8 Rites of the Deity Tamdrin (Rta mgrin) in Contemporary Bön Transforming Poison and Eliminating Noxious Spirits with Burning Stones marc des jardins My first encounter with the Bönpo deity Tamdrin (Rta mgrin) occurred in April 2004. Upon my arrival at the Yeshé (Ye shes)1 Monastery in Nyagrong (Nyag rong, Xinlong xian) following two days of continuous travel from Chengdu, I suffered from exhaustion. The lama in whose quarters I was temporarily lodged became worried and decided that there were hindering spirits who were preventing me from functioning normally. Anyi Lama (A nyi bla ma), a senior monk, is one of the monastery’s ritual experts. He took it upon himself to conduct a ritual of exorcism for my well-being, as well as for some other monks who were also suffering from recurring illnesses. The third day after my arrival, all the preparations for the ritual, including the special torma cakes and other offerings for the altar, had been completed before 10:00 a.m. The lama then conducted the “General Ritual of Tamdrin” (Rta mgrin skor),2 and I was invited to join the other monks in his kitchen. It was close to noon. Little did I expect that the main part of the ritual was going to take place in the kitchen. I noticed that close to the hearth an acolyte was busy pumping air to fan an already wellestablished fire. On the stove was a cauldron with liquids. On the first fire was a receptacle containing stones that had been heated to bright red. We all sat on the floor or on the side bench and let Anyi Lama 188 tibetan ritual conduct the ritual. While he was intoning mantras, the acolyte manning the fire took one red-hot stone with tongs and put it directly on the open hand of Anyi Lama. There was a puff of smoke and flame which suddenly hissed upward. The lama, without stopping or flinching, continued to recite the mantras while circling his hand over all the participants, including me. He then threw the stone, still red, into the cauldron on the stove. This made the liquid boil violently and overflow with loud noises. Anyi Lama repeated this five more times with similar stones. After throwing the last one in, he then took a twig of juniper which he dipped into the cauldron and sprinkled each of us, one by one. This concluded the rite. At my request, Anyi Lama showed me his hand, which did not appear to have suffered any burns from the stones. I witnessed this dramatic ritual more than three times over the course of several years, while conducting research at Yeshé Monastery. It seems that it has become the specialty of about three of its monks, all disciples of Anyi Lama. The ritual can also be performed with more props, such as the drawing of a colored powder circle with two fires in its midst, the use of a ritual cauldron, repeated offerings of torma, use of colored threads, and many more ingredients and paraphernalia (Figure 8.1). The tutelary deity invoked in this ritual was none other than Tamdrin or Hayagrı̄va, a member of the Bön as well as the Buddhist pantheon. Anyi Lama figure 8.1. The officiating lama takes hold of one of the burning stone. Yeshé Monastery. Photo: M. des Jardins (April, 2004). rites of the deity tamdrin in contemporary bön 189 possesses a painting (thang ka) made by a former master of the monastery which depicts Tamdrin in the center, red in color, with his outstretched right hand holding a sword in the tarjanı̄ mudrā and the left hand in the same posture holding a skull cup. This sword is the identifying mark which differentiates it from the Buddhist iconography, which, by contrast, shows him holding a vajra. Below him on his left is Khyung (Garud·a), stretching a snake between his two hands and his beak. Chagna Dorjé (Phyag na do rje, Vajrapāni), on his right and below, is holding a vajra in his right hand with the left hand at his heart in the tarjanı̄ mudrā. Above Tamdrin are the Three Enlightened Ones of the past, present, and future. The assembly hall of Yeshé monastery also possesses a life-sized statue of red Tamdrin in a recessed alcove (Figure 8.2). This chapter has a number of goals: (1) to provide some historical background for the chief deity of the ritual, Tamdrin, especially in the Bön tradition; (2) to provide a detailed description of the ritual cycle within which the Burning Stones ritual is found; (3) to explain the social context in which this rite is performed; (4) to reflect on what makes this rite so popular; and (5) to argue for the fact that rites like this one suggest the need for a more nuanced understanding of the relationship of Bön and Buddhism in Tibet. Context Hayagrı̄va is the well-known Indian horse-head deity commonly conceived as an incarnation or avatāra of Vis·n · u by a majority of Hindus. Kamala Nayar has clearly demonstrated in her study of Hayagrı̄va in India3 that there is no single story of this important deity. Its hauts faits are attested to in a multiplicity of voices, religions, cultures, and worldviews. Hayagrı̄va’s stories are found in the epics, such as the Mahābhārata (200–400 CE), and the Purān · as, such as the Harivamśa, Skanda Purān a, Vis n u Purān a, the Vis n udharmottara Purān · ·· · ·· · a, and the Kālikā Purān · a. Among the Āgama, it is found in the Hayaśı̄rs·a Sam · hitā, Īśvara Sam hitā, Pādma Sam hitā, Sanatkumāra Sam hitā, Sātvata Sam hitā, Śes·a · · · · Sam · hitā, Śrı̄paus·kara Sam · hitā, Sāradātilaka Tantra, the Yoginı̄ Tantra (ca. 16th century), and the Meru Tantra. It also appears in regional sectarian writings such as the Periya Tirumol·i and the Tiruvāymol·i of the Āl·vārs as well as in the 4 Śata Dūs·an · ı̄ of the Śrı̄ Vais·n · ava Ācārya, Vedānta Deśika (1269–1370). Many indications point to the present-day cult of Hayagrı̄va as strongest in Assam, in northeastern India, where there are many entire temples dedicated to this deity. Of the various and sundry narratives of Hayagrı̄va, the ones that have gradually dominated, unified, and strengthened