi rgyal mtshanl khyab bdag chos kyi nyi mal des bdag Ia ·o. "" Olaf Czaj a, email of March 8, 2014. 605 gTer ston Padma gling pa's life is studied in M. V. Aris 1989, Hidden Treasures and Secret Lives. ""G.-W.Essenand T.Thingo i989.no.I- 109 (II-330). "" G. Tucci 1949, p. 317. .,. M. Rhie and R. Thum1an 1991, no. 115. "" P. Pal 1984, fig. 105. Its lineage might correspond with !he Khyung po mal 'byor tradition of mGon po phyag drug pa. which is documented by Ngor chen in his Thob yig rgya. mtsho. fol. 74a. l . .,. P. Pal 2001, p. 252, no. 145, "!he early 15th century or a little earlier.H 611 612 6 Cf. M. Rhie 2004 in R. Linrothe and J. Watts 2004, Demonic Divine, p. 97. note 59. R. Linrolhe, "Protection, Benefaction and Transformation: Wrathful Deities in Himalayan Art," in R. Linrothe and J. Wan 2004, pp. 3-43. Linrolhe built here on his book Ruthless Compassion (1999) in which he investigated wrathful deities in early Indo-Tibetan esoteric art. taking East Indian art as his point of departure.ln !hat book he employed the term krodha-vigluu1nwka 10 help label the main group of deities under study, a term which corresponds in Tibetan 10 khra bo ("wrathful '') bgegs mthor byed ("destroyer of obstacles"), which also is the name of one of the Ten Wrathful Ones (khra ba bcu). See also M. Willson and M. Brauen 2000, nos. 214 and 448. and Lokesh Chandra 1976. 1ibeum-Sanskrit Dictionary. p. 281. u According to the entry for HAR 461 dated 292 NOTE S December 2001, on !he front of painting there were the following labeling inscriptions: rigs 'd:iu bdud '}om rdo rjel rigs 'd:in rom bu gu he tsaudal slob dpon dpal gyi seng gel rigs 'd:;in gnam lcag me 'lxtr!. 6 " According to the HAR 661 entry dated April 1999, this painting depicts "Yamari, Krishna (Buddhist Deity),'' and shows ' 'Nyingma and Drigung (Kagyu) Lineages." The entry continues: MaiijllSnYamari (Tibetan: jam pal shin je. English: Glorious Melodious Speech. Enemy of Death): from !he Revealed Treasure (tenna) traditions descending from Nub Sanggye Yeshe of !he Nyingma School and preserved as a special teaching in !he later Sarma school of Drigung Kagyu. Manjushri Yamari , willolhree faces, black, white, and dark red. Having six hands. the three right hold a wheel, sword and vajra, !he left a hook, pestle, and wrathful gesture. Possessing the nine semimems of dance and complete with !he eight articles of !he charnel grounds. Having four legs, !he left are extended. standing in the middle of the lfire'l of pristine awareness.'' (Terdag Lingpa Gyurrne Dorje ( 1646-1714) and Min-ling Lochen Dharmashri 1654-1718. Tibetan source text 'Dad '}a bum b:.rmg, page 232). Lineage given by HAR: Tsedag Nonpo Necho, Shinje She. Dorje Nonpo, Jampal Shenyen. Shamigarbha, Yeshe Nyingpo, Khagarbha, Dragtung Nagpo, Tsuglag Paige, Orgyan Chenpo. Bhasudhara, Nub Chen. Gyashang Trom. Nub Chung. Tsurton Rin-dor, Kushang Pal den, Tsultrim Rinchen. Jangchub Gon, Namkai Tsenchen, Rigdzin Tsultrim, Gyaton Bonpo, Drigungpa Ratna, Chogyal Puntsog. Chokyi Drag. Konchog Lhundrup. etc. (Tibetan source ( 'Dod 'jo bum b:;.mg? i.e., sGmb lhabs 'dad 'jo bum b:ang?]text page 9). Detailed Description: ''Blue-black in color with three fearsome faces. the right is white and left red. Each face has three round red eyes and a gaping mouth with bared white fangs. Yellow eyebrows, beard. moustache, and hair Harne upward. In !he outstretched hands !he right hold a gold vajra. sword and an eight-pointed weapon wheel. In !he left hands, the first performs a wrathful gesture: the second two hold a pestle and vajra hook. Adorned with crowns of five skulls. bone ornaments. gold and jewels . he is further decorated with a choker of skulls. a snake necklace and a garland of freshly severed heads. With an elephant hide draped over the shoulders, a human skin wrapped about !he waist. the lower body is covered with a tiger skin fas- tened with a green sash. Having four legs. the right bent and left straight. standing above an ornate sun disc. multi-coloured lotus blossom and !he prone forms of two red and blue homed buJTaloes above rwo humans. he is surrounded by the light swirl ing Hames of pristine awareness- a black Garuda soars at !he peak. Four anendant wrathful deities accompany lloe central figure. At the middle left is a maroon deity. wearing a human and tiger skin. holding aloft a knife in !he right hand and eating a heart with the lef!. Below is a blue deity holding in !he right hand a representation of mount sumeru and an axe upraised in the lef!. Ani red in various skins he stands atop a blue buffalo. At the middle right is an emaciated female form. maroon in colour, holding aloft a vajra hook with !he right hand and a skull cup with !he left; weari ng a leopard skin lower gannenL At lhe bottom right is a maroon deiry with !he hair of the head a mass of upward rising snakes. holding a staff of sandalwood in the right hand and a vajra tipped lasso in !he left. both upraised: anired in various unusual skins." 615 l!s full title is sGrub tlwbs 'dod '}a bum b~ang. It was published in 1977 in two volumes (pp. 1-418 and 1- 388) from Gangtok by Sherab Gyaltsen. 616 Loden Sherap Dagyab 1991, lkonographie und Symbolik des tibetischen Buddhismus llconography and Symbolism in Tibetan Buddhism], Tei l E: Die Sadhanas der Sammlung sGrub-thabs 'dod-'jo('i bumbzang) [Volume E: The Sadhanas of !he sGrub-thabs 'dod-'jo('i bum-bzang) collection]. (Wiesbaden), Asiatische Forschungen. no. 114. 617 Olaf Czaj a. email of March 8, 2014. 618 Christian Luczanits kindly send me !he inscription fowod on !he back side: lha mchog 'jam dpal khras pa tshe bdag Ihas I bdag gi 'gal r~·yen bar gcod zhi nas ~'Yang l thun r~'Yen tshe bsod · phel zhing bsam don ·grub ltshe rab · di nas byang chub mchog gi barl rjes su gzung zhing mchog mthun dngos grub yang I tshe •di nyid Ia !hob par byin gyi rlobsl. ••• Cf. lhe HAR 661 entry: "At !he top center is Maojushri, yellow in color, holding aloft a sword with the right hand and a lotus supporting a book with the left. At the sides are white Avalokitdvara and blue Vajrapa 0i, both peaceful in appearance. At !he left comer are !he two layman Terton Gya Shang Drom ( l llh century) wearing a lotus hat and Namkai Nyingpo dressed as an Indian. followed by Shantigarbha and Garab Dorje both wearing monastic robes and red pandita hats. On the right side are the two monastic figures. Jampal Shenyen (Manjushrimitra) wearing a pandita hat and Yeshe Nyingpo with the right hand in !he gesture of blessing. followed by Drag Tung Nagpo (the Indian teacher of Nub Sanggye Yeshe) appearing as a mahasiddha, and Terton Lhaje Nub Gyu dressed as a layman. "Descending on the left side are Vasudhara (the Nepali teacher of Nub Sanggye Yeshe) dressed as a layman. Tsuglag Paige in the robes of a monk with a pandita hat and Ri nchen PhUntshog (1509-1557) appearing as a yogi. Below are Je Tashi Phuntsog ( 15741628) wearing a pandita hat and Panchen Konchog Lhundrup holding a black malastring of beads. Below !hat is Konchog Tashi Dondrup Chokyi Gyalpo ( 1704-1754). also wearing monastic robes and holding a vajra and bell. .. Descending on the right are Rigdz.in Chokyi Drag dressed as a layman, Padmasambhava wearing !he lotus hat and holding a vajra. s~'UIIcup and katvanga staff. and Nub Sanggye Yeshe in !he garb of a monk with a red pandita haL Below are Chogyal Phuntsog ( 15471602) wearing a pandita hat and Konchog Zangpo (1656- 17 18). both wearing monastic robes. Below that is Konchog Tendzin Drodul ( 1724-ln6) holding a book and performing the mudra of explication, anired in !he robes of a monk. "At the bonom cemer is a low table placed above a fresh human skin and arranged with the offerings of !he five senses placed in !he large central skull. nectar and blood in the two " 0 smaUer vessels at each side, and five more skull-cups offered in front. Seated in a relaxed posture to the lower lefl is a yogi wearing a white cotton robe . In the right hand held to the heart is a cur"ed knife and in tl1e left a mala. Looking upwards he performs ritual service before the table of prepared ofi'erings:· (Jeff Wan4-99). des rigs 'd:i11 cheu po legs lda11 rdo rje Ia phytrg rgyas blab! des chos rgya/ 'bri grmg pa rin cen plum 1shogs Ia plryag rgya.< hwbl rgytrl sras /Ira rje 'i sprul pa clros rgyal plnmlshogsl 'bri gu11g ra/na gnyis pa chos kyi grogs pal rigs 'd~in dko11 cog lhrrn grub/ khyab lxlag khrtr /Shang p<r clre11 pol des lxlag :tr hor batule /a 'o/1. The labels for names on the front of the paint· ing are also given in lhe HAR entry: "Front of Painting: Wylie Transliteration of Inscription: [Left to right from the topl g1er ston rgya shang grom, nam klw 'i snying po. shau li gar '" Rase Konchok Gyarsho 2004a. 'Bri gwrg chos 'bywrg. p. 524. blw. dga ' rab rdo rje, bsdnd md~ad rdo rje rnon po. 'jam dp<ll yas. bsdud md:tul plwg rdor, jam dpal shas g"yen. yas 'i snying po, khrag mllumg nag po. brer s/on/lra snubs rgyud. vu su dlru ra. gl>ug lag dpal dge, rin <'hen plrrm rslwg>, rig 'd~ill dros kyi grags pa, p{l(/ me 'byung gnas. ~nub sang yas ye shes. rje bkris plumtsogs, p<r~r chen dkoog [dkon mdrog] /lum grub. dkoog !dkon mclrog] 'plrris rplrrin las/ don drub dws kyi rgyal po. chos rgyal plum/sogs, dkoog 'plrris !'plrrin lttsl b~ang po, dkoog[dkon mclrogl rum 'd~i11 'gro 'dul." 621 The Fifth Dalai Lama's record of teachings received records some relevant lineages {Dalai Lama V, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, lirb pa dang rgytr dte ba' i .. .). vol. 3, p. 29b: g .ymrg drug gi rlags ctur gnyis ma gwgs p<r'i dbang the clumg gnyis dang lung yongs rd~ogs kyi brgwtd pa nil 'j<rm dpal hal gslrin rje gshed sdud md~d rdo rje mon pal sprul sku dga ' rab rdo rjel slob dpon 'jam dpal bslres gnyenl 'plumg byed slrtmlim gtrrblral slob dpon ye sires snying pol slob dpon klw garbhal rgya gar khrag ilumg nag pol slob dpon g1sug Jag dpal dgel ttyon [o rgytm/ sangs rgy(IS gnyis ptrl rgyal ba blw sudlw ral gnubs chen sangs rgyas ye shes/ gter ston rgyu :.Jumg klrroml 1/ru rje gnubs chung b(l/ (rje mi /(IS mtlm s/ob.r)l mu·Jwr ston rill ceu rdo rje)l sku ~!rang dp<tlldmrl b/a ma /slru/ klrrims rin an/ sngags 'clrtmg bytmg dwb mgon pol mkhas grub num mkha 'i mlslrarr caul [p. 30a] //rigs 'd:illlslru/ klrrims :}utbsl rgya S/011 dbon po ntu11mk/r(l ' rigs 'd~in gsang hal (btrr khams p<r)/1/w sras rgy(l/ po 'i rnam sprul 'bri gung JXl rin ce11 plumrshogs stunmkha · grol glong ya11gs/ de >r(IS 'bri gu11g p<r clros rgyal plum tslrogsl de sras 'bri grmg p<t bkra slris plum /slrogs grogs p<r rgyttlmlslwtrl de'i gcung 'bri gwrg (Xt dkon cog plum rslrogs sam dbu ru smyon pal rig s11gags 'chang ba dkon cog lhu11 grub/ sprrrl ptr'i skrrmclrog gler lxlag gling p<tl des bt/ag Ia bka 'dri11 du stsa/w/1 yang mon pu mmg gcod kyi dba11g brgyud Jugs gcig nil rigs 'd~in c/ws kyi grogs p<t11asl ::,ttr klryab btlag dws dbyiugs rang gru/1 des bd(lg :tt lror lxuule ltr 'oil. 621 See also Ibid .. vol. 2. p. 359a: 'bri'i rlags yod pa'i lung dang bcas pa'i brgyrrd panil rd~gs P'' 'i sangs rgyasl slui ri'i but slob dpon 'jtun dpal [p. 359b] gshes gnyenl slob dpo11mi ga rd~a rut! slob dponl111m ku ral try011 !orgyan] saugs rgyas g11yis pal clws rgyal khri srong Ide buan/ gnubs chen stmgs rg)'tiS ye shes/ g1er slon rgya :)wug khroml grr rrr dros kyi dhfmg phy11g /sras pad ma dbang chen 'grub chen timor :)wbs ras p<rl rrsi shing rgyal mlshtml 'd~am gling rgyalmrshattl rwgs /dan grogs 'brrml grub chen dpal sengi bla ma br/son 'gms mgon pol bya bra/ ba bsod mrm seng gel tkrm pa chos skyong tshul khrimsl slob dpontslwl klrrims 'bum/ de g11yis kas p<l~r chen p<ulma dlxmg rgyal/a phyag rgyas blttbl "" Tsepon W. D.Shakabpa 1984, p. ITI. "" M. Kapstein 2006, p. 163. 636 .., P. S. Jina and K. Namgyal 1999. pp. 51 - 55, summarize tl1e Jives of the four consecutive Bakula Tulkus. though not using the name Bakula, beginning with Rangdrol Nyima and ending with the present rebirth. Konchok Rangdrol Nyima Mipham Sengge (dKon mchog rang grol nyi ma mi pham seng ge, b. 1976). The third in the series was Bakula Rangdrol Nyima who was born at Zangla in Zangskar and later became head of the Geluk monastery of Spiruk. (They mention a second candidate as third Bakula Tulk'U in Tibet.) '"' G.-W. Essen and T. Thingo 1989. no.ll-33 I. .,; According to irs entry from HAR 79, it depicts an eighteenth-century 1/umgka of Manjushri Yamari (Tibeta.n: Jam pal shin je): "A special teaching of the Drigung Kagyu School descending from the Revealed Treasure (Ierma) lineage of Nub Sanggye Yeshe of the Nyingma Tradition:' The HAR entry repeats the same extensive description for HAR 661 : ''Manjushri Yamari. with three faces. black, white and dark red ... :· 626 G.-W. Essen and T. Thingo 1989, J. I09/11- 330. "' G.-W. Essen and T. Thingo 1989. vol. 2. p. I6 I. no. 11-343. "" P. Pal I984, p. 152. plate 76. CHAPTER 9 "' On the painters at Phyang in the 1930s, see MarooPallis J939,p.316ff. .,. David Snellgrove 2000, p. 3 J8f. "' Ibid. .,. D. Snellgrove 2000. p. 319. 639 Kristin Blancke forthcoming. ""' Ibid .. footnote. "'' P. S. J1na and K. Namgyal 1999. p. 75. .., SeeP. S. Jina and K. Nan1gyal 1999. p. 75, who call it the "Chandazik Lhakbang.'' Marc Fran9ois in his unpublished Lamayuru notes says: ''This large hall dedicated to the bod· hisattva of compassion has been constructed in 1846 by Bakula Rangdrol Nyima, whose life was told above. This sanctuary is situated opposite the cen1ral building. below the residence of Rangdr61Nyima Rinpoche. now ruined." "" P. S. Jina and K. Namgyal 1999. p. 75. "" K. Blancke forthcoming in footnote I mentions the same work as an ·'unpublished chronicle, entitled g.Yrmg drrmg dgon dang ._., According to the unpublished notes of Ma.rc Fran~is, the Lamayuru Achikhang (A phyi khang) was built by the twentieth regent, the Third Balog Tulku, Tendzin Gyaltsen ( I74(}... 1796), in 1782. This sanctuary is dedicated to the protectress of the Drigung Kagyu: A phyi ChOkyi Drolma (1059- 1I 17). The statues were made under the regents Bakula Rangdrol Nyima (1801- 1858), Nyerag ChOying Namdrol ( 1835--1892) and Togdan Ngawang Lodro Gyalrsen ( I869-1934). "" According to the unpublished Lamayuru notes of Marc Fran9ois, the Lamayuru dPu sJ.:yi gZims chung (Residence Room of Quality) is the official residence apartment of the Ladakh Choje which HH Chetsang Rinpoche also uses during his frequent visits. The room was built in 1905 by the prince of Stok, who was recognized as the eighth Togdan ChoktrUI: Konchog Tendzin Ngawang Gyaltshen (I869- I934) and who was the disciple of 1he siKth Chungrsang: Konchog Thugje Nyima ( 1828-1889). Togdan Rinpoche was named thirty-first regent of Ladakh en 1881 and he remained it until passing away in J934.As for painted scrolls in thai room, on the walls hang the precious private tlrtmgka collection of the Ninth Togdan Thubten Tenpai Gyaltshen (b. I938). As Fran~ois explained: ''[Togdan] Rinpoche. after having been a monk since childhood. married at the age of thirty in response to a prophecy about his activities as 'discoverer of hidden texts.' and he is the father of IWO sons and three daughters. Togdan Rinpoche also became minister of the administration of Ladakh in the state government of Jammu and Kashmir in 1996 and hence pursues the works begun in his previous lives." P. S. Jina and K. Namgyal 1999, p. 74ff. po ji llllr drags rabs dang dallar ji liar gnas tslwl gyi mam dbye hi d~a lrar lisma, which is also mentioned in the Belgian and German architects Amandus Vanquaille and Hilde Vets 2004, "Lamayuru. tl1e Symbolic Architecture of Light," p. 87. Tfhe history) is being translated by K. H. Everding.'' Vanquaille and Vets 2004 mention three different accounts (re: the activities of Naropa, Rinchen Zan gpo and Rangdrol Nyima) all of which were currently being translated (in circa 2002 or 2004) by Karl-Heinz Everding. "" P. S. Jina and K. Namgyal, 1999, p. 125. .,. Ibid., told in more detail in chapter 4, pp. 51- 54 6¥1 K. Blancke forthcoming, footnote I. ""' P. S. Jina and K. Namgyal 1999. p. 51 dates it to 1800; M. Fran9ois, unpublished li st of Ladakh Chlljes dates him to I80 I. .,.. Ibid., p. 54. ._., K. Blancke forthcoming. 651 P. Singh Jina and K. Namgyal 1999, p. 76 . 652 See Dalai Lama V, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, Zab p<r dang rgyu eire ba 'i ...., vol. 2, p. J52b: [work no. 1051rgyalpo bka' 'bum gyi brgyutl fX' nil ('/lOs sku snaug btl mtlw' yas//ougs sku spyan ras gzigsl sprul sku srong btsarr sgam pol slob dpmr pat/mal klrri >rong Ide btstml grub tlrob dugos grrrblnywrg raU mi bskyO<l rdo rjel slriik b:tmg pol /Ira rje dge 'bum//cammo ye shes mchog /elm sgom pal mtlra · b:Jri bya bralllslrrrl chen bsotl sengi bkra slris rgyal mtslrwrl c/rrr rags pa blo rgytm! PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL 2.93 'plwg1 mchog 110r b:tmgl hor dkt~' b:.hi plll blu11U1 dp<1/leg:J dku 'bt·11 bya11g dpa/1 'phag> fX' b/o rilt! y(~ tlrug pa .1he> rub tlp<11/ rje grol mchog mun 'drat. ... See Dala1 Lama V. Ngag dbang blo bzang rg)a mtsho.li1h pa dull.~ rgyu c/1e lx1 'i .... \OI. 3. p. 75b: cho> TJ:)"I>rong bl!illll sgam pas bod Ahum.1 J.pyi nrtlum d11 :.hult·hems kyi .., CHAPTER IO ... ... !I""' 1Jh11/ d11 IIIli 'ml~l /1111~ bJtutl yun~ ~fi!r mi gcig t.m11~ 'di 'i clwlug lllmd-JJd pa b!.wn y(Jj 1~·i Jl1i11g ~,,. 'bog gi rtw bor >lob dpa11 clli!ll pa /u rji! 'lxmR> b:.hiJ :./ms pa 'i lhru bsum ym g11yis kyi 'jig rtym ( gter) dang de h:.log tlwb; da11g bcaJ. fX' 'i lu11g bJum bla ma mugu· /xlug che11 pm. tho brug mklw mthing gi n11/u1'i pll,l"ll IWS ;pya11 drtmgs pa dang bcm pu ma11u leg> par thob JKI lu.<l dbung gi b'l!,l'lld p<l nil dws ;ku ;nu11g bu mthu ·yml long; ;kll >fi)'UII ras g:.ig>l .lprul sku ;rong bllun;gamJXJI uyon [ar,l/ytm] pudma 'byung gnull gter .1W11 1/TIIb tlwb d nga.! gm b :./rubs/ (la;tod fXI>II!IUfiS pur /11 p<1 <'tm)l mnga · bdag 11)'<11111 raJ fill ctml ( lllflllf,/.1 dkttr Ieang to ctml Ia ;ttH/ Jill mi I p. 76a Jllb.tkyrHI rda rjel rje bts11n ;/takyaiJ:ang p1JI ( rten dge s/o ng)l b/a IIIli IIIli rj~ dge 'lmml (.ffl[lllf,/.1 dkar h·anglo C<lll skyitl slwn g /jallll-' p<l)l drill l'li/1 .\0II!IS "' ""'"!I rgya.s /cam ttw ye .\ Itt!.\ mc:lwgl hyang sem-i c/w;gam :./1ig pol (Ia .1UJd {XI d[le ma >nyen sgom thug Cl/11)1 n11h11 'b:./1i bya bra/t·hen pal (dims p<l ra11g bym1g chru)l 'jam dbyangs IJStHI tll/1/U se11g fie/ (stO<I pa rab byung dras)l bla ma bkru :.hi.< rgyulmtJhtml bla chen blo gro> rgytJI mflhmt! (t/Jm.l pa rub by1mg chm)/ "phag.1 mchog11or bu b:tmg polm1has gmb b:tmg po '1/.I'Uimtllmal mdo >llgug> d10> kyi '" "" rgyul mJjhU!tl bltl mtl rill t•ell nlu rjel illtmg gstJI bu b!ra shi> rgyumuhol rigs 'd:.in duma ru11g groll rje 11gag dlxmg _ , .,;/res gmb pol :Jtr Ml)'llb /xltJg chos dbying.1 rung groll de> bdug :.a hor bul!de /u 'oil. "' ... The) are menuoned by P. S. Jina 1999, p. 49. and list<d in more deta1l b) P. S. Jina and K. Namg)al 1999. p. SOf, note 9. P. S. Jrna and K. Namg)al 1999. p. 80f.,ll(){e 9 . .... Ibid .. p. 99 . "" Unpublished Lamayuru notes of M. Fran~is. .... ... .., .... ... ... - Fran~is. ·~s unpublished Lamayuru notes. Yeshc Jarnyang. mterview. March I, 20 14, Lumbini. by Michael Pahlke. Ibid. P. S. Jinn and K. Namgyal 1995, p. 29 . Elsewhere P. S. Jinn (who knows no Tibetan) cal ls it. confusingly. "Dorjechang," which may be a current nickname. or as the "Chol:hang." The "inscriptions" in Prem Singh Jina and Konchok Namgyal 1995. p. 114ff.. give rough phonetic equivalents but no usable transliteration. Ibid .. p. 103. P. S. Jana 1999. So,,.. MtJni/Jteries, pp. 12- 16. describes the "DorJeehang·· of Ph)ang. "h1ch h< U1d "as "the main Dulc.hang of the monaster)... .,. "" ,,. ....... :1.94 NOTES E. Lo Bue 's fieldwork in L.ada!Jl "as ~ponsored b) the uni,·crsities of London (for Lo Bue 1978) and Bologna (for LoBue 2001. 2002. and 2003). According to M. Paths 19-12. p. 3-191 = 19-19 ed .. p. 2101) and fFricdrich A.J Ptter (in the ll(){es kept at the [Ba' arian I State Ltbrar) in Munich as kindly reported to Lo Bue by John Bray): however. according to the sculptor Ngawang Tshering loflial (interviewed by Lo Bue on September 18. 200 I). he belonged to the Khalang dar rtse clan and was bom at Ungshed. During his first meeting with Lo Bue. on J uly 29. 1978. Ngawang Tshering stated that Tsbewang Rigdzin had died around 1968 at the age of ninety-three. However. on J uly 17. 1978. another former pupil of Tshewang Rigdzin. the sculptor bSod nams skal bzang. had told Lo Bue that Tshewang Rigdzin had died about 1970 at the age of eighly. ..I ,., Oll M. Pal lis 1942. p. 241 1=1949 ed .. p. 2121). These texts were copied by !Friedrich A.J Peter. and are now in the I Bavarian I State Library in Munich. LoBue thanls John Bray for this information. JMt. Ralf Kramer l..indly located the text Clm uluul rtogs byed" ith its eomplete shelfmark as Cod.tibet. 464 and showed me the handlist entry: "Cha tshad rtogs b)ed (g.Ya' sel nas 'byung ba'i bns 'byur gnyis l:yi ... )-.According to that tncomplete title. it treats "[the proport.tonsl of both paintings and sculptures. as e.,plruned 1n JDes1 Sanggye Gyatsho'sl g.Ya'sd."l M. Pal lis 19-12. p. 2401'.1= 19-19 ed_ p. 2111). D. Snellgrove and T. Sl..orupski 19TI. p. 123. Snellgrove and Skorupski wrongly place these paintings in the mgtm khtmg. The assembly hall where they are actually found nses in the upper part of the monastery and has been partially closed after an earthquake (perhaps that of 1974). Apart from a seat flanked by two metal stupas at the back of the assembly ball, there is no longer anything left in it allowing us to identify it with the 'Du khang gSar pa !New Assembly Hall I mentioned by Snellgrove and Skorupski 1977. p. 123. The large clay portraits and Kashmiri metal images they mention in connection with it arc now kept in the Bla ma'i Lha khang and in the Guru P.adma rgyal po'i khang respectively: also the library has been shifted. Cf. M. Pallis 1942. pp. 237 and 316. 1= 19-19 ed .. pp. 209 and 2751) M. Pallis 1942. p. 241 1=19-19 ed .. p. 2121). Ptrsooal communication by lsculptorl Ngawang Tsbering loflialto E. LoBue (September 23. 200 I). G. Tucci 1937. p. 182. On [the Drukpa Kagyu seulptorl Nga"an~ Tsering's life. see also C. Hams 2005. P. S. J1na and K. Namg~al 1995. p. 105. P. S. J1na 1999. p. 14. See E. Lo Bue 2007b. pp. 35-1-358. ... Ibid.. p. 315f.l = 19-19 ed.. p. 274f.J) R. Khosla 1979. p. 91. ... M. ""' rn C. Harris 2005. p. 85 . E. Lo Bue was tndebted to John Bra) for this information. The collecuon. bearing the title /Ha b:.o bu'i palfa. as nO\\ kept at the Bavarian State Library in Munich. [Mr. RaJf Kramer kindly located the 29 sheets of this \\ork underthe shelfmark Cod.tibet.466 and showed me its description in the accesSJons handlist: "Vorlagebl~uer des Kunstlers Tsewang R1gd2m (fshe-dbang rig-· dzin) aus Khalatse. Figuren des lamaist. Pantheons narh der bKa' -brg} ud-pa-Schule. Mit ikonometnsrhen Uncan. Lha bzo-ba'i paua:· It 1S thus described as "Figures of the Lamaist pantheon according to the Kagyupa school."] It should be pointed out that by that time the t\\o-volume Geluk (dGe lugs) edition of a famous collection of siidhana> known as Ritl 'by11ng or Ri111hOt1 and illustrated with almost the hundred figures of deities (Cf. Lokesh Chandra 1991. pp. 33- 35. 3'HIO. and 205-378.) had been brought to La~ from Tibet or Mongolia. (Cf. Friedrich A. Peter 1943. p. 1.) T his arti st owns an iconometric drawing of S.~kyamuni signed by his master. Born in 1943, this sculptor was trained by Ngnwnng Tshcring from ci rca 1955 to circa 1962. He received one of the ten All-India National Awards for Master Craftsmen in 1978 and taught classes of clay sculpture at the Central Institute of Buddhist Studies in Choklamsar. ... C. Harris 2005. pp. 86-89. .., E. Lo Bue 2007b . ... M. Paths 1942. p. 3 16. 334-337. fHere ... ... ... ... ... .., ..."" ... .... .., ... ... ,.. and in the next three footnotes LoBue quotes the 1942 ediuon.J Cf. M. Palhs 19-12. pp. 32&-328. lbrd .. pp. 241 and 328. Ibid , p. 337f. M. Pallrs 1939. Peats mill Lamus. p. 3160'. Jl949 edition, p. 275]. On Tshewang Rigdzin ofUngshed (d. 1968or 1970). who "as also a noted sculptor, see also E. LoBue 1983. p. 61. Ibid .. p. 336Jnot found in 1949 edition). E. Lo But 1983, p. 60f. E. LoBue 2007b, pp. 358-360. R. Bedi and R. Bedi 1981. p. 77. C. Harris 1999, p. 68f. In this chapter I begin by adapting what I previously published in D. Jackson 2002 and 2012. Ngawnng Tsering later translated his raperecording orall y into centralli betan. enabling me 10 translate it into English. D. Jaclson 2002. p. 153f. See also D. Jackson 2012. p. 22f. See the interview of Yes he Jamyang. C. Harris 1999. p. 68, has presented this listing in translation or paraphrase. without the original 1ibe1an "ording. See the mte" ie" of Yes he Jamyang. a. D. Jad.son 1996, p. 36-1. n. 761. where the 'bri bris and g .ye bris seem to be in••erted. a. also C. Hams 1997, p. 268. C. Harris 1999. p. 68. menuoned t\\O of the four st}les. paraphrasang: "'the Orin-should also have bnlliant colours radiating ' the full light of day'. with an all pef\-asive blue in the background of each composition ... ..,, Yeshe Jamyang explained in an aside that the style of E district was the painting tmdihon of the U.asa government (//w >O 'i g:lumg gi ri mo). Cf. C. Harris 1999. p. 69. who seems to have not understood ''e ris... but only its gloss, "tlbus rij'." 'lll1 In the above list. ..Kham style .. does not refer to the Karma Gardri. which was listed above separately as the Tshurri and possessed a light palene. Instead. it refers to a darler Menri/ Karma Gardri synthesis that predommated in many ports of Kham b) the earl) twentieth cenrury (presumabl) the Sl) le of such nineteenth-centuf) paonters as Chab mdo Phur bu tshe ring and Ius folio" ers). I was not aware of this in D. Jackson 1996. p. 364. n. 761. and suggested instead that the similarly ..dark.. Tsangri should be wtderstood instead of Khamri. "" D. Jackson 1996. pp. 338 and 342. where I had parts of his sayings second-hand. See also C. Harris 1997. p. 268. and 1999. p. 68. 1n D. Jackson 1996. fig. 19 1.1 reproduced a drawing of Rigdzin Chtldrak by Yeshc Jamyang.ln addition. E. LoBue 1983. p. 60f_ documented to some extent the career of Yeshe Jamyang in Ius stud) of twentiethcentllr) Tibetan painting on LadalJt. I used his summary of St) les in m) Plm'<' of Pro•·~nance catalog. D.Jaclson 2012. p. 22f. to the monarchic penod. beong restored in the summeT of 1996. '" Ibid. 715 These five paontings were. accordong to E. Lo Bue 1983. p. 60. painted in 1978 and 1979 by Yeshe Jamyang at Thub bstan bshad sgrub byang chub gling. 71 • Interview. D. Jackson 2002. p. 157. 717 For part of one Lamayuru mural by Yeshe Jam)ang. see C. Harris 1997. p. 268. fig. 304. See also E. LoBue 1983. p. 60. who states that this wort.: was done m 1975. 711 lntenie". D.Jaclson 2002. p. 157. '" On Tsering Wangdu of N) urla. see E. LoBue 2005. "" E. LoBue 2007b. p. 358. 721 Interview. D. Jackson 2002. p. 157f. '" A Geluk monk born at Lingshed, Ngawang Chophel went to Tibet and spent ten years at the monastery of Drepung. training there as a painter for four years before returning to Ladakh. rn E. LoBue 2007b. p. 359. LoBue 1983. p. 61. pl. 50. "as photographed by Nanc) Roilier on the August4, 1978. DOl in 1975. as stated by D. Jaelson 2002, p. 165. 1'..5 ,.. On Likir (kLu dkyil) Monastery. see D. ,,. E. LoBue 2007b. p. 360. ""' Some details about his ordination were given by a brief biographical sketch inTi be tan and English hanging on the wall of Rinchen Ling. Nepal.ldndly photographed by Michael Pnhll:e. "" Then the •·ery young Chetsang Rmpoche dKon mchog bstan 'dzin lrun bz.ang 'phon las lhun grub (b. 1946). • The Chungtsang Rinpocbe "as then the young Tendzin Chokyi Nang"a (bsTan 'dun chos kyi snang ba. b. 1942). "" Yeshe Jamyang in an aside t)..plained tl1at most statues were gilt copper. except the clay images of Achi (A phyi) and Gtlnpo (mOon po. i.e .. Mabakala). Makers of sculpwre mostly came to Drigung from Lhasa. He also explained. ''Local central Tibetans considered family lineages that practiced crafts or techniques (b~) to be low caste. Also an1sans "ho made clay statues ('jim lr...o ba) were' iewed as lo" caste. But tha11g~a paonters "ere considered beuer and shown high regard. In Drigung a painter was called a '/lw hril' and not 'dpon.' as in Ladakh. In Ladakh. malers of images were also respected. unhle on o.