Rva lo tsā ba and His Biographers

Bryan J. Cuevas

Heimbel, Jörg. 2013. “The Jo gdan tshogs sde bzhi: An Investigation into the History of the Four Monastic Communities in Śākyaśrībhadra’s Vinaya Tradition.” In Franz-Karl Ehrhard and Petra Maurer (eds.), Nepalica-Tibetica: Festgabe for Christoph Cüppers. 2 vols. Beiträge zur Zentralasienforschung 28.1–2. Andiast: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies GmbH, vol. 1, 187–242.

This presents a handlist for the virtually unknown “Miscellaneous Series” of Tibetan Texts in the Bihar Research Society, Patna. Reviews: (1) Tadeuz Skorupski,Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. 54-1 (1991), p. 238f. (2) Helmut Tauscher, Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasiens, vol. 36 (1992), p. 248f. (3) Helmut Eimer, Zentralasiatische Studien, vol. 22 (1989/1991), p. 316f. (4) Tom Tillemans, Asiatische Studien/ Etudes Asiatiques, vol. 44-1 (1990), p. 147f. (5) Manfred Taube, Orientalische Literaturzeitung, vol. 86-1 (1991), pp. 94–98.(6) Herbert Guenther, Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 112-1 (1992), p. 168f. The Tibetan materials in the office of the Bihar Research Society have long been one of the poorest known and least utilized of any of the major Tibetan literary holdings in the world. They were brought out of Tibet on the backs of mules in the early 1930s by the dauntless Indian savant Rahula Sankrityayana and were handed over by him to the Bihar Research Society, Patna, in 1936. In those days, and indeed even as late as the 1960s, these books formed one of the half-dozen or so most important collections of Tibetan writings outside of Tibet and Mongolia. But since they were never catalogued in detail, they have virtually remained "sealed books" to scholars for the last fifty years. Several attempts have been made by the Bihar Research Society to make these materials better known and more accessible. As early as 1937 the society engaged the services of the outstanding Tibetan scholar Dge 'dun chos 'phel, a friend of Rahulji who was then in India, to compile a catalogue.

Rva lo tsā ba and His Biographers Bryan J. Cuevas To date the only surviving complete and autonomous biography of the notorious eleventhcentury Vajrabhairava master Rva lo tsā ba Rdo rje grags is the work entitled Mthu stobs dbang phyug rje btsun rva lo tsā ba’ i rnam par thar pa kun khyab snyan pa’ i rnga sgra (henceforth Rva lo rnam thar).1 he text is ascribed by tradition to Rva lo tsā ba’s grand-nephew, Rva Ye shes seng ge. he biography was thus ostensibly written sometime during the twelfth or early thirteenth century. hough the work as it is presently known contains elements that may indeed be authentic to that early period (e.g. the preservation of archaic toponyms, song verses, etc.), its many anachronisms, language, and overall narrative style suggest a much later date and diﬀerent authorship. Indeed, some scholars have long suspected this to be the case and have openly questioned the text’s antiquity.2 All the various printed and modern calligraphed versions of the Rva lo rnam thar available today are copies of a single blockprinted text that was produced in Lhasa in the wood-snake year 1905 with material support from the noble house (yab bzhi) of Glang mdun, the family estate of the hirteenth Dalai Lama (1876–1933).3 he anonymous colophon proclaims it to have been the first ever printed copy of the Rva lo rnam thar in Tibet. Regrettably, we do not yet have any authentically verified witness of Rva Ye shes seng ge’s work earlier than this 1905 Lhasa blockprint. As I will suggest in the final section of this article, this singular edition of the Rva lo rnam thar is almost certainly based upon an original work of the seventeenth century, created or embellished anonymously by a faithful advocate, and perhaps even a close aﬃliate, of the