the core tradition centered on the narratives of him as an avatāra of Vis·n · u. Scholars have accounted for the 190 tibetan ritual figure 8.2. The statue of Tamdrin at Yeshé Monastery. Photo: M. des Jardins (April, 2004). horse-head deity theme running throughout a long period of time in sacred Indian texts. In Tibet, Hayagrı̄va is at the center of many “treasure” (gter ma) teachings and cycles, belonging for the most part to the Nyingma school. Sera monastery has, however, a peculiar tradition of the cult of the deity which is unique to this institution. This has been explored by Cabezón.5 rites of the deity tamdrin in contemporary bön 191 Tamdrin in Bön We may assert with much caution that the first authoritative scriptural reference to Tamdrin in Bön can be found in the long version of Tönpa Shenrab’s (Ston pa gshen rab) hagiography, the fourteenth century Precious Compendium: The Blazing Sūtra Immaculate and Glorious (Dri med gzi brjid ).6 The particular section on Tamdrin has been reprinted separately in the Bön Tengyur (Brten ‘gyur) under the title The Lore of King Tamdrin from the Sūtra on the Teachings of Bön [Extracted] from the Concise [Teachings] in Terms of the Five Categories of Asuras Versus the Great Magic of the Gods from the Precious Compendium, the Immaculate and Glorious.7 This text begins by stating how the Teacher Shenrab, out of compassion for all sentient beings, taught on the top of the Excellent Mountain (ri rab, i.e., Mount Kailash) a method to subdue violent hindrances or hindering spirits (drags gegs) who could not be conquered by ordinary means. It is said that subduing these spirits with deities from the sphere of the Peaceful Ones (zhi ba) was not possible. Therefore, in order to accomplish their subjugation, the Teacher recited the mantra of Tamdrin (bso om · vajra rag (sha?) khro da rab rab haya ghrı̄ ba hum phat). Shenrab then produces an emanation body (sku sprul) in front of himself as Hayagrı̄va, who appears with a flaming red body, one face, two hands, standing in the striding posture and holding a flaming red sword with gold ornaments. In the midst of his mane is a green horse head. He stands in mid-air, blazing.8 As is common in other Tibetan literature of this genre, he then emanates rays of light that hook the beings to be called forth, drawing their principle of consciousness (bla) in front of him. He then intones a long mantra spanning over four folios.9 This invokes the devas, asuras, the Great Ones of the cemeteries (dur khrod chen po), and the Fierce Fathers and the Mothers (drags gegs pho mo). A vast host of the beings are then brought into his presence through emanations of martial spirits. The list is very extensive and includes not only many grouped categories of eight gods and demons (lha ‘dre), but also a variety of beings such as fire deities (me lha), neither-male-norfemale deities (ma ning), life-force deities of the Sinpo (Srin po) class, etc. This list is a mixture of deities of Indian origin, recognizable from their Sanskritized names, some corresponding to known categories, and others of a more popular nature, such as wind deities (rlung lha), city-gods (grong khyer), gods of various realms, various demonic lords (dmu rje, bdud rje), the Wealth God (nor lha) and many others difficult to identify. There are no epic narratives in this short text. The account is closer to a roster of personalities witnessed at a royal court. In fact, the point might just be 192 tibetan ritual to affirm the reigning authority of Tamdrin over mundane and trouble-making deities. This work is concise, straightforward, and is not unique in its genre. There are a number of Buddhist texts dating from around the ninth century in Tibet, and earlier in China, that do not contain narratives. Scriptures, such as the Mahāmāyūrı̄ Sūtra,10 are lists of a wide array of divinities that are more often than not regrouped under various categories and classes. In China, a specific scriptural genre was in vogue from as early as the sixth to the ninth century which was referred to under the generic name of Foming Jing (Scriptures of the Names of the Buddhas).11 These texts were primarily used for long rituals which consisted of reciting the name of each Enlightened One, worshipping it with incense, and prostrating while circumambulating the inner precincts of the temple. These grand rituals often lasted for several days and were physically so demanding that during its course followers would fall down, often in a trance. The rituals were very popular, and monastic institutions and masters would create their own version of Foming Jing to attract followers and generate financial and other forms of support. Thus, the various Chinese Buddhist Canons have many of these scriptures, which may contain from 100 to 30,000 names of deities. Taoism has also followed this trend with important scriptures such as the Scripture of Universal Salvation,12 thus showing a ritual trend common not only to Tibet, but also to East Asia more generally.13 A Short History of Tamdrin in Bön More research needs to be conducted in order to ascertain the age of the Tamdrin practices in Bön. The history of Yeshé Monastery’s lineage suggests that it is a relatively recent practice, as gleaned from the records of the master Tsultrim Chog-gyal (Tshul khrims mchog rgyal, d. ca. 1978), who left terse but most informative accounts of the lineages of most of the empowerments and practices he received during his lifetime. Tsultrim Chog-gyal was the master and uncle of the late Ayung Lama (A g.yung bla ma, alias G.yung drung bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, 1926–97). The latter organized the first printing of the Bön Canon (Bka’ ‘gyur) during the late 1980s, and with the present editor of the Tengyur, Sogden Tenpé Nyima (Sog ldan bstan pa’i nyi ma), collected many of the texts now available in this collection. Tsultrim Chog-gyal’s lineage explanations, which