~ 110 Down to here. I based Yeshe Jam)ang life story on the interview. D. Jackson 2002. pp. 154-157. m m Uru Katshal or Wuru Katshal (dBu ru ka tshal). E. LoBue saw this temple. dating back E. LoBue 2007b. p. 360: and E. LoBue 1983. p. 60f. Interview, D. Jackson 2002, p. 157.According to PaljorTsnrong. conail of Feb. 2014, the murals were painted in 1991, a year before the monastery was inaugurated. "" E. LoBue 2007b. p. 360. Accordong to Mochael Pahlke. URL email of March I. 2014. Tshering's teacber was a master painter from Sam) e, "ho reOO\' ated that monastery in the 1980s. Tshering himself was in his fonies and paonted at Rinchen Ling in 2008 and 2009. '" According to Michael Pahlke, email of March I. 2014.the murals in the Rinchen Ling Lhakhang (successive abbots [gDan rabs]. etc.) were painted by Sanggye (Sangs rgyas) from Bhutan. who was close to fifty years old and also painted Ch.~gmed Rinpoche's monastery in !'harping. Nepal. He is now painting a Nyingma Gonpa in !'harping. At Rinchen Ling he worled in 2008 and 2009. CHAPTER I I m This chapter is a considerably expanded version of an earher ankle on this subject (Christian Luczanits ...A First Glance At Early Drigungpa Painting.'' in Studies in Sit~o-till<!/l/11 8uddhi.1t Art. Proceedi11gs of the Set·ond /ute,wtiona/ Couference on Tibetan An·lweology & Art. Beijing. September 3-6. 200.J. ed. Xie Jisheng, Shen Weirong. and Liao Yang (Beojing: China Tibetology Publishong House. 2006)). in which I summarized some of the characteristics of early Drigung painton e. After this preliminary study. I ,. C. Harris 1999. p. 69. continued this research. as I again and again no E. LoBue 2001. p. 214. encountered Dngung art. be it at my research for tbe Rubtn Museum or on the early monuments 1n the western Himala)aS. David Jackson ·s proJCCl of revie" ing in a catalog the art of thos school throughout its history was thus a welcome occasion to add a summary of my most recent research. Amy Heller. David J ackson. Rob Linrothe, and Nils Martin kindly provided important suggestions and references for this chapter. Rob Linrothe also generously provided photographs from Lingshed Monastery. no D. Snellgro•·c 2000. p. 318f. m M. Fran9ois. unpubliShed Lama) uru research notes of 2002. 733 Such dark scalloped outer edges were as ;een before in D. Jackson 2012. p.43 and Fig. 3.16. 7 -" D. Jackson 2012. fig.4.12. ru C. Harris 1997. p. 267. ,. cr. c. Harris 1997. fig. 303. m R. Khosla 1979. p. 132. named Ngawang Do.je as being "oth lillie doubt ..one of the finest painters of the Tibetan tradotion aliveand published 1"0 detaJis of Ius proportion draw1ngs as Ius plates 163 and 164. According to Khosla. the painter had ..spent his early )Cars in U.asa stud)ing the art since childhood.'' 7311 Yeshe Jamyang, interview. March I. 2014, Lumbini. by Michael Pnhlke. 719 Acording to the written st:,tcment of Ayang '" D. Jackson 2002. p. 157. "' E. Lo Bue 2007b, p. 358. 1"' "' Tbe detail of the" all paontmg published by E. "" I have adapted the folio" ong account from D. Jackson 2002. p. l.s.tff. Hos famoly house rna) have been called Palepa. Snellgrove and T. Skorupski 1977. p. 119. Dharamsala at the LTWA for nine years (under the paonllng ma>teT Sangg)e Yeshe. 192-1-20091. "as sent in around 199-lto learn the special Driri st)le under Yeshe Jarnyang. Mr. Tashi Tsering infom1ed me that Ka Gyatsho was from Ayang Rinpoche's Drigung Kagyu monastery (bKa · dgon Thub bstan bshad sgrub bynng chub gling) at Bylakuppe Tibetan Seulement. in Karnataka State, South India . He presumably studied the Dridri in Ladakh in around 1994 at the behest of Drigung Chetshang Ri npochc: he is now no longer a monl. and is believed to live on the East Coast of the USA. Rinpoche (Gn A dbyangs Rin po chc), London. December 1994. an anistically gifted young monk named Ka GyaL<ho of Bylakuppe Kagyu Monastery. after first studing art in '-" The Nyingmn School already emphasized similar teachinas usuall) referred to as Mabayoga. What this term referred to in the 9th and lOth centuries os neatl) summarized in Sam van Schalk...A Defimllon of Maba)oga. Sources From the Dunhuang Manuscripts.- Ta11tri<' Studi~s I (2008). "' These identifications are spread throughout the literature on early Buddhist painting. the following providing some examples: Kathryn H. Selig Brown. ed. Etemal Pre..· ence. Ham/prim.~· mul FompriiiiJ in Budd/ri-ll Art (Katonah. NY: Katonah Museum of An, 2004). 61. pl. 27: David P. Jackson. Mirror of the Buddha: Early Portrait.< from Tibet (New York: Rubin Museum of An. 2011). p. 79-82. figs. 3.8. 3.9. 3.10: and HAR. .. Himalayan An Resources.'' accessed January. 2014. hup:// PAINTING TRADITtOSS OF THE ORtCUNC KACYU SCHOOL Z9) www.himalayanart.org/., nos. 57024, 68872, 68871. 1.15 ,. ...., 7... Sec David P. J ackson. '"Siw Panchen: His Life and Anistic Activities,'· in Patron tmd Painter: Situ Pane/ten and the Revival of the Encamp· ment Style, ed. David P. Jackson (New York: Rubin Museum of Art, 2009): 38-69. These are rather rare. see for example, Jackson, Mirror of the Buddha, fig. 2.16; published earlier without recognition of 1he school affiliation (Steven M. Kossak and Jane Casey Singer. Sacred Visions. Early Paintings from Central 7ibet (New York: The Metropolitan Musewn of Art. 1998), no.30). For example, Kossak and Singer, Sacred Visions; Jane Casey Singer. ''An Early Paint· ing from Tibet," Orienlatiom· 17 ( 1986); Jane Casey Singer, ·'Early Portrait Painting in Tibet~" in Funclion wul J\1eoning in Bud· dhist Art: Proceeding of a SemiMr Held AI /..eiden University. 21- 24 October 199/. ed. K.R. van Kooij and H. van der Veere (Groningen: Egben Forsten, 1995); Jane C~sey Singer, ·'Early Thankas: Eleventh-lhirteenlh Centuries.'' in On the Path to Void (Bombay: Marg Publications, 1996): Jane Casey Singer. "Early Thankas: Elevenlh·thineenth Cenlu· ries." M<1rg 48 (1996); Jane Casey Singer, HTaklung Painting,'' in Ttbetan Arl. Tov.rards a Definition of Style. ed. Jane Casey Singer and Philip Denwood (London: Laurence King Publ.. 1997); Jane casey Singer and Philip Denwood, eds. 7ibeum Art: Towards a Defini· tion ofStyle (London: Laurence King, 1997); Jane Casey Singer, ''The Cultural Roots of Early Cenlr'. tl Tibetan Painting,'' in Sacred Visions. Early Paintings From Centra/7ibet, ed. Steven M. Kossak and Jane Casey Singer (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1998); Jane Casey Singer, "A Tibetan Paint· ing ofChernchok Heruka's Mal)c,lala in the McConnick Collection. Revisited," in D<1ting Tibewn Art. Essays on the Possibilities ami Impossibilities of Chronology from the /..empert: Swnposium. Cologne, ed. Ingrid KreideDamani (\Viesbaden: Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2003). Aldo Mignucci. ''Three Thineemh Century Tluwgkas: a Rediscovered Tradition From Yazang Monastery?," Orieutations32 (200 1): Jackson. Mirror of the Buddha. p. 4-7. figs. 1.3, 1.4. 7J9 These have first been formulated in Luczanits, "A First Glance at Early Drigungpa Painting", on which !his contribution expands. ?;() Jackson, Mirrarofthe Buddha. 751 "' ,., "' Selig Brown, Etemal Presence, 19-22. 7;6 Selig Brown. Etemal Presence. 39 notes lhe "bwtion-like curve" on 1he footprints of this 7Sl ,... "' 760 761 See Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, "Lama, Yidarn. Protectors.'' OrienU1tions 35 (2004). Phagmotrupa is referred 10 as plwg mu gru pa, 296 NOTES 7Cil 'd1i'o I "l1he monk called (ces bya ba) Tshul khrims ·oct wilh my own (Mag nyid) body speech and mind of all the buddhas of the !hree worlds pay homage and take refuge to (skyabs su mchi ba) ... lthe respecti ve deitylteacher)". 76< In addition. !here are two possible names in the inscription. The firs1 verse can be read as mentioning Gompa Rinchen Dorje (bsGom pa Rin chen rdo rje) as the one who requested the painting. The final verse may refer 10 Drakpa 0 (Grags pa <od) for whose worship !his object has been made. Neilher of them helps 10 clarify the paintings' context. For a more !borough discussion of !his text, its reading(s). and interpretation see David Jackson's main text in !his volume. For overviews and large pictures of this lin· eage, see Roger Goepper, ·'Clues for a Dating of lhe Three-storeyed Temple (sumtsek) in Alchi, Ladakh'' Asiatische Stutlien: Zeitschrift der Sclnv_ei:erischen Gese/lsclwft filr Asienkwule I Et!ules Asiatiques: Revue de Ia Societe Suisse d'Etudes Asiatiques 44 ( 1990). and Roger Goepper and Jaroslav Poncar. A/chi. Lltdakh s Hidden Buddhist Sanctuary. the Sumtsek (London: Serindia, 1996), p. 2 12 and 216f. Example one in Christian Luczanits. "Art· historical Aspects of Dating Tibetan Art." in Dilling Tibetan Art. Essays on the Possibilities and lmtJOssibilities of Chronology from the Lempert: SymfJOSium. Cologne, ed. Ingrid Kreide-Damani (Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichen Verlag. 2003) and Christian Luczanits, "Sid· dhas, Hierarchs. and Lineages: Three Exampies for Dating Tibetan An.'' in Mirror of the Buddha: Eurly Portraits from 7ibet, ed. David P. Jackson (New York: Rubin Museum of An. 2011). The caption identifies !he deity as Vajradhara. The iconographic appearance of the figure, having !he right hand in front of 1he ches1 and the left on 1he hip as if holding a vajra and bell identification as Vajrasauva. It is to be noted, however, !hat in early western Himalayan art !he iconographies of Vajradhara. Vajrasanva, and even Vajrapiil)i have no1 been as clearly distinguished as one would expect. Representations of Vajradhara wilh the hands separated are also found on early stone steles possibly representing Drigungpa (see Jackson. Mirror of the Buddha. fig. 1.29) 162 Cenainly !he lighter complexion serves to distinguish them from lhe dark Indian siddhas The complete inscription runs as follows (including the unconventional spellings): *II bdag dge slong Tshul klrrims . bgya ba ll.rdus gsum gi Slmgs rgyas thams wd kyi .<ku gsum thugs kyi bdag ny Ill/ [name of each deity/teacher wi!h !he following veneration fonnulal ... Ia phyag 'tslwl :hing skyabsu ..,m The replacement of lhe deity through lhe teacher is pan of the gumyoga practice. in the respective positions. instead suggests an and Drigungpaas rin che 'bri klw11g pa. In this painting, Drigungpa is flanked by !he ten main deities of a varian! or even early version of 1he Guhyasamlija-A~obhyavajra/ gSang ' dus Mi bskyod rdo rje mandala with lhe female fonns represented on the more prominent left side and !he partners in a position mirroring each olher. The captions on 1he Rubin Museum drawing identify 1he deities in the following way (keeping !he original (see Goepper and Poncar. A/chi, p. 216 and n. 141). a convention used in many even much later art works. but 1his does not necessarily explain why !hey are white. group. So far !his builds on earlier work I have published but complements it with an important new addition. 151 spelling): Samayatara (dam tshig sgro/ ma) the consort of Amoghasiddhi. Pal)<)aravasinr (gas kar mo). Buddhalocanli (sangs rgyas sbyun), Mamakr (mu tml gi), and Samantabhadrr (kuu Ill b:.tmg mo). Then. mirroring lhe goddesses are five male deities whose names have a quality to be overcome a11he first pan of !heir name and vajra as lhe second pan. The qualities are !he five conflicting emotions (pwicakleia; "·'·onmongs lnga), which are also known as !he five poisons (dug /nga). From left 10 right lhe deities are Delusionvajrd (molwlgti·mug; ti mug rdo rje). Hatred· vajrJ (dve$(1; :he sdang do rje), Pride-vajrJ (mclnalnga rgyal; ngliT rgyang rda rje). Desire-vajra (rtiga; 'dod chags rtlo rje) and Envy-vajra (TrS)•{i I pltm(g)-dog; 'phrang dog rdo rje). These two teachers. who naturally puzzled Roger Goepper, have later been identi tied in David P. Jackson. ·'Lama Yeshe Jamyang of Nyurla, Ladakh: The Last Painter of the 'bri Gung Tradition,'' The 7ibet Joumal XXVII (2002), 164, as the two relatives of Gampopa (sGarn po pa) who succeeded him at his monastery Dagla-gampo (Dwags lha sgam po), namely bla ma Dags (JO on= Dagpo GomtshUI (Dwags po sGom tshul; 1116-1169) and bla ma Dags po on clumg ba = Dagpo Gomchung Sherab Changchub (Dwags po sGom chung Shes rab byang chub; 11 30-1173). On Gampopa and !he familial inheritance of his monastery see Ronald M. Davidson, 7ibetan Renaissance. Ttmtric Buddhism in the Rebirth of7ibelt>tl Culwre (New York: Columbia Uni · versity Press, 2005), 282- 90. 765 See Roger Goepper, ''The 'Great Srupa' a1 Alchi," Anibus Asiae LID (1993). 7«i In cont:rast to the Great CMnen, lhe small one has remained largely unnoticed after the initial reporl on it in David L Snellgrove and Tadeusz Skorupski. The Cu/11/ra/ Heritage of Ladakh. I. Central Lluk•kh (Wanninster: Aris & Phillips. 1977), 78, where the cMrten is described briefly. They also note that !he teachers represented in the inner clriinen in this case have a context. I have memioned 1hc lineage in several publications, but only Christian Luczanits. "Aichi and the Drigungpa School of Tibetan Buddhism: !he Teacher Depiction in lhe Small Chortcn At Alchi.'' in Mei Shou mm Nilm • Llmg Life Without End. Festschrift in Honor of Roger Goepper, ed. Jeong-hee Lee-Kalisch, An~e Papist-Matsuo, and \Villibald Veit (Frankfurt a.M.: Peter Lang. 2006) contains a more detailed study of 1he relevant Drigungpa panel. 767 Luczanits, "Aichi and the Drigungpa School.'' 768 Both !he siddha in the cemer above the teacher as well as !he siddha on !he far right may represent the immediate predecessor of lhe central teacher. 7th Elsewhere described as "thin. reed-like wand or trumpef' (Robert N. Linrothe. ·'Strengthening !he Roots.'' Orientations 38 (2007). p. 69). "" See also Robert N. Linrolhe. Ho~v Mtldness. Portwits ufTtmtric Siddhas (Chicago and New York: Serindia Publications in associaLion with Rubin Museum of Art. 2006), p. 364-366. and Robert N. Linro!he. "Consen•ation Projects in Ladakh, Summer2008.'' Orientmious 40 (2009). p. 97- 99. "' There is an obvious time gap between Phadampa and Drigungpa. m Drigungpa was n01 ordained until the age of thtny-threc and after the death of Phagm01rupa. ,.. pa t·he"i gter md:.od dgos "dod "bym1g gnw (A ofthe Sun·e.<siw! .11llttus Cbl/ection of in the TTllnSmtision linell.~e ofthe •Bri-gung Bka '.brgyud-po Tr<tdition in the Nep<1l-Tibet Border/onds (Bir. Disn. Kangrn. H.P.: D. .. 1111timwl Style 12th-/4th Centuries. Papers Pre.1ellled At 11 Panel of tlte 7th Semintrr oftlte lmemmional As;~x·imionfor 'Tibewn Studies, Gm~ 1995. cd. Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter Tsondu Senghe. 1985). Curiously J! IS the latter work that forms the bases of the hagtographies in Gyaltsen. The Great Kagyu Mwter.1. but the translation dots end with the life of Drigungpa. while lhe text contjnues \\ith five more locaJ lineage masters:. "' and Eva All inger (Wien: Osterreichische Akadernic der Wissenschaflen. 1998). "• , "" .,. See Luczanits ...An-historical Aspects of Oating Tibetan Art."' Example One. republished in a slightly revised fonn in Luczanits. "Siddhas. Hierarchs. and Lineages:· For the wtder context of the rel""sentation of the Eight Grea1 Adept.s see Christian Luczanits. ·'fhe Eight Great Siddhas in Early Tibetan Pamtmg.. (from c. 1200 to c. 1350. in "" Previously published in Kossak and Singer. Sacred \O;ions. no. 17. See also the technical analysis of this painting in the same publicalion (Roben Bruce-Gardner, ·'Realizations. Reftections on Technique in Early Central 1ibetan Painti ng;' in Stu·rt!tl Vision.\. El~rly Ptrintings from Central Tibet. ed. Steven M. Kossak and Jane Casey Singer (New York The Metropolitan Museum of An, 1998) and Jackson. Mirror of the Buddha, p. 159. fig. 5.25. Holy Mtulneu: Portraits of Tantric Siddhas. ed. Rob Unr01he (New York: Rubtn Museum of Art. 2006). Salter. ''lama. Yidam. Protectors:' fig. 2: Selig Brown. Etenml Presence. p. 41 . pl. 8. Although lhc tconograph) of this siddha in earl} Drigung prunhng refers to stories today associated with Savaripa. tlte younger Saraha. the captions consistently identif) Saraha. On the Rubin Museum drawing tl1e alltndants of Saraha are identified as Brnlunanr (braJfl cite mo) and Roha (ro /m). "" In the early iconography f>Jdmavajra may simply have held a red lotus. referring to his name. "" This identification is based on the red disc depicted above the hom the mahasiddha holds. which in this c..,e can be interpreted as a ,., ... ""' ?90 "" The two bottOIO stddhas bold a bell in the left hand. "" The dates g" en for the abbots of Dngung are 13ktn from TBRC. 'Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center:· accessed October 2013. http://tbrc.org/;earch/. ushngs of the Drigung abbot.s are funher a\ wlable on Khenpo Konchog G}ahsen. The Gn!at Kagy11 Masters: 77•e G"ldm lineage Tn!wury (Ithaca: Snow Lion Pubheatton. 1990). p. 270 and under htlp:/1 Although KJimburg-Salter. in "Lama. Ytdam. Protectors" essential!} compares the Rubtn Museum drawing with the pn\ ate collectton fOOiprint. the t\H>-genernhon gap bet" ccn these paintings has not been recognized b) t.hc author. 191 ,.. ,... Pratapadi!ya Pal. Himala_raj . All Ae.~tltetic Adve111ure (Chicago: The An Institute of Chicago in association with the University of California Press and Mapin Publishing. 2003), p. 203. 291-92. no. 132: Amy Heller. ..A Tangka Portrait of Drigung Rinchenpel, Ji~'ten Sumgon.'' JIATS I (2005) is dedicated to this painting and publishes a reading of the inscription: Jackson, Mirror tl/the Buddha. p. 155, fig. 5.21. This is suggested in Selig Brown, Etenml Pn!Jmet. p. 40. Also in Jackson. Mirror of the Bmldha. p. 157. fig. 5.23. Set Sehg Brown. Etemal Presence. p. 39. pl. "' Of course. the Alchi Small Cbonen depiclion has a siddha immediately preceding Drigungpa. but there his standard predecessor. Phagmotrupa. is not represented immediately above him. "" Selig Brown. Etemal Presence. p. 40, pl. 7; Jackson. Mirror of the Buddha. p. 159. fig. 5.25. ,., See Martin Willson and Martin Brauen. eds. Deities ofTibetwr Buddhism. The Zilrich Painting; ufthe /com IVorthwhile to See (bris Sku Mtlum Ba Dun Ldan) (Boston: Wisdom ,. ,.. ... Publieation. 2000). 139.11 may well be that the red goddess on the Pritzker footprint painting also he Id an atilwfa. Prntapadtl} a Pal. Tibet: Tradition ru•d Change (Albuquerque. IN .M.]: Albuquerque Museum. 1997). no. 23. Tlus males sense only if the figure is drinking from the cup. as kno"n from VajrayogioJ representahons. In none of the Olber represenlahons dots Viropa hold a skull cup in his raised hand. The depiction of the mule with a relati' ely large head and a low back is reminiscem of the horse depictions in t" o Nepalese manuscript.s da!td to the late 16th century. see Prntapadit}a Pal. The ArtsofNepol. Part /I: Pt1inting (Leiden: E.J. Brill. 1978). figs. 178, 179: Gilles Btguin and Suzanne Held,Nep<d (MUnchen: Hirmer. 1997). nos. 28-30 . "'' Colleclion of University of Michig-J.n Museum of Anthropology. # J74fr7. Kotlz Collection; sec Carolyn Copeland. Twrkas from the Koet Collection (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan. 1980). p. 98. and HAR no. 92037. IIOl Sec Carla M. Sinopoli. The Himalayan Jour- Pal came to the same conclusion. but on the ney oflltrlter N. Koe[:: Tire University of Miclrigtm Himalayau Expetlition. /932- 1934 (Ann Arbor: Museum of Anthropology. University of Michigan. 2013). p. 28. Table I. on the sources of the paintings in the Kotlz Collection. I would like to thank Amy Heller for her effortS in establishing Lhe connection to the owner. While I have been unable to interpret the inscription in its entirety on the basis of the phO!ographs provided. the most relevant pan is in the poorest condition. the giSt of the teXI is clear from the presen ed traces and the structure. Tbere is no doubt that Dngungpa is mentioned in the inscnpuons on the bact... but the reading of sJ..u. bod), and thus a dtrecr identification of the represenl3tton of the figure on the fron1 cannOI bt maintained for compositiOital reasOI\S. Instead. the bad mantras represtnl the speech form of the hneage figures depicted on the front. among which See Lol..esh Chandra. B11ddlrist konDgraphy (New Dellu: International Academy of Indian Culture and AdJ!)a Prakashan. 1986). no. 249. 6. See Selig Brown. Etemal Presenu. p. 41. basis of the assumption that the two bodhisattvas flanking the hierarch stand for his two main disciples and successors. an inlerpreta· lion for which no proof is offered. drinking horn. I have not come across a simi .. lar representation of this adept. who is most commonly portrayed drinking from a skull cup and raising one arm toward the sun. However. this idcnt• ficalion appears like! y as Viropa already occurs wnong lite Drigung adepts as attendant to lndrabhoti. and itaccount.s for the ninth one in the Small Chonen. ,., This thangka has been published in Deborah E. KJimburg-Salter, Tire Silk Rome and tile Diamond Path: &.oteric Buddhi.1t Art on tire Tran;-/rimaloyru• Trade Ro111e.1 (Los Angeles: UCLA An Council. 1982), pl. Ill: Klimburg- Thts mdtcates that. at least w11lun the Drigung School. N!g21)UI13 am01tg the Eight Great Adepts "'as nOitdentified woth the Tantric Slddha of the same name. bul" tth the secondccntul') au1hor of tlte Prajiitl(1<1ramitaslilra. conltAL f.j,.,., one:. "' On this Jineage see the shon mention in Peter ·oo. Bka •brgyud kyi mamthar chen 11111 rin M) hesttat.ton mwnl} result.s from the fact th>tthere are atleastt-.o "blacl.. Indians (rt:Y" gar nag pa) recorded'" the literature. a smaller one (rg.m gar nag chung) closer to the time of Drigungpa. but the} soon merge into I first tried to dtrectauention to this fact in Christian Luctanits ...On an Unusual Painting Style in Ladal..h."' in Tlte Inner Asian Inter- is Drigungpa. his mantra ending with the customary lu1Jfl rather than sku. The names of the succc:cding three teachers cannot be inter!""led conclusively. but they cenainly do not c011form to the abbots of Drigung. as would be e>.pected. This indicates that there may well be another lineage relevant in the Drigung Alan Robens. The Biographie.1 of Redumgpa: The EmlUiion ofa Til1<'1an Hagiography (Routledge. 2007}. p. 9-11. and Rdo IJC mdzes m See in parucular Kurtis R. Schaeffer. ""Ct)stal Orbs and Arcane Treasunes: Anlhologtes of BuddhiSt Tantric Songs From the Tradition of Dampa Sang}e:· At"tll Orienta/ill 68 (2007). ,. www.drikung.org > Drikung Kagyu Lmeage. which also makes some texts on the Drigung School available. "" The hneage begins in the top-righl comer with VaJradhara (entirely lost). Tilopa. and Naropa. jumps 10 Marpa and Milarepa on the opposite side. and then must continue jus1 after Naropa "ith Gampopa. The reading of the remaining 1wo figures is uncenain. as both possible readtogs ha' e their merit.s. If the lineage continues to jump back and fonh. Gampopa would be folio" ed b} PhagmO!rUpa 10 the side of Marpa and Drigungpa \\ould be in the top center. In thts readmg these three tcacbers are of white c010plexion. while Drigungpa ·s pupil is flesh PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DR!CUNC KACYU SCHOOL 297 colored.lf the teachers are to be read left to right Phagmotrupa would be in the top center. followed by Drigungpa who would be singled out by his complexion and his successor. To complicate maners. the top-central figure does have the beard characteristic for Phagmotrupa. and the person succeeding him bears none of Lhe eharacterislics of Drigungpa. "" The fragmentary texts on this painting also do not help in its interpretation. What is legible consists of the Forbearance Verse and a dedication of merit formula following it. 0)5 On the market-oriented repainting of this thangka and a picture of its original appearance see Robert N. Linrothe, Christian Luczanits. and Jeff Wan. "Turning a Blind Eye," Orierrrariorrs 35 (2004). The painting is also published in Jackson. Mirror of/Ire Buddha. p. 46. 48. fig. 2.14. ... "" ... .,. 800 The relationship of old and new is well illustrated by the perfectly clear caption on the front identifying the depicted, IIlli hrftS pa. which can be explained only as a rewriting based on the originally legible leuers by somebody not very familiar with the Tibetan language . Originally. the caption likely read mi bla ras fXI , using the unusual spelling also found on the back of the painting. discussed in Luczanits, "Siddhas, Hierarchs. and Lineages." pp. 179-186 and pp. 194-197 (Appendix A). 813 tva iconography at the beginning of a Kagyu lineage are the stone steles of the Phoenix Art Museum (Kossak and Singer. Sacred Visions, p. 34, fig. 17: Jackson. Mirror of the Buddha, pp. 3()...32. fig. 1.29) and the Lima Lhakhang in the Potala Palace of Lhasa {Ulrich von Schroeder. Buddlri.11 Sculptures in Tiber (Hong Kong: Visual Dharma Publications. 2001). vol. I. p. 283. pl. 1220; Jackson. Mirror of the Buddha. 32- 33, fig. 130}).11 is. of course, tempting to identify both as representing Drigungpa, but a comparison of all the lineage figures with the examples discussed here does not suppon that. '" Earlier I misidentified the second bodhisattva as Manjusri. 815 See Luczanits, "The Eight Great Siddhas." 816 The remaining traces of the caption could well be read as rdo rje sems pa. 81? ... Advertisement in OrietJitttiorrs 37, no. 8. Two more such mind disciples are mentioned in the text. but only the lives ofYangdakdzongwa Gongma and Chundorwa are described in some detail. For the hagiography of bla ma Yang dag rdzong ba gong rna see Rdo rje mdzes ·oo. Bka · brgyud kvi mam rlwr clre11 mo. p. 505-507. Previously I had assumed that such compositions date to only the 13th cemury. with the destruction of Drigung Monastery a possible turning point. and could not prove the existence of a western Tibetan lineage. This painting indicates that at least in tJoe western Himalayas there has been a continuity beyond that point. The existence of this western Tibetan lineage was also crucial to make sense of the lineage on the Koelz painting. On Wanla see Christian Luczanits, ''The Wanla bkra shis gsum brtsegs," in Buddhist Art and Tibe/On Patronage Nintlr 10 Fourteentlr Cenrrrries, ed. Deborah E. KlimburgSalter and Eva Allinger (Lei den: Brill, 2002); Gerald Kozicz, ''The Wanla Temple;• in ... '" Such a double representation with Vajrasatrva painted white also is found on the Pritzker hierarch. with Vajrasauva underneath Vajradhara, and the thangka with six early Tibetan and Indian masters originally in the Jucker collection and now in the Rubin Museum. the early date of which is confirmed through ilS iconography. This painting is extensively make me less certain in lhis regard. "" .,. The captions read bdud rsi 'khyil pa, ra 'grin, gsfmg bdag. and mi yo ba. "" As far as can be seen from the published image, the deity brandishes some object in the right hand (likely a .,i§vavajrfr?) and holds a bell at his hip in the left hand. ""' See e.g. de Mall mann, lnlroductiorr A .,. The caption reads bya rog ma. .,. Also the rendering of Mahaklila in the McCormick footprintthangka looks rather odd, especially the position of the right hand holding a sword. Apparently, what was left of this deity was far from clear to the restorer. Of the other three deities in the bonom row of the AI chi <'lrurten depiction. Acal a and Vajrapao)i can fairly securely be identified. while the fourth deity after Yarnantaka is unclear. I earlier assumed that this could not be Hayagrrva in the absence of the horse head. pp.219-22. The spellings in the Rubin Museum drawing are: 'd:.arp pa lira and rshogs bdag. "'' Exceptions are the Small ChMen painting in Alchi, the Pritzker and McCormick footprints. the Kumar hierarch, and the Wanla Maiijusri. "" Caption ma gros pa forMa dros pa. m The evidence on this story and its depictions is nicely summarized in Monika Zin. Mirleid Uttd \Vwrderkrafi. Sc!nvierige Bekelmmgerr Uttd litre /kotJograplrie lm /ndisclretJ Buddlril'mus (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006), pp. ... "" 54-68. See Willson and Brauen, Deilies ofTiberarr Bmldlrism, no. 337, his Tibetan name being Sog ma med. See Etienne Lamone, HislOry of lrrdiarr Buddhism from rlre Origins ro tire Saka Era (Louvai n-la-Neuve: lnsritut Orientaliste, 1988), p. 692(7671. This episode has intrigued scholars (see Heinz Becher!, Uber Die Anavaraplcl- Und Srlrm•iragatha Und Venvfmdre Texte Arrfgrrmd Von Trrrfiltt· lrfmdsclrriften (MUnchen: 1956); Mareel Hofinger, Le Congres Du ux Alra,·aiOpla. Vies De Saints Bouddlriques. Exrrait Du Vinoya Des MI7faj'Orvt1Siin7lliu Bhai<¥Jjravasw (Louvain: lnsl. Oriental isle, 1954)) and is also preserved in a Gandharr version (Richard Salomon and Andrew Glass. 