are today only available in an original manuscript, do not quite fill two folios, and are rather elliptical. He begins by stating that the lineage of the empowerment (dbang) and transmission (lung) of Tamdrin, Chagna and Khyung began when, in the distant past, the three root-deities appeared in a pure place where omniscient and rites of the deity tamdrin in contemporary bön 193 enlightened ones abide. The emanation (sprul) of the Fierce King Tamdrin subdued wild demons (bdud srin) with oaths. The manifestation of Speech, pure son of the gods, could split deceivers into hundreds of pieces. The three manifestations of the Three Bodies were then realized by Sangwa Düpa (Gsang ba ‘dus pa).14 He then transmitted these to the nine great sorcerers (mthu chen mi dgu),15 who then transmitted them to Drenpa Namkha (Dran pa nam mkha’), who in turn transmitted these to his two sons Tsewang Rigdzin (Tshe dbang rig ‘dzin) and Pema Jungné (Pad ma ‘byung nas).16 These teachings were then entrusted to a wisdom d·ākinı̄. In the fifth month, during a Fire Dragon year, the protectors of these teachings entrusted them to Yungdrung Tenpé Gyaltsen (G.yung drung bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, b. 1516) of the Kharag (Kha rag) Monastery in Pelyul (Dpal yul).17 He transmitted these to his grandson Lama Yungdrung (Bla ma g.yung drung). From the latter, they passed successively to the Trülku Yungdrung Tenpa Yangpa (Sprul sku g.yung drung bstan pa dbyangs pa), to Yungdrung Döndrub (G.yung drung don ‘grub), to Shengyal Tendzin (Gshen rgyal bstan ‘dzin), to lama Yungdrung Bönten (G.yung drung bon bstan), and finally to Tsultrim Chog-gyal. From the first master of Kharag Monastery to our writer, there are seven generations. From Tsultrim Choggyal, the lineage passed to Ayung Lama, and from him to Anyi Lama, and other contemporary practitioners of the Tamdrin ritual cycle. Tsultrim Chog-gyal18 was a famous master of the Yeshé Monastery. In his early days, he traveled far and wide in Kham (Khams) to study with renowned Bönpo masters. One of his root-masters was the famous Shardzé Trashi Gyaltsen (Shar rdzas bkra shis rgyal mtshan, 1858–1934).19 He also received lineages from another contemporary master, Sang-ngag Lingpa (Gsang sngags gling pa, b. 1864).20 He kept meticulous records of his transmissions, which are invaluable sources for the study of contemporary Bönpo religious history. His records, as well as information found within the ritual texts themselves, allow us to ascertain that this ritual cycle belongs to the New Treasure (Gter gsar) or New Bön (Bon gsar) movement. Although this classification is used by some more conservative Bönpo masters, the Kham traditions of Bön, in concert with its Nyingma counterparts, accept new terma discoveries as well as the more traditional teachings from the Old Bön terma. This is in keeping with local religious trends. The Fierce Ones of the Three Bodies The corpus of texts used by Anyi Lama to propitiate Tamdrin, and which contains, among other texts, the ritual of the Burning Stones, is entitled: The Armor of Everlastingness, by which the Fierce Kings of the Three Bodies Save and Destroy 194 tibetan ritual Hypocrisy and Defilements (Sku gsum khro rgyal gyis ngo g.yo dri ma ‘jig skyobs g.yung drung go cha). It consists of a collection of eighteen texts with smaller prayers, praises, lineage accounts, and miscellaneous directives and recitations included in relevant sections. This small compendium was obviously created for ritual recitation. The more complete version contains the empowerment rites as well as other miscellaneous rituals such as the rite of Slaying (bsad pa) and the Burning Stone rites. Although monks of Yeshé Monastery see this practice as related to Tamdrin, the rite involves more than just this one deity. The deities of the Three Bodies alluded to in the headings of the various texts and throughout the ritual are the three different deities already mentioned, namely Tamdrin, Chagna Dorjé (also known as Yungdrung Namjom, G.yung drung rnam ‘joms), and Khyung—in other words Hayagrı̄va, Vajrapāni, and Garud·a. These are the body, speech, and mind of enlightened activities and are also manifestations or emanations of the Three Masters of the ninth century, Drenpa Namkha and his two sons. List of Texts and Sections in the Fierce Kings of the Three Bodies Corpus 1. dug phyung me long g.ya’ sel (clearing away of defilements) dbu phyogs This text is a petition to the group of yidams requesting that they remove poisons and other noxious influences from the area in which the rite will take place. 2. sku gsum khro rgyal gcig dril las cha lag las byang (auxiliary rites) don ‘dus This section starts with a lengthy introduction to the many offering practices and others which constitute the bulk of the rite. The main parts of the ritual are recited while offering a large number of ritual cakes (gtor ma) to nāgas (klu) and other spirits, bodhisattvas and enlightened beings, consecration of the vase where the deities will be invited to stay during the rite, verses for taking refuge, purification, generating bodhicitta, requests of blessings, and other rites which surround the propitiation rites addressed to the three main deities. 3. sku gsum khro rgyal bskang ba (mending ritual) rin chen gter spyungs 4. shen rab sku sprul rta mgrin dpa’ bo gcig pa sde brgyad rgyal bsen shi ‘dre dregs pa zil gnon (shi ‘dre dgra gegs pa’i gnya’ gnon?) This is the actual propitiation manual of Tamdrin the Solitary Hero. It contains the main visualization of the deity with its various mantras and prayers. 5. gshen rab gsung sprul bcom ldan phyag na rdo rje (Vajrapāni) gza’ gdon ‘byung po ma rung ‘dul ba’i gnyen po rites of the deity tamdrin in contemporary bön 195 This is the propitiation manual of Vajrapāni proper, similar in many points to no. 4. 6. gshen rab thugs sprul ye shes khyung nag (Black Wisdom Garud·a) klu gnyan nad mdon gdug pa ‘dul mdzad This is the propitiation manual of Garud·a proper. 