7ku Gandlrarr Marwscripts of rlre Songs of Lake Anavarapw (atttrvaurpta-gt711rt1): Brilish Ubrary Klurr0${1rT Frcrgmerrt !tlttd Senior Scro/l/4 (Seattle: ... Bue and Christian Luczanits (Halle (Saale): International Institute for Tibetan Studies. 2010), 240-42. 823 L'iconograplrie Du TOntrisme Bouddlrique. See Willson and Brauen, Deilies ofTiberarr Buddhism. no. 139. The full name of the deity is Opal mgon po bya rog ming can and in lhe iconographic program of the Densathil stupa he is designated as Ye shes gyi mgon po Bya rog rna Olaf Czaja. ''The Commemorative Stupas At Densathil a Preliminary Study,'' in Tibetwo Art and Archirecwre in Context. Pifll.f 2006: Tibetan Sludies: Proceedings of tire Elevemlr Seminar of tire lntemational Associatiou fur Tibetan Studies. Konigswiuter 2006, ed. Erberto F. Lo On Amrtakuu(lalin see, e.g., Marie-Th~rese de Mall mann, Introduction A Ciconographie Du TOutrisme Bouddhique (Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve, 1986), pp. 447-450, under the more generic name Vignantaka: Chandra, Buddhist /conograplry, no. 249. ""' In the caption identified as Delusion-vajra I gTi mug rdo rje. "" "" disciplinary Difrlogue. Piats 2003: Tibetan Studies: Proceediugs of the Tenth Semiuar of tire lmemational Association for Tibetau Swdies. Oxford 2003. Volume /017. ed. Deborah See also note 761. The private collection footprint features Amitayus and the Medicine Buddha flank· ing the lineage, while tJoe Rubin Milarepa has them both represented in the right comer. The McCom1ick footprint has a Medicine Buddha and a bodhisauva. Vajrasattva or Avalokitesvara. in the top-right comer. The Pritzker footprint has a white bodhisauva in the top-right corner and a siddha to its side that appears not to belong to the lineage. The Zurich thangka has the Medicine Buddha to the right of the lineage and Vajrasanva and Akt;obhya in the comers of the central panel. On the Kumar painting only Akt;obhya is addi tionally represented in the upper section, while the \Vania representation has no such deities. ""' burg-Salter and Eva Allinger (Lei den: Brill. 2002): Kurt Tropper, ''The Historieallnscription in the Gsum brtsegsTemple at Wanla. Ladakh," in Text.lmage aud Song in Trans- 811 In the caption the figure is identified as brum gel/SO·. This is the case on the private collection and McCormick footprints. and the Pritzker and Zurich hierarchs. Buddhist Art ami Tibewn Palronage Nimh to Fourteen/It Cerrrrrries. ed. Deborah E. Klim- Klimburg-Salter. Kurt Tropper. and Christian Jahoda (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2007). Important other examples for the Vajrasat- but the pinkish color of the deity and the fact that HayagriVa usually takes this position IU7 University of Washington Press, 2008). It appears that what is called the six ornaments of the throne with the m1go underneath the central garrrt/a being one of them was established in the course of the 13th and 14th centuries and clearly under Nepalese influence. On early variants of throne frames and throne backs see Christian Luczanits, Buddhist Sculpture in Clay: Ear(y l\~stern Himalt1yau An. Urre /Orlr to Early /3rlr Cenluries (Chicago: Serindia. 2004), pp. 238-59. The triple jewel in the center of the throne is not depicted in the Small Cborten in Alchi. the Pritzker and McCormick footprintthangkas. the Rubin Milarepa and the Kumar Drigungpa. and the Wan Ia Manjusrr panel. 838 839 8./(1 speculative scenario this author anributes the stupa to the period from sometime after 1265 and before 12n, the end of the reign of the western Tibetan king Grags pa lde.ln this she follows the historical scenario for the period established in Roberto Vitali. Tire Kingdoms This feature is found in the Pritzker and Zurich hierarchs and in form of three single jewels on the Koelz and Rochell hierarchs and the Rubin Milarepa. This is the case in the Rubin Museum drawing. the Pritzker hierarch, the private collection footprint. and the Zurich hierarch. Triple jewels appear to decorate a part of the undergarment of the Pritzker hierarch (best visible on the left shoulder) and are placed in the center of rosenes on the Zurich hierarch's mantel. ... This association has already been recog- nized by Selig Brown, Eternal Presence, 4 1. Rama§riis the name Drigungpa is referred to in the inscription of the Zurich hierarch (see Heller, "A Tangka Portrait of Drigung Rinchenpel''). of Gu.ge Pu Jrrcmg According 10 tire Mnga ·. ris Rgyal.rabs By Gu.ge Mkluur.clreu Ngag. dbang Grags.pa (Dharamsala: Tbo.ling gtsug. lag.khang lo.gcig.stong 'khor.ba'i rjes.dran. md.zad sgo 'i go.sgrig rshogs.cbung (Library of ... 851 8ll ..2 Previously published in Gilles Beguin, Art Sacre du Tibet: Collection Alain Bordier (Paris: Findakly, 2013), pp. 83- 85, no. 27. w The clearest comparisons in this regard are the footprints ofTaklung Tashipel (1142- 1210: see Singer, ''Early Portrait Painting in TibeL" pl. 36; Gilles Seguin. Art Esoterique De L'himfi/aya: La Donation Lionel Foumier (Paris: Reunion des mus6es nationaux, 1990). p. 20, pl. 2; Gilles B6guin, Les Peinwres Du Bouddhisme Tibetai11 (Paris: Reunion des Mus6es Nationaux. 1995), no. 143 : Kathryn Selig Brown. ·'Early Tibetan Footprint Thang Kas. 12- 14th Century," The Tibet Journal XXVll (2002}, fig. 17; David P. Jackson, Mirror of the Buddha, fig. 4.2), a Karmapa footprint drawing (Selig Brown, "Footprint Thang Kas", pl. 27; David P. Jackson, P111ron and Painter: Situ Panchen and the Revit:a/ of tire Ena1mpment Style (New York: Rubin Museum of Art. 2009). fig. 3.2}, and the Pritzker footprint painting. .... 8J5 ... .., Besides the ones cited in note 102 see also the footprint of the Third Kannapa Rangjung Dorje (Jane Casey Singer. "Painting in Central1ibet, Ca. 950-1400,'' Artibus Asiae 54 ( 1994), fig. 32; David P. Jackson, Patron and Painter. fig. 4.6: David P. Jackson. Mirror af tire Buddha. fig. 3.10}. Han Shuli, Xb.wg Feng Ma Qi (Beijing: Ren min mei shu chu ban she, 1995). 295. Pal, Himalayas. p. 184-85, no. 120. 853 ... ... Which of the two Tibetan teachers this may be is unclear, as the one ftanked by bodhisanvas on the east wall opposi te the Buddha does not have the features of Drigungpa, but the one on the south wall facing the Buddha does. It may well be that the latter is Drigungpa. and ... Alternatively, both may be understood as disciples of the main teacher depicted on the side wall. ... See Luczanits, ''On an Unusual Painting Style in Lada.kh"; the documentation of these chiirten is also available online on my homepage (wwwJuczanitsJlet}. See Robert N. Linrotbe and Melissa Kerin, "Deconsecration and Discovery: The Art of Karsha's Kadarnpa Chortcn Revealed," Orientatimrs32 (2001), figs. 10, I la-d. ., .,. 8S1 ... "" ... ... 862 1163 ... The original spelling is: rje ri{u] po dre. rgyal He is called clros rje rinrm eire, rather than just rje rin po l:he. Instead rGyal ba rin po che could refer to Sangye Rinchen (Sangs rgyas rin chen. 11641224). a pupil of Jigten Gonpo (dig rten mgon po) who went to Lhanang (I Ha nang) at Mount Kailash, meditated many years there and achieved realization, hence he is also called rGyal ba IHa nang pa (see TBRC P15). Other candidates for this epithet are Sherab Chungne (Shes rab <byung gnas. 1187- 1241) who also was referred to as <Bri gung dBon or dBon rin po che (see TBRC P131). which is pronounced in the same way as the title in the inscription, or lhe fourth <Bri gung gdan rabs Grags pa <byung gnas ( 117~ 1255, TBRC P132). "" ln the meantime I have prepared a detailed analysis of tl1e iconography of Wan Ia Temple. but the details for this publication are not yet settled. l call monuments "encyclopedic" if Assuming a Drigung background and employ. their iconographic program was conceived ing the same range convention as for the Lhangkas above, these chOrien would fall with the intention of representing a full Tibetan pantheon and including the established hierarchies as they are also found in the classification of the corpus of esoteric texts. Other such encyclopedic monuments are, for example, Shalu (still mainly focusing on Yoga Tantra), the chiirten of Densathil (see C..zaja, ''The Commemorative Stupas At Densatloil,'' Christian Luczanits, "Mandalas of Mandalas: The Iconography of a Stupa of Many Auspicious Doors for Phag Mo Gru Pa:• in Tibetan if it is the western Tibetan lineage. his successor is now the main figure . As this clrOrterr is raised on pillars and due to its location within the courtyard of the main temple. it is extremely difficult to access. examine. and document. One buddha panel in this t~horreJJ has now been studied in greater detail in Bernadene Broeskarnp. "Repercussions of a Great Heritage: Pala-style Features Preserved in a Mural Painting in Alchi. Ladakh." (in press). On the basis of a rather 867 Tibetan Works and Archives], 1996). Incidentally this dating conforms to the one suggested by Broeskamp, "Repercussions of a Great Heritage•· and mentioned in note 108. The names, as far as legible, are given as follows: rOo rje chang. Ti lo. Na ro, Mar pa, Mi Ia. and sGa[m] bho ba. ba rin po che. 'on ri1' po clle. dag rdzong ba gong ma is part of the lineage) Art of Tibet: a Cawlogue of tire Los Alrge/es County Museum of Art Collection (Los ... ... into the period between 1221 and 1255. if we take the Drigung abbots to be represented, or between 1288 and 1322 (assuming that Yang LACMA M80 188: see. e.g .. Pratapaditya P.al. Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art. 1990). pl. 9. 1165 Robert N. Linrothe. ''A Winter in the Field,'' Orientations 38 (2007) Ibid., fig. 7. 7a. Art ami Architecture in COil/ext. PlATS 2006: Tibetan Slrtdies: Proceedings of tire Eleventlr The identity of the hierarch on the left wall. identified as Gardampa Chodingpa Sha~')'apel (<Gar dam pa Chos sdings pa Shakya dpal, 1192-1254; TBRC 1'813) and his surrounding Seminar of the Imernationa/ AsJ·odotion for Tibetan Studies, Kiinigsovinter 2006, ed. Erberto F. Lo Bue and Christian Luczanits (Halle (Saale): International lnstitute for Tibetan Studies, 20 I0)), tloe Gyantse monuments including the Kumbum (generally all painted Kumbum seem to have been perceived that way), and the Maitreya temple in Lo Man thang. scenes remain tentative. See Linrothe. "A Winter in the Field." pp. 5 1- 53, figs. lOa, b. Here my interpretation differs considerably from the mid-14th century date suggested in Linrothe, ·'A Winter in the Field." 871 I first suggested this designation in Christian Luczanits, ' 'The Early Buddhist Heritage of Ladakh Reconsidered." in Llu/aklri Histories. Loco/ and Regional Perspectives. ed. John Bray (Leiden: Brill. 2005}, pp. 89-90. See Tropper, ''The Historical Inscription at Wanta." See Tropper, "The Historical Inscription At Wanta;• v. 3 1f. To suggest yet another possible interpretation ofv. 38f, Bhagdarskyab may have been appointed ruler of a wider lower Ladakhi area, including Baltistan and the Nubra area, by the ruler of Kashmir, which he subsequently brought and held under his power by military means. l would like to thank David Jackson for pointing out some of the facts mentioned in the inscription and for sharing his interpreta. tion of it at an early stage of my writing this contribution. Personal communication on the historical issues of the site. See also pp. 16-17. ., This general layout of the temple conforms to the inscription. which emphasizes the complete pantloeon. later mentions the Kagyu lineage teachers in general (verse-lines 70- 71 ), and only toward the end the Drigw1g School specifically (verse-lines 119-120; see Tropper, ''The Historical Inscription at Wanla.'' pp. 111- 112). On Kanji see Roberto Vitali, "Ladakhi Temples of the 13th-14th Century: Kan-ji Lha-khang in Spu-rig and Its Analogies With Gu-ru Lha-khang,'' Kailaslr 18 (1996), and Heather Stoddard, "A Preliminary Note on the 'rin.chen Bzang.po Temples· of Rkan. bzhi. Ladakh,'' in Tire Pwrdit<l am/ tire Siddlro: Tibetan Studie> in Honor of E. Gene Smith. ed. Ramon N. Prats (Dharamshala: Amnye Machen lnstitute, 2007). In the meantime the temple has been restored by the Achi Associ ation (see John Harrison, ''The Conservation of lhe Kanji Tsuglagkhang,~~ in Recenr Research 011 Lodtrklr 2007, ed. John Bray and Nawang Tsering Shakspo (Leh. Ladakh: J&K Academy for Art. Culture & Languages - lntemational Association for Ladakh Studies. 2007): The PAINTING TRAD I TIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL 2.99 Secrets of 14th Cenfllry Wall Painting in the WesTem Himuluvas: Struclurttl Damage Sheds Light Onlo the ?aiming Technique in the Tsuglag-klumg in Kanji in Lm/aklr Austrian Academy of Science. in press). 87l The fragmentary inscription of Wanla, now studied in detail in Kurt Tropper, "The lnscriplion in the Lo Tsa Ba Lha Khan of Kanji , Ladakh.'' \Viener Zeitschrift fllr die Kunde Si/dasiens (in press). does not provide any further decisive clue . The mentioning of a Wanla 2003: Tibeum Swdies: Proceedings of the Tenth Seminar of the llllemazional Associmion for 7iberan Swdies. Oxford. 2003. edited by ... ... chos 'klwr in the inscription is consistent with the stylistic similarity of the temples at these rwo sites. "'" .,, 876 tm ""' .,. Among the other themes, there are a few deities that can be considered indicators of a close relationship berween \Vania and Kanji , in particular the rare representation of a sapph ire blue Sarasvatr with sword and book. On this temple see Romi Khosla, Buddhist Monasteries i11 the \Vesrem Him/aya (Kat· mandu: Ratna Pusrak Bhandar, I979), pl. 53; Charles Genoud and Takao Inoue. Buddhist Wa/1-pailllings of Ladakh (Gencve: Olizane, 1982). figs. ·Lamayuru· 1-<i. See also Linrothe. <;Conservation Projects in Ladakh,'' pp. 93- 95. In this case this teacher representalion is not pan of a lineage. but is found in the passage 10 the Protector's Chapel of the temple featuring Acala. On the opposite passage wall. featuring Vajrapaui an Indian monk (possibly also Milarepa in red dress?) is ftanked by a Marpa-Jike figure and a Tibetan monk. Regardless of how they are read, they likely represent predecessors of the pair on the opposite side. Gilles Seguin and Lionel Foumier, "Un Sanctuaire Mcconnu De La Region D 'alchi,'' Orie11WI Art 32 ( 1986). figs. 3- 9. Here one would have to add the churte11 of Nyoma, documenration of which has kindly been provided to me by Quentin Devers and Nils Martin, who also plan to publish the decoration of this perfectly preserved Drigung monument in detail. a&; .., ... .., ... ... See Snellgrove and Skorupski, Cultural Heri· rage of Ladakh I , pp. 64-70, 79, col. pl. xvii , figs. 55-64; Khosla. Buddhisl Monasteries in the Wesrem Him/aya, pl.41; Pratapaditya Pal and Lionel Fournier. eds. A Buddhist Para· NOTES "Un Sanctuaire M6connu De La Region D'alchi." fig. 22. S9.l .... .., "" .., ""' ... Comparing the depiction with a number of lists enumerating the 84 mahasiddhas generously provided by Jeff Wan and Rob Linrothe for their work on "Holy Madness'' (Linrorhe. Holy Mad11ess). ittums out that none of them conforms to the Drigung version. although some of them are fairly close. This painting has been published in Giuseppe Tucci , 7ibetull Painted Scrolls (Roma: La Libreria dello Srato. 1949), no. 8, pl. 5, pp. 333-4; Giuseppe Tucci . Transhimalaya (London: Banie & Jenkins. I973), fig. 209: Marisa Laurenzi Tabasso. Massimiliano A. Polichetti, and Claudio Seccaroni. eds. Dipinti 7ibetoni The caption actually says mt tro fXI. In VajrliSana's Jist the name is given as Mar me Jha. a name not reflected in the iconogra. phy of the siddha. This appears to be a variant for Oengipa. The weaver is known as Thagapa.ln VajrliSana's Jist Sarakapa occupies this position. In Wanla these rwo siddhas are reversed. 902 In MNAO 880 he is crowned and holds an elephan! goad besides the skull cup (kllp<1/o). "" ln Wanla he is a pan<,lita with vajra and skull cup. Crown-like headdresses for Padmasarnbhava appear to be particular! y popular in Musmug. where I was able to document several ,.. 9Q; .,. examples in spring 2013. Here the parallel to MNAO 880 breaks up, as the siddha with Hayagn\•a is represented at the end of the row and rhus at least four siddhas later. The siddha following IY.uikapa in \Vania, about to behead a corpse with a sword. is not found in Shangrong and may be one of the lost siddhas. It certainly was in a diJTerenr posilion, and on MNAO 880 this is the siddha in the bonom·right comer. The fragmentary caption here reads: ka pa ka 'd:es pa ? grub rhob gvo cu :.h(u)gs (so) ? iil)l kra sh(i)s pur ·gyur cig. declaring the eighty, and no! eighty-four. mahasiddhas completed. "" ed. Marisa Laurenz.i Tabasso, Massimiliano A. Policheui, and Claudio Seccaroni (Roma: Oriental is, 201 1), figs. 1-4; Roberto Bellucci eL al .. ""The Underdrawing." in Visibilia h1visi· This is important evidence that the dark· skinned siddha with a ftute was eventually identified with Phadampa Sangye. This may well indicate that the earlier depictions of this siddha at Ale hi and related sites may also represent this siddha. as has been suggested in Linrothe. Holy Mlld11ess. pp. 364-366, Linrothe, "Strengthening the Roots." and Linrothe. '·Conservation Projects in Ladakh." pp. 97- 99. On the variations in depictions of Phadarnpa Sangye see, for example, Linrothe. Holy Madness, pp. 362- 366, and Dan Martin, '·Padampa Sangye: a History of Represen!a· tion of a South Indian Siddha in Tibet," in Holy Madness . Porlroits of Ttuaric Siddltas, bilium. Non·invt1sive Analyses 011 Tibetan Poillfi11gs From the Tucci Expedilions, ed. The inscription reads slum rsa dhe ba. Likely this is an abbreviation for Candragomin. ln Wanla these two siddhas appear to be oonftated in the figure sitting against a basket and holding a bell. Of the following rwo siddha at Shangrong only one is represented in Wanla, he holds a vajra in front of the chest and cannot be securely identified with any of the two. biliu /nvisibilium. Non·im'asive Analyses 011 7ibetun PoinfiiiJIS Fromlhe Tucci EtpediliOIIS, ... His caption at Shangrong is ma ·ra ba . 901 201 I) pl. I; and in the same book Maggiorino Eclisse, Pietro Moioli, and Claudio Seccaroni. ·'The Radiographic Investigations." in Visi· Marisa Laurenzi Tabasso, MassimilianoA . Polichetti. and Claudio Seccaroni (Roma: Orientalis, 201 1). figs. J-3. The closest name is Paraheta. ln Shangrong, where he is largely losL and Wanla he is shown as crouching siddha. on MNAO 880 he is a monk with the same attributes. Exciting new work on theTsatsapuri Temples and related monuments is currently under· taken by Nils Martin, a first product being his theses on "Les peinrures murales du Tsarsapuri dgon pa ~ AJchi ." As is well known, the acmal number of mahasiddhas in this expanded group ranges beLween eighty and eighty-five. while Lhe canortical group of eighry. four is based on the hagiographies assembled by Abhayadan3Srr. The inscription gives blw dlta svi ri. likely standing for Buddhasiddhi. "" ium. Non·im•tiSive A11alvses on Tibettm Pailll· ings From the Tucci Expeditions Orientalis, On this temple complex see Andre Alexander, "Aichi Tsatsapuri: Notes on the History of an Early But Liule-known Monument." (in press); Nils Martin, '·Les peintures murales du Tsarsapuri dgon pa ~ AJchi (jammu-ct· cachemire, lnde).,'' diss., Ecole Pratique des Hautes I:tudes, 20 I2); Andre Alexander. A/chi Tsatsopuri. Prelimi1Wry Report (Leh, Beijing, Berlin: 1iber Heritage Fund International, 2006). JOO Earlier publications of !he cave include David L. Snellgrove and Tadeusz Skorupski, The 2008), p.l9. fig. I (and subsequent articles paralleling the following publication): Marisa Laurenzi Tabasso. Massimiliano A. Policheni, and Claudio Seccaroni. eds. Vrsibilill Jm,isibil· This relative chronology certainly needs 10 be verified using additional criteria and themes. twd the \Ve.stern Himalayas. Essays on His· wry, Literalllre. Archaeology tllld Art. PlATS Erberto F. Lo Bue. ''The Gu ru Jha khang at Phyi dbang.., attributes the temple to the mid-15th century. Earlier publications on the temple include Genoud and Inoue. Buddhist \Vall-paintings of Ladakh, figs. ·Guru Lha khang': and B~guin and Fournier, "Un Sane.. tuaire Meconnu De La Region D' alchi ." figs. 19- 21 , who suggested a 16th century date for the temple. .., Dulle Spedi:ioni DiGiuseppe Tucci • Mate· ritdi £ Tecniche Alia Luce Delle lndagini Non Invasive (Rome: De Luca Editori d' Arte. p. 62, figs. LS J- 37; and Seguin and Foumier, "Un Sancruaire Meconnu De La Region D'alchi ... figs.J0-14. See Erberto F. Lo Bue. ''The G u ru Jha khang at Phyi dbang: a Mid· I5th Century Temple in Central Tibet." In Discoveries i11 Westem 7ibet Linrothe, "Conservation Projects in Ladakh''. p. 91- 93. figs. I, Ia. Culwral Heritage of Ladakh, 2. Ztmgskor and the C(ll•e Temples of Ladakh (Wanninster: Aris & Phillips, 1980), col. pl. iv, figs. 69-73; Genoud and Inoue, Buddhist \Va/1-p<lilltings of ulllt1kl1, ·saspol '; and 86guin and Fournier. dise: The Murals afAkhi • IVestem Himala· yas (Hong Kong: Visual Dharma Publ .. I982). ... ... Amy Heller. and Giacomella Orofino. 17.>-%. Leiden. Boston: Brill. 2007. ... ed. Rob Linrothe (New York: Rubin Museum of Art, 2006). "" The siddhas are not evenly distributed across the four walls, which hold 19, 20, 23, and 16 respectively. 909 A similar arrangement may be the case at the Senge Lhakhang in Lamayuru. 910 This can be concluded not only from the Alchi depictions. in which Phadampa is added to provide this link. but also from the much later representation in the Lhasa Lukhang, in which Padmasambhava and his twenty-five disciples are linked to the eighty-four siddhas (see Christian Luczanirs, "Locating G reat Perfection: the Murals of the Lhasa Lukhang," Orient{l(iOIIS 42 (20 I I)). •u .,. .,, ., This group is even less clear than other representations, but it is certain that Luyipa is shown in the second position and Kalaka rid- ing an elepham ends the group. 912 Aryadeva and Nagarjuna begin the set in the top left and Kalaka ends it at the bouom righL To the sides of Vajradhara the siddhas are 10 be read from to p down, with the siddhas on the left side first. .,. ., .,. ., .,. .,. .,_; .,. in a composition featuring scenes of his previ .. On the translations of the respective verse see Tanaka, "The Mailju~nmnlakalpa and the Origins of Thangka" and Lalou, /conographie ties etoifes peiutes, pp. 40-4 1. m Singer. ·'EarlyThankas: Eleventh-thirteenth Centuries". p. 185. 186. .,. .l5 .,. ., .,. .... without a picture. .,. .,. .,. representation. as Kalaka on the elephant ends the g roup. To me it is thus more likely that he is one of the o ther six pupils of Phagmotrupa who founded their own school. See. e.g., Kossak, Painted Images of Eulight· emnent, figs. 49. 50. See. e.g .. Kossak and Singer, Sacred Wsions, no. 18. 26: Jackson. Mirror of the Buddha, figs. 42, 4 .7 . 4.11. 4.14, 5.10 See. e .g .. Kossak and Singer. Sacred Vrsions, chronological indicators. Goepper and Poncar, A/chi, p. I 02- 109; Robert N. Linrothe, "Group Portrait: Mahasiddhas in the Alchi Sumtsek," in Embodying Wisdom. Art, Text and Jmerpretation in the History of Esoteric Buddhism, ed . Ro b Linrothe and Henrik H. ~rensen (Copenhagen: The Semi · nar for Buddhist Studies. 200 I). Also in the cave of Par the dark, crouching siddha represemed there o n the entry wall is identified as Phadamapa (for pictures see hup ://www.hi mal ayanart .org/search/ set . cfm?setid= 1698). Phadampa's texts on the siddhas are summarized in Schaeffer. ''Crystal Orbs and Arcane Treasuries: Anthologies of Buddhist Tantric Songs From the Tradition of Dampa Sangye.'' Dharma protecto rs are also sometimes called bsttm mmg (guardian of the teachings) and dam can (one bound by oath), and further fully enlightened ·guardians who have passed beyond SOifJSt7ra' ('jig rteu/as 'das pa'i snmg ma) and the 'guardians who have not yet passed beyond StlJflStlra' ( 'jig rteu pa 'i smug ma I 'jig rltw mil 'das pa 'i smug mo) (Ren6 de Nebesky-Wojkowil2, Oracles aut! Demons of 1ibet (New York: Gordon Press. 1976), 3- 5; and Rob Linrothe and Jeff War~ Demonic Divine: Himt1layan Art and Beyond (New York: Rubin Museum of Art, 2004). 15-1 9). hierarchs have some resonance wi th Drigung See Ems! Steinkellner and Christian Lucza• nits. ''A New Translation of the Renovation Inscription in the Tabo Main Temple (gtsuglag-khang).'' in Tabo - A u1mp for the King· dom. Earl\• lndo-tibeum Buddhist Art in 1he \lh 1ern Himalaya. ed. Deborah E. Klimburg· Sal ter (Milan - New York: Skira - Thames and Hudson, 1997). p. 258, o r Emst Steinkellner and Christian Luczanirs, "The Renovation Inscription of the Tabo Grsug lag khan. New Edition and Translation,'· in JnscriptioJu'from the Tabo Main Temple. Texis (md Transltllions, ed. Luciano Petech and Christian Luczanirs (Ro me: IslAO. 1999), p. 22. ln my assessment. the lineages acoompanying specific iconographic themes part of the larger composition are probably not reliable as there is a common two. pronged division of The teachers and mahasiddhas around the .,., Kossak and Singer, Sacred Visions. no. 15. CHAPTER 12 depicted with a receding hairline. Drigw1gpa, in contrast. is never shown with a beard. The 1992 Wisdom Publication thangka calendar; referenced in HAR no. 77084 but sadly Another lhangka with the seven Tara at the bouom is in another pri vate collection and differs from the Pritzker example mostly in irs condition. I tha.n k the owners for making a picture of this painting available to me. Jackson, Mirror of !he Buddha, p. 160, fig 5.26. Here another painting needs to be mentioned that represents a pupil of Phagmotrupa within a large assembly, as both Rob Linrothe and Ni ls Martin have referred me to this paint· ing as possible representation of Drigunpa (see Rhie and Thurman. Weisheit Und Liebe. 1000 Jt1ltre Kunst Des 1ibeiisdten Buddhismus, pp . 438- 39. no. 191 : HAR no. 89757). It shows two main hierarchs. o ne above each other, the upper one being Phagmotrupa. who is shown See, e.g., Jackson. Mirror of the Buddha, figs. 4.15. m Von Schroeder. Buddhist Sculptures in 1ibet, pp. i036-37. no.258B. ous and last li ves found otherwise in Taklung School paintings of this subject (see Jackson, Mirror of/he Butldlw. figs. 5.2, 5.4 10 5.9). Below him sirs a large hierarch in a thatched hut. To me the identity of this hierarch is uncertain. lt can't be Taklungpa, as he is never It is most prono unced on a painting in the collection of Barbara and Waller Frey (see HAR no. 69100) . This thangka has previously been publi shed in the German language catalogue of Wisdom and Compassion (Marylin M. Rhie and RobertA. F. Thurman. Weisheitwul Liebe. 