7. sku gsum khro rgyal bsrungs ba’i las byang (manual of protection) dbus phyogs This booklet contains the consecration liturgies of various offerings to be made to protector deities. 8. sku gsum khro rgyal las bzlog pa (repelling) byad ma ‘bum zlogs dbu phyogs This is the rite which repels the attacks from various ill-intentioned spirits such as the nāgas, cemetery sprites (dur sri), demons (bdud) from different quarters, Tsen (btsan), Mamo (ma mo), Za (Gza’), Shinjé (gshin rje, Skt. yamas), Sinpo (srin po), Gyalpo (rgyal po, lit. kings), Mara (ma ra), etc. 9. ma cig bka’ gsang lha mo’i bskul pa (exhortation) This text consists of praises to the Sole Mother (ma cig), Sipa Gyalmo (Sri pa rgyal mo), the ruler of this world according to Bön. 10. gshin rje’i gco ‘khor (the cycle on breaking Yama) bskul pa nyung ‘dus dbu phyogs The prayers in this section placate the various spirits associated with death, such as the sprites of the cemeteries and others. It consists of entreaties, offerings, and exalting the power and virtues of the enlightened beings associated with Bön. 11. bstan bsrung rdo rje legs pa srod bsgrub dam nyams srog gi thog mda’ (thunderbolt arrow) dbu phyogs. This text serves to incite to action a class of protectors subjugated in the past and bound by oaths, the damchen (dam can), as well as to remind them of their duty. The protectors include Dorjé Legpa (Dor rje legs pa), who was subjugated by Padmasambhava and became the protector of Nyingmapas in general. 12. dam can rgya mtsho mkha’ la rang bzhin gyis bsad gsol (request to slay) dbu phyogs The bsad pa (slaying) rite is accomplished toward the end of a retreat, or in cases where offending spirits have to be “liberated” by severing their life-force and transferring their principle of consciousness to a better realm. At Yeshé Monastery, this rite is not one that is frequently 196 tibetan ritual performed. When it has to be done, a senior lama is usually requested to perform it. It is believed that the practice of this rite shortens one’s life. This one in particular involves the participation of the damchen protectors, mentioned earlier. It is not yet clear to me whether this rite is also used to subjugate and bind by oath would-be damchen spirits. (See also the discussion of slaying rites in chapter 3 by Mayer and Cantwell in this volume.) 13. grub mtha’i rgyal po sangs gyas gling pa’i lugs kyi nyer mkho (requisites) zur ‘degs (lifting of a part?) sgron me dbus phyogs The shortened title of this booklet should be nyerkho (nyer mkho) or “requisites,” according the ritual tradition of Sangyé Lingpa (Sangs rgyas gling pa, b. 1705), the founder of the Bönsar tradition, regarded as the third incarnation of Loden Nyingpo (Blo ldan snyin po, b. 1360), and master of Kündrö Dragpa (Kun grol drag pa). Instead, it uses the enigmatic term of zurdeg (zur ‘degs), whose exact meaning eludes me. The text in fact includes many different mantras that ought to be recited at various moments of the performance of selected rites; it also indicates the drumbeat and other ritual miscellanea. 14. sku gsum khro rgyal las bsad pa dam nyams (slaying meditation) srog gshed This is the actual rite of slaying using the “power” of the three deities of this cycle alluded to earlier. 15. sde brgyad rgyal bsen kun phung sbyin bsreg (homa or burnt offering) dzwa dmar ba’i ‘khyil pa The burnt offering rite concludes all retreats, just as it does the full performance of the Tamdrin ritual involving the burning stone sequence described in this chapter. 16. rma bya dug ‘joms (conquering poison, i.e., the white stone rite) dzwa dbal chu bcas ba This is the text of the rite of the burning stone described earlier in this chapter. 17. dbal khyung nag po’i rgyud klu gnyan ‘dul ba’i (subduing of nāgas and nyen) gdon khrol As the title suggests, this text seeks to use the powers of the Black Garud·a to subjugate offending nāgas and nyen spirits. (See chapter 2 by Karmay in this volume.) 18. rta mgrin dpa’ bo gcig pa’i dbang chog (empowerment) bde ba’i yan lag This is the ritual of empowerment to the practices and meditations of this cycle of rites. rites of the deity tamdrin in contemporary bön 197 Five texts are essential during any general practice of the Tamdrin corpus. These are the auxiliary rites manual, the individual rites of the three deities, and that of the protectors. In keeping with the New Treasure tradition, these are fairly concise practices. The Auxiliary Rites Manual Text no. 2 in the aforementioned list (and the set of prayers from other sources that are to be added at key moments), the auxiliary rites manual (cha lag las byang), contains the basic elements that form the core of the ritual. It is a framework of miscellaneous rites that support whichever of the three central “root texts” is recited in a given context. The rites of this manual are used to introduce, as well as to conclude the general ritual. They are mandatory to the performance of more advanced practices, such as those involving the burning stones, the ritual slaying of hindering spirits, as well as fire offerings and others. The colophon of the auxiliary rites manual tells us that these “few words of great meaning, which are like wish-fulfilling gem, were obtained the 15th of the fifth month of a fire dragon year” (f. 128). This would correspond to the year spanning 1556 and 1557. It states that it is the secret heart of the exalted ones of both Bön and Chö (Chos, i.e., Buddhism), and makes references to the Teacher Shenrab and to the Buddha Śākyamuni. It is therefore a practice that is perceived as deliberately bridging the two creeds. This, the text continues, is to be kept secret from the kind of vow-violators who have wrong views. The different sections of texts to be recited during the performance are quite standard—common to both Tibetan Buddhist and Yungdrung Bön (G.yung drung bon). One finds such rites as the offering of the white torma (dkar gtor) to mundane deities, to the guardians of the quarters, and to the heads of the eight classes of gods and demons (lha srin) (f. 18), offerings of a host of different tormas suited to the recipient beings, and ransom tormas (glud gtor) for ransom rites used to secure and protect the site of the performance from opposing spirits (f. 19). One also finds inner-offerings consecrations (f. 19), seven-limbed prayers and meditations (ff. 19–20), going for refuge, generating bodhicitta, confession of sins, prayer to the masters of the lineage, delimiting the sacred space (mtshams bcad) (f. 22), generation of the three central deities, and mantra recitations to control nāgas, raks·asas, and other spirits, as well as rites for purification, etc. (ff. 26–29). It also contains concluding prayers and offerings to be recited after the main meditation or the practice of other rituals. 198 tibetan ritual Propitiation The next three texts, which correspond to texts nos. 4, 5, and 6 in the list mentioned earlier, are the root texts of each of the three deities of this corpus. These are, of course, Tamdrin as the manifestation of the enlightened body of Tönpa Shenrab, Chagna Dorjé as his enlightened speech manifestation, and Khyung as his mind manifestation. In the course of the acquisition of the lineage, the practitioner has to concentrate on one deity for a given period of time. This involves the repetition of mantras, visualizations, and other related meditation techniques. When the ritual is performed for patrons, all three texts are recited one after the other in each section. For example, when the officiant recites the “Requests to the Lamas of the Lineage,” Lagyü Söldeb (brgyud gsol ‘debs), of the Tamdrin text, at the conclusion of this section, he switches to the Söldeb of Chagna, and then to the Khyung Söldeb section. Once the recitations of the three different parts are completed, he passes on to the next sections of the rite in the Tamdrin manual and follows a similar procedure with the other texts. The whole recitation thus includes the propitiation of the three deities. The three texts that constitute the central practices (dngos gzhi) in question are relatively short, no more than thirteen folios for Tamdrin, eleven folios for Chagna, and ten folios for Khyung. They are overall fairly homogeneous and follow similar, if not identical, developments in the unfolding of the different sections during the performance. That is, they follow the similar patterns of torma offerings, followed by the setting up of the sacred perimeter, then the self-generation (bdag bskyed) or front-generation (mdun sbkyed), and so on. There then follows the inevitable mantra recitations for accomplishment, followed by praises, hymns, and auspicious verses. Protectors The last required section or rite is the daily propitiation of the protective deities. These are of a general nature, but do contain verses addressed to the main general protectors of Bön such as Sipé Gyalmo (Srid pa’i rgyal mo). A common feature of all these are the constant offerings of torma. Here, lamas add offerings, praises, and requests to their own individual protectors and to those of their respective lineage or monastery. The practitioners again reestablish the sacred perimeter, then pray to the knowledge-holders (rig ‘dzin), such as Tönpa Shenrab, consecrate offerings, invoke the main deity, Hayagrı̄va, erect the palace of the gods, then invite them to be present, make offerings, and finally request their activities. rites of the deity tamdrin in contemporary bön 199 The Rite of the Burning Stones The ritual which brought us to this research was a form of exorcism using burning quartz stones carried in an open unprotected palm and then thrown into a cauldron of water mixed with nine poisons. The historical origin of this tradition is still to be determined. The text of the practice is The Peacock Conqueror of Poison, Fiercely Stepping on the Waters (Rma bya dug ‘joms dzwa dbal chu bcas). It is uncertain whether or not Yungdrung Tenpé Gyaltsen was the author. There are no indications of its authorship or when it was written. The introduction to the ritual emphasizes that during the age of degeneration, to benefit sentient beings, following the practices of the faithful yogis, the yogi Pema Jungné went to the southwest to tame the sin (srin) demons of the cemeteries. At that time he was practicing the three deities, Tamdrin, Chagna, and Khyung. Then, the lord of the sin demons, Hadha(?)-one-eyed, was born. Transforming himself, he manifested nine snouts which were primarily ignorance and sloth. He manifested also as a black boar with nine heads, the cause being a raks·asa of pride with nine heads, nine hands, nine feet, on his back. From his nine mouths and nine noses he spread allotments of covetousness and desires. His nine eyes spread allotments of epilepsy and poison. His nine heads spread allotments of poisonous warfare. He was subdued by Pema Jungné using the three deities: Tamdrin, Chagna, and Khyung. The ritual describes the method to prepare oneself and the materials needed for the rite, and then proceeds through its various steps. The successive sections of this ritual follow a template common to other similar rites and begins with the delimitation of the sacred space; then going for refuge; prayers for realization; invitation and the bringing down of the deities; offerings; selfgeneration as the three deities; recitation of the mantras; the handling of the nine stones with mantras and visualization; the sprinkling of the patients with the transmuted, formerly poisonous water for the sake of purifying them; offering of praises; praising the body of Chagna; the offering torma; and request for activities. The stones are heated to the point of becoming incandescent, and then one by one are put on the open, unprotected hand of the officiating lama. The latter then circles the patients with his palm while reciting a mantra. He then proceeds to throw the stones, as described earlier, into the cauldron filled with water in which nine poisonous substances have been placed. The poisons are believed to be transformed into a beneficent and curative substance by the stones. Using juniper twigs, the lama then sprinkles the patients with the water. 200 tibetan ritual A later part of the rite consists of tying threads of five colors to poplar twigs and intertwining the other ends to the individual fingers of the patients. The threads are then cut while the lama intones prayers and entreaties. This is believed to cut off noxious influences from the five elements after transferring the evil spirits afflicting the patients to the poplar twigs. The twigs are then taken away and thrown or burnt without ceremony. The following morning the final concluding prayers are performed after the rite is completed with a last propitiation of the three deities, who are then asked to leave. A proper full recitation of this ritual of Tamdrin lasts two days and a morning. Practitioners sometime hold impromptu sessions in their home, which may last only half a day. The elaborate powder fire altar is then replaced with the kitchen stove and “the five colored ribbons” rite altogether dispensed with. Such hurried application of the rite is conducted when it is performed for friends and fellow monks without remunerations, and in informal settings. Reflections on the Practice Reasons for the Performance According to Anyi Lama and one of his most sought-after disciples, Tagbön (Stag bon, alias G.yung drung bstan ‘dzin), there are various reasons why patrons request such rituals, most of them related to health issues. Problems mentioned by patrons range from general weakness, skin infections, symptoms resembling arthritis and rheumatism, to specific, previously diagnosed illnesses of all kinds. A less-frequent demand is to dispel a repeated series of bad luck events, repeated unfortunate incidents, and unhealthy living conditions. Tagbön has mentioned to me that in cases of bad luck, he usually first conducts a divination session in order to ascertain the nature of the offending spirits. In cases of malignant sprites, but not lu/nāga, he will use the Purba ritual.21 Tamdrin is judged very efficacious for troubles caused by the lu water-spirits. Patronage Patrons who requested the performance of this ritual, more often than not at home, belong in the majority of cases to the Bönpo community. Each monastery receives the support of a certain number of households, which supply its sons to the institution, but which in return request ritual services for life. These requests are not, however, free. The amount of remuneration any given monk will receive is the result of the monk’s seniority, expertise in the practice of the rite, as well as his station in the greater monastic hierarchy. For example, a reincarnate master rites of the deity tamdrin in contemporary bön 201 (sprul sku) will definitely earn more than a nonreincarnate monk. Specialists like Tagbön will earn more than others who have not completed the proper retreat, but not as much as an abbot (mkhan po), a lama with higher administrative rank within the monastery’s hierarchy, or a ritual master like Anyi Lama. Patrons from other Bönpo communities apparently request the performance of the Tamdrin ritual with some regularity. Buddhist families also request it. The relationships between the Bönpos and lay Buddhists seemed in many respect to be one of perceived necessity. Buddhist families usually request rituals from monks of their own Buddhist communities. When these patrons are not satisfied with the outcome, or if they receive a divination that spirits are still plaguing them, Bönpo monks are asked to perform the rite. Although Bönpos do not object to this, it is relatively rare to have Bönpo monks come back to the same Buddhist household that has had other rites performed on its behalf, unless there has been a call specifically for Bönpos. Thus, in contemporary Tibet, Bönpos still fulfill some role within the larger Tibetan society. On the Popularity of the Burning Stone Ritual This ritual of Tamdrin may be unique among the arsenal of ritual weapons of contemporary Bönpos. However, there are oral traditions within this community which allude to similar dramatic rites involving the deity Belsé (Dbal gsas) and the manipulation of red-hot iron rods. I encountered anecdotes to this effect among the monks of Yeshé Monastery, and it may allude to other local rites similar to the Tamdrin one which are high in their dramatic content. Aside from the area around the Kharag Monastery in the Derge (Sde dge) region, perhaps, our ritual is not currently performed outside of Nyagrong. If it is, as it was a few years ago in the Amdo Sharkhog (A mdo shar khog) area, it was due to the presence of a Yeshé monk (namely Tagbön) who was on pilgrimage there. The dramatic aspects of this practice—that is, the feat of a Bönpo monk handling red-hot stones with bare hands—definitely plays an important role in the perceived value and power of such a ritual. Even among the Bönpo monks who have supported its performance many times and have completed the requisite retreat, very few have the nerve to try handling the red-hot stones. This is undoubtedly why the main practitioners of this rite are seen as being entitled to some measure of charisma and ritual authority. I would argue that it is precisely this dramatic element that gives this rite its perceived value. This value is attributed to the ritual by its patrons, who recognize this sort of rite as being powerful and efficient. Its high demand in Nyagrong makes it lucrative for a monk who is seeking support for his livelihood. Whether it always fulfills the expectation 202 tibetan ritual of its clients is not the point