1000 Jt1hre Kun.n des Iibetischm Buddhismus (Koln: Kuns t· und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1996). no. 23 1 (148a)). .]1 Von Schroeder, Buddlrisl Sculptures in 1ibet . pp. 382-83, no. 222D; Jackson, Mirror of the Buddha. p. 3 2, fig. 1.30. Due 10 the repainting of the head the identification of this stele is much more uncertain. For the d escri ption see Taruvagraharam Ga 0apati Sastrr, Aryama11jufrimt7/akalpa h (Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications, 1989); Parashuram Lakshman Vaidya, ed. Malu7yt7na· Sl71ra·Saritgralw, Part2: MaiijufrTmi7ltlkalpa (Darbhanga: Mithila lns l. of Post-graduate Studies and Research in Sanskrit Learning, 1964), pp. 43-47 and the French translation in Marcelle Lalou. /conographie des etoifes r>eintes (paUl) dans le M(JJ1jusrimt7/akalpa (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1930). pp. 30-41. Kimiaki Tanaka, "The Mailju~rrmulakalpa and the O rigins ofThangka.'' PlATS 2010: Proceedings of !he Twelfth Seminar of Ihe International Association for Tibetan Studies, VtmCOill'er. 2010. The Arts ofTibelan Painting. Recent Research on Manuscripts, Murals and Thangkas of Tibet, the Himalayas and Mongolia ( lith -19th century) (20 12}: accessed September 9, 2012. hnp://www.asianart.com/ articles/tanaka/index . I owe the reference to this article. which I had previously downloaded but not yet read, to David Jackson. Of course. the hairline alone cannot be used to idemify all figures with this feature as Dri gungpa, Shangton Chllkyi Lama (I 123- 1194) for example has the same hairline but distinctive physical features (Steven M. Kossak. Painledlmages of Enlightenmenl: Early Tibetan 77rankas . 1050-1450 (Mumbai: Marg, 2010), figs. 49, 50) . 17: Jackson, Mirror of the Buddha. p. 3 1, fig. 1.29. .,.... no. 19; Jackson, Mirror of the Buddha, fig. 4 .18. This theme certainly deserves a separate study taking all known examples into account. .ll Kossak and Singer, Sacred Visions, p. 34. fig. •u Luczanits, "A First G lance At Early Dri· gungpa Painting.'"p. 482. In this passage I fur. !her noted that Amy Heller's identification of such Buddhas as representing Vairocana (Amy Heller. 1ibettm Art. Tracing the Deve/opmelll of Spiritual/deals and Art in Tibel ~2000 t1 .d. ( Milano: Jaca Book, 1999), p. 58) needs to be supported by an explanation of the entire compositio n the teaching Buddha is set in. Khenpo Rinpoehe Ki:inchog Gyaltsen, Prayer Flags: The Ufe tllld Spiritttfll Teachings of Jigten Sumgon (Ithaca: Snow Lion, 1986), pp. 33- 34,66-67. Both the story and the supplication prayer are also available online (search ' 'Drikung Seven Taras"). ""' Achi appears in the body and fooUJotes of a number of works, although sometimes with the spelling "Apchi."Rarely is the Tibetan spelling of her name included in these aforementioned texts. so that is probably a variation in the pronunciation of her name among Tibetan speakers. It undoubtedly refers to the same deity, however, as the rest of !he information conforms 10 her general description. Some of the more significant references in which she is mentioned but not elaborated on are: Keith Dowman, The Power-Piat·es of Centm/1ibet: The Pilgrim's Guide (London and New York: Roulledge and Kegan Paul. 1988), I 08- 119; Matthew T. Kapstein. The Tibetans (Maldon: Blackwell Publishing. 2006) . 46- 7: PerK. S~rensen and Guntram Hazod, Rulers of 1he Ce/eslial Plain: Ecdesiastic and Secular Hegemony in Medie•'a/1ibet: A Study in Tsfwl Gung-Titaug (Austria: Osterreichishche Akademie der Wissenchaften, 2007), 75; and Guiseppe Tucci, PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL 301 Publications. 1999). 630. not seen images, but descriptions of each are within this ritual text (Howard, The Unelabo- Drigung Kl:lnchok Gyatso, 'Bri gung <1 phyi rated. &uy 10 Implement Satlluma of the Sole Mother Chokyi Drolma. Liuly of Nwuun. TibeUJn Painted Scrolls, Vol. I (Thailand: SOl ... dws kyi sgrol ma 'i ruom thor mdor bsdus (Abridged Ufe Story of Drigung Achi CIIOkyi Dnllma) (Lhasa: Tibet's People Publishing ... House. 2004). ..2 Amgtin Rinpoche, "A phyi chos kyi sgron rna chibs zhon gyi sgrub thabs (Sadhana of the Horse-Riding Achi Chtikyi Drolma)," in 'Bri guug bktt' brgyutl dros mt/~1 chen mo (Great Drigung Kagyii Treasury of the Doctrine), Vol. ..., 43 (Lhasa: 2004). Lozang Demcho Gyatso, '·A phyi'i sgub thabs mdor bsdus (Abridged Satlltaua of Achi}'' in Bslan bsnmg a pity;·; sgrub thabs be'u bum: Collected texts coucemed witlt the rites of propitimion of the specitlf protective deity of the 'Bri gung Dkar brgyud pa tradition A phoJ•i Cltos kyi sgrolnw (New Delhi: Tsering Dorma Gelek. 1975). "" Tashi T. Jamyangling. trans. A pltyi'i glang clwg b:ang ngan brtag pa (Achi:• Elepltaut Lilllrgy Divination) (Tara Foundation of .,. Germany, 20 10); Tashi T. Jamyangling. trans. A phyi 'i gsaug sgrub (Secret Achi Satl/uma) (Tara Foundation of Germany. 20 I0); Tashi T. Jamyangling, trans. A phyi'i 'klmmg rabs (Ufe Story of Dharma Protector, Aclti Cltokyi Dulma) (Tara Foundation of Germany. 20 I0); Tashi T. Jamyangling. trans. A phyi'i sgrub skor bstod pa ·;rim pa (Praise fromtlte Cycle ofA cili Liturgy) (Tara Foundation of Germany, 2010); Tashi T. Jamyangling, trans. Bswn srung a phyi chos kyi sgrolma 'i bJ'klmg ba nor bu'i pltreug ba (Achi Cltukyi Do/nul JeweL Garland of Atoumeut) (Tara Foundation s of Germany, 20 10): Tashi T. Jamyangling. trans. Bsum srung ll phyi chos kyi sgrolma'i sgrub tltabs 'jig rten mgou pos md~J.ld pa (Acili Cltukyi Dolma Satlluuw Composed by Kyobpa Jigteu Sumguu) (Tara Foundation of ... .., ... 9;1 Germany, 20 I0). Using quotes from various texlS as evidence, Konchok Gyatso devotes an entire section of his short pamphlet to proving Achi's nature as a fully enlightened deity (Drigung Konchok Gyatso. ·Bri guug a pltyi chos kyi sgro/ma'i rnam tlwr mtlor bsdus (Abridged Ufe story of Drigwrg Aclri ChOkyi DriJ/ma), 26-32) . David Jackson categorizes depictions of women in Tibetan tlwngktrs as Indian Jaywomen. Indian female lay meditators. Tibetan laywomen. and Tibetan yoginrs. and demonstrates the distinct differences in their style of dress. Tibetan laywomen stand out in this category as fully dressed, in long robes and sleeves, whereas the other three are typically depicted in very lillie clothing. usually in only tllrotiv, layers of jewelry, and translucent fabrics. It is clear in this dynamic thatAchi is portrayed as a Tibetan laywoman (David P. Jackson, Mirror oft!te Buddha: Ellrly Portrllitsfrom Tibet (Rubin Museum of Art: New York, 20 II), 58-65). As with most Buddhist deities, there are other, Jess-depicted, forms of Achi as well, such as a completely wrathful form and a sensual t/t7kinT form. butl have so far only encountered descriptions of these forms in Megan Howard's translation of an Achi sadltaull. I have J02 NOTES Penden Lhamo. the 'Glorious Goddess', holds protective dominion over the Dalai Lama lineage, the whole of the Geluk Sect and its monasteries, and the Tibetan capital city of Lhasa. She is heavi ly armed and ready to do battle. not only with her vajra-tipped club. but with an arsenal of magical de\1 ices 10 protect her charges from supernatural anack that are standard accouLrements of an indigenous mt1 mo demoness. but like the wisdom cjakinrs Blo b:cmg dam dros rgya mts/10 gsung 'bum (Tite Collected Works of La:cmg Dame/to Gyatso) (New Delhi: North Sopa. 1975). .... 12- 20, 23- 26). 9:52 she bears a vertical third-eye on her forehead, denoting her awakened status (Amy Heller. ·'The Great Protector Deities of the Dalai Lamas.·· in Lhasa in the Seventeenth Cenrury: The Capital of the Dalai Lamas, Fran9oise Pommaret, ed. (Leiden: Brill , 2003}, 81 - 98; Nebesky-Wojkowil2, Oracles and Demons ofTibet. 24-25; and Miranda Shaw, ·'PaJden Lhamo: Supreme Guardian Goddess of the Dalia Lamas," in As Long as Space Endures: Essays on the Ki!lacakra Tantra in Honor of H.H. the Dalai Lama (Ithaca: Snow Lion Publications. 2009). 154-156). Beer describes the five garments as each relating to one of the Five Great Buddha Families, the patrons of which are Vairocana, Aksobhya, Amitabha, Ratnasambhava, andAmoghasiddhi. According to him, the five kinds of the silken garments can also refer to five specific garments traditionally wom by peaceful buddha-deities as part of the thirteen ornaments of sambhogakliya buddhas: "an upper white silk bodice embroidered with gold, a multi-colored silk tlltoti or loincloth, a yellow scarf wom as a sash, a multi-colored ribbon under the tiara, and a long blue or green scarf draped over the shoulders" (Robert Beer, The Encyclopedia of Tibellm Symbols and Motifs (Boston: Shambhala Publications, Inc .. 1999). 202. 318). For more on early Saiva mo••ements and the Kapalikas in particular, see: Davidson, /utlilm Esoteric Buddhism. 177- 179; David Lorenzen. The Kt7pt11ikas anti Ko/amukltlls: 11vo Last Saivite Sects (New Delhi: Thomson Press. 1972): David Lorenzen. ·'A Parody of the Kapalikas in the Matlltvilast• :· in Tantra in Praclice (Princeton: Princeron University, 2000). 81- 96: and Geoffrey Samuel, The cup of grain. the oracle consults the item and falls into a trance from which she can answer not on Iy questions in moments of crisis. but ones concerning lhe whole range of human experience - health, kinship, weather. work, politics. and so forth. While both men and women can function as mediums, Hildegard Diemberger's research reveals that where men are usually the chosen diviners on the level of institutional religion, female oracles predominate the lay and local scene of village life. Achi 's possession of a mirror may signal that her persona laps into this rich indigenous tra· dition of female-oriented ritual power (Hildegard Diemberger, "Female Oracles in Modem Tibet," in \Vomen in Tibet, Janet Gyatso and Hanna Havnevik ed. (New York: Columbia University Press. 2007) . For more information on Tibetan oracles and divination practices. see: Ter Ellingson, ·'Arrow and Mirror: Interactive Consciousness. Ethnography, and the Tibetan State Oracle's Trance," Alllltropology and Humanism 23 (June 1998): 51- 76: and Nebesky-Wojkowil2. Oracles anti Demons of Tibet, 409-466). •ss Beer describes these marks as follows: ''The ·pearl' of the horse's eye is the chief of these thirty-two signs. The eye should be round with a pure white colour. the pupil bean-shaped and of a deep colour, the iris should have a hue of five colours. The mane should consist of ten thousand soft hairs, and the upraised tail should flow like a comet. The ears should be shaped like a willow leaf, the tongue slender, pink, and clean like a rwo edged sword, the gums a light colour, and the incisor and molar teeth spaced firmly apart. The neck. forehead, breast, bones, skull, sinews, legs. knees, and fetlocks all bear similar signs of distinction . A particular mystique is also accorded to the colour marks of the forehead, hoofs, and body of a perfect thoroughbred steed, which though possibly high strung is never disturbed by sudden sounds or startling sights'' (Beer, The Encyclopedia ofTibeum Symbols ltutf Motifs. .,. Universiry Press, 2008), 242- 246. Larger \'ersions of the tantric t/auwru, which can be seen in the possession of various wrathful and semiwrathful deities. are ideally Individual oracles and cults of spirit possession have had profound religious and political influence throughout Tibet's history, and the mirror is their most important instrumenl. After setting one or three ritual mirrors in a As to footwear, standing Achi is depicted with either sandals or bare feet, whereas mounted Achi wears the heavy boots typical of worldly Dharma protectors. Rob Linrothe cites footwear to be an important detail distinguishing between worldly and fully enlightened protector deities in their iconographies. Worldly dharma protectors are prone to wear boots. which is a reftection on their war-like nature and ability to take an active role in the li ves of their followers. In contrast, images of fully enlightened buddhas. both peaceful and wrathful. as well as beatific bodhisanvas, are usually shown without any such footwear (Rob Linrothe and Jeff Wau, Demuuic Di••ine: Himalaylm Art aut/ Beyond (New York: Rubin Museum of Art. 2004), J 9). Origins of Yoga lltul Ttmtra: ludic Religions 10 tfte Thirteenth Century (New York: Cambridge ... ... fashioned from the joined skulls of each a sixteen-year-old boy and sixteen-year-old girl. lhereby linking it with its origins in the char· nel ground and cemetery imagery. The drum is most commonly associated with Tibetan chtl (gcod) practice, which is credited to a famous female yoginT Machik L1pdron (Ma gcig lab sgron, 1055-1152) from within the Kagyu. (Beer, The Encyclopedia ofTibewn Symbols and Motifv, 258). For more on chu practice and the t/amaru. see: Rinjing Dorje and Ter Ellingson, '·Explanation of the Secret Gcod Oa rna ru: An ExplorJtion of Musical Instrument Symbolism," Asian Music 1012, Tibet Issue ( 1979): 63- 91; Edou, Machig Labdron aut/the Foundations ofC!totl: and Janet Gyatso.'The Development of the Gcot/Tradition,'' in Soundings in Tibetan Civi/i;y.ltiou, edited by Barbara Nimri Aziz and Manhew T. Kapstein (New Delhi: Manohar, 1985). 320-341. ... 60-62). For more information on these two Drigung KagyU paintings, see David Jackson ·s descriptions of Figs. 7.8 and 7.18 respectively. pp. 127-8 and pp. 135. 138. Of the ancient dynastic clans of Tibet, the Nanam is one of the oldest, representing one of the four heir-producing families of the imperial age. A number of its members are recorded as mnmtammg high political posi tions throughout that em. These include the ro)al mother ofTnsong Detsen (K/~ri >rang /d~ bt.>1111. r. 75.5-80-t). Mangmoje Shneng (Mu11g mo rjl! b:hi stetrg). as "ell se1eml mmisters (:hwrg blon). The founder of the Tselpa Kag)U (nlur/ pa bka' brgyruf) sect. Lama Zhang (Zhan~ >fill 110111 hrLWII ·grrLS grogs pa. 1123-1193). "as also born to the Nanam clan. A marn settlement of the clan.,... in lo,.er Tolung (Sitx/ lung) (Ronald Davidson, Tibetan R~rwis>allu: Twrtrir Buddhism i11 tlrl' Rl'hirlh ofTibeltm Cullllrt! (New York, Columbia Uni- of the tradition as it developed. His birth and death drues.likeAchi's. are unknown. ,., Jigten SumgOn himself is said to have come from the Kyura famil)• line. origonall) the Drulgyel Kyura ('Gru/ rgyal ~·u ra) dan. which claims descent from the omperial Krng Ralpachen (Rat pa ('an or Khri gt;ug ld~ bruan. c. 806-&38). Tlus d) nasuc dan was prominent in the Denma distnct of Kham. "hich is considered to be tl>e hiernrch 's birthplace. and Sorensen and Ha2.0d lrst the K) ura as one of the major dans oflibet. along with the 'Khan. {/Ha-gZigsj Rlwrgs. mCar. gN)·ags. Khyrmg .ICe. Tlran[-mi/. Myaug. sPyil. Sl111g-pl111. rN_ri-bo. rNgag.IDong. and dG[r/er dans (Luciano Peteeh. 'The · Bn- •ersity Press. 2005). 329: Drigung Konchok G) alSO. 'Bri gmrg a plryi dws kyi >grolma'i mum tlutr mdor b;dus. II: Sakyapa Sonam Gyellsen. 11re Clear Mirmr:A Traditi011al A<"<'OIIIII of Tibet s Colde11 Age, translated by gung-pa Sect in Wesrem Tibet and Ladakh" in Proceedings of tire Csomo de KuriJ; Mm10riul Sympa>ium. Held a/ Matrajl/red. Hungary. 1976, edited by Louis Ligeti . Budapest: McComas Taylor and U!ma Choedak Yuthok (New York: Snow Lion Publications, 1996), 227.$1:Mntthew T. Kapstein. 17re Tibetan A.r.•imilatiuu nf8udrllri.\Jir: Com-ersiou, Conte.lll/tioll. ami Meuwry (New York: Oxford Akademiai Kiado ( 1978): 313: S0renscn and Hazod Rulers of/Ire Celestial Pluin. 414. 7 17- 722). 962 University Press. 2000). 29-30; Alex McKay, cd .. Tire Hi;tory of Tibet Volume I: Tire Ear(\' sgrolma'i mamtlrar mdor bsdus (Abridged Ufes/ory of Drigrmg Aclri C/riJ~yi Drij/ma). Period: ttJ c. AD 850, Tire Ytrrlrmg Dynasty (New York: Routelcdge C urwn, 2003), 56: Soren>en and Ha2.0d. Rulers"" tire Celestial Plai11. 75: nnd Hel ga Uebach. "ladies of the Tibetan Empire (7"'-9'" Centuries CE).'' in 1Vome11 i11 Tibel (New York: Columbia University Press. 2005). 38-39). "" The mttoducuon of Buddhism into Tibet is trad1tionall) taught to ha1 c occurred in t"-O marn phases: the Firsr Propagation (>n.~a dar). "'hrch occurred during the imperial age of the Buddhost K1ngs (c. 650-850). and the ~cond Propagauon (plryi dar). also called the Age of the Ne" Translatrons (c. 1000 on\\ard). These penods "ere separated b) a tumultuous period of unccnam act11 It} referred to as the Darl.. Age (c. 850-1000). "'h1ch began with the death of the last member of the imperial line and the oollapse of the Tibetan empire. Accordong to G}atso's hagiography. there is some debate as to \\hen Achi lil•ed- some say dunng tl1e First Propagatron, "hile others suggest sometime afterwards. right before the renth century (Drrgung Kllnchok Gyatso. 'Bri gu11g a pltyi dtOl' kyi xgroluw 'i rnam thar mdar h.1tlru IAllridged Ufestory of Drigrmg Aclri ClrOk\oi Drliluur). 14--15). For more information on ·the periodization of Tibetan history. see: Bryan C uevas. "Some ReHections on the Periodi:wtion ofTibetnn History,'' Revue <I' Etudes Tibewiues. 10 (April 2006): 44-45. ..., This corresponds to the stories of o ther religious figures. who renounce their lives after traumatic experiences like illnesses and deaths of family members. While not described in detai I. Achi ·s relationship "'ith her father appears rather poor in her hagiography due to his want for a son. and he died from small pox early rn her life. While Drigung Konchok Gyatso's hagrography does not specify how Ach1's mother d1ed. rt could perhaps have functioned as the impetus for her final decision to lea• e (Dngung Konchok Gyatso. ·Bri gwrg a phyi "has 4yi sgrol nur'i rnamrhar 11ulor bjt/ru (Abridgrd Ufe Swry• of Drigrmg Adri Clr04yi DrOinw). 16). ,.. Am~ means "forefather" or "'>ogin". and like Ach1. "hich means "grandmother." "as probabl) not a personal name. but a later epithet conferred on the paremal ancestor by members Birth and deatl1 dates unknown. (Drigung Konchok Gyatso. •Bri gwrg 11 plryi clws kyi 20). "" ,.. While Davidson provides the earliest extant list of these eight sidrllri attainments from the tranSlation of the 726 CE text. the Sulx11mpcrripn·drd Twllm. he explains that this list was not the one to endun:. By the late eighth century. a list of great attainments (malrdSiddhr) had become standard. These include the sword ;iddlri. the abtlit) to mal.e an ocular medicine whieh gi•es supematural •·ision. the abilit) to mal.e an Otntrnent of fast walking. in•·isibilit). an eliAor of long life. ftight. the abilit) to pass through rocl and eanh. and dominron o• er the under· "orld (Davidson. Indian Esotuic Budtlhum. 200-201). Khecara is a pnre land S) non} mous "ith Orgyen (0 rg_yan). Ocjl)i)ana. and Uddi)!ina. and is some1imes given one of three geographic locations: the Hindu Kush. the Swat valley. or the South Indian region of Kaner. It is recorded as A chi's plane of origination in her hagiographies. Cosmologicall y speaking. Khecara is situated in Akani~!ha. the highest heaven of the fonn realm (rllpa-dlu1tu) (Gray. Tire Cakrasamvara Tcmtra . 29-30: Geshe Kelsang Gyatso. Guide to Dakini Lmul: A Commentary to the HigheM Yogu Tantr(l Prtll'· rice ufVajrayogiui. (London: Tharpa. 2008). 22- 25: Shaw. Buddlrist GO<i</e;se.r of india • 360,382-1: and Judith Simmer-Brown. Dukinil· \\1:1rm Breath: The Feminine Principle in Tibeta11 Buddhism (Boston: Shambhala. 200 I). 268-270). "" This idea is echoed also in the Sddluma Collecrioll·s summary of her life story. This differs from other popular •ersions of the stDr) and from her iconography. which cite tl1at she took off into the sky on her blue wind-h~ at the time of her departure. While the reason for this alteration is unclear" othoutlooiJng at other hagiographic texts. it rna) have been due to the audience of thi> particular booi.Jet: the achiel'ement of bodil) transceodence os a miracle. but it is a miracle cornmon among religious teachers throughout the Buddlust tradition. Konehok Gyatso. and the authors on whom be based his natr.1tive. may have felt that the summorung of a legendary creature was tOO fantastic for a modem. uninitiated aud1ence, and would ha• e made A chi ·s story less believable (Drigung Konchok Gyatso. 'Bri 11""11 a phyi dros kyi sgrolma'i mam tlrar 11>tlor bS<IrLS (Abridgt!d Ufesrory ofDrigrmg Aclri CMh·i Dro/ma). 24--5: Jamyangling. trans. A phyi'i 'Khnmg rabs (l.if<' SJOry· of Dharma Pmlt!cror. Acbi CMkyi Do/nra). 13). .,. Each t)cle on the Tibetan calendar lasts siXt) )tars -the first yearly C)cle takes places bet" een I 027-1 OS7 C .E. and the secood )earl) cycle takes place between IOS7- 1147 C.E. Kooehok G}atso claims that the departure took place just before the second yearly C}ele (rub by11ng gnyis pa). therefore believing that Achi was born sometime in the early eleventh century and died shortly before IOS7 C.E. (Drigung Konchok Gyatso. 'Bri grmg a phyi dJO.\ .kyi sgrolum'i nwm thar mdor bsdus (Abridged Life story of Drigung Aclri ChUkyi Drliluur), 24). 967 Gyatso. AppariliOfiS ofrlre Self, 6. I 03. "" In studying Achi ·s life story, the rwmrar of other more prominent and well-known yogiJJfs and female lineage holders of her theoretical contemporaries. such as Machig Labdron (Ma gcig lab sgro11. 105~ 1152) and Machig Zhama (Mtr f1Cig :Ira ma. 1062- 1149). offer an nccepted pattern for comparison as well. For further information on Machig Lapdron and Machig Zhama. see: Davidson. Tibeum Re11ai>>tmce. 29()...293: Hildegard Diemberger and Guntram Hazod. "Machig Zhama"s Recm ef): Traces of Ancient History and Myth in the South Tibetan Landscape of Khata and Phadrug ... in Sat·red Spaces mul Poo•·er- firl Places i11 Tibe1an Cu/Jure: A Col/ecJion of &says (Dharamsala: Ubrary of Tibetan Works and Archi•·es. 1999): Edou. .~1achig wbdmll tllulilll' FowrdarioiiS ofChOd: E. Lobue ...A Case of Mistaken Identity: Ma-gcig L.abs..sgron and Ma-gcig Zha-ma.- in Tibetan Srudi.s. edited b) P. K vaernc (Oslo: The ln~totute for Comparati••e Research in Human Culture, 1994): and Dan Martin. 'The Woman Illusion? Research into the Uves of Spiritually Accomplished Women Leaders of the II"' and 12• Centuries," in \Vomm in Tiber. edited by Janet Gyatso and Hanna Havnevik (New York: Columbia Unh•ersity Press, 2005). 52- 53. .., According to Tibetan tradition. the twelve acts are ( I) a voluntary descent from a heavenly reahn : (2) an entrance into the womb of the chosen mother; (3) an auspicious birth; (4) a display of early miracles and special abilities; (5) an accomplishment in the worldly arts; (6) a life of ease and pleasure: (7) a departure from home: (8) the practice of austerities; (9) the subjugating and taming of demons; ( 10) the reaching of enlightenment; ( II) the "turning the wheel of Dharma" or teaching: and ( 12) death, or the reaching of pt~rfnin·d{W (Rupen Gethin, Tire FomrdmiOIIS ofBuddlrism (New York: Oxford University Press. 1998). 16-27: Jtrorne Edou. Mac/rig wbdron tmdlhe Formda1i011.1 ofChOd. (Ithaca: Snow Uon. 1996). 95: and Nathan Karz, "Anima and mKha · ·Gro rna: A Critical Cornparatil'e Study of Jung and Tibetan Buddhism... The Tibe1 Jallrtw/213 ( 1977)). The specifics of ho" Achi's hagiograph) fits these parameters 1S addressed more fully in chapter four of my unpubloshed MA. thesis (Muldo\\nC). Knsten. "Out\\ard Beaut). Hidden Wrath: An Explorntion of the Drigung Kagyu Dharma Protectress Achi O.Ok)i Drolma· (master's thesis. Aorida State Unil•ersil)•. 2011), 62- 71). PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL .)03 m contains a variety of chapters on different prescriptions and instructions related to the cult of Achi ChOkyi Drolma (Bryan Cuevas. ' 'The "Calf's Nipple"' (Be 'u bum) of Ju Mipam ( './11 Mi r>lwm ): A Collection of Tibetan Ritual Magic." In Tibetan Rirua/. edited by Jos~ Ignacio Cage:z.6n (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 166). Konchok Gyatso lists a number of these individual chapters in his hagiography and in the compilation of texts related to Achi that appears afterwards in the pamphlet. The author also includes what appear to be two rituals pertaining to the curing of diseases, adding another domain to the deity's repertoire (Drigung K11nchok Gyatso, 'Bri gung a plryi chos kyi sgro/ma'i mom tlrar mdor bsdus (Abridged Lifesrory of Drigung Achi ClriJkyi DriJima), 36- 37). A significant portion of the text is set aside explicitly for this purpose. Before beginning her actual hagiography. Konchok Gyatso first explains the various types of deities in the Tibetan pantheon and then how Achi differs from mundane deities and is in fact a Wisdom (lakini herself, quoting several indi viduals without direct textual citation. including Jigten Sumg11n and Marpa Lotsawa. The story of her life is then followed with a continuation of this argument, explaining her nature as an .., "" enlightened protectress (Drigung K1lnchok Gyatso. 'Bri gung tt ph>'i chos kyi sgrol ma'i mam1lwr mdor bsdus (Abridged Ufesrory of Drigung Achi CMkyi Dro/ma), 3- 10, 26-30). For a full translation of this text, see: Kristen Muldowney, "Outward Beauty, Hidden Wrath: An Exploration of the Drigung Kagyu Dharma Protectress A chi ChOkyi Drmma'· ( masters thesis. Aorida State University, 2011), 13- 36. While early tantric texts distinguish a number of different rypes of (lakinls, the two most important distinctions seem to be between the worldIy (lakin I and the wisdom (lc1kinl. The first group resembles the frightening female yogirri, marrkt7s. and yak$ini meant to be subjugated for power in early tantric practice. while the wisdom (il7kinl is considered to be a full y enlightened being who actively works to help practitioners of the Buddhist religion (English, Vcljrayogini, 43: Gyatso. Apparitions of tire Self 250-251; Adelheid HermannPfandt, "l)c7kinls in Indo-Tibetan Tantric Buddhism: Some Results of Recent Research." Studies in Central and East A<ian Religions 516 ( 1992- 93): 50: Simmer-Brown. Dakirri s Warm Brearlr. 54. 57- 59; Edou. Mac/rig Labdron orrd tire Fomularions ofCiriJd, 102). For more on (iakirrf rypes and other indigenous female spirit deities, see: Gail Hinich Sutherland, The Disguises oflire Demorr: Tire De,•elopmenl of the Yak.~a in Hinduism am/ Buddhism (Albany: State University of New York Press. 1991 ); and David Gordon White, Kiss of tire Yogini: Ttmtric Sex irr irs South A<iarr Contexts (Chicago: Universily of Chicago. 2003). ..,. ,; Likewise her verificaLion as a t.ftikinf may have been used by later advocates of the tradition to help validate Jigten Sumgon as a worthy hierarch and lineage-holder. In this way, the .,. Drigung Kag)rti tradition uses Lhe hagiography m not only as a legitimizing force for devotional practices dedicated to Achi. but as a ground for claims that their founder was a descendent of divine and royal lineages. Genealogies of numerous prominent 1ibetan clans, including the KMn ('Kiron). Lang (Riarrgs}, and Kyura, provide similar mythic origins. and these clans and their familial alliances would in turn often play significant roles in the fom1ation and suecessive abbatiallineages of individual schools and monasteries within Tibet, as the Khon for the Sakya tradition and the Kyura for the Drigung Kagyu (Davidson, Ttbetan Renaissance. 267- 274: RA. Stein, Tibetan Civili::J.ltion (Stanford: Stanford Universi ty Press. 1972). 75-76; and S0rensen and Hazod, Rulers of the Celestial Plain, 12. 414. 717- 22).1 explore this act of legitimization further in chapter four of my unpublished thesis (Muldowney, "Outward Beauty. Hidden Wrath". 62- 71). 9?l I have translated the tenn be'u bum within this work's title as collection, but io line with Bryan Cuevas's analysis of the genre. one could also translate this as handbook, due to the practical nature of such a collection. which 304 NOTES ..,. .,. ... type of indigenous Tibetan spirit deity: DUmo (hdud mo). N1>jin (Gnod sbyin ), and Menmo (Smtm mo) (Nebesky-Wojkowil2. Oracles and Demons of Tiber. 