here. There are many explanations that monks and patrons offer to explain the rite’s failure to secure health or healing. On the one hand, then, the popularity of this rite has a great deal to do with its dramatic elements. One the other, this rite thrives in an environment which has either come to take the ritual for granted or else where the rite has attained the status of a fashion. The law of supply and demand might just be the very reason why some rites thrive and eventually cross the boundaries of creed and religion. This could help us to understand cross-sectarian ritual cycles such as Purba, Hayagrı̄va, and Severance or Chö (Gcod). This observation, however, takes us beyond the topic of this chapter and has to be addressed in subsequent publications. Connection of this Practice to Buddhism I should add that the presence of Buddhist elements in this rite as well as in other similar ritual traditions belonging to the Bön New Treasures movement might partially be explained by appeal to the just-mentioned phenomenon of a ritual’s popularity. In addition, however, I feel that Buddhism, having permeated all aspects of Tibetan society and culture for such a long period of time, has transformed Tibetan culture to the point of being almost totally blended within it. Tibetans recognize as theirs Buddhist elements, symbols, deities, and practices. Contemporary Bön, on the other hand, is nativistic in principle. It identifies itself with the original indigenous religious culture, and portrays itself as the rightful heir to these traditions from antiquity. Given that Buddhism has been assimilated for well over a millennium in Tibet, it is not surprising to see a competing religion (Bön) restating aspects of it. In fact, a historical study of local traditions of Bön may help gage the level of assimilation of Buddhism throughout time in different areas of Tibet. Understanding Bön as borrowing or plagiarizing from Buddhism may in fact demonstrate a poor understanding of Tibetan culture. Buddhologists may well recognize phenomena pertaining to their specialty in all aspects of Tibetan society. This alone, however, does not make Tibetan society a Buddhist society tout court. Indigenous, non-Buddhist elements and cultural artifacts continue to be expressed. Although these expressions inevitably contain Buddhist themes, and references to Buddhist values, to see Tibet as a “Buddhist society” in any simple way may makes one blind to the layers and complexity present within it. This seems to me to be especially true when one examines popular cults and Bön. Similarly, to recognize Buddhist elements within Bönsar does not makes Bön any less Bönpo, nor does it make it either more Buddhist or a heterodox branch of Buddhism. Buddhist polemicists will readily push for the two latter conclusions, but their assertions have not changed Bönpos’ beliefs or understanding rites of the deity tamdrin in contemporary bön 203 of their religion, nor do the view of “experts outsiders” when they argue for this same agenda. Bönpos decide, in any case, what their practices and religion are. Our task as scholars should not be to support value-laden agendas—for example, that Bön is crypto-Buddhist—but to understand Bönpo religion in all its complexity, including its social functions, history, and other aspects. In this regard, a simple-minded reduction of Bön to Buddhism is counterproductive. This being said, there are unmistakable symbols that exhibit Buddhist as well as Indian and Chinese influences in Bönpo rites. This particular cycle of ritual focuses on Hayagrı̄va (an undeniably Indian deity), Vajrapāni (definitely Buddhist), and Garud·a (another pan-Indian and Southeast Asian popular deity). The different ritual stages of the complete rite follows a pattern that can be found in other contemporary Buddhist rituals of the same genre, with the exception of the burning stone element. The mantras of the three deities in this corpus are variants of those found in Buddhist sādhanas. Conclusions Tamdrin in Bön is present since at least the fifteenth century when the Ziji (Gzi brjid) was written. This corresponds to the height of Nyingmapa activities relating to the Hayagrı̄va, and it can reasonably be argued that the Bönpo phenomenon of Tamdrin is somehow related to the Nyingma practice, at least ritually. Bönpos considered Tamdrin to belong to their pantheon of enlightened beings, and to be an emanation of Tönpa Shenrab. In the ritual traditions of Yeshé Monastery in Nyagrong, the practice of Tamdrin comes from revelations imparted to a sixteenth-century lama from Kharag Monastery in Pelyul. Present masters of this lineage at Yeshé represent a seventh generation of practitioners. Their trademark is the practice of the burning stones that cure illnesses and transmute poisons. This rite involves the handling of redhot quartz stones with bare hands and is a dramatic method of healing and exorcism. The practitioner of this ritual receives regular requests from Bönpo, local and translocal, and from Buddhist patrons, who request that the rite be performed in their houses for the benefit of afflicted members of the family. This unique rite guarantees a steady income for its officiating monks and masters, both from the local area and from the outside. It fulfills the important role of alternative spiritual care for suffering patients and their relatives. This particular rite also exhibits a degree of assimilation of Buddhist elements which may help in measuring the assimilation of Buddhism within a specific area of Tibetan culture and society. 204 tibetan ritual notes 1. On this monastery, see Samten G. Karmay and Yasuhiko Nagano, eds. A Survey of Bonpo Monasteries and Temples in Tibet and the Himalaya, Bon Studies 7 (Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology, 2003), 420–25. Also Seng ge sprul sku rig ‘dzin nyi ma, Nyag rong ye shes dgon pa’i lo rgyus (Chengdu: Privately Published, 2004). 2. This is my provisional title of a ritual compendium entitled Sku gsum khro rgyal gyis ngo g.yo dri ma ‘jig skyobs g.yung drung go cha in 216 folios which is used at Ye shes monastery. The monks use the generic appellation of Rta mgrin skor. This is discussed later. 3. Kamala Nayar, Hayagrı̄va in South India: Complexity and Selectivity of a PanIndian Hindu Deity (Leiden: Brill, 2004). 4. Nayar, Hayagriva in South India, 27–28. 5. “The Cult of Peaceful and Wrathful Avalokiteśvara at Sera Monastery,” in Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara (Guanyin) and Modern Society: Proceedings of the Fifth Chung Hwa International Conference on Buddhism, ed. William McGee and Yi-hsun Huang (Taipei: Dharma Drum Publishing, 2007), 35–64. 6. ‘Dus pa rin po che dri ma med pa gzi brjid rab tu ‘bar ba’i mdo, Bon po bka’ ‘gyur (Chengdu: Ha sa yon and Bon slob Nam mkha’ bstan ‘dzin, 1991, second print) vols.1–12. On the different versions of the Bon po bKa’ ‘gyur as well as a collated index of these, see Dan Martin (general editor), Per Kvaerne (project coordinator), Yasuhiko Nagano (series editor), A Catalogue of the Bon Kanjur, Bon Studies 8, Senri Ethnolgical Reports 40 (Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology, 2003). 7. Lha mthu chen dang lha ma yin sde lnga dbang du bsdus nas bon bstan pa’i mdo las rta mgrin rgyal po’i gzungs, Bon po brten ‘gyur chen mo (Lhasa: Sod ldan Bstan pa’i nyi ma, 1998), vol. 106, no. 59, ff.1489–1512, hereafter The Lore of the King Rta mgrin. See also Samten G. Karmay and Yasuhiko Nagano, eds., A Catalogue of the New Collection of Bonpo Katen Texts—indices, Bon Studies 5, Senri Ethnolgical Reports 25, with CD-ROM (Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology, 2001), and Samten G. Karmay and Yasuhiko Nagano, eds., A Catalogue of the New Collection of Bonpo Katen Texts, Bon Studies 4, Senri Ethnolgical Reports 24 (Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology 2001). 8. The Lore of King Rta mgrin, ff. 1492–93. 9. The Lore of King Rta mgrin, ff. 1493–96. 10. The Taishō versions are: Da kongque mingwang huaxiang tanchang yigui (Taishō 983), Kongque wang zhoujing (Taishō 984), Da kongque wang zhoujing (Taishō 985), Da jinse kongque wang zhou (Taishō 986); Da jinse kongque wang zhoujing (Taishō 987); Kongque wang zhoujing (Taishō 988); Kongque wang zhoujing (Taishō 988). The Tibetan versions are found in the rgyud section of the Bka’ ‘gyur, Rig sngas kyi rgyal mo rma bya chen mo, in Daisetz T. Suzuki, ed., The Tibetan Tripit·aka, Peking Edition (Kyotō: Tibetan Tripitaka Research Institute, Otani University), vol. 7, Rgyud XV, no. 178, 111–25. See also The Digital Sanskrit Buddhist Canon website at http://www.uwest.edu/sanskritcanon/; The University of the West, Los Angeles, Nagarjuna Institute of Exact Methods (A Center For Buddhist Studies) Chakupat, Lalitpur, Nepal, catalogued as: K 303, K 304, K 305, K 306, K 307, K 373, K 1293, and K 1375. See also its study by des Jardins, Le Sūtra de la Mahāmāyūrı̄: rituel et politique dans la Chine des Tang (618–906) (Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, forthcoming). rites of the deity tamdrin in contemporary bön 205 11. Kuo, Li-ying, “La recitation des noms de BUDDHA en Chine et au Japon,” T’oung Pao, no. 81 (1995): 230–68, and for an example of such scriptures, see MS 2153 of the Schøyen Collection in London: http://www.schoyencollection.com/china.htm. 12. Lingbao wuliang durenpin miao jing, Zhentong daozang 1. See also Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen, eds., The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang (Daozang tongkao) (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004–05). 13. See Michel Strickmann, Mantras et mandarins: le Bouddhisme tantrique en Chine, Bibliothèque des sciences humaines (Paris: Gallimard, 1996). 14. Gshen gsang ba ‘dus pa is understood in Bön as the main teacher during the first eon of the propagation of Bön. He is considered the main transmitter of the secret teachings of the Tantra. 15. Karmay, A Treasury of Good Sayings, 42–43. 16. This is, of course, Padmasambhava. On Padmasambhava in the New Terma movement of Bön, see Samten G. Karmay, Feast of the Morning Light: The Eighteenth Century Wood-engravings of Shenrab’s Life-stories and the Bon Canon from Gyalrong, Bon Studies 9, Senri Ethnological Reports 57 (Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology, 2005); and Anne-Marie Blondeau, “Mkhyen-bre’i dba-po: la biographie de Padmasambhava selon la tradition du bsgrags-pa bon, et ses sources,” in Orientalia Iosephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata, ed. G. Gnoli & L. Lanciotti, 2 vols. (Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente 1988), 1: 111–58. 17. See Karmay and Nagano, A Survey of Bonpo Monasteries, 396–400. 18. His biography was written by Seng ge sprul sku rig ‘dzin nyi ma, Bla ma a g.yung gi rnam thar dang mchog rgyal gyi rnam thar (Chengdu: Si khrun lho nub mi rig slob grwa’i par khang, 2003). 19. See William M. Gorvine, “The Life of a Bonpo Luminary: Sainthood, Partisanship and Literary Representation in 20th Century Tibetan Biography,” Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, Charlottesville, 2006. His biography has been published separately: Bskal bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, Shar rdzas ba bkra shis rgyal mtshan gyi rnam thar (Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1988). 20. See his autobiography, the ‘Gro ‘dul bstan gnyis gsar gling pa’i skye gnas bar do’i rnam par thar pa brjod pa sgyu ma’i ‘khrul ‘khor, in Bon gyi brten ‘gyur chen mo, vol. 149, no. 4, 443–798. 21. At Ye shes Monastery, the Phur gsar cycle of Gsang sngags gling pa is used most frequently. The Phur rnying is considered to be too complicated and lengthy for practicing at patrons’ houses. On the Phur ba cycle of rites, see also chapter 3 by Cantwell and Mayer in this volume.