181- 198). Ladrang Kalsang records a standard list of twelve and provides line drawings of each (Katsang, The Guardian Deities of Tiber. 57- 75). ''" ,., ... A cang sires is a fine breed of Tibetan horse believed to have paranormal abilities. The names and descriptions of the four are pulled together from description.s found in various rituals of the Sadlwna Collettiorr. While Jamyangling translates the oames of each deity into English. I have chosen to leave the Tibetan as each deity's given name. The translation of each name is \Visdom Savioress or l)c7kirrf Crown Jewel; Oath (Skt. Scmwya) Savioress or l)c1kini Wish-Full filling Jewel; Lotus or Subjugaling OakinT, dependjng on the specific ritual; and the Aesh-Eating !)akin I (Jamyangling, A plryi 'i gltmg chog lrJmg ngan brtag pa (Aclri's Eleplranr Lilllrgy DivinaliiJn), l 2- 15; Jamyangling, A phyi'i Gsaug sgmb (Secret Aclri St7dluma). 11 - 13, 16: Jamyangling. Bsrarr snmg a phyi clros kyi sgrol ma'i bsktmg ba rror bu 'i plrreng ba (Aclri Clrokyi Dolma :r Jewel Gar/ami ofAtonement). 25: and Jamyangling, trans. Bswn srung a plryi clros kyi sgrol mtr 'i sgmb rlrabs ':igs rten mgon pos md:.ad pa (Aclri Clrakyi Dolma Sadframr Composed by Kyobptt Jigren Sumgon). 18-22, 28-34). Konchok Gyatso does mention that Achi possesses a retinue of (/t1kinls. but there is no deso-ription of their iconography or origin in that hagiography, (Drigung Konchok Gyatso, 'Bri grmg u phyi clros kyi sgrol mc!'i mam rhar mdor bsdrts (Abridged Ufe story of Drigrmg Acfri ClriJhi Dra/ma), 26). For the full image. see Fig 7.17 on p. 137. Nebesky-Wojkowil2. Oracles arrd Demons of Tibet, 1n - 181; Ladrang Kalsang. Tire Guard· iarr Deities ofTibeJ. (India: Winsome Books, 2003), 95-103; and Simmer-Brown, Dakiui's m~rm Brearlr. 61-4,23 1- 233. Nebesky-Wojkowitz also notes that while the deities appear in other Tibetan tradi lions, within the Kagyti each is specifically connected to a particular dakini type: Tashi Tseringma as a Buddha (lakini, and the retinue being Vajra, Ratna, P..ldma. and Kanna <Jakinis respecti velyJamya.ngling. Bstan srung a phyi clros kyi sgrol ma'i bsktmg lxr nor brt'i phreng ba (Aclri ClrOkyi Dolma s Jewel Garltmd of Atonement), 30-40: and Nebesky-Wojkowil2. Oracles tmd Demons of Tiber. ln- 181. Nebesky-Wojkowitz records the names and iconography of several variations of the twelve Tenma goddesses, which can differ slightly yet significantly. depending on the source text. Often the group is divided into three groups of four members. each a different See Jackson 's previous description of this hat, p.64. Olaf Czaja summarizes the iconographies and recent research on images of Mahakala in Drigung paintings, with a focus on r.he work of Christian Luczanits and Deborah KlimbhurgSalter in this area. It seems likely that this fonn is that of the deity Dpal rngon po bya rog ming ctm~ who holds significant importance within the school (Olaf Czaja, "The Commemorative Stupas at Densathil: A Preliminary Study." In: Erberto LoBue and Christian Luczanits eds .. Tibetan Art tmd Architecfure in ... ,.; Context. Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of tire Eleventh Seminar of the hrtemational A<socitrtiorr for Tibetan Studies, KiJrrigswinfer 2006 (PlATS 2006), Andiast, Switzerland: lntemationallnstimte for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies GmbH, p. 240-2)). Beer, The Errcyclopedia ofTibeum Symbols trnd Motifs. p. 270-4; and Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Oracles orrd Demons of Tiber. 365-368. Along wiLh offering several kinds of arrows and \•arious other traditional Buddhist offerings throughout the ritual. the Jewel Garland ofAtonement, meant to be performed to seek atonement for a broken oath or promise to the dhanna. lists offerings of a female yak ('bri), a sheep (lug), a blue Gyiling steed (gyi ling snon pa). a wild yak ('brong). and a donkey (bong) to Achi and her retinue as part of the rite (Jamyangling. Bsttm snmg a phyi chos kyi sgrol ma 'i bskwrg ba rror bu'i plrreng bel (Aclri Clrokyi Dolmact Jt<~vel Gar/arul ofAlmremerrt, 23). "" Melissa R. Kerin, ·'Re-tracing Lines of Devotion: Religious Identities and Politicalldeologies in Fifteenth-Sixteenth-Century Western Himalayan Wall Painting" (PhD diss., Universily of Pennsylvania, 2008), 6-7,49- 57. "" Binczik and Fischer, Hidderr Treasures from l.ildaklr, 117, 148. For Jackson's in-epth analysis of t11ese murals of Phyang Monastery, see chapter 9. A kyarrg, or orrager. is a breed of wild ass found in As ia. Ren~ While Binczik purports the painting to date from the sixteenth century, Jackson argues that it dates to the early nineteenth century (Binczik. Angelika and Roland Fischer. Hidden Treasures from Lmlakh (Munich: Ouer Verlag, 2002). 154-5. .... ... Hugh Richardson, Higlr Peaks. Pure Et1rtlr: Co/Jet·red Writings on Tibetan History and Culture (London: Serindia Publications. 1998). 308: Dowman, Tire Power Plttces of Central Tibet. 112. In more detailed tenns, in 1239, KOdan (d. 125311260). the second son of Ogedai Khan (r. 1229- 1241). sent Dorda Darkhan and his army to raid and pillage the Dromton (' Brom sron) monastery of Reting (Rwa sgreng) and the wealthy chapel of Gyel Luklh~ (Rgyclllug lfras) in Central Tibet. Around this same time. another raiding party. led by the commander Miliji (Mi li byr) reached Drigung Thel, but upon seeing the face of the Fourth Drigung Hierarch Chennga Drakpa Jungn~ (Spyan ngo grags plr 'byrmg gnas. 11 75-1255), "faith was born in him," and the party left without harming the monastery or its inhabitants. Around a month later. Dorda Darkhan arrived in Drigung to do the job himself. but again the miraculous powers of the abbot are said to have thwarted his attacks. While the Blue An11tll< reports that this miracle came in the sudden magical showering of SlOnes from the sky, local legends claim that Achi was responsible for the defeat. in either case. the monastery became quite famous due to these events and gained a generous number of new disciples as a direct consequence during this period (Dowman. The Power Plat.·e> ofCentra/7ibel, 116; Kapstein, The Tibetans. Ill; George N. Roe rich, The Blue Annals: Pllrts I & II !Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited, 2007 (First Edition: Calcutta, 1949 and 1953)], 577-8; and Snellgrove and Richardson. A Cullllrlll Histon• of Tibet. 148). 990 991 The Drigung Phowa Chenmo ('Bri gung 'pho ix1 che11 mo), or ''The Great Transference of Consciousness [Festival at] Drigung." is said to bestow on the visiting pilgrims the ability to transfer one's consciousness to Amitlibha ·s pure land. Sukhavarr. upon one's death. lts long history in the region began in the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century. and it has traditionally been held once every twelveyear cycle of the Tibetan calendar during the summer of the Monkey year. While this patrem had been interrupted by the restrictions placed on Tibetan religious practice during and after the Cut rural Revolution. the circuit has been reopened in recent years and the festival reinstated, although in an abbreviated fashion. For more information on the history and first-hand accounts of the revi talized pilgrimage, which took place in 1992, see Kapstein ·s work on the subject (Matthew T. Kapstein, "A Pilgrimage of Rebirth Reborn: The 1992 Celebration of the Drigung Powa Chenmo:· in Buddhism i11 Con1emporury 1ibn (Berkeley: University of California Press. 1998; Kapstein. The 1ibettms. 240- 1). A selection of four of these earliest identifi· able sources cited within the hagiography include: 1) The Dharma History ofUwrong (Uto rong chos 'bytmg). otherwise known as The History ofUwrong {which/ Cillrifies the Buddha's Teachings (UIO rong c/ws 'byung tlwb bsum gsttl byed). written in the mid· fifteenth cenrury as an in-depth history of the Kagyu school (Rta tshag tshe dbang rgyal. Uw rong chos 'byung (Lhasa: Bod ljongs bod yig dpe mying dpe skrun khang, 1994): Drigung Konchok Gyatso, 'Bri guug ll phyi clws kyi sgrol mt1'i rmim 1/rar 1m/or bst!UJ'. 13; Dan Martin. 1ibeum Histories: A Bibliography of Tibeum-Langullge Historicu/IVorks (Lon· don: Serindia Publications. 1997). 69-70); 2) The Feast of Scholars Dlwrmll History (Chos 'byung mkhas pa 'i dgtt' sto) of Pawo Tsukllak] Treng[wal (Dpa· bo gwtg phreng, 1504-1564166). a two-volume work on the history of Buddhism in India and Tibe~ also referred to as Uwdrak History (Uw brag clws byung} (Gtsug Jag 'phreng ba. Cho>· 'byung mkhas pa 'i dgtl' ston (Delhi: Delhi karmapae chodey gyalwae sungrab partun khang. 1980): Drigung Konchok Gyatso. ·Bri gung a phyi chos kyi sgrol ma'i rnam thar mdor bsdus. 13 . 14. 27: Martin, Tibetan Histories, 88-89): 3) Anuals of/he Fifth Dalai Lllllm (Go11g sa lngll pa'i deb titer), a.k.a. the chronicles of the Fifth Dalai L~ma Ngawang Lozang Gyatso (Ngog dbung blo b::.tmg rgyllmtslw. 1617- 1682}. entitled The Melody of the Queen of the Spri11g: The Chronides of1ibet (Bod kyi deb titer dpyid kyi rgya/mo 'i glu dbyungs (Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang. 1980). For further information. see: Kapstein. The 1ibet· tms, 78. 82: Samten Karmay. Seuet Vi.<ious of the Fifth Dallli Lama (London: Serindia Publications, 1988); Drigung Konchok Gyatso, 'Bri guug a phyi c/ws kyi sgrolma 'i rnamthar mdor bsdus, 14, 21; Luciano Peteeh, ''The Dalai-Lamas and Regents of Tibet: A Chronological Study:• T'mmg Pao 47: 3/5 {1959): 368- 394; David L. Snellgrove and Hugh Richardson, A Cultural History of1ibet, Third Edition (Bangkok, Orchid Press, 2003 (First Edition: George Weidenfeld and Nicolson, Ltd, 1968}, 193- 204: R. A. Stein, 1ibeum Civili:aliOII (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972), 53, 61 - 2); 4) Konchok Gyatso also cites the cycles of activity siidhatws of Venerable Kunga Rinchen (Rje ku11 dga· rin cheu. 1475-I 527) and Gyelwang Ratna (Rgyal dhtmg r<i!Jw. also known as Rin·chen plum· 1shogs chos-kyi rgyal-po, 1509- 1557) (rje kun dga 'rin chen da11g rgya/ dbang ra/nas md::.ad po 'I sgyob rlwbs 'phrin las kyi skor rnams) ), the seventeenth and eighteenth abbots of Drigung Til respectively wbo lived in the late fifteen through mid-sixteenth cenruries (Dri· gung Konchok Gyatso, ·Bri gung a phyi chos kyi sgrol 11W ·; rnum tlwr mdur bsdu.f ~ 13; Sorensen and Hazod. Rulers of 1/te Celestial Plllin. 726- 730). 992 sri (1143- 1217) 0anked by his tWO principal disciples: to his right his nephew dBon Shes rab "Byung gnas {1187-1241) alias 'Bri gung Gling pa and to his left sPyan snga Grags pa ·ayung gnas (I I 75-1255). This representation is known as ''The trio of the Lord ProtectorFather and his two sons·· (sKyob po l!lb sras gsum). "" According toM. Fran9ois. Feb. 12.2005, notes. its founder was treasurer·Steward of the regent dKon mchog Phur bu (1873- 1951 ), Eighth Drung pa ICang lo can sPrul sku of ·a.; gung The!. It lies near Byang go Ia or mountain pass of the Byang thang between the Pang gon mT· sho and Shag ti. in the ancient Mar yul . Kapstein, The Ttbettms, 46-7. For more of what Kapstein has to say about Tibetan ancestor cults. see: Matthew T. Kapstein, ·'A Dunhuang Tibetan Summary of the Transfor· mation Text on Mulian Saving His Mother from Hell,'' in Dun/ma11g wenfianlunji. Hao Chunwen and Zhu Bian, eds. (Shenyang: Liaoning Renmin Chubanshe): Matthew T. Kapstein. "Mulian in the Land of Snows and King Gesar in Hell: A Chinese Tale of Parental Death in Its Tibetan Transformations .." in The Buddhist Dead: Praclices, Discourses. Rep· reSelllaliOtiS. Bryan J. Cuevas and Jacqueline Stone. ed. (Honolulu: University of Hawai 'i Press. 2007}; and Matthew T. Kapstein. "The Tibetan Yula11pen jing." in Conlributitms IIJ /he Cullllrlll History of Eorly Tibet (Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV, 2007). APPENDICES "" Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2004a. I also compared www.drikune.or2, the list ofDrigung hierarchs compiled in 2003 of Marcel Fran~ois, and mDo khams grso bar byas pa 'i bod kyi bsum rtsis kwt gsa/. ... . p. 887ff. .,... For a list of thirty-three Ladakh Choje, compare P. S. Jina and K6nchok Namgyal I 995, p. 37. "' According toM. Fran~is, Feb. 12,2005, notes. the monastery of Shar khul Phun tshogs Chos gling dgon was built between 1904 and 19 I 0 by Phyag dKon mchog Phur bu of the Eighth ICang lo can sPrul sku. It possessed at least three sanctuaries before the construction of the new temple after2000. On the ground Ooor the 'Du khang or ..Assembly Hall," the mGon khang and on t11e first Ooor the Rab gsaiiHa khang, which was repaired in 1969 by dKon mchogThub bstan bsTan pa'i rGyal mtshan (b. 1938) the Ninth rTogs ldan mchog sprul of the great monastery of Yang ri sgar in Tibet. in the 'Du khang sits in state a grand statue of ·g.; gung pa Rin chen dpal or Ratna PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE OR!GUNG KAGY U SCHOOL 305 Acarya Ngawang Sam ten. See Ngawang Sam ten. Aearya 1986. d'Aichi:· OriemalArt. New Series. vol. 32. no. 4. pp. 373-88. Ahmed, Monisha, and Clare Harris, eds. 2005. Ladakh: Culwre at the Crossroad.\. Vol. 57, no. I. Mumbai: Marg Publications. Bcguin, Gilles, and Suzanne Held. 1997. Nepal. 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Xi:ang lmihua .'•islm xinslrang: Balxmgsi :hencang .;Gaju jim1Um'' rangka slumg:rifl [Appreciating the Art oflibetan Painting: Analysis of Palpung Monastery's Treasury of "bKa· brgyud gser phreng" (Golden Garland) Thangka]. Taipei: Shan yue wenhua. Yon tan tshe ring. 2000. hZo mclrog fwd mo krm mllrong [Thangka Painting Manual [. Chengdu: Si khron dpse skrun khang. Yonten Tshering. 2000. See Yon tan tshe ring 2000. Young, Serinity. 2004. Cour/esaus cmd Tautric Consorts: Sexualilies in Buddhisl Narrati,re , Iconography. lmd Riwal. New York: Routledge. Zin. Monika. 2006. Mitleid wui\Vwrderkrajt: Sclnvierige Beke!tnmgen Ulld ihre lkonograplrie im indisclutn Buddlrismus. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. - - - I996b. "Ladakhi Temples of the J3lh-J 4lh Centuries: Kan-ji Lha-khang in sPu-rig and its Analogies with Gu-ru Lha-khang:· Kailash, vol. 18. no. 6. pp. 93- 106. PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORJGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL 313 Pagt! 111111ll>erJ i11 illllit•J "for to illustrutions. A abbols: Chelsnng nnd Chunglsnng. xix: of Drigung Monaslery. 43. 221.268. 27(>..79. 305n991: used in daling. xi. 9. See also gurus Abhayndana~rT. II 0. 300n887 Ac:lla. 22 1-22. 227. 231. 234. 236. 298n824 Acnrya Ngnwang Samlen, 26. 118. 147 Ache Lhamo folk opera. 198 Achi. See Achi Chokyi Drolma Achi Chokyi OrOima (Sna nnm 'bza A phyi Chos kyi sgrol ma}: appearance and iconography of. 155.262-64.267.269-71. 302n954. 303n965: association with Drigung Kagyu. ~ix. 46. 264. 257. 263. 273: clay images of. 295n709: and d31ing of artistic and texiUal works. 273: dcalh of. 2().1. 303n966: as dei1y and Tibelan lay., oman. 262.265. 302n!M7: dclails of. .rir. 26()...<)1. 262. 267: as dhanna proteclrcss. 265. 270: on Orin St) It pruntings. 133. 155: <J>Ilhels of. 261. 2().1: and lhe Five Long-ufe Sisters. 267-70. 268.269: foot" ear of. 302n950: as full) enhghtened deit). 262. 302n!M6: grcal-grandmotber of Jogten Sumgon. 261.265.268. 282n14: hagiography of. 261. 26+-65. m-73. 302n946. 303nn958. 959. 965. 30-lnn970. 972: and other protceti>e deo1ocs from l..1ma}uru Gookhang. 18-J. 185. 190: painting of. Ill h}bnd Sl}le. 135. 13~37. 138: from Ph}ane Monaslery. /3/: plane of origin31ooo. 264. 303n964: powers of. 264: references and sources on. 58. 261-{)2. 301 n!MO. 305n991: rctonue of. 265-{)6. 266. 271-72. 272. 30-lnn975. 979: rituals relating 10.265. 269-70. 305n990: roles of. 261. 265. 273, 302n948: slanding goddess. from Rinchen Ling. 2/J: ns syncretic dei1y. 273: and Tashi Tscringma. 272. 272: temple a1 L..1mayuru dedicalcd 10. 178. 186. 293n632: in 1hangka prcsemed by Binc:l.ik and Fischer. 35-36: lhird eye of. 263. 264: wrathful naiUre of. 272-73 Achi:, EfeJJ!umt Uwrgy DMnlllion. 269 Age of I he New Tmnslations. 303n958 Ajita (Ma pham pa}. 147. 148 Akhar (A mkhar). xiv Ak~bhya.39.234.252. 298n818.302n951 Alchi Monas1ery (Ladakh): Drigung lineage at 42. 217-18. 218. 255: Dukhang Temple. 42: Grc:a1 Choncn. 42.217.218.240. 255.255: inscnpoons from. 12-13.42: lama portraiture of. 42: Lhakhang Soma. 13. 14. J.l. 17. 33. 34.41.42.43.240.245-46.252-54.254: Lonpo. 240: LoiS:ma l..hakhang (franslator's Temple). 12-13. /2. 42. 230.232. 240.242. 255: mllh<lriddhoJ. 22~21: M3ln Temple COUM)ard. 240. Ul: ManJ~Temple. 42. 242: mooumcniS assocoated "ilh Drigung school. 217: murals of. 9-13. II. 12. 42. 47. 87. 185: pamlc:d stupas of. 39. 41: plan of 3J4 INDEX complex. 9: reconsidered by Luc:z.1ni1S. 41-42: Small Stupa. ll - 12. //,33-34. 34. 41. 42, 43. 87. 2/~ 218-19, 2/9.220-21.233.234.236. 237. 240.255. 287n78l, 296n766. 297n795. 298n824; sou1hem pari of complex. 217: SumiSek Temple, 9-1 1, 10, 2(>..28. 33. 39. 42. 43. 2 17-1 8. 2/7, 2/8,221 ,233.255.256. 259; 1eacher possibly rcpresen1ing Drigungp.1 in chllnen adjoining the Smnll Slllpa. 240. 241: teaching buddha eomposi1ion with Seven Tnrns, 254. 254; 1emples in the complex. 9: Three-Story Temple, 42; visi1ed by Snellgrove and Skorupski, 22. 284n 112; wcs1em Himalayan s1yle of. 230, 238. See lli.lfJ Ale hi Shangrong:Tsa~puri Alchi Shangrong. 33, 231, 240, 245-46.247-50. 248, 300nn900.90 l Amdo Jarn.pa. 58. 59, 59 AmcTsUhrim GyaiSo (Ames IShul khnms rg)3 miSho). 264. 303n960 Ami.abha.65./08. 133.163,191.198.234.241: mandala of. 200. Su llfso Amita)OS Amitayos. 20. 106.108.234. 298n818:Am•ta)OS Paradise. 244 Amnye Machen lnstitule. Dhannasala. ().1 Am!UkUQ(Ialin. 222. 234. 236 Anavatapta. 236 Andhra. 236 Angaja (arhal). 118-/9 AngOn Rinpoche. 58 animals: beads of. 159: hidden in landscapes. 149: in iconography of Achi Choky• Drolma. 269-70; ornaments. 43. 59, 60. 61. 87. 236. 288n423 Anutlarayoga Tanlnl. 24, SO Apalala (Sog rna med}, 75. 236 arbats. See Six1een Arhats Aro Yeshe J ungne (A ro Yc shes ' byung gnas), precepiS of, 53- 54 Asanga, 182 _ aspiration deities. 245 assembly fields (tslwgs :bing), 133, 134. 13:>, 143-44, 144, 198 Atih: depic1ed wilh siddhas, 42, 75, 220. 220: early- 10 mid-twelflh-ceniUry poru-ai 1. 92: on~• lincaoe ·Jn c........ · e • 52 • 106, 109; hal of. 62. 287n394. 235: mentioned. 47.54 Al'(u/iitlll collection of ~emendra (dPllg hJom ·khri siling). 72 Avalokite§vara: depictions of, 83. 84. 292n619: devotional practice. 178-79: in Dngung Kagyu lineage. 21: Ele\en-faced, \\ilh Fi\e Dakas. 290n565: Ele1 en-faced Thousandarmed. in Bhiksunr Laksmr's tradollon. 14142_ /41. 142: ele\·en-headed. from Chenre21l... l..amayuru. 181. /8/: elt\'Cn·headed, rrom \Vania. 243. 244: llanl:ed b) Med•cn><o Buddha a1 Kanji Temple. 245: nanking the Buddha. 233: footprints of. 288n448: four-armed. from Cbenrc:zik. Lamayuru, 181,/82: holdmg a red lotus. 234: in Kashmiri style. 28: Sa(l~ara Avaloklldvara with two attendants and Kagyu lineage from WaJola. /7. 244. 245:temples devoted 10. 16.43-44.202. See also Lamayuru Monaslery. Chenrezik Lhakbang awakened beings. 255-56 Ayang G!lnp.1. 5 Ayang Rinpoche. 30. 295n739 8 backrcsiS: animal ont3lneniS on . 43. 59, 60. 87, 236. 288n423: for Buddha wilh six legendary animals. 61: of Drigung Kagyu statue, 9/: in Driri painting. 124: wilh vase and scroll motif. 236-37 Ba G!lnpa. 5 Bakula Tulkus. 179-80. 293n637. See also RangdrOI Nyima Balog Rmpoche. 198 Bardo dell) murals (Chenrc:zik l..hakhang. Lama) uru). /7~77. 179-80. /79. 18/J Barg)aiiSang Koochok Norbu. xix- xx. 109 Sari Lotsa"a. 173 Barom Kag)u. 3 Ban' a (p:unter). 61. 62. 122. 138 Basgo.45 Beer. Roben. 30211951. 302n955 B~guon. G .. 24. 33. 34. 101 Bcnbe (Barpa). 30 Bcri St}lt. 48-49.96. 101 Bhagdar Kyab ('Bhag dar sKyabs). 17. 44.243. 299n862 Bhai~ajyaguru. Su Medicine Buddha BhiksUJ:Il Lak~rnr. 141-12. /4/ Bhota<J!imara. 153 Bhutan. gonulw of. 64. 64 Binczik. Angela. 8. 35-36.44. 109, 13 1. 304n98l blacksmith tongs. 158, /58. 159 black lhnngkas (nllg thang}: oflhe Gya Shangtrom Tradition wi~t Drigung Kagyu lineage. 16769. 170. 171. 292nn618.6 19: wilh repeated flame tips. /59: of wralhful deities. 158, 165-73: ofYamari. 163 Blancke. Kristin. 178-79. 180 Blo gros (unidemified lama). 46 Bodh Ga) a. 59 bodhisnnvas: attendants of teaching Buddha. 95. 96: flanking lhe Buddha in early Drigung painllng. 233-34: in iconography of Jigten Sumgi>n. 41. 87. 89. 93.96: Padma~. 135: portrayal of. 33. 117. Su lllso :"'''al~tesv~: Maitre) a: Mai!ju.Sn: Santarllk$tta: VaJrapi!J)J Bodl..arbu. 202- 3 bod) aurcoles.l5l.l53.213.Sualsonimbuses Boo. Mn. 291 n597 Booaru. Georges. 55 branch monasteries. xiii. I. 3-7. 272- 73. 28Q...S1: appomlment of head lamas. I. 283n28: enlntsted to Drutpa Kagyu. 6. See allo Drigung Kagyu monasteries Bri bris ('Bri gung lugs or 'Bri ris) painting style. 26. 29, 284nnl60,162. See also Driri Style · Bri [!1111g gDau rabs gSer "phreug (Golden Rosary of the Abbots of 'Bri gung). 38 'Bro clan, 42 Bruee-Gardner, Robert. 80 Buddha: with auendant bodhisauvas. 96-97; Buddha footprints and deities, 85: with FiveTathagatas, 93- 95, 93; wi th flames. 123; footprints of, 84, 285n227, 288n448; performing th_e _earth-touching_ gesture,246. See also Med1cme Buddha: Sat:yamum; teaching buddhas Buddhalocana, 296n754 Buddhas of the Three Times, 159 Buddhism, introduction to Tibet. 303n958 butTaloes. 173. 292n614 butler offerings, 197- 98 Byang chub rgyal mtshan, 282n24 Bylakuppe Monastery, 200, 295n739 c Cakrasal!wara: in black thangka of four~~rmed Mahakrua, 167, 168: depicted in footprint thangkas. 83, 222, 225; depicted on thangka of Drigung hierarch, 227; depicted with consort, 234. 269; drawing with footprint of Drigw1gpa, 214-15,215-17,216. 216; with four anendant deities, 205-6. 205; mandala of, 60, 203; mentioned, 199, 234; palace of. 52; surrounded by a ring of flame, 151, /52: teachings of. 39 Carlton Rochell. western Tibetan thangka of Lekden Yeshe. 227- 30.230,234 Chab mdo Phur bu tshe ring, 295n702 Chagatai Khanate (sTod hor). xx, 44. 282n21. 282n24 Chagmed Rinpoche. 295n741 Ch"an. 53 Chan. Victor, 8. I06 Changchub Zangpo (Byar•g chub bzang po). 43 Chemchok Heruka, /53 Chemde/Chemrey Monastery, 203 Chetsang Rinpoche. xix. 29, 198, 295n707; series of previous rebirths, 290n529. See also Chetsang Rinpoche, H.H.; Gyalwang Konchok Rinchen; Konchok Tendzin Drodul; Konchok Trinle Zangpo Chetsang Rinpoche, H.H ., xix, 1- 3,30. 35, 284n 162; iII ustrated commentary of Jigten Sumgon biography, I03, 289nn486. 487 Chinese landscapes, ix, 29, 110 Chinese painting style (Gyari style). 30, 195 ChOdrak Gyatsho. 67 ChOdze Gon (Chos mdzad dgon), 5 Chogle Narngyal (Phyogs las rNam rgyal). 185 Chogowa Dorje Yeshe (Nub Chogo Dorje Yeshe: Dri 8). 26. II 0, 274. 276 Chogyal Phuntshok, 109, 2n. 289n509. See alto ChOgyal Rinchen PhOntshok (Dri 22) Chogyal Rinchen Palsangfpo) (Chos rgyal rin chen dpal bzang Ipol: Dri 14). I I0. 274. 2n Chogyal Rinchen PhUntshok (Chos rgyal rin chen phun tshogs; Dri 22), 36. 165, 169,274. 277. See also ChOgyal PhUntshok Chogyal Trinle Dondrup, 2nd Chungtsang (Chos rgyal "phrin las don grub; Dri 27), 125-26. 125, 173,275.278. See also Dondrup ChOgyal Chtije Denma Kunga Drakpa (Chos lje !Dan rna Kun dga • grags pa): expanded Lamayuru Monastery, 14; founder ofTashi ChOdzong. 35, I02. I06; with his Amitayos lineage, I06, /07; in lineage in mural from Phyang, 186; monasteries built by, 106: in Petech's history, 22, 286n3 16; revival ofDrigung Kagyu in Ladakh, 6-7, 101 ChOje Rinchen ChOkyi Gyaltshen (Dri 15). 110, 274, 2n Chokle Namgyal, 274. 277 ChOku K!lnchok DrodOI, 278 Choku Rinpoche Konchok Tendzin, Fourth, 197 Chokyi Drakpa. See Rigdzin ChOdrak (Dri 25) Chokyi Gyaltshen. SeeTendzin CMkyi Gyaltshen (Dri31) Chokyi Jungne. See Tendzin Chokyi Jungne (Dri 37) ChOkyi Louil. See Tendzin Chokyi Louo (Dri 35) ChOkyi Nyima. See Tendzin Chll~)'i Nyima (Dri 29) ChOnyi Norbu ('"Konchok" Chonyi Norbu, 5th Chungtsang; Dri 33), 183, 275, 278 Chopan Drinzangma (Chod pan mgrin bzang rna), 267 CMpon (Chos dpon). 274 Chos bzang (painter), 284n 164 Chos rje (painter). 284o 164 Chowang Gaga Lhundrub. 278 Chuda Khyentse Wangchuk, 278 Chundorwa (Chun "dor ba), 227. 297n808 Chungtsang lama palace, 123 Chungtsang Rinpoche. 58. 198. 295n208 Chungtsang tulku, thangka. set depicting successive incarnations of, 125-26. 125 Chunyi Dolje Rinchen (bCu gnyis rDo rje rin chen; Dri 9), 110.274. See also Chunyi pa Dorje Gyalpo Chunyipa Dorje Gyalpo, 276. See also Chunyi Dorje Rinchen (Dri 9) Church. Mimi . 7 clouds: in Chinese-inspired landscapes. 110; Driri Style. 19-20./24, 125. 129, 13 1, 133, 135. 141, 148, 149, 156, 157, 160. 162, 163,192, 205. 206; in flaming jewel emblem, 62; with hidden objects, 149; interspersed with smoke, 204; late Driri Style, 138; Menri Style, 144; in paintings of peaceful deities, 123; Tsangri Style, 208-9,21 1; in the work of Yeshe Jamyang, 205. 207 colors: in different painting traditions, 284o 162: in Drigung style painting. 30. 124: red background, 245: stone and earth. 198; use of white. 192. 196: white complexion, 255-56 compositional conventions. 2 19. 250- 54 conservation, 50 crowns, 95. 95 Crystal Mountain (Shel gyri ri), 52 Cultural Revolution. ix. xi, I. 3. 29, 282n27 Czaja, Olaf: on Densa Thel, xviii, 50-52. 54; on the Drigung·Sa~)'a conflict, xxi; on former existences of Rigdzin ChOdrak, 129;on images of Mahakala, 235, 304n983; identified Rigpa Rangshar, 127; lineages traced by, 107-8. 14 1. 167; on Nyingma teachings in Drigung Kagyu. 291 n5%; on Padmasan1bhava in wrathful form, 163. 292n603; on painting of Yamari . 160-{; I 0 Dagpo Onchung (Dwag po dBon chung). 217 (ftiki!IT: Achi CMkyi DrOima as. 262. 263, 264. 265 ; Achi Ch!l~)'i Drolma's retinue of. 26566, 266. 304n975: mentioned, 65, 66; types of, 304n971. 304n979 Dakla Gampo Monastery (Purang), I04, 218 Dakpo Chenga Rinpoche, H.E. See Rase Konchok Gyatsho Dakpo Kagyu schools, 51; lineages of. /0; meditation hats, xi . 63-{;7. 63, 64. See also Taklung Kagyu Dakpo Lhaje Sonam Rinchen. See Gampopa Dakpo Onchungwa (Dags po dBon chung ba). 28 Dakpo Wang Rinchen Wanggyal (bDag po Wang Rin chen dbang rgyal: Dri 13). 110, 183.274. 2n ••Dakpo Wang Rinchen Wangyal (Dri 16), check this, 288n405 (lamtmr, 263, 264, 302n953 Dampa Gar (Dam pa 'Gar), 75 Darntsig Drotma Yizhin Norbu. 266 dances, 199-200.280 Darrna Gyaltshen (Dar rna rgyal mtshan), 5, 35. 276 Davidson. Ronald, 303n963 day-thangkas (uyiu tlumg), 73, 125, 290n531 deities: aspiration, 245: identification of, 261: representing the five poisons, 296n754: Tantric, 121 , /53 , 200. See also (laki(•T; dharma protectors; peaceful deities; protector deities; secondary deities; semi wrathful deities: wrathful deities: yidam Deldan Namgyal. King. 2n Denma. See Gapa district (Kham) Denma Kunga Drakpa. See ChOje Denma Kunga Drakpa Denma Kunga Drakpa Jarnyang. King. 2n Densa Thel (gDan sa Thel): abbot of. xx: crosssectarian influence at. 238; Czaja's articles on, 50; Jigten Sumgon ·s tenure at. xiv. xvi; memorial stupas, xviii. 50-52. 51, 52, 54: monastic seat of Phagmotrupa, 50-51; stupas, 235, 298n822.299n870 Denwood, Philip, 12 Desi Sanggye Gyatsho (sDe srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho), 117 Deskyong Namgyal, King, 278 Dharmaka ya, 133 dharma protectors, 261 , 30 I n939, 302n950. See also Achi Ch!lkyi Drolma; protector deities dhOJi: from Alchi Sumtsek, 221, 259; one of five gam1ents, 302n951; used in comparing styles. 28. 33 Dhrtarli$tra, 203-4,204.208,209, 21 1. 211,212 See also Four Great Guardian Kings Diemberger, Hildegard. 302n954 Dinwiddie. Donald. Portraits of the Masters. 38 Drpa111karasnjflana. See Atisa di,•ination mirror. 263. 269, 270. 302n954 dKon mchog Phur bu. 305n996 dKon mchog Thub bstan bsTan pa "i rGyal mtshan. 305n995 'Dod 'jo bum bzang, 167-{;9 Dogras of Jammu. 178 QombTheruka. 220. 220. 235 Dondrub Narngyal, King, 278 Dondrup Chogyal,60,61. l2 1.124.Seea/so Chogyal Trinle Dondrup (Dri 27) Donmoripa (Don mo ri pa), 227 Dorda Darkhan, 304-5n989 Dordrak Rigdzin Chenpo Lekden Dudjom Dorje. 130 dort/:iu (head lamas): appointment of, 22, 284n 121 ; lineages of, 22 1; listing of. 276-79; at Mount Kai lash, 285n 182: sent to Guge and Purang. I06 Dorje Chenmo (rDo rje chen mo), 271 - 72,271 Dorjedenma (rOo rje gdan ma) statues, 87 Dorje Drakpa (rDo rje grags pa). 222 Dorje Pel (rOo rje dpal), xii i. See also Jigten Sumgbn Dolje Sengge (rOo rje seng ge ), n dPag bsam "khri shing cycle, 283n27 Opal 'byor bzang po. 282n24 Drakkarpowa (Brag dkar po pa) . 53- 54 DrakJewa (Brag ble ba), xx- xxi Drakpa Chilyang Namgyal (6th Nyangse). 278 Drakpa Jungne (Dri 4), 26. II 0. 222. 274. 276, 305n989 Drakpa 6. 296n758 Driesch. Mathias. 123, 151 , 158-59, 162, 163-{;5 PAINT I NG TRAD ITI ONS OF THE ORtGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL 315 Drigung Changchub Ling ('Bri gung Byang chub gling) Monastery, xvi 5-6, 272- 73; central temples of, xvi, xvii; decline of. 5-6; destruction and rebuilding of, Drigung Durlr<S (sky-burial ground), I Drigung Dzong Monastery, I. /97, 198: and Yuma Monastery, 2 Drigung gompa, xx. 282n 18 Drigung hierarchs: at Hidden Temple, Lingshed Monastery, 242. 242; from Koelz Collection, 227, 228,235.240. 257, 298n812; with large assembly, 238, 24(); Lekden Yeshe from Carlton Rochell, 227, 230. 233, 234. 235. 236, 237, 257: from the Pritzker Collection. 221 - 22,222, 223.233, 234, 235, 236.257. 298n812; from Zurich collection, 222,224, 227, 233 , 235, 236, 240, 297nn790,79J. 298nn8 I8,827 Drigung Kagyu lineages: in Alchi Lhakhang Soma mural. 13. 14. 17: in Alchi Lotsawa Lhakhang Temple mural. 12, /2, 230-31 : from Alchi Small Stupa. I 1- 12, 218-19; atAichi Sumtsek Temple. 10-1 I, 10.26-28,217- 18, 217.218: on black thangkas of the Gya Shangtrom Tradition, 169. 170,172, 173. 292n619; depicted at Wanta, 17. /7. 34. 44: depicted in Driri Style, 124: depicted on Zurich thangka. 222, 297n791; disciple of Jigten Sumgon with lineage, F:/, 88: in early Drigung painting. 259: on early footprintthangkas, 222- 23; freedom in depictions of figures. 233; in inscription from Gya Phakpa Temple, 46; Jigten Sumgon in assembly field, 133. 134; Jigten Sumgon wilh lineage~ 84-86, 86; from lantern at Chenrezik Lhakhang. Lamayuru, 183 , /83; from Limi/Phyang thangka set, 10910. 111 , 112, 113. //4; 1ineage ofMilarepa, 24-26, 25; main lineage, 274-75: mural from lantern of Old Tshokkhang at Phyang, 186, 186; in murals from Lamayuru Gonkhang, 190; in painting of Achi Ch<Skyi Drolma with Five Long-Life Sisters. 268; in painting of HayagrTVa with consort. 162, /62; in painting of Padmasarnbhava with refuge tree. 138-41; in paintings of Yarnari in the Gya Shangtrom ~radition. 163--65. /64, 170: in por!rait of of Rigdzin ChMrak. 124-25, 129: Rinchen Namgyal with his Drigung Kagyu lineage, 105. /05; rupture in transmission. 2n: in lhangka depicting Milarepa. Rechungpa. and Gampopa, 20-2 I. 20. 21: three potential lineages, 221; traced by Czaja. 107- 8, 141. 167; used in dating paintings. 37, 43: from western Tibetan paintings, 227. 230, 23 I. 297- 98n803. See tliso guru lineages xiii, I, 17, 29, 257, 276, 282n27, 298n809; establishment of, xiii, 84.264: Drigung painting style at, 284n 160; gilded bronzes. 255; Great Adept in a Drigung Kagyu Lineage from, 28. 29, I 17. I/7: landscape surrounding, and Drigung style, 30;; main temples, viewed from the side, /: paimings from, xi- xii. 28-29, 38: in painting of Padmasambhava with refuge tree, 138; painting styles patronized at, 59, 60, I I 7; Rase Konchok Gyatsho and. 57, 58; reference to. in Wanta inscription, 44, 243; ritual practice at. I97; after snowfall, xiii: statue of Jigten Sumgon, 38; temples of, 1: temples viewed from the side, xvii, xxi; viewed from below,/; visited by Kathok Situ. 72: Yeshe Jamyang's time at. 196-97. 199. See also Yangri Gar Monastery Drigung Kagyu monasteries. 280-8 I; destruction of. ix, 3. 106; locations of, 2- 3. 2; mother monastery, ix, xiii. See t1/So Alchi Monastery; branch monasteries; Drigung Monastery; Lamayuru Monastery: Phyang Monastery; Wanla Monastery Drigung Kagyu Ratnashri Buddhist Centre (Selangor, Malaysia), x.x Drigung Kagyu School: doctrines of, xix ; expeditions of monks and meditators, xviiixix; monuments attributed to, 238-47; range of, xiii. 257; seat of, xi. See also Drigung hierarchs: Drigung Kagyu lineages; Drigung Kagyu monasteries; Drigung painting Drigung Lama. footprints of. 76 Drigung Lingpa. See Sherab Jungne Drigung Mangrawa Dorje Gyaltshen ( ' Bri gung Mang ra ba rDo rje rgyal mtshan). 60--6 I Drigung Monastery (Drigung Thel): abbatial histories. 72; abbots of. 22, 43. 22 I , 268. 276-79, 305n99 I: auacks on, 244, 273. 304-5n989; branch monasteries of. xiii , I. 316 INDEX Drigungpa. See Jigten Sumg~n Drigung painting: art preservation projects and resources. xix- xx: characteristics of, 43, 23237; composition, 219, 250- 54: dating of, ix. xi , 9. 37, 39. 4 I. 43. 180-87.22 I, 222. 223, 227- 30. 230-31 , 240-41 , 242; earl y period. 75-99, 215-19, 230-3 I, 242, 250, 257; early publications on, 19- 3 I; identification of, ix, 215, 254; identification of minor figures in, 96; later, 121- 22; middle period, 101 - 19: mural sites, 8-9; painting styles of. 47, I 18, 231; periodization of, ix. xi , 61--62, 101, 121 - 22; political content of, 285n287; western Himalayan, 227- 30. 230-32, 230, 234. See also Driri Style Drigung Phowa Chenmo CBri gu11g "pho bu (.~hen mo) festival , 305n990 Drigung Rebellion~ xx Drigung Rinchen Palri Monastery (Kathmandu). 203 Drigung Tse (rTse) estate, 283n27 Drikung. See Drigung Drikung Buddhist College. 57 drikung.org. 3. 7. 9 Drilbupa (Ghao(apada), 220, 221.227,235 Driri style: assembly fields. 133. 134, 135; in Buddha with flames from Gongkar Monastery. I2 I. 123fig: characteristics of. I 23- 24, I57: clouds. mountains. and crags, 19-20. 123- 24. 127, 148-49, 157, 163: colors, 196, 294n700: compound body aureoles, I 5 I, 153; dating of, 39; depiction of lineallarnas. 124; derived from Khyenri, ix: described by Harris, 30. 47; :described by Rase Konchok Gyatsho, 59; described by Yeshe Jamyang, 285n220.: early phase of, 121. 124-30. 126, 126-28, 130; flames. I5 I, 155. I58, !59, 205; flourished under three great lamas, 122: hybrids, 60--61 , 121 , 135, 205; late period of. 122, 138-42, 147-49; middle period of, 121. 131- 33; naive, 148: at Rinchen Ling. 213; as source of later Drigung style, 30; use of the term 'fJriri .., xixii, 47; use of white. 192, 196; Yeshe Jam yang on. I 95. 203. See uL\'0 clouds, Driri Style; Drigung painting Drog<Sn Rechen: as eighth master of the lineage, 70; portrait of, wearing hat, 67, 69 Dromton, 47 Dromton Monastery, 304n989 Drubgyu Gon {sGrub brgyud dgon). 5 DrubgyUiing Monastery (Gapa), 4. 5 Drubwang Pachung Rinpoche, 57 Drulcpa Hermitage (Sabu, Ladakh). 208. 209 Drukpa Kagyu: hats of, 24, 67; possible identification of thangka. 143; temples. 46. 270; 1ransfer of monasteries to, 6 Drungpa Kunga, 2n Drungpa Thampa. 2n Drupwang Rinpoche (Grub dbang Rin po che). 186 Dushabpa LotrlS (Dus zhabs pa Blo gros), 26 Dusurn Khyenpa (Dus gsum mkhyen pa; First Karmapa).54, 55, 64, 215; hatof.64, 65--67, 69,82 Duwa Khan, xx, 282n2 I Dyhrenfurlh. Gunter, 180, 184-85 Dzalendhara, 155 Dza Merchen Gegon (rDza Mer chen), 4 Dzamling Gyen Temple (Drigung The I). I Dzogchen (Great Perfection), 53- 54 Dzongsar Tashi (rDzong gsar bKra shis) Monastery, I Dzongtshen ( rDzong btsan) Monastery, 148 DzutrOJ (rDzu 'phrul). 5 E Early Ladakhi Style. 33- 35, 41.42 eanh.touching gesture (blu7misparfamudrii), F:l, 89,234, 235,246,252- 53,254.255 Eastern lndian/Pala International Style, 33 eight auspicious symbols, 80-82, 216 Eight Great Adepts: in early Drigung Kagyu paintings, 40, 87. 219- 2 I, 234-35, 247; and identification of Drigung Kagyu painting, 96, 219, 221; in lama portraits, I 2; Luczanits paper on, 40, 42. See also siddhas; mahasidlilws Eight Herukas, 167. See tllso HayagriVa; Yamantaka Eighth Togdan Tulku, 184 Eight Pronouncements. I67: Lokastotrapuja as. 122. 166 eight solitary buddhas. 250 elephants. 92. 133 embroidered thanglcas. 60 Eri Style: clouds, 144. 192. 207.208: colors of, 196, 284nl62; compared with Driri. 133, 196: flames, 159. /59: learned by Ngawang Dorje. 210; mentioned. 127. 204; in Yeshe Jamyang's list, I 95 Ernst, Richard, 38, 54-55 Essen, G., 37, 135, 162, 165. 169, 173, 285n215 Everding, Karl -Heinz, xx, 292n644 ewum symbol. 30 n, F Faber, Rosita. 37. I 09 Fifth Dalai Lama: lineage of. 161, 181: mentioned. 290n548. 292n60 I; patron of Khyenri artists. II 6- I 7, 12 I: record of teachings received. 142.169. 181, 284nl09. 293n621 Filibeck. Elena De Rossi. 26 First Karmapa. See DUsum Khyenpa First Propagation of Buddhism. 266. 303n958 Fischer, Roland, 8, 35-36, 44, 109, 131 Fi ve Buddha Families, 95, 95,262, 302n951 Fi ve Buddhas. 257 five colors of the rainbow, 90 five garments. 262, 302n951 Fi ve Long-Life Sisters (Tshe ring mched lnga), 265. 266--67.268, 269, 272. See also Tashi Tseringma five poisons (five conflicting emotions), 296n754 Five Tarns, 28 Five Tathagatas, 66. 93 flames: Buddha with flames from Gongkar Monastery, 121, 123; around four-armed Mahiikala, 158, /59: Driri Style, 151 , 155. 158.159, 163-65, 200-202, 205;engulfing wrathful deities, /54. 155./55, 158--60./58. !59, 184. 185; Eri Style, 159. !59; in murals at Rinchen Ling. 213; patterns suitable for body nimbuses. /52: as seroUwork panern. 151./52: inTantric imagery, 151 footprints. guru, 52, 62. See also footprintlhangkas footprintlhangkas: 75--83; with actual footprints, 2 16; arrangement of deities and gurus, arrangement of minor deities, 75, 288n420; with bunions, 75,237. 296n754: centered on Cakras3J1'1vara, 222, 225; differences among schools, 237; drawing on silk from Tibet Museum. Gruyere, 237. 238; of Drigung Lama, 76; Early Footprints of a Black-Haned Lama. 82: and early human portraits, 84; and the Eght Great Adepts, 221 : on embroidered silk from Pritzker Collection, 222- 23, 225, 227, 235, 237, 297n797. 298n818; fabric used for, 77: inscriptions on, 75-77. 288n428; of Jigten Sumgon, 40. 74- 75, n-80, 78, n; 79, 80, 81,214-15, 215-17, 216, 220,237; Kanna KagyuAO, 80-82; from McCom1ick Collection. 74. 79. 223, 226. 227. 235. 236. 237, 298n818: prototypical. 76. 84; from the Rubin Museum , 38- 39, 42, 43, 2/4-15. 215-17, 2/6.218. 2 19- 20. 221, 222, 233. 234. 235, 236. 255: with some Drigung elements. 237- 38: Taldung Kagyu. 82; Taklungthangpa Chenpo, 82-84. 83 See also Buddha footprints; guru footprints Four Dharrnas of Garnpopa. 57 Four Great Guardian Kings: in Drigung iconography, 50; from Jangchubling Monastery, 200-202, 202; from Lamayuru Dukhang Sarpa. 200, 200, 20 I, 202: painted by Yeshe Jam yang. 199, 200, 200, 201 , 202- 3. 202. 204, 205.206-10: at Rinchen Ling, 211 . 212-1 3;as semiwrathful deities, 153;at Sharchukhul, I 99; Tsangri Style, 208- I 0, 208; VirOpilk$'1 as. 149. 149 Foumier. Lionel, 33, 34. 101, 106 four ornaments (rgyan b~.hi), 60 Francke, Augusr Hemtann, 34, 4 I, 44 Fran~ is. Marc: I06 "Dances of Lamayuru," 280; on Guru Lhakhang. 289n476; ''Hi~rarques er r~gents Drigungpa, rois du Ladakh;' 276; on Lamayuru, ln - 78. 289-90n492.509, 292n642. 293n633: on Limi!Phyang guru lhangka se1. I 09; mentioned. 290n553 G Ga. See Gapa district (Kham) Gadik (Ga ldig), master painter, 60, 61 , 121. 13 I Ga DrubgyUGon (sGa sGrub brgyud dgon), 4, 5 Gampo Chenga, 57, 58 See tllso Rase Konchok Gyarsho Gampogar (sGam po gar), 52 Gampopa (Dakpo Lhaje Sonarn Rinchen): with buuerfty ftunering over a ftower, I 14, 115. 290n520: depicred in lineage, I 2, 2 1, 24, 269; depicted with Milarepa and Rechungpa, 20. 20, 106. 138; in Drigung Kagyu lineage. 107, 109. 218.237. 274 ; and Dzogchen reachings. 53 : four dharrnas of. 57; gomslw of. 63. 63. 64-65. 66. 67. I 15. 115; and the hat of Dusum Khyenpa, 65-67; in Limi!Phyang thangka seL 109. I 14-15, //4. //5; lineage of. 182: misidentified. 54; in painring of Vajradhara. 143; relics of. 52. 54; successors of, 10, 54, 296n764 Gat,~apati , 227,236 Gandhara. 236 Gangngon Tashi ChOdzong (sGang sngon bKra shis chos rdzong). See Tashi Chodzong Gansser. Augusto. 24 Ganu (painter), 35 Gapa disrricr (Kham): Drigung Kagyu conrinues in, xi; Drubgyuling Monastery. 4. 5; importance of, 4; monasreries and branch monasteries, 3, 4-5. 280; Nyidong Monastery, 4. 4, 283n41 Garchen Changchup Wangpo (mGar chen Byang chub dbang po), 133 Garchen Ri npoche. I38 Gar Dampa Chodingpa, 38. 299n857 Gar Gon Jangchub Choling (mGar dgon Byang chub chos gling). 4 Gar Gonpa (mGar dgon pa) Monasrery, 4 Garpa Changdor, xix Gar traditions. See Kanna Gardri Sryle Ganrul Konchok Tendzin Chokyi Nyima (mGar sprul dKon mchog bsran 'dzin chos kyi nyi rna) of Nangchen. I 55 gamllas. 87, 89, 92. 95 Gega Lama: an manual of, 63, 7 I ; Cakrasar11vara wirh surrounding fire nimbus. 151, 152 Geluk School, 3, 49, 5 1. 257. 291n596 Gcsar of Ling, 263 Geshe Ashon (dGe bshes A gz.hon). 60 Ge' u Gon (•Ge' u dgon), 5 Ghal)!apada (Drilbupa), 220. 221. 227, 235 Ghuya Gangpa (Ghu ya sgang pa), 221,276 gNubs Narn mkha 'i snying po, 292n603 Goepper. Roger: dating of AIchi Sumrsek Temple. 26-28. 33. 42: discovery of inscribed lineage at Three-Story Temple. 42: mentioned. 296n764 golden lhangkas (gser tlrtmg): depicring Padmasambhava with assembly field, 143-44, 144; of Mar'ijusrr ar Phyang Monastery. 14447, 145; mentioned, 26. 36; of Vajrasanva ar Phyang Monastery, 146 Go Lotsawa, Blue Annals, 53, 54 Gomchung (sGom chung or dB on sgom) Sherab Changchup (Shes rab byang chub), 10 Gompa Rinchen Dorje (sGom pa Rin chen rdo rje), 77, 288n429, 296n758 Gompa Tshul!rim Nyingpo, 10, 63 gomslw (sgom :/rwa: mediration bars): color of. 62: Dakpo Kagyu. 63-64, 63-67; Drigung Kagyu,62-63, 67, 7 1,141,144, 147, 162-63, 165, 173, 183, 192; in Driri paiming, 124, 160: ofDrogon Rechen. 67. 68, 70; ofDUSum Khyenpa. 65-67: of Gampopa, 63, 63, 66; hat teachings of Jigren Sumgon. 62-63 ; of Jigten Sumgon. 62. 62; Karma Kagyu. 67- 71 : in Menri Style painting from Kham. 138: used in comparison of schools. xi Gongbur Monasrery. See Gungbur Gonpa (Purang) Conge/rig reachings. 58 Gongkar Dorjeden (Gong dkar rOo rje gdan) Monasrery, II 7 Gongkar Dorje Denpa, I 42 Gongkar Monastery. 121 ; Buddha with ftames, 123 Gonpo. See Mahakala Gonpo Yeshe, 106 Goshri Dondrup Gyalpo (Go shri Don grub rgyal po; Dri I 2). II 0. 274, 276 Gorshangpa, 67, 19 1; statue of, 70 Grags pa bsod nams. 282n24 Grags pa rin chen , xxi, 282n23 Great Consciousness-Transference Ceremony (Pho ba chen po). xix, 282n 13 Grear Perfection (Dzogchen), 53 "Grear Yellow Monasteries of the Yellow Seer' ' (Tucci), 20 Green TiirJ. 84, 101, 218, 227, 23 1. 234, 252; with Avalokiresvara at Kanji Temple. 245 Gruschke. Andreas. 3. 5 Guge (Ngari): painting style of. 41.47-49, 50. 291 n569: Red Temple, 47 Guhyasamaja-A~obhyavajra mandala, 234. 296n754 Guhyasamaja deities . 39, 75. 222. 223 Gulab Singh. Maharaja. 178 Gungbur Gonpa (Purang): approach ro, I 06; discussed by Kerin, 47: hillside remples of, 6 ; murals of. 9, 21 , 106- 7. 108fig; restorarion of, I 06: temple at the foor of Gungbur cave, 6; remples of, 7 Guru Dolje Drolo (rDo Jje gro lod), 153 Guru Drakpo. I 63, 163, 200. See also Padmasambhava Guru Lhakhang. See Phyang Monasrery (Ladakh) guru footprints. 52, 62. See also footp1in1 lhangkas guru lineages: for Amirayus, 106: from Chenrezik, Lamayuru. 181-82; and the daring of Drigung paintings, ix, 9 , 221; interperarion of, ix. 9. 37, 43 , 242, 301n935: of Kadam Mahayana, 182, 183; Kagyu, at Kanji Temple, 244; on painting of Eleven-faced Thousand-armed Avalokit.Svara, 141-42; on painting of Eleven-faced Thousand-armed Avalokitdvara with fi ve D-akas, 290-91n565; in painting of four-anned Mahakilla, 155: in painring of Milarepa. Rechungpa. and Gampopa, 20- 2 1. 20; in painting of Padmasambhava. 138. 138-39; in painting of Sal1aja Samvara, 156: in paintingsofYarnari, 160-61. 169./7/; represenrarion of. 219: rraditions of, 221 ; of rwo main rraditions of Atisa, 182: used in dating. 37. 301n935: wesrem Tibetan. 242, 257, 298n809, 299n854. See also abbots; Drigung Kagyu lineages guru portraits, I 08- I 7 Gyalmorong. 124 Gyalpo Kambum (rGyal po bka ' 'hum), 181 Gyalrsen, Khenpo Konchog, Great Kagyu Masters , 297n784 Gyalwang Konchok Rinchen, First Chetsang (rGyaJ dbang dKon mchog rin chen: Dri 24). 274 Gyalwang Kunga Rinchen (rGyal dbang Kun dga· rin chen; Dri 17). 6, 60-6 1. 110, 183, 206, 274 Gyalwang Rinchen PhUntshok (rGyal dbang Rin chen phun tshogs; Dri 18). See Je Ratna: Rinchen PhUntshok Gyangdrak Monasrery (Moum Kailash), 5, 6, 6, 8 . 35; head lamas of, 22. 46; srupa in from of, 5 Gyantse (rGyal rtse) Kumbum, 29, 48. 49. 148. 299n870. See also Kumbum Monasrery (Lingshed Village) Gya Phakpa Temple (Nako Village. Khunu), 4546,45: affiliation with Drigung Kagyu, 270: Drigung Kagyu lamas. north wall , 46; image of Achi Chokyi Drulma. 270. 270. 271: mural inscriptions at, 46-47; painting style of. 47; placemen! vis-a-vis Guge and Purang, 49 Gyari Style, 30. 195 Gya Shangrrom rradirion, 160, 163, /64, 167-69, 170. 171 Gyel LukiM, 305n989 Gyelwa Rinpoche (rGyal ba rin po che), 243-44. 299n868 Gyera Chok!rUI Konchok Thub!cn Wangpo (brGyad ra mChog sprul dKon mchog !hub bstan dbang po; Dri 38), 275. 279 A hagiographies, 50. 103. 264-65. 303n969 Hahn Museum (Korea). 144 Halji Village (Limi). 7. 7 halos. 256- 57, 259. See also nimbuses hand-prints. 138, 160 HAR (Himalaytm Art Resources), XKii Harris. O are: on Ngawang Dorje, 210: on painting styles, 30, 47: on Tshewang Rigdzin 's career, 189, 191; on Yeshe Jamyang 's late sryle, 203 hats: Karmapa, 147, 215; lotus, 71 , 72, 183: lotus hat of Orgyen, 71 , 72; non-gomslra, 71 - 72, 288n405; Nyingma. 71; pundiL 71 - 72, 72, 102,102, 156, 167; rigd:iu, 7 1, 71, 124, 125, 126. 141. 147, 183: SharnarTulku, 147; shapes of. 20; Taklung Kagyu, 238: of PAINTING TRAD I TIONS OF THE OR\GUNG KAGYU SCHOOL 317 TerliJns. 71, 7/ , 183: of the throne-holder of Mindrilling, 7 1. 7 I; used to detennine sect, xi, 24. See also gomslut hat teachings. 62~3, 67- 71. 287-88n403 Hayagn-va: ceremony related to, 292n60 I: with consort and aspects of Padmasambhava. 1 61~2. 161. 291n599; wi th consort and Drigung Kagyu lineage, 1 62~3. 162; with consort in illustration from Tucci, 19; one of the Eght Herukas. 167: possible identification of, 298n824: in Rubin Museum drawing. 236; subjugation ofRudra by. 133; between two siddhas, 249, 300n904; Yangzab tradition of practice, 138, 162, 199 Hearl of The Gre<ll Vehicles Teachings (Theg chen bstan ptt 'i snying po). xvii Heeramaneck collection, 24 Heller. Amy. 37. 40-41. 55. 399n913 Hevajra. 52: with Kagyu lineage from Alchi Lhakhang Soma. 14 " Hidden Lhakhang'' (Lingshed). 49-50, 241-42. 242,252 Highest Yoga teachings. 2 15. 295n743 Himalayan Art Resources (HAR}, xxii ' 'History of the Nangchen Twemy-five" (Ba ri Zla ba tshe ring, comp.}, 4. 5 horses, 263, 264, 302n955. 303n965 Howard, Megan, 302n948 Hulegu Khan, xx I ' 'Indo-Tibetan ," use of term, 49 lndrabhoti , 133. 2 19-20, 221 , 231. 235, 287n781: embracing a consorL 220: from three-storied temple at Wanla. 232 inscriptions: from Alchi Sumtsek Temple. 2 18. 296n763: on black thangka of the Gya Shangtrom T radition. 169, 292n6 18; at Chenrezik Lakhang. Lamayuru. 180; on painting of Jigten Sumgon from Zurich collection. 40-41: on painting of Padmasambhava with refuge tree, 138; from Phyang. 45; on Rubin Museum drawing, 2 17. 256; types of, 38; from Wanla, 34-35. 36, 42, 43-44, 243. 299n871. 300n873 lmemational Style, 33, 49 ·' Jigme Kunga Namgyal. King. 278 Jigme Lingpa ('J igs med gling pa}, 123 Jigme Senngge ('Jigs med seng ge). 129 Jigten Chillil. 166 Jigten Gonpo. See Jigten Sumgon Jigten Sumgon (Drigungpa): with Achi CMkyi Drolma. 36, 26~9: at AIchi Great Chilrten. 255, 255; in AI chi Utakhang Soma lineage, 13; in Alchi Small Stupa, J I. JJ. 41 , 219, 255; in AIchi Somtsek lineage. 10-11 , 10; in A! chi stupas, 240, 241; in Alchi Translator's Temple panel , 255; associated with triple jeweL 237, 238; with chief disciples, at Phyang Monastery, 8: commissioned reliquary stupa at Densa T hel. xvii, 50-51 ; commissioned sacred images, 72: cure for leprosy, xv; day- lhangka of, 290n531; death of, xvii: disciple of, with lineage. 87, 88; doubled representation of, 49: in a Drigung assembly field, 133, I 34: Drigung hierarch succeeding, 221- 22, 222, 223; with Drigung Kagyu gurus from lantern at Chenrezik Utakhang, 182-83, 183; in Drigung Kagyu lineage, 24, 46, 107, 109, 217, 218; early painted portraits of. 84-87, 86. 255, 289n457: early statue portraits of. 87-89. 89. 90: Eight Incantations of. 59; as equal to a buddha. I I, JJ; facial characteristics of. 55; family line of, xx, 264. 265, 303n961, 304n972; Manked by deities, 296n754; foo tprint thangkas of. 38-40, 40. 43. n-80, 78. 79, 80. 81. 84. 214-15. 2 15-17. 216.220. Jackson. David: classification of women in thangl<as. 302n947; on Drigung painting style, 36. 47, 286n282. 286n283: HisTory of1ibeltlll Pailllillg, ix, 109: interview with Yeshe Jamyang. 285n22.0 : Mirror of the Buddlw. 82 . 215; Nepalese Legacy, 13: Patr011 t111d PainTer, 80; Plllce of Provenllnce. 12 1: publications of. 36-37. 12 1; TibeTan Tlrangka Painliug, ix: on the Wanla inscription, 243 Jambhala, 236 Jampal Zangpo, gomslra of. 56-57. 65 Jampe Yeshe. 106 Jamyang Chilkyi Gyaltshen, 4th Chungtsang (' Jam dbyangs chos kyi rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po; Dri 3 1), 275. See lllso Tendzin Chilkyi Gyaltshen Jamyang Deldan Namgyal, King, 2n Jantyangling, Tashi T., 262. 304n975 Jantyang Namgyal, King. 14. 35. 102, 106 Jang (Lijiang, Yunnan}, 3 Jangchubling Monastery (I ndia): Four Great Kings painted by Yeshe Jamyang. 200-202. 202, 210, 21 1; murals ofYeshe Jamyang, 2 11; new seat of Drigung Kagyu SchooL xi Jawka Tllles. 60, 179 Jennga Chokyi Gyalpo (sPyan snga Chos kyi rgyal po. also 'Dzam gling chos kyi rgyal po; Dri II }. II 0. 274. 276 p8 Jennga Drakpa Jungne (sPyan snga Grags pa ' byung gnas; Dri 4}. 26, 110.222, 274,276, 305n989 Jennga Gar, 72 Jennga Sherab Jungne. See Sherab Jungne Jennga Tshamjepa (sPyan snga mTshams bead pa}, 115 Je Ratna. 165, 173. 183,205. SeeolsoGyalwang Rinchen PhUntshok (Dri 18} Je Rinpoche (rJe rin po che}. 243 Jewel Garland of ATOnemenT, 269, 270, 304n985 jewels: naming-jeweled gomslw, 62, 62fig: gi,•en by m1ga king to discliple. 75; special treatment of, 95-96; symbol of Rinchen Pal, 42, 62, 95; on throne backrest, 87; used as decorative elements in architecture, 143. See also triple jewel I NDEX 223, 226.237: Gar Monastery main statue. 4: gom.<lra of, 62. 62. 63: with gurus and deities from Lotsawa Lakhang. 12- 13. 12, 13: at Gya Phakpa Temple. 46; hagiography vigneues. I03; hairline of, II, 38, 4 1, 87, 89, 216, 221. 244, 255,301n922: with his two chief disciples, by Penpa Tsering, 58, 59; with his two main disciples, from Phyang Gonkhang, 35. 36; wi th his two main disciples from Sharchukhul, 305n995; iconography of, 35, 4 1, 55. 87, 92, 96, 105, 237; identification of, in Zurich thangka. 222, 297n79 1: identified by Ernst, 54-55; known as Serkhang Choje, .xviii: lama with long lineage from RRE Collection, 55, 55; from Lamayuru Sengge Gang Temple, 16, 50: life of. xiii- xvii; with life scenes of the ten directions and three times. 100- 101. ((}3-4, 103. 104-5; with lineage. 86, 92; with lineage. disciple, and deities, 96. 98: in lineage depictions at Wanla. 50; at Lingshed Hidden Temple. 49. 241; in main Drigung Kagyu lineage, 274; mentioned in urdakil Royttl HisTory, 284n 114: monastic vows of. xvi: names of. xiii. x>V. 38: organized expeditions to Mount Kailash. xviii- xix , 5: in painting of four Kagyu lineal lamas, 37- 38: by Penpa Tsering in frontispiece for Rase Konchok Gyatsho, 59; and Phagmotrupa from Wanla T hree-Storied Temple, 257; on Phyang lantern, 19 1; porlr.lit by Sherab Jungne. I 03; portrait statues of, 38. 39, 72, 87-89,89, 90. 255, 285n215; possible representation of, 143, 301n926; ProfoundTeadrings , 62; with pupi l. in collection of Navin Kumar. 223- 27; statue of, with base and backrest, 39: stressed proper detai l in Tanlric imagery, 151: study with Phagmotrupa. xi v- xv; in teaching buddha composition, 254; teachings of. xvii . 58, 62~3; thangkas of. 200; with two anendant disciples. xviii; inTsatsapuri murals. 50; with two lamas of Drigung, /20-2/, 127, 128: vision from the peak of Gampogar, 52; with white oomplexion. 256: wrinen sources by, 60, 273; from Zurich collection. 40-41 , 222, 297n79 L See also Drigung Kagyu lineages Jina, Prem Singh. 179. 183. 186. 186-87 Jilanatapa. 42 Jokhang (Tsuklakkhang) Temple (Lhasa), 149 Jo Lama (Jo Bla rna), 2 13 Jonang Takten PhUntshokling. 11 6. 290n515 Jonang Taranatha. 11 6 Jo nubs (Chos sgo ba Rdo rje ye shes), 282n24 Jucker collection. 298n812 Jung Dorje Dral<pa (gCung De rno ba alias gCung po rOo rje grags pa: Dri 5}, 5, 17, 26. 35. 44, II 0, 274, 276 K Kaclrem Kaklrolma, 18 1 Kachen Losang Phuntshok. 209, 2 10 Kadam Mahayana lineages, 182, 183 Kadampa School, 67, 90. 106, 182. 2 15 "Kadampa Style,'' 49 Ka Gyatso, 2 11. 295n739 Kagye (bKa' brgyad). 53 Kagyu Namgyal Gilnpa (bKa' brgyud rNam rgyal dgon pa}. I 06 Kagyu sects. 3; schools of painting. 2 15: lineage representations, I I, 72, 73. 2 16, 217. See also Drigung Kagyu School; Kanna Kagyu; Taklung Kagyu Kaidu, XX, 282n2 1 Kalacakra, 2/2,213 . 246: frorn New Assembly Hall , Spituk Monastery, 200 Kanakavatsa arhat (gSer be'u}, from late Driri set, 147, 148 Kangyur (bKa · 'gyur} canon, 197 Kanj i (Ladakh}. 4 1, 47, 243. 244, 299n872; Avalokitdvara flanked by Medicine Buddha at, 245: relationship with Wanla, 244. 300n874 Kapstein. Matthew, 273 Karakoram Mouruains. 185 Kargyudpa douds, 19, 192 Karma Gardri Kagyu Interval. 173 Kanna Gardri Style: Chinese landscape background. ix : coexisted with Drigung. 121; at Drigung. 59~. 6 1, 121; in Drigung painting, 133- 35: ofGega Lama. 63 . 151, I 52: hybrids, 135: in Kham, 135; mentioned. 26, 130: of Sixteen Arhats se!. 118 : synthesis with Menri, 295n702. See lllso Tshurri (Tshurphu) Style Karma Kagyu: foo tprint thangkas, 40. 80-82. 82; gomslw of, 56-57, ~7. 65. 67- 71; hats, 147, 2 15; idemification of, 2 15: inscriptions , 138; mentioned. 135; monasteries, 3 Kannapa Mikyil Dorje, 105, 127 Kannay, Heather, 24. 26 Kannay, Samten, 54 Kanno {dKar mo), 271- 72 . 271 Karsha Monastery (Zangskar, Ladakh}, 227; Kadampa ChOrten, 24 1 Kashmir: artists from. 28, 33; invasion of Lamayuru, 178: mentioned, 44. 243; ruler of, 299n862; style of, 33 Ka Tashi Gon (Ka bKra shis dGon). 4 Kathok Monastery. 130, 288n448 Kathok Rigdzin Chenpo Tshewang Norbu (Ka~ !hog Rig 'dzin Tshe dbang nor bu), 71, 130. 141 Kathok Situ (Ka~ thog Situ), xi- xii, 72- 73, 284nl60 Katung Druzhi (Ka !hung gru bzhi}, 264 Kerin, Melissa, 45-49, 270, 286nn282,283 Kham: map of. xx v; monasteries of, 280-8 1: painting style of, 20, 30, 195-96, 295n702; styles of, in Drigung painting. 133- 35, 138: tradition 54. See also Gapa district (Kham); Nangchen district (Kham) Khamjok Gon (Kham mgyogs dgon). 5 Kharag Gomchung, 54 Kharakhoto. thangkas from. 24, 26 Khargo Gon (mKhar ·go dGon) Monastery. 4 k/wfviinga (Tantric stafl), 227. 235. 269 Khecara. 264. 303n964 Khenchen Gurawa Ts huhrim Dorje (mKhan chen Gu ra ba Tshul khrims rdo rje; Dri 2). xvii, 13, 26. 109, 186. 274,276 Khenchen K!lnchog Gyaltshen Rinpoche, 287n376 Khenchen Namjom (mKhan chen rNam 'joms). 186 Khenchen Norbu Gyaltshen. 61 Khenpo (mKhan po}, 274 Khochar Temple (Purang). I 03 KMn clan, 304n972 KMn Sherab Tshultrim, 53 Khosla, Romi. 14-15, 185. 295n737 khri skor (Mongol administrative district), 44 Khubilai Khan (Qubi lai Khan), xx. 282n2 1 Khunu. 45-46, 47, 48, 280. See also Gya Phakpa Temple Khyenri Style: brought to Drigung, 60, 117; Chinese landscape background, ix: discussed in Jackson 1996, 30; Great Adept in a Drigung Kagyu Lineage, 29, 11 7; guru portraits, 109: influence on Drigung Style, xi . 121. 127: of Limi/Phyang thangka set. 116-17: lotus petals, 151 : in the middle period of Drigung art, 101; patronized at Drigung Monastery, 29. 59. 117. 121 : set of eighty-four siddhas, 118 Khyentse Chenmo. 30, 116 Kings of the Four Quarters, 22. 177 Kinnar (India). See Khunu K1imburg..Salter, Deborah: on Drigung Style, 47, 286n282; on Guge. 49; OrienWiions article introducing thangka with footprints of Jigten Sumg!ln, 38-40, 215, 285n227; students of. 45; study of footpri nt lhangkas. 42. 297n787; Tabo book of, 22 Kodan. 304n989 Koelz, Walter N_ 227 Koelz Collection (Ann Arbor), 21, 230; thangka with Drigung hierarch, 227, 228,230-31, 298n809 K!lnchogTabdol, 186 Konchog Tendzin Ngawang Gyaltshen, 293n633 Konchog Tendzin Tri nle LhUndrup. See Rase Konchok Gyatsho; Tendzin Trinle LhUndrup (Dri 40) "Konchok'' Chi:inyi Norbu, 5th Chungtsang (dKon mchog? chos nyid nor bu : Dri 33). 183. 275. 278 Konchok Dorwa (artist). 44 Konchok Gyalpo. 53 Konchok Gyaltshan. 19, 187, 191, 192- 93: domestic articles of everyday use. 193; style of. l93. 210: lhangkapaintedfor Pallis. l92. 193: while painting, 193 Konchok Gyatso (dKon mchog rgya mtsho). hagiography of Achi Chokyi Dralma. 261, 264-65, 265, 267, 273, 303nn958,959.965.966. 304nn970,975, 305n991 K1inchok Lhundrub (dKon mchog lhun grub). 72 K1inchok Monlam, 278 K1inchok Ngedon. 278 Konchok Norbu (dKon mchog Nor bu). 186 Konchok Rangdr1il Nyima Mipbam Sengge (dKon mchog rang grot nyi ma mi pham seng ge), 293n637 Konchok Rinchen (Fi rst Chetsang; Dri 24). 283n4 1. 277 Ki:inchok Rinchen CMk')'i Wangchuk (7th Gyalse), 278 Ki:inchok S1inam, 44 K1inchok Tendzin. art manual of, 151 K1inchok Tendzin (4lh CMku). 279 K1inchok Tendzin Chodrak Tshepal (6th Togdan), 278 Ktlnchok Tendzin CMkyi Lotro. See Tendzin Chokyi Lotro (Dri 35) Ktlnchok Tendzin CMkyi Nangwa. See Tendzin Chokyi Nangwa (Dri 39} Ktlnchok Tendzin CMyang (3rd Nyatag). 278 Ktlnchok Tendzin CMying Namdrol (6th Gyalse). 278 Konchok Tendzin Drodul, 3rd Chetsang (dKon rnchog bstan 'dzin 'gro 'dul ; Dri 28). 169. 275, 278 K1inchok Tendzin Khyentse Wangchuk (4th Balog), 278 Konchok Tendzin Ngawang Lotro Gyaltshen (8th Togdan).279 Konchok Tendzin Shenwa, 278 Konchok Tendzin Tri nle Kunkhyab (4lh Nyatag), 278 Ki:inchok Tendzin Tri nle LhUndrup. See Rase Ki:inchok Gyatsho; Tendzin Trinle LhUndrup (Dri 40) K1inchok Thukje Nyima. 5th Chetsang (dKon rnchog thugs Jje nyi rna : Dri 34), 182. 183. 186, 187. 293n633; abbot of Drigung Monastery, 278: in main Drigung Kagyu lineage. 275 Ktlnchok Trinle Zangpo. 2nd Chetsang (dKon mchog ' phrin las bzang po: Dri 26). See Trinle Zangpo Kongpo. monasteries of. 280 Kukkuripa.220, 235 Kumar, Navin, 223- 27, 233,235, 236, 237 Kumburn Monastery (Lingshed Village), 49, 299n870 Kun dga· rdo rje, 282n24 Kunga Chogyal. 277 Kunga Gyaltshen, 276 Kunga Lcgzang, 185, 277 Kunga Lotrll, 277 Kunga Rinchen, 277, 305n991 Kunga Tashi, I06 Kunga Zangpo, I 06 Kunkhyen Rigdzin Chodrak. First Chungtsang (Kun mkhyen Rig 'dzin Chos grags ; Dri 25). See Rigdzin Chodrak Kuyal Ri nchen Glln, 82 Kyirong Jowu. statue of, 103 Kyobpa Jigten Sumgyi Gonpo (sKyob pa ·Jig rten gsum [gyi I mgon po). 20 Kyura (sKyur ra) clan. xii i. xix. xx. 264. 303n961. 304n972: lineage of, 278 Kyurbuchen. 202 L Lachen Lotra Gyaltshen (Bia chen Blo gros rgyal mtshan), 181 Lachi (La phyi). xvi Lachiwa Namkha Gyaltshen (La phyi ba Nam mkha' rgyal mtshan). 21 Ladakh (India): cave temples of. 284nl 12; conservation activities in, 50; cultural siles introduced by Snellgrow e and Skorupski, 21 - 22; Drigung Kagyu monasteries and affiliate convents. 8. 238-47. 281; historical background of, 17, 41-42; impact of Drigung Kagyu art in, 33- 34; invitation to ChOje Denma Kunga Drakpa, 7; Kashmiri rule of, 178; kings of, 276-79; lama representatives. 276-79: Luczanits's study of, 33- 34; in the middle period of Drigung art, 101; mural sites of. 9, 177: painting traditions of. 45. 47, 242: part of Ngari cultural province, ix; peasant house in. / 96; Rechungpa lineage from. 21 ; studied by Petech, 22; surviving Drigung Kagyu artist in. 285n220; traditional Buddhist painters in. 45: Tsangri Style of. 26. 27; wayside chorten and barley field in, 188-89; western and central Tibetan styles in, 238-42 . See also Alchi : Early Ladakhi Style: Lamayuru: Phyang; Wanla Ladakh Cboje (Lo dwags chos rje), 8, 184, 277 Lake Anavatapta. 236 ~mil<:ara, 219,220 Lama Dampa S!lnam Gyaltshen (Bia rna Dam pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan), 10 1- 2, 289n474 Lama Gyalwa Gotshangpa. See Gmshangpa Lama Menyag (Bia rna Me nyag). xvi lamas, with vibrant head and body nimbuses, 94-95, 95, 96 Lama)'Uru Monastery (Ladakh): Achikhang, 178. 186, 293n632; administrJtion of, 8; altars of principal protectors, 178; ancient column capital from Sengge Gang Temple, /5: branch monasteries of. 281; Byams pa khang. 178; Chenrezik Lhakhang, 44, 142, 177. 178-80, 179, 180-83. 293n642; dating of murals, 18086; damage and reconstruction at. 178, 185, 185; Dukhang. 178, 185. 189; Dukhang Sarpa. 177, 185. 194, /95,200, 200. 201.206. 207. 207; enlarged by Cboje Denma, I 06; Four Great Guardian Kings. 194. 202. 206-7,206. 207: full name of. 13; gateway cMrten. 240; general view of complex in the 1970s, 178; Gokhang. 178: Gonkhang. 177. 178. 183-84. 184-85, 184, 187, 189. 190: guidebook to, 179; layout of. 177- 78: Maitreya Lakhang, 185-86, 185: murals of, 9, 15-16. / 6, 22, 177- 78. 182: murals by Yeshe Jamyang, 199,200, 201. 202, 203; murals possibly by Tshewang Rigdzin, 190, /90; in the 1930s, 15; Petech on, 22; photograph of, 22: possession confirmed by King .Jamyang Namgyal, 106; presented by Snellgrove and Skorupski . 2122, 177. 178; residence rooms, 178, 293n633; restoration of, 13, 28, 284n 150; second most prominent in Ladakh. 13- 14; Sengge Gang Temple. 13-1 5. / 6, 17,33, 50, 183;Sengge Lhakhang (Lion's Temple), 244-45, 246, 247, 252, 300n876, 30 I n909; site of, 14; statue of Sak')'amuni, 190; Tshewang Rigdzin and, 189-90 Lama Zhang Yudrakpa (Bia rna Zhang g.Yu brag pa). 63. 63 landscapes: Chinese. ix. 29, 110: Driri Style. 127: with hidden objects. 149: in Limi/ Phyang thangka set, 110-16: local features in. 290n534; in paintings of wrathful deities. 158. See also clouds: mountains: rocky outcrops lanterns. 177; at Cherezik Lhakang, Lamayuru. 182-83. /83; at Phyang, 186, 191, 191. 294n675; at Wanla. 245. 247- 50 Legden Dudjom (Legs ldan bdud 'joms), 18 1. 182 Legdrup Gyatsho, 208 PA I NT I NG TRA DITI ONS O F T HE O RI GUNG K AGYU SC H OOL 3 1,9 Leh Palace (L~dakh): eminent Nyingma Rigdzin with lineal lamas, 130, 130; Jokhang shrine, 199,203 Lekden Yeshe. western Tibetan thangka of, from Carlton Rochell, 227- 30, 230. 234 Lekpa Lotro (artist). 44 leprosy, xv Lhachen Jopal (Lha chen Jo dpal). 289n476 Lhakhang Soma. See AI chi Monastery. LhakJ1ang Soma Lhochen Konchok Tendzin ChOk)•i Lotro. See LhotrUI Konchok Tendzin Chokyi Lotro (Dri 39) Lho Lungkar Gon (Lho Lung Dkar dgon), 3-4 Lho Meyel Gonpa (Lho Mi g.yel dGon pa), 3, 4 LhotrUI, 133 . 278 Lhotrul Konchok Tendzin ChOkyi LotrO (Lho sprul dKon mchog bstan ' dzin chos kyi blo gros: Dri 39). 275 Lijiang (Yunnan), 3 Likir Monastery (Ladakh). I 96 Limi (Nepal): branch monasteries, 7: Drigung Kagyu continues in. xi: as location of guru lhangka set, 108, 109. 290n5JO: monasteries of, 280; mural sites in, 9: part of Ngari cultural provinc.e~ ix Limi/Phyang r.hangka set. 108-17.///- /6, 290n510: landscapes in, I 10-16; stylistic origin of. 116-17 Lineage of Profound View, 220,221 lineages, interpetation of, ix, 9, 37, 43 , 242, 301n935. See also Drigung Kagyu lineages; guru lineages Ling Repa, 143 Lingshed (Zangskar): Densa Thcl , xiv, xvi, xx. 50-54, 50,51 , 235. 238, 298n822,299n870: Hidden Temple, 49-50, 241-42,242, 252; home ofTshewang Rigdzin, 189 Linrothe, Rob: on conservation activities in Ladakh, 50; Demonic Di••ine catalog, 167; on footwear of protector deities, 302n950: and r.he Hidden Lhakhang, 49- 50. 241, 299n859; Holy Madness, 42, 300n888; mentioned. 30 I n926: Ruthless Compasswn, 292n612: "Strengthening the Roots," 219 Lion-headed Oakini (Seng gdong can rna), I 73. 174, 175 lions. 59, 60, 87. 92, 130, 133, 144. 147 Little. Stephan. 29-30 Liu Yisi, 29 Lobpon (sLob dpon), 274 Lo Bue, Erberto: on Guru Lhakhang. I 0 I, I 02, 246, 300n884; mentioned, 203, 283n99, 295n713; on murals of r.he Tashi ChOdzong of Ph yang, 45, I 06; review of Harris, 3 I; sketch on Konchok Gyaltshan, 192; on traditional Buddhist painters in Ladakh. 45; on Tshewang Rigdzin ·s career, 189; on Tucci's Tibetan Painted Scrolls, 283n 104 Lochen Dharmashri (Lo chen Dharma shrr), I 67 Loden Sherap Dagyab, I 67 Lokastotrapuja (Jigten CMto), as one of the Eight Pronouncements, 121, 122, /66 Loke~vara, I 6 Lo Manthang, Maitreya temple at. 299n870 Longchen Nyingr.hik tradition, 144 Los Angeles County Museum: Tibetan Collection catalog. 24-26; thangka wir.h white-haired hierarch. 238 Lotsawa Lhakhang. See Alchi Monastery. Lorsawa Lhakhang torus flower. 147, 291n569 torus petals. 15 I , I53, I57. 162. I63, 165: as base for flaming jewels. 62. 63 lotus sears, 133. 151, 156. 163 320 I NDEX Lowo Khenchen. 289n462 Luczanirs, Christian: article reconsidering Ladakh. 41-42: article on Wanla, 34- 35, 44; Buddhist Sculpture in Clay, 4 I: on dating methodology, 4 I: dating of Wanta, I6 ; on depictions of Eight Great Adepts, 40, 87. 96; on r.he Guge painting style, 48-49; on Guru Lhakhang, I0 I; on Hayagrrva with consort and aspects of Padmasambhava, 291n599; on Jigten Sumgon as equal to a buddha mural, I I; on lineage from Sumtsek Temple mural, I I: on the Lorsawa Lakhang murals, 12; mentioned, xviii, 47; paper on Ladakhi painting of 1998. 33- 34; on RRE Collection hierarch, 55; on Tashi Gomang srupa of Densa Thel. 52- 54; transcription of inscription from footprint thangka. 288n428: on western Tibetan styles. 49,50 Lukhang (Lhasa), 30 I n91 0 Lumbini, 209 Loyipa. 220. 220. 221,223 . 235 M Machig Lapdron, 302n953, 303n968 Machig Zhama. 303n968 Mahakala: clay images of. 295n709; four-armed, 138.1 55./55, 158,/59, 167.200, 235,269; iconography of, 304n983; in r.he McCormick footprint thangka, 298n823; mentioned, 236. 237; raven-headed, 235, 298n822; six-armed from the Ford Collection, I65; Taklung Kagyu example of. 167 Maru1kala Bemagjen. I 53 Maru1mudra. xv. xvii. 59 mahasiddhas: from Alchi. 33, 220-21 : arrangement of. I 10; distinctive in Drigung Kagyu. 219, 245. 257- 59: eighty-plus. 42. 244. 247- 50, 248, 2.59, 300nn887. 888: on r.he entry wall of the Alchi Shangrong Temple. 245. 248; in footpri ntthangkas. 75. n . 220. 220, 237; in portraits of Jigten Sumgon, 84: in western Himalayan murals, 230. See also Eight Great Adepts: siddhas Mahayoga,2 15, 295n743 Maitreya, 16. 48.233, 250 makaras, 200, 237 Maksorma,2/2, 2L3 Mala uf Lotuses (Padma' i 'phreng ba). 292n601 mandalas: colored-sand , 60; connected with elimination of inferior rebirth, 245; fivedeity, 234: Guhyasamaja-Aksobhyavajra. 234. 296n754; at Hidden Temple, Lingshed Monastery, 241; painted by Yeshe Jamyang. I97, 200; Sarvadurgatipari§odhana, 244; three-dimensionaL by Yeshe Jamyang, 203, 203, 2 12; Yogatantra, 7, 7, 14,84 Ma0ibhadra, xviii MaiijiJSri: in Alchi Sumtsek. 221 ; dho/T of. 22 1. 259: flanking the Buddha. 233, 250: fourarmed Namasamgni. 23 I, 232; golden r.hangka of. 144-47, /45: in guru lineage. 160. 227: lineage of. 182: mentioned, 167: in painting of Yamari, 292n619; Sakyamuni, Maitreya. and ManjuSrr. 48 MailjiJSrr mitra, 160 M(uijuirruu71akalpa, 250. 256 ManjiJSrr-Yarnantaka, 37 ManjiJSriYamari, 169, 173. 292n614, 293n625 Marrcr, 227, 231, 234 Marpa: at AI chi Sumtsek Temple, 2 I 7; depicted in lineage, I 7, 269, 297n803; gave teachings to Five Long-Life Sisters. 267: on lantern at Phyang, 19 1; in Limi/Phyang thangka set, I 10, JJ 3; in lineage from early Drigung Kagyu portrait set. 109; in lineage of Milarepa, 24: long ..haired, I I; in main Drigung Kagyu lineage. 274: mentioned, 24. I 43. 222; quoted in A chi hagiography. 304n970; representation of, 233; ' 'enerated guru footprints, 62 Martin, Dan, xiii- xvii, 49, 52 Martin. Nils, 300n886, 30 I n926 Maryul (dMar yul} region. 6. See also Ladakh (India) masked dance, 199-200 masks. 199-200. 202. 203 Matro Monastery (Ladakh). 289n474 McCormick Collection: footprintthangkas, 74. 79 223,226. 227,235, 236, 237. 298n818; teaching buddha composition, 252. 252.257 Medicine Buddha (Bhaisajyaguru), 43, 53, 223, 233, 234, 298n818; with Avalokit.Svara at Kanji Temple, 245; in iconographic scheme at Alchi. 245: placement of. 234; row of, with Sakyarnuni, 252 . 252- 53 medit.~tion hats. See gomslw Mete. Pietro Francesco. 5 I Melong Dolje. 129 Menta Dondrup. 30 Mcnri Srylc: artists. 187: Chinese landscape background, ix; characterized by Wangchuk of Ladakh, 284n 162: compared wir.h Drigung, xii. 133, 203; of Gonkhang mural of protecti ve deities, 184; mentione.d, 127; in the middle periodofDrigungart, IOI;New Menri, 138; Old and New, 72; synthesis with Karma Gardri. 295n702: in r.hangka by Konchok Gyahshan, 192: Yeshe Jarnyang and, 31. See also Ori painting style Mignucci, Aido, 167 Mikyo Dorje, I 05, 127 Milarepa: atAichi Sumrsek Temple. 217: in Amitayos lineage. 106; depicted in lineage, 10. 17. 2 1, 231.269, 297n803; depicted with Rechungpa and Gampopa, 18- 19. 20, 21 , 35. 106, 138; in Drigung Kagyu lineage, 109, 274; with episodes from his life, 24-26, 25:and Gampopa's hat, 63; on lantern at Phyang. I 9 I: in Limi/Phyang lhangka set. I 14. JJ4: wir.h lineage and surrounding deities. 96. 99: in painting of Vajradhara. 143; in portrait of Jigten Sumgon with rainbow nimbus, 92: representation of, 233; revered by Phagmotrupa, 49: thangka of. from Rubin Museum. 227, 229, 230. 23 I. 235,236. 298n818: Twenty-five Main Disciples of. 59; venerated guru footprints. 62 Mindroling Monastery, throne-holder's ha~ 71.71 Miyo Lozangma (Mi g.yo blo bzang rna), 267 Mongol empire. xx. See also Yuan dynasty "Mongol !mages•· (hor sku). 38. 72. 87 monuments, chronology of, 238-47 mountains: characteristic of Drigung Style, 30, 144: Driri Sty le, ix, ! 9- 20, /24, 130. 131, 133, 135. I4 I; in paintings of peaceful deities, 123; in Penpa Tsering·s thangka of Jigten Sumgon. 59 Mount Kaila5a. See Mount Kailash Mount Kailash (1i se): depiction of, from Chenrezik LhakJ1ang. L~mayuru, 180-81. 180-81; dortbn of, 221, 276-79, 285n 182; Drigung School stronghold, 231; expeditions to. xviii- xix: guide book to, 26: hermitages and branch monasteries, 5-6: monasteries of. 280; mural sites in, 8-9; mlgas of. 75: from the north. 5: photograph of, from Chenrezik Lhakhang. I 80: place of retreat. xvi Mount Kangchenjunga. 185 mural sites. 8-I 7 Mus6e Guimet: gilded bronzes, 255; poruait statues of Jigten Sumgon, 38. 39 music. 122 or. 29-ln683: teachers of. 189. 191. 196: on :-I NngnrJuna: from Alchi Shangrong Temple. 248; depicted among the Eight Great Adepts. 22()..21. 220. 297n778: with the first four mahtlJiddhas, 246: Ill footprintthangka or J1gt<n Sumgon. n : in guru lineage. 155. 157. 182: ponrayed in triad. 42, 75, 96. 220 nilgt1.1: characteristic of Drigung Kagyu. 40. 43; depicted on backrests. 60: detail of head. 200. 20/: eight great. 51 : on footprintlhangkas. n. 80: kings. 75.96: supporting throne base. 236.2.54 Nako Vi llage (Khunu), Gya Phakpn Temple. 45-47.4 5.46, 49.270, 270.271 Nalipa.thc Great AdepL 117- 18. 117. 118. 118 Nam gsong sPrul sku dKon mchog l>stan 'dzin. 283n41 Namgyal. Kllnchok. 179. 183. 186 Namgyal Drubpa. 2n Namg)'al Dynasty, 276. 277- 79 Narnkha P:dgon (Nam mkha · dpal mgon). 20 Namkha Samdrup (Nam mkha 'l>sam 'grub). 20.21 Namkha Wangchuk (Nnm mkha • dbang phyug). 264 Namkhe Nyingpo (Nam mkha' snying po). 129 Namsa Bakshi (gNam sa dPa · shi). 17 Nanarn clan. 26-1. 302-3n957 Nanda and Upanda, 75 Nangchcn district (Kham): branch monasteries, 3-4. 280-81; Drigung Kagyu in. xi: monastic seats or Kbochok Tendzin Chok~1 l...olro. 173. Su also P:dme Goo Monastel) Nangchen Gar Monastery. 3 Nanggakpa Sonam Pel (Nang dgag pn bsod nams dpal). 264 Nangsi Silnon (Nang srid zil gnon), 131-33 Naropa: from AJchi Shangrong Temple. 248: at Alchi Sumtsek Temple. 217: depicted in lineage. 10. 24,268. 297n803; on luntem at Phyang. 191: in Limi/Phyang ~•angka seL 110, 113: in main Drigung Kagyu lineagt. 109. 274; mentioned. 49. 143. 155: representa~on or. 233: SIX yogas of. 57: "1th Tantric staff. 227: vcnerJted guru footprints. 62 Naropa Tashi PhUntshok (Na ro bKra shis phun tshogs: Dri 23). 72. 274. 2n Narthang. murals of. 29-30 Natshok Rangdrbl (Rmchen PhUntshok). 156. See a/.111 Rinchen PhUntshok Nebesky -Wojkowitt. Rcn~ de, 269, 304nn979.980 Nenjor Dolje (Rnal 'byor rdo rje). 264 Nepal.43. 280 Nc.-ar. 48. 243 New Mcnri Style. 72, 138. See also Mcnri Style New Schools. 41 New Translation Era (Sannapa) schools. 50. 165 Ngadak N)ang Ralpajen (mNga · bdag N~ang RaJ pa can). 181 Ngadak Tsedc (mNga • bdag rTse Ide). 53 Ngari: branch monasteries. ~7: expeditions to, xviii: rnap of, xxi,,: monasteries of. 280: muraJ sites in. 8-9: spread of Drigung Kag) u in. 5. 35: sun·i,.ing Dngung murals m.1x. xiii: undtr Yuan rule, 35. 44. See also Ladakh Ngari Drnjom (mNga ris dGra •joms). S3 Ngawnng ChOphel (Ngag dbang chos 'phel). 194, 200.208 .208.29 5n722 Ngawang l:>olje. 210. 295n737 Nga"an g G)altshan. 211 Ngawang Jigme. xi Ngawang Samten. 26. 118. 147 Ngawang Tshering: described sacred an of Drigung Kag) u SchooL xi: intervie w" 1th Yeshe Jamyang. 36. 1~95. 294n697: on L<m11Phyang guru thangka set. 109: pupils Tshewang Rigd:zin, 191-92. 29~n670: with Yeshe Jamyang, 195 NgOdrup Gon (dNgos grub mgon), King. 15.28 Ngorchen KOnchok l..hUndrup (Ngor chen dKon mchog I hun grub). 1~2 Ngor Monastery. 142 nimbuses: compound body. 151. 153, 156. 157: Driri Style. 15 1: flame head. 13 1; head and body. 9~96. 96-97: in murals at Rinchen IJng. 213: pauems swtable for. /52: ra1nbow bod).87.88.89-95.92.93.94-95 , 259 llirullamytJ/111. See Highest Yoga teachings Nono (painter). 203 Norg)e (Nor rgyas) (painter). 198 Northern Trtasure (Byang gter) tradition. 130 Nub Chogo Dorje Yeshe (gNubs Chos sgo rOo rje ye shes: Dri 8). 26, 110. 274. 276 Nubra, 299n862 Nub Sanggye Yeshe. 169. 293n625 N)enri {N)an ri). 5 N)erg)epa Dorje Gyalpo (N~er brg)ad pa rOo rje rgyal po: Dri 10). II 0. 274. 276 Nyetag ChOying Namdrol. 293n632 Nyidzong Monastery (Gapa). 4. 4. 5, 283n41 N) id2ong Trichen Rigdzin L..otnl Gyaltshen (Nyin rd2ong Khri eben R1g 'dzin blo gros rgyal mtshan). 133 Nyima Gungpa. King. 276 Nyima NamgyaL King. 278 Nyingma school: assembly fields. 144; distinguished from Kag)ll schools. 215: Eminent Nyingma Rigd2in with Uncal lamas. 130, 130: hats of, 71. 72: iconography of. 19-20: mentioned, 52. s.l. 127; ritu.1l dance. 199-200: Tamdrin Sangdrup teaching cycle. 162. 292n601: Tantnc de1ties. 121: teach1ngs or . 291n596. 295n743 ; trad1tions at Dngung. 138 fl)'ifiTium g (day-th angbs). 73. 125. 290n531 Nyo Chenpo. xix Nyoma. 300n878 0 omega motif. 84 Onchen Sonam Drakpa (d8on chen or d8on Rin po che bSod nams grags pa: Dri 3). 12. 24-26. 109.22 2.243-4 4.274.2 76.299 n869 Onpo Sonam Drakpa. 276. See also Onchcn Sonam Drakpa On Rinchen Gyntsho. 277 On Rinpoche ('On rio po che). See Onchen S!Snam Drakpa On SherabJungne (dBon Shes rab ·B)ung gnas). See Shcrab Jungne OntrUI (dBon sprul) Rinpoehe. 199 Orgyen (pure land). 303n964 Orgyen IJngpa (0 rgyan Gling pa). 133 Ornament or the World (' Dlaln gling rg)an) srupa. A VII I' Padma Daki. 266 Padmapani rtfuge !Tee. 135. 136 Padmasambh3\ a: and AmHll) us as main figur<s. /08; in black thangkn of lion-beaded OakiQL 173; in black lhangka of the Gya Shangtrom Tradition. 292n619: at Bodkarbu. 202: with consorts. from British Museum . 284n 136: with deitites and hneage, 138. /38-39: depic~ons of, at Wanla. 52- 53; Eight Manifestations of. 133. 153. 161 , 161, 290n550: with episodes fromhi slife.I3 1 - 33./J2- 33.290 n551:m episodes from the Se• en-Chapter Pra) er. 162: m golden lhangka. 143-W. /.J-1; m guru lineage. 21. 160. 160n595. 169. 181; hats or. 71. 72: ICOOOgr3ph) of. 235: lineage or. 162; linked to eighty-four s1ddhas . 301 n910: manifesrmions of, 72; rncnlioncd. 19, 50: wilh other emi ncnt gurus and lamas from Rinehen !Jog. 2/2: in painting of Achi Cbolqi Drolma. 135: with refuge tree. 138. /40: revered b) Pha.,omotrupa. 49. 54: statue of. 191: and Tamdrin Sangdrup, 162, 292n60 I: thangka m Bylakuppe by Yeshe Jamyang. 200: thangka from Rubin Museum. 261.263 : in wrathful fonn. 163. 163 Padmavajra. 210.22 L 223, 297n780 Pahlke. Michael. 21 P.ai nter Konchok Lhawang (Lha bris dKon me hog lha dbang). 169 paintings. bcncfiaal qualities of. 256-57. 259 painting styles. 30.47. 59-60. 117- 18. 19~96. 231, 29-ln700 Pal. Pratapadityn: ArT ojTibeT ( 1969). 24; on black tbangka of lion-headed Dakinr. 173: Buddllb r Paradis~ ( 1982). 23-24: catalog or Los Angeles Count) Museum Tobctan Collec11on (1983). 24-26: dating of black thangb . 165: on Drigung school hierarch from Zurich. 297n790: Hima/ay ar: Afl Aesrlleric Advefllu re catalog. 37- 38.40: idea or Drigung Kag)1J expansion. 26: mentioned. 55: and pam~ng or Mi1an:pa. 24-26. 2~nl36: ··Sal-yap.• Style." 49 P:lla/Sena art styles. 33 Palden Garchenpa (dPalldan ·Gar chen pa), 155 P:dden l..hamo. 165 Pal;1n Konchol. Tnnlc Tendzin. 278 Palhs. Marco, 19. 180. 283n96: Peaks and LtmttJ>. 189, 192; study with Konchok Gyaltshan, 192: visit to Lamayuru. 190-91 Pal me Goo (dP:ll med dgon) Monastery. 3. 135. 290nll5 ; mural from. 135. 135 Pal me Thubten Shedrup IJng (dP:d me Thub bstan bshad sgrub gling) Monastery. 4 Pame River (Dpa' smad chu bo). 264 Panchen Salt} agr'lbbadra. hat of. 62. 287n395 Panchen Sonam G) altshen. 2n Panchen Sonam G) atsho (Pan chtn chen bSod narns rgya mtsho: Dri 20). 72. 274 Pa~daravasinr, 296n7.54 P..tnthaka. in late Driri Sixteen Arhat seL 149. 149 Par. ea•·e or. 301n937 pa/ll (cloth pamtmg). 250-52 .256 Path\\ ilh the Fruit (L.mn 'bra>). xv. 42. 52 peaceful deities: Bardo deities from Chenrezik Ulakhang, Lamayuru, /76-77. 179. /80; stylistic traits of. 123-24. 152 P.!ka Wangg)el (Ope ka dbang rg)al). 264 Perna Lingpa. 163 Pcme Gyaltshen. See Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen Penden l..hamo (Dpal ldan lha mo). 262. 302n949 Pcnpa Tsering: Jigten Sumgon with his Two Chief Disciples Dngungpa Yabse Sum. 58. 59: set or lhangkas for Rase Koneho~ Gyatsho. 59 Petc:ch. Luciano: anicle on Drigung of 1978. 22- 23, 26; dMing of Phyang. 45: dating of Red Temple of Guge. ~7; hi>tory of Ladakh. 22: mentioned. 284nll4, 286n316: on Ph)ang. 22. 102 Peter. Friedrich A.. 191, 294n672 Phadampa Sangye (Pha dam pa Sangs rgyas), 4950.219. 250.259 .300n90 7.301nn 937,938 Phagdru Kag}1l SchooL 51. 54 Phagmo Rinehen Namg}al (Phag mo Rin chen mam rgyal: Dri 19): abbot of Drigung Monastery. 2n: with his Drigung Kagyu lineage. 105. 105: in main Drigung Kag~u lineage. 274: in theoretical sequence from IJmi/Ph}ang seL 109-10 Phagmolnlpa (Pbag mo gru pa): at AJchi Sumtsek Temple. 28: depicted as minor figure, 115; PAINT ING TRADI TIONS OF THE DRIGU NG KAGYU SCHOO L Jl.l depicted in lineage. 222, 269, 297n803; depicted in Phyang mural, 35: depicted with beard, 50, 221,223, 298n803;detail of. wearing o range hat, 67; d isciples of, 40; in Drigung Kagyu lineage. 2 1, 109. 216. 217. 218, 237: and Drigungpa from Wanla ThreeStoried Temple, 257; foo tprints of, 82; gomslw of. 64, 65. 67; in ''Hidden Lhakhang" mural. 49: in the Kanji lineage, 244; in li neages from Alchi 10-JJ. 12; in lineage of Milarepa, 24: in main Drigung Kagyu lineage, 274: manual on making guru footprints, 288n439; memorial srupa fo r, xviii, 54; mentioned, 83 . 292n60 1; monastic seat at Densa Tbel, 50-51; painted image from Tashi Gomang stupa, 52, 54; painLing of. from Sengge Gang Temple. Lamayuru. /6, 50; in painting of Vajradhara, 143; portrait of (bronze), xiv; portraits of. 87: with previous lives and episodes from saintly career. xv. 67. 68; pupil of. 301n926: represented on footprint thangkas. 75: reverence for Padmasambhava. 49, 54; schools descending from . 51, 54, 67. 82; teacher of Jigten Sumgon. xiii . xiv- xv: teachings from Sachen. 42. 53; writings of. 52. See also Densa The! Phakpa Lotro Gyaltshen ('Phags ba Blo gros rgyal mtshan), xx, 282n24 Pharping (Nepal), 295n741 Phyang Monastery (Ladakh}: Achi Chokyi Drolma, /31,267, 268; Achi Chokyi Drolma and Tashi Tseringma, 272, 272; base of Ladakh CMje, 8: compared with Lamayuru Monastery, 14; dating of murals, 186-S?; decoration of lantern by Tshewang Rigdzin. 191. /91, 294n675: "Dorjechang," 186-S?, 294n662, 294n664; Dukhang Sarpa, Jn, 18687, /86. 187, 192; founding of, I02, 289n479: Four Great Guardian Kings. 202, 202, 204. 207, 208; general view, 8; golden thangkas (gser 1/umg), 26, 144-47; Gonkhang, 101, 102, 286n289; Gun1 Lhakhang, 33, 35, 45, 48, 101 - 2,102, 247.250, 252.255.289n476. 300n884: inscriptions. 45: large thangka of Jigten Sumgon with chief disciples. 8; lineagemaster portraits. 36, 101: Mahakala chapel. 35. 45. 272. 272: middle period guru portrait thangka set, 108-9. 289- 90n509: murals by Yeshe Jamyang. 199: murals of, 9. 21, 35, 45. /00-/01. 102, 103-4./03: in the 1930s. 102; as presented by Snellgrove and Skorupski, 22; resident artist, 19, In: Tshokkhang, 101. 102. 1n. 186. /86, 294n662; wooden staircase, 186, 186 See also Tashi Chi:idzong Phoenix Art Museum, stone steles, 255. 298n813 Phuntshog San gpo, 153; Vuro<jhaka and Dhrtarlis[ra in the Tsangri Style, 208.209 PhUntshok Narngyal, King, 278 Phyag dKon mchog Phur. 305n995 Poncar, J ., 26 Potala Palace. 121, 255, 30 I n924 Powa Chenpo (Pho ba chen po}, xix, 282n 13 pralyektlbuddbas (eight solitary buddhas), 250 Prit2ker Collection: Drigung hierarch succeeding Drigungpa, 221 - 22.222, 223. 233,234, 237, 257. 298n8 12; footprint thangka on embroidered silk, 222- 23. 225,227. 237, 297n797, 298n818: teaching buddha with Seven Taras, 250-51. 250-52. 254 profiles. 233. 290n543: three-quarter. 33. 124, 127. 2 18 protector deities: in black thangkas, 165; in Drigung Kagyu religious practice. xix~ Drigung Kagyu treatment of. 244, 245: fierce. 273; footwear of. 302n950; iconography of, 236; murals from Larnayuru Gt>nkhang, 322 I NDEX 183-84, 184, 185. /90; placement of. 235-36, 238. See tlfso Achi Chi:ikyi Drolma Purang (Nga.ri): branch monasteries, 7. 280; Drigung Kagyu continues in. xi; Drigung Kagyu revival a~ 106: Gyazhing Monastery, 6 1: mural sites, 9; original Jigten Sumgl>n hagiography vignettes. 103-4. /04-5. See also Gw1gbur Gonpa Q Quagliotti , Anna Maria. 84 Qubilai Khan. xx. 282n21 Queen of Realization. 20, I 06 R Rahula, in late Driri Sixteen Arhat set, /48, 149 Ralpachen, King, 303n961 Rangdrol Nyima: as Bakula Tulku, 293n637; and Chenrezik Lakhang, Lamayuru. 178, 180, 183, 293n642; commissioned paintings and statues, 178. 293n632; dares of, 179-80: head lama of Kailash, 278; History of Lt1mayum Moua.wery. 179 Rangjung Dorje (Rang byung rdo rje; Third Karmapa). black hat of. 2 15: footprint of. 40. 299n844 Rase Kt>nchok Gyatsho: article on Drigung Kagyu art. 57.59-62. 72, 87. 286n3 17; art historical contributions of. 37, 57- 58: article on the gom.<ha of Jigten Swngt>n. 62; commissioned thangkas from Penpa Tsering. 58, 59, 59: Drigung History~ 169: Drigung Kagyu lineage from, 274-75; o n Driri and related styles at Drigung, 60-61. 12 1, 124, 131; history of Drigung Monastery. xi, 127: history of women ofTibe~ 57. 58: history ofYangri Gar, 125; life of. 57- 58. 287n375; on painting of Padmasambhava with refuge tree, 138: photograph of, 58; publications of. 57- 58; Religious History of Driguug, 57. 58, 72, 287n389 Ratnasambhava, 234 Ratnasri, 237, 299n84 1 Rechungpa: depicted with Milarepa and Garnpopa, 20, 20, 21. 2/, I 06, !38; lineage of, 20- 21, 284n 109; in lineage of Amitayos, 106; traditions of. 35 red. 62 Red Tar-a. 223, 227.236. 297n797 Red Temple (Gugel, 47 refuge trees. 135, /36, 138. 140 Remali, 227. 235-36. 27 1, 271; statue of. 189- 90 Rewalsar (Himachal-Pradesh), 199 Rhie. Marylin. 28- 30. 117. 138 Richardson. Hugh, 24-26. 272 Ridro Wangchuk Senge Yeshe (Ri khrod dbang phyug Seng ge ye shes), 221 rigd:i11, 71. 147; bats of, 71 , 71. 124, 125. 126, 141 , 147, 183 Rigdzin Chodrak (Rigdzin Chokyi Drakpa, Kunkhyen Rigdzin Chodrak. First Chungtsang; Dri 25): abbot of Drigung Monastery, 277; in black thangka of four· armed Mahlikala, 167: dr<Jwing of, by Yeshe Jarnyang, 290n538, 295n703; as First ChungtsangTulku, 125- 26, /25;and the flourishing of Driri at Drigung, 122, 124; former existences of. 73, 125, 129. 290n529; in gun~ lineage, 292n619 : hat wom by. 7 1, 72: with Jigten Sumgt>n, 127. 128; in main Drigung Kagy u lineage, 275; mentioned. 109, 205 : misidentified, 126. 290n537; portrait of, 127- 30. /28: produced art in early period. 60, 61; thangkas depicting the life of, 122 Rigdzin Tshewang Norbu. 7 1. 130. 141 Rigpa Rangshar: an eminent lay rigd:inlineal guru of Drigung, 126. 127; hat worn by, 71 Rinchen Chokle Narngyal (Rin chen phyogs las rnam rgyal; Dri 21), 274, 277 Rinchen Chokyi Gyaltshen (Dri 15), 110, 274. 2n Rinchen Gyalwa, 276 Rinchen Gyatsho, 277 Rinchen Ling (Nepal}: Four Great Kings at main entrance, 211. 212; Lbakhang murals. 295n741; mandalas by Yeshe Jamyang at, 203, 212; murals in Driri-like style, 2 13 : painters a~ 295n740, 295n741; paintings by Sanggye from Bhutan, 2/2, 213; standing goddess Achi Chokyi Drolma, 213 Rinchen Namgyal. See Phagmo Rinchen Namgyal Rinchen Pal (Rin chen dpal}: as abbot of Drigung Monastery, 276; jewels as symbol of. 42. 62. 95: ordination name of Jigten Sumgon. xvxvi. 257. See also Jigten Sumgon (Drigungpa} Rincben Pelzang (Rin chen dpal bzang), 246.277. See also Chogyal Rinchen Palsang[pol (Dri 14) Rinchen PhUntshok (Gyalwang Rinchen Philntshok; Dri 18): as abbot of Drigung Monastery, I 05, 284n 121 , 28911499: depicted in thangka of the Lion-headed l)akiQT, 173; depictions of previous rebirths, 73; founded Yangri Gar, xii : and Guru Drakpo teachings . 163; in guru lineage, 46, 110, 133, 169, 274; hat of, 7 1; and the Limi/Phyang thangka set, 109, 110. 116- 17. 290n509: in lineage of the Fifth Dalai Lama, 161: in main Drigung Kagyu lineage, 274; mentioned, 72, 167. 305n991; possible identification of, 126-27, 130, 138: and revival ofDrigung in Ngari, 6; sent Cboje Denma to Ladakh, I 06; Ierma tradition of. 138. See also Je Ratna Rinchen PhUntshok Namgyal, 277 Rinchen Sengge (Rin chen seng ge). See Thogawa Rinchen Sengge (Dri 6} Rinchen Zangpo: attribution of Ladakhi temples to. 41-42; cross-identification with Drigungpa. I I , 12- 13, 257; and dating ofWanla. 44; identification of, at Alchi. 4 1; mentioned. 1.4. 16, 35; mural of. from Alchi Small Stupa, 33- 34.34 RitrO Wangchuk Sengc (Ri khrod dbang phyug Seng ge ye shes}, 227 ritual dance. 199 ritual offerings. 197- 98 rivers. 30 Riwoche (Kharn). 42, 233. See tl!so Kham, painting style of Riwotsegye (Ri bo rtse brgyad), 5 rocky outcrops, 123, 124, 127, 129, 133. 148,254 RRE Collection. 55, 55 Rubin collection, catalog of thangkas, 29- 30 Rubin Museum of Art.: collection of, 89; footprint thangka drawn on silk, 38- 39. 42, 43, 214-15, 215-17, 2/6.218. 219-20. 22 1, 222,233 , 234, 235. 236, 255, 256; Padmasambhava with deities and lineage, 262, 263; thangka of Jigten Sumgon wilh two lamas of Drigung~ 128, 262, 263; thangka ofMilarepa, 227. 229, 230, 231, 235, 236, 298n818 Rudra, subjugation of, 133 s Sachen, 42,52,53 $ac:laksara Lokdvara, 218. 227, 234 Sudluma Col/ecliorr of I he Dharma Guardian Aclri, 265,266.267-68,269. 303n965,304n975 sadlwmls, 265 Sa gsum ma. 73, 125, 290n529 Sahaja Sanwara: with Drigung Kagyu lineage, 37, 153-55. /54; with Eght Drigung Kagyu Masters, 156, !56 Saiva movements, 262, 302n951 Sakya, Drigung eonflict with. xx- xxi, 38, 282n23, 282n24 Sakya KhOn. 53, I 02 Slikyamuni: depicted in footprint thangka, n; depicted with siddhas, 42. 75, 220. 220; earthtouching, 234, 235, 237, 242: earth-touching, with seven medicine buddhas. 252, 252- 53; in guru lineage, 160; images of, 16, 48. 108: in lineage of Milarepa, 24; with Seven Ti!rli, 246, 254; statue at Lamayuru by Tshewang Rigdzin, 190; in Taklungthangpa Chenpo footprintlhangka. 83: in uiad, %, 191; wilh two chief disciples from Sixteen Arhat set, 32, 36, 37 See also Buddha; teaching buddhas Sakya Pandira, xx. 101 Sakyapa Style, 49. 236 Sakya School. 215. 236, 304n972 Sakya-Yuan imperial rule. xx, xxi, 23. 48. 102, 282n24 Samanrabhadra. 163 Samanrabhadri, 296n754 Samayatara. 296n754 Sambhogakaya buddhas. 152. 163 Sam,•ara. See Cakrasamvara; Sahaja Samvara Samye Monastery, 53, 148 Sanggye from Bhutan: murals from Rinchen Ling, 2 13. 295n741 ; Padmasambhava at Rinchen Ling. 212, Kalacakra and Maksorma, 212, 2 I3: standing goddess Achi Chllkyi Drlllma. 213 Sanggye Yeshe. 295n739 Sangye Onpo (Sangs rgyas dbon po), 233, 256 Sangye Rinchen (Sangs rgyas rin chen), 299n868 Sangye Yarjon, 256 Sanrarak$ita, 52- 53, 54 Saraha, 220,221 , 235, 297nn9 Sarmapa schools, 50, 165 Saspolcaves.33, 247,250,252 Schiller, Alexander, 53 SchneeWwe Thangka-Kalender, 135 Schoettle Asiatica catalogs. I35. 162 Schoettle Tibetica catalogs, 123. 127 scrollwork patterns. 151./52, 153, 291n579 sculpture: considered inferior to painting. 295n709: at Densa Thel. 50: of ··Kagyu lamas'' at Wanla. 243. 244: mentioned. 60-61 . 255. See also statues secondary deities. 233- 34, 298n818 Selig Brown. Kathryn. 40. 75, 77,215 Sehong Gompa (gSa! stong sGom pa}, 65 Selung Monastery (Mount Kai lash}, 8 semi wrathful deities, 151 - 53, 261 ; color paleue for. 153- 55. See olso Cakrasa!jlvara; Kalacakra Semlhokha O?.ong (Bhutan), gomsha of, 64, 64 Sengge Namgyal. King, 49, 277 Seralung Retreat (Mount Kailash), 8 Sera Monastery, I 18 Serkhang Temple (Drigung The I), I Seuecento Various Schools (Tucci), 19-20,47 Seven-Chapter Prayer (Gsol 'debs Je'u bdun ma), 162 Seven Taras, 246. 252, 301 n919; teaching buddha with Seven Taras, 25~51. 254 Shabdrung Ngawang Namgyal, 147 SMkya Gyaltshen, 44 Shalu Monastery, 29- 30. 299n870 Shamar Tulku (Zhwa dmar sprul sku), 29. 147 Shang-rong hamlet (Aichi). 34. See also AI chi Shangrong ShangLOn Chtikyi Lama, 30 I n922 shapes (ls ugs ). 124 Shara Chumik Gonpa (Sha ra Chu mig dgon pa). 106 Sharchukhul Monastery {Ladakh}. 8, 197, 199200, 281 Shar khul Phun tshogs Chos gling dgon. 305n995 Sharpa Yeshe Rinchen. xxi Sharri Style. 33 , 41 , 49; at Guru Lhakhang. Phyang, I0 I; Mahakalas, 167; portrait in, 86, 87: rainbow body nimbus in, 90, 92; ritual crown, 95 Shawam Gonpa {Sha wam dgon pah), I 06 Shaza Ukyi Khandro. 266, 27 I. 272 Shedrak {Shel brag), 133 Sherab Gyaltshen (Shes rab rgyal mtshan). 19 I Sherab Jungne (Drigung Lingpa): built reliquary for Jigten Sumgon. xvii; compiled docuinal pronouncements, xvii; depicted wiLh Jigten Sumgon. 35; description ofTashi Gomang atuibuted to, 51 , 52; hagiography of Jigten Sumgon. 1(}3: mentioned, 299n869; temple renovated by, 15. 284n 150: visi t to western Tibet. 13, 103: writings of. 60 Shi way Lotro (Dri 36). 61. 122. 138, I87. 275 Sichuan Province. monasteries of, 281 siddhas: of Alchi Small Stupa, 220-21.259, 297n781: dark-skinned. 231.232.233, 247. 249, 250.259: in Drigung painting, 217. 218- 19,234. 296n762. 2%n768: in footprint thangka 216: iconography of, 233; Luczanits on, 42, 43. 54;. See also Eght Great Adepts; malu1s iddlras ; Naropa; Tilopa siddlti (spiritual achievements), 264, 265, 303n963 Simbiling Monastery (Purang), 106 Singer, Jane Casey, 33 ·'Single Jntentionsn (dGongs gcig) teachings. xvii, xix Siren. Os,•ald, 29 Six Perfections (plwr plryin dmg), 288n423 SiXlcenArhats: theArhatAngaja, 118-19; in Drigung iconography, 50; Four of the Sixteen Arbats. 27; noted in pilgrimage records of Kalhok Situ, 72; set from late phase of Driri , 147-49; thangka sets, 36. I 18, 200; by Yeshe Jamyang, In Six Yogas of Naropa. 57 Skilling, Peter. 84 Skorupski , Tadeusz: Cull/Ira/ Heritage of Lodaklr, 21 - 22, I 91 , 294n675; mentioned. 41: travels of. 21 - 22, 284n I 12, 284n I 15 skull cups, 110, 227,233. 235.262.269 sky: in Driri painting, 124. 127:Tsangri Style. 36 sky-burial ground. I. 58 Skyiap (painter), 35 sKyob pa yab sras gsum (Trio of the Lord Protector-Father and His Two Spiritual Sons), 35,305n995 snakes. See m1gas Snellgrove, David: As ian Commitment, 22; Cu/wro/ Heritage of L1.1daklr. 2 I - 22. 191 , 294n675; description of Lamayuru, 14, 177, 178; description of Wanla, 16; on Lamayuru assembly hall murals, 207; mentioned , 41; rravels of, 21 - 22, 284nll5 Soma Temple (Lakhang). 33 Sllnam Bagdro. 57 Sllnam Dorje. I96 Sllnam Drakpa. See Onchen Sllnam Drakpa (Dri 3) Sllnam Gyatsho {Dri 20). 72, 274, 2n Sllnam Kalzang (bSod narns skal bzang), 191, 294n683 Sllnam Lhai Wangpo (bSod nams Lha ' i dbang po), 26 Son am Stan2.in. 210 Sllnam Tashi of Nyurla. I96-97 Sllnam Tshewang Rabten, King. 278 Songtsen Gampo. King. 84. 289n452 Sperling. Elliot. XX, 286n317 ''Spiti Style school,'' 2 I 0 Spiti val ley. See Khunu Spituk Monastery, 191, 199. 293n637; New Assembly Hall, 200, 200, 208 Spolden Tsering (painter), 35 Stampa {painter), 35 statues: base and backrest. 9/; commissioned by Jigten Sumgon, 72; of Jigten Sumgtin, 38, 39. 72, 87-89,89,90.255. 285n215; early statue portraits. 87- 89; Mongolian, 72. 87 Stein. R. A., 53- 54 Stoddard, Heather, 38. 49, 72 Stod Hor (sTod hor; Upper Mongoi/Chagatai) khanate. xx, 44, 282nn21. 24 Sumda Chung: early Drigung mural, 230. 231; ruined srupa at, 231 superior cloth painting (pa{a), 25(}..52, 256 T Tabo: cave paintings. 47-48. 49; Golden Temple of, 47; main temple. 256; renovation of, 33; Slikyamuni. Maitreya, and MaiijuSrr, 48 Tag! a Kar (Purang). I06 Taglung Tashipel, 256 Tai Situ Changchup Gyaltshen, 51 Takla Khar Mountain (Purang). 7 ''Taklung" corpus. 33 Taklung Kagyu: bodhisauvas in, 233: footprint thangkas, 82-84; identification of, 215; Mahlikala painting. I 67; meditation hats, 67; memioned, 50,301 n926; painting of Phagmotrupa, 68; portraits. 87 Takl ung Monastery, 82 Taklungpa Ngawang Drakpa. 2n Taklungthangpa Tashi Pal (Taklungthangpa Chenpo): wilh footprints. lineage, and manifestations. 83: in footprintlhangkas. 82-84: iconography of, 82-84; identified in painting of lamas, 37. 54-55: portraits of, 87 Tamdrin Sangdrup (rTa mgrin gsang sgrub), 162 Tanaka, Kirniaki. 14 1. 144. 250-52 Tanuic imagery. 151 Tamric rituals. 265 Tara. iconography of. 28. See also Five Taras; Green Tara; Red Tara; Seven Taras; White Tara Tashi ChMzong (Ladakh): Chllje Denma with his Amitayos lineage, 106, 107, 107: depiction of Chc:ije Denma. 46; founding of. 22, 35, 102, 106; Jigten Sumgon with life scenes of the ten directions and three times. 100- 101. 103, /03; Mahakala temple. 35; middle period mural site, 101: mural depicting Milarepa with Gampopa and Rechungpa, I 06; murals documented by Lo Bue. 45; painters at, 35, 284nl90; Rinchen Namgyal with his Drigung Kagyulineage. 105. 105 Tashi from Pharkhelhang. Lama, 197 Tashigang. 191 Tashi Gomang stupas, xviii. 50-52, 52- 54, 60-61 , 95 Tashilhunpo Monastery, 36, 149, Jn . 189. 192 Tashi Namgyal, King. 12, 22. 102. 2n Tashi Obar reliquary srupa, 51 Tashi Odbar Lhakhang, 49 Tashi Phuntshok (Naropa Tashi Phumshok: Dri 23), 72, 274, 277 Tashi RJnchen, 277 Tashi Tsering, 64 Tashi Tseringma (Bkra shis Tshe ring ma), 262. 265, 267, 268, 272, 304n979: riding a snow lion. 184 Tashi Wanggyal , 196 teachers, representation of. 219 teaching buddhas, 250-54, 254,257. 399n913; Jight-emiuing. accompanied by the Five Buddhas. 257, 258-59: from McCormick Collection. 252: from Pri12ker Collection, 25~51 teaching gesture, 250, 252, 254, 256 teaching lineages. See guru lineages PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL 323 T6kar Drozangma (Gtad dkar ·gro bzang rna), 267, 268 Tendzin Chokyi Gyaltshen (Jarnyang ChOkyi Gyaltshen; 4th Chungtsang; Dri 3 1). 36, 123, 13 I. 178, 182.268, 275: in main Drigung Kagyu lineage, 278; period of. 60, 6 I. I 2 I Tendzin ChOkyi Jungne, 7th Chungtsang (bsTan 'dzin chos kyi ' byung gnas: Dri 37). 183, 187; abbot of Drigung Monastery, 279; in main Drigw1g Kagyu lineage. 275 Tendzin Chokyi Lotro, 6th Chungtsang (bsTan ' dzin chos kyi blo gros; Dri 35), 138-40. 173, 183, 186, 187, 279; in main Drigung Kagyu lineage, 275; pilgrimage guide books of, 26 Tendzin Chokyi Nangwa, 8th Chungtsang (bsTan 'dzin chos kyi snang ba; Dri 39). 279; as Chungtsang Rinpoche, 198. 29Sn208: in main Drigung Kagyu lineage. 275 Tendzin Chokyi Nyima. 3rd Chungtsang (bsTan ' dzin chos kyi nyi rna: Dri 29), 169. 173; abbot of Drigung Monastery. 278; in main Drigung Kagyu lineage. 275 Tendzin Gyaltsen (3rd Balog Tulku). 278, 293n632 Tendzin Kunkhyab (3rd Norbu), 278 Tendzin Ngawag Geleg (7th Togdan}, 278 Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen, 4th Chetsang (bsTan 'dzin pad ma'i rgyal mtshan; Dri 30): abbatial history by. 36, 38, 117, ISS. 285n2 I 2; abbot of Drigung Monastery, 278; depictions of, 131. 182; disciples of, IS3: and the ftourishing of Driri at Drigung, 122; identified in painting. 268: in main Drigung Kagyu lineage. 275; paintings from his time, 122- 23; period of, 30, 121: teachings of, 292n603; writings of. 107 Tendzin PhUntshok (2nd Gyalse), 278 Tendzin Shiwe Lotro, 6th Chetsang (bsTan 'dzin zhi ba'i blo gros; Dri 36), 6 1. 122, 138. 187, 27S Tendzin Trinle LhUndrup. 7th Chetsang (bsTan 'dzin 'phrin las !hun grub; Dri 40), 57, 279; in main Drigung Kagyu lineage, 275 Tendzin Zhibai Lotro (6th Chetsang). 279 Tenpai Gyaltshen, 279. 293n633 Tenpa Rabten. xi Ten Wrathful Ones (klrro bo bcu). 292n612 Terdak Ungpa (gTer bdag Gling pa}. 167 Terdrorn Nunnery, I. 2. 138. 282n27 /ert/Ju. hat of. 7 1. 7/, 183 Terton Gya Shangtrom (Gter ston rGya Zhang khrorn), 16 1, J6S. 169, 292n619 Terton Nyang RaL 181 Terton Pema Lingpa. 163 Tes/ameul of Pema (bKa' thang Shel brag ma). 133 thangkas, repainting of, 227, 297n206, 297n805 Thangtong Gyalpo, 135 Tharlam Dezhung Lungrik Tull-u, 5 Thinggi Zhalzangma (Mthing gi z.hal bz.ang rna). 267.269 Thingo, T., 37, I 35, 162. 165, 169, 173, 285n215 Third Karmapa (Rangjung Dorje): black hat of. 2 15; footprint of, 40, 299n844 thirteen fw1damental treatises (g:lumg clreu bcu gsum), 58 Thogawa Rinchen Sengge (Thog kha ba Rin chen seng ge; Dri 6). 17, 26, 44, I 10. 244; abbot of Drigung Monastery, 276: in Limi/Phyang thangl<a set. I 15-16. //6: in main Drigung Kagyu lineage, 274 Tholing, 47, 48 three bodies of Buddhahood. 66 Three Men of Kham (Kiwms p<t mi gswn), 65 three-quarter profile, 33, 124. 127. 2 I8 tluone: base, 59. 87, 89, 9/. 95. 96. 144, 147, 2 16. 236, 254: four oman1ents, 60: six ornaments, 60. 298n836. See also backrests Thubten Tendzin. See Pallis. Marco Thubten Tenpai Gyaltshen, 279, 293n633 324 I NDEX Thukje Nyima. See Konchok Thukje Nyima Thundup Lagspa (pai nrer), 35 "Tirun jogs·· instructions. 53 Thurman, Robert, 28-29. 29- 30, 138 Tibet Museum (Gruyere). footprint drawing on silk. 237, 238 Til Kunzom Dongak Ling (Limi ). 7, 9 Tilopa: at Alchi Sumtsek Temple, 217; depicted in lineage, 10. 24, 268, 297n803; in iconography at Wanla, 52; on Jantem at Phyang, 19 1; in Limi/Phyang thangka set, 110, //2; in main Drigung Kagyu lineage, I 09, 274; mentioned, 49, 143, 155; representation of, 233; with Tantric staff, 227 Tingmogang Monastery, 202 T.se Karclrag, 15 Togdan ChoktrUI Ngawang Lotro Gyaltshan (rTogs ldan mchog sprul Ngag dbang Blo gros rGyal rntshan). 178 Togdan Ngawang Lodro Gyalrsen. 293n632 Togdan Rinpoches. 22. I 99, 293n633 Topa Rabten (sTod pa Rab brtan), 199 romw (gtor ma) sacrificial cakes. 22. I n . 197. 198, 200: rirualof.265 Tral<thok Monastery (Sakti), 191; Dungkar Yekhyi l (Dung dkar g.yas 'khyil} Temple. 191 Translator's Temple (Aichi}. See Alchi Monastery, Lotsawa Lhakhang Temple tree leaves, 124, 144 Trinle Dondrub (second Chungtsang). See Chogyal Trinle Dondrup Trinle Zangpo (Konchok Trinle Zangpo, 2.n d Chetsang : Dri 26): abbot of Drigung Monastery, 278; day-thangkas by, 73. 125-26; depicted in thangka of Padmasambhava, 163; and the early phase of later Drigung painting. 121. 127: established the Khyenri Style at Drigung, I 17: and the ftourishing of Driri at Drigung, 122. 124; in guru lineage, 167; with Jigten Sumgon, 127, 128; in main Drigung Kagyu lineage, 275: painted Lhangkas depicting his own life story, 122: period of. 59, 6 1, 167: students of. 30 Trio of the Lord Protector-Father and His Two Spiritual Sons (sKyob pa yab sras gsum). 35. 305n995 triple jewel: anribute of bodhisauva, 233: on back of thangka. 238: characteristic of Drigung painting. 43, 238. 250. 254: decorating the dress of the hierarch. 237, 299n840; depicted at center of throne, 96, 237, 298n837; in early Drigung painting, 237; emerging from moulh of maktml, 237. 298n838: with enthroned footprint from Tibet Museum, Gruyere, 237, 238- 39; on footprint thangkas. 75. 238: in hand of Jigten SumgOn, 55; reference to Drigungpa, 95. 237; on statue of Jigten Sumgon, 89, 90; in reaching buddha painting, 257; in throne base, 95. 95; among tree leaves, 144; triralna. See triple jewel Trisong Dersen, 53, 303n957 TritsUn. Princess, 84 Tropper, Kun. I6, 43-44, 44, 4S, 243 Tsang: Gyantse Stupaof, 101; patronage of Khyenri painters. 116 Tsangpa Gyare. 143 Tsangri Style: clouds. 208-9,211; colors of. 196: contrasted with Menri. 284nl62: in enumeration of styles. 30. 195; Four Great Kings. 208- JO, 208. 209; influence on Drigung Style. 203.205: inftuence on murals ofYeshe Jamyang, 206. 206-S; in Ladakh. 177: in lantem at Chenrezik Lhakhang, Lamayuru. 182: mentioned. 127: in painting of arhars, 26. 27, 36, 37; at Tashilhunhpo, 192 Tsaparang. 47, 48-49 Tsari (Tsa ri). xvi . xviii . 52; Pure Crystal Mountain of, xixfig Tsatsapuri (Aichi Village), 50, 246-47.252.257, 300n886; Lhato Lhakhang, 247. See also Alchi Monastery Tsechoklir (Tse mchog gling) Monastery. 148 Tsegu Gonpa. See Gungbur Gonpa Tsering Narngyal, 196 Tsering Wangdu. 199, 205; Vaisravat)a and Virupak$a in the Tsangri Style. 208.209 Tsewa Tratshang (rTse ba Grwa tshang) Monastery. I Tshamje Drakpa Sonam (sPyan snga mTshams bead pa Grags pa bsod nams; Dri 7). 26, I 10; abbot of Drigung Monastery, 276; in main Drigung Kagyu lineage, 274 Tshenshab Rinpoche, 40 Tshering of Phenpo, Two Great Kings, 2// . 212I3 . 2/2.295n740 Tshering Rinchen. 118 Tshetan Narngyal. King, 278 Tsheten. Lama, I 97 Tshewang Narngyal, King. 277, 278 Tshewang Rigdzin: clay statues at Lamayuru, 189-90: decoration of lantem at Ph yang. 191 , 191. 294n675: life story of. 189- 92; murals at Larnayuru, 190, /90; murals by, 184, 187, 189; photograph of, in the 1940s, 189, /89; pupils of, 192; statue of Sakyarnuni, 190; statues by. 191: style of. 191- 92; works of, 191 , 294n68 I. 294n682; year of death, 294n670 Tshuldrim Dorje (Tshul khrims rdo rje), 244 Tshulri n. Master Artist (dPon chen po Tshul rin}. xviii Tshultrim Gyaltshen (3rd Rongdo), 278 Tshultrim Nyingpo (sGom pa Tshul l<hrims snying po), I 0 Tshungme ChOgyal PhUntshok, I 09, 2n, 289n509 Tshurphu Monastery, 64 Tshurri (Tshurphu) Style, 30. 195. 203. See also Karma Gardri Style Tsiluogpa. xv, 42 Tsongkhapa. 47, 247 TsUidrirn Dorje (Tshul khrims rdo rje), 22 1- 22 TsUidrirn 0 (Tshul khrims 'od), 2 18 TsUitrim Nyima, 179 TsUnpa Kyab (bTsun pa sKyabs), xiii- xv. See also Jigten Sumgon: Rinchen Pal Tucci, Giuseppe: on black thangkas, 165; dating of Red Temple of Guge. 47: history of Wesrem Tibetan school, 49; mentioned, 41; possible reference to Tshewang Rigdzin, 19 1: on rigd~i11 hat, 7 1; stylistic categories of, 20 ; thangka with mttlu1siddhas from the collection of, 247, 249. 2SO: Tibeum Pai111ed Scrolls. 19, 20. 24, 138, 16J, 283nl04 lulku, xix . 280 Twelve Tenma Goddesses (Bstan ma bcu gnyis), 262, 265.266,267- 68. 304n980 Two Gyaltshens, 13 I. 138. See a/sa Tendzin Chokyi Gyaltshen: Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen u Uchenmo masters. 2 I 0 Udayana, King 256 0 Province: cloth of, for hats, 62; Drigung painting of, 37; in the middle period of Drigung art, 101; mountains of, 30; painti ng traditions, 195, 284n l62 . See also Drigung Monastery; Yangri Gar Monastery Uri Style, 30. 192. I 93 Uru Katshal (dBu ru sKa tshel) Monastery. I, /98, 295n713; Four Great Guardian Kings mural, 199 U$nT$3vijaya, 222, 234 0 -Tsang provinces, map of. xxiii v Vairocana: among the Five Buddhas. 257: ctntral image at Weltse Rincheng Ung. 7: cmphasozed on western Homala)an painting. 242: odentificallon of. 399o1913: as main deity at S<:nge Gane. lama}uru. 14. 15: mentioned. 53.256: in panel from a ntual crown. 95 Vw~ra' ana: iden!Jfied '"th Jambhala. 236: from Jangchubhng Monasttl). 200-202. 202: pamtcd b) Ycshc Jam)ang. 210. 211: at Ronchcn Ung. 2//: in the Tsangn St) lc. 207. 208. 209-10. 209 Su ubo Four Great Guardoan Kin&s \ajra. 59. 87. 89. Sec also o·iSmmjru Vajrabhaira,a. xiii. lliv. 165. 191 Vajmdhara: wolh deities and lineage. 143. /43: depoctcd in lineage. 10. 24.217.268. 297n803: in guru lineage. 77: hat spoons representing. 66: heading Kagyu lamas. 3435; in iconography at Wanla. 52: iconography or, 233: with iconography of Vajrasauva. 296n761: with lamas. 163: in Limi/Phyang thangka set. 109. 110. ///:in main Drigung Kagyulineage. 274: mentioned. 155. 191: over Yajrasattva. 298n812: surrounded by muhl1.oilidhll.<. from Phyang Guru Lhakhang. 250,30in9 12 Vajralna. 53 Vajrapao)i. 158. 15/J. 233. 292n6 19. 296n761. 298n824 Vajrasanva. 217. 234. 296n761: golden thangka of. 146: iconography of. 233. 298n812. 298n813 VajravarahT. 83.234. 269 Vajra)oginT. 221-22.227.231.234.262. 265:Achi Chol}i Drolma as emanation of. 26-1. 268 Vana,asm (Nags naenas). the arhat. from late Dri ri SCI. 148. /48 Vcmacitra. 153 Vi1wya (Buddhist Dosciplonc). 62 Vir11dhala. Great Kong. 200. 201. 202. 203-1. 2Q.l. 207. Su 11bo Four Great Guardoan Kinos e Virnpa: among siddhas at Alctu Shanghroog. 220-21. 250: in Driaung Kanu iconograph)'. 235. 297n781: m carl) Dngung Kagyu paintmgs. 42: csotcnc instructions relating to. 52: mentioned. 297n799: from three-storied temple at Wanla. 231. 232 Vir0pa4a: as one of the Four Great Guardian Kings. 149. 149. 206. 207-41. 207. 209: painted by Yeshe Jamyang. 2/0: in the Tsangri Style. 208. 209 viJvao•tyrtt. 43. 84. 217. 236-37. 298n827 Vitali. Robeno: dnting of Guru Lhakhang. 101- 2: dating of Red Temple of Guge. 47: dating of \Vani a. 16-17.35.44: on Drigung Kagyu. xviii : on the kingdom of Gugc. 48: mentioned. 13; on Sengge Gang Temple. 15-16: on the Wnnla inscription. 44 VurOdhaka. 201. 206.208. 212 See lli>o Four Great Gunrdi:m Kings w Wangchuk (d8ang phyug) of ladakh. 284n 162 Wang Rinchen Chok)i G)alpo (dBang Rio chen chos kyi rgyal po: Dri 16). 46. 110.274. 277 \Vania Monastery (Ladakh): dallng of. 16-17. 35. 44. 52. 243. 246: deities of. contrasted \\ olh Tashi Gonung. 52-53: Early ladakbi St) k at. 34-35. 42: fifteen-figure lineage in Maotre)a·s niche. 243. 299n865: oconograph) of. 244. 299n870: inscnptJon from. 34-35. 36.42.43-44.243.299n871.300n873: JuJoksh:ll (bCu gcig :thai) Temple. 33. 196: Jujollhal statue. 41: Ia) out of. 29911871: lineage depoctions at. 34. 44. 50. 242. 243-44. 285nl82: mahi/siddba5 from ground noor and lantern, 245, 24(,, 247-50, 300nn809. 900. 903.905: mentioned. 22, 47; murals of. 9. 16. 17. /7.36. 44. 231,232. 233.234.236.237: paJ»er-milcM sculptures of lineage gurus. 44: Pbagm01.rupa and Origungpa in a thancen· figure teaching lineage. 257: sculptures of thirteen-figure Kag)U lineage. 243.2-14: statues of. 44: ..Sumtsek Temple.. described b) Vitali. 17: teaching Buddha compoSlllOn "ith Se,·en Taras. 252. 254; three-storied temple (Chuchiglhel). 231. 232, 243, 2-13. 257: visited b) Snellgrove. 16. 22; woodcarvongs. 243 Wan, Jeff. 300n888 weallh deities. 235-36 WelharTar (dBal 'bar thar). xiii. See tli.w Jig ten Sumg()n Weltse (Halji) Village (Limi). 7. 7 Weltse Rinchen Ling (dBal rtse Rin chen gli ng). 7,7. 9 Wencheng, princess of. 84 western Himalayan murals, 230-32, 242 West Tibetan Style, 33 Wheel of Existence. 202. 207 White Amitayus, 20 white complexion. 255-56 White Tara, 223. 227 Wiebenga. Marieue. 7 wind-horse. 263.264, 302n955, 303n965 women in thangkas. 302n947 wrathful deities (khro bo): Bardo, /79; in blacl thangkas. 159. 165-73; fierce protectors. 151. 273: llamcs surrounding. I54, 155. /55. 15860. /58. /59. 184. 185: in full~lor painting>. 157-65: iconography of. 236; Kanna Gardri. 158./58: in Kh)enri thangka. 121: Unrothc's \\ork on. 167. 292n612; and semo" nnhful deities. lSI: threerypesof.I52-53.Seealso Hayagn-va: Yamliri Wutai Shan. 277 y yak$as. 152- 53 Yamantaka. 167. 236,250. 298n824: trachings. 161 Yamliri: black thangka of the Gya Shangtrom Tradition with Drigung Kagyu lineage. 167-69,170. 171, /72, 173.292n61 4;entry from HAR. 291n597; of the Gya Shangtrorn Tradition. 163-65, 164, 2Q.l, 205. 205: red and black-faced, of the Gyn Shangtromtradition. 150-51. 159-61, /60 Yangdakdzongwa Gongma (Yang dag rdzong ba gong ma), 227, 297n808 Yangdak Heruka (Yang dag Heruka), 53 Yangri D6n (Yang ri gdon), 272-73 Yangri Gar (Yang ri sgar) Monastery: appointments from. 8; Cakrasao11vara mandala at. 203; chief among branches in 0. xiii. I: early Drigung paintings at. 284nl60: history of. by Rase Kllnchok Gyatsho. 125: lamas of. 283n28: main temple, 3; mentioned. 178. 290n509: in 1948, 3; thangka sets at. 73: visited by Kathok Situ. xii, 72-73: Yeshe Jam yang ·s sacrificial cakes at, 198 Yangri G6n Monastery, 22. 59, 73 Yangzab (dGongs pa )ang zab). 138 Yasi Ponton (Ya zi Bon ston), 53-54 Yazang Choje Cho Moo lam (g.Ya · bzang chos rje Cbos smon lam). 215 Yazang School. 215 Yechung (dBye chung). x• Yeri St)1c. Su Eri St)lc Yeshe Dorje (Ye shes rdo rjc). 24-1 YcshC Drolma Tsugna Norbu, 266 Yt!>he Jamyang: classification of styles by. 30-31. 47. 194-96. 203.204-5: clouds of. 205. 207: documented by Lo Bue. 193-94: drawing of RigdLin Chodrak. 290n538. 295n703: on Drigung painting tradition. 122. 290n529: Four Great Guardian Kings. 194.202-3. 204. 205. 206-10. 206. 207. 208: interview with. 203. 285n220: inte•iew by N•awano Tserin• e• 194-95.29-111697: late Sl)le of. 203-6: life stOI) of. 196-203: on Umi/Phyang guru thangla set I 09: mandalas b). 200. 203. 203. 212: masks b). 199-200.202. 203: murals and torn111 at lamayuru. 22. 177. 203: murals of. 199-203. 201.202. 204: wilh Ngawang Tsering. /95: painting from larnayuru New Dulhang. 194. /95: with a painting of two Great Kings in progress. 203. 204: painting style of. 30-3 1. 37. 203. 206. 210-11: preparing offerings. /99. 200: in recent days, 211: remaining Drigung master. 30. 177. 194. 211-12. 285n220: role in recent history of Drigung Kagyu. 36-37: standing before Lumbini murals. 209: standing before temple entrance in Lumbini , 209: thangkas of, 198, 199, 200. 295n715: Tsangri inftuence on. 206. 207-41: use of term ·'Driri.'' xi: at work on Guru·dian King mural. 200. 20/; on wrathful deities. 158: Yamari of the Gya Shangtrorn Tradition. 204. 205. 205 Yeshe Tshogyal (Ye I sh ies mtsho rgyal), 163 yidam. 151. 153.234. 261 Yogacara tradition. 182 Yogatantra Mandalas. 7. 7. 14. 84 Yuan d) nasi). 4-1. 48. 282n21. Su al>o SakyaYuan imperial government Yuma Monastery. and Drigung Dzong Monaster). 2 Yunnan Pro\ince. monasteries of. 281 Yushu. ~e Gapa district (Kham) Yu Tsho (g.Yu mTsho: Turquoise lake), 52 ~ ~ z Zangdo Khama (monastery). 149 Zang Phelg)e Ung (Limi). 7 Zangpopa famil) of'Jimisgang. 199 Zangzang Palri Goopa (Zang zang dPal ri dgon pa). 106 Zhigpo Dutsi. 54 Zla ba (painter). 284n 164 Zorawar Singh. Wazir. 178 PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DRICUNC KACY U SC HOOL 325 RUBIN MUSEUM STAFF Helen Abbott, Publisher Harry Einhorn, Museum Guide Lyndsey Anderson, Manager, Visitor Experience & Access Programs Dawn Eschelman. Head of Progran1 Management Bill Appleton, Director of Education & T'Shawn Francis, Special Events Coordinator Engagement Amy Babcock, Assistant Manager, Group Visits Vincent Baker, New Media Manager Alison Baldassano, Museum Guide Michelle Bennett, Head of Collections Management Paul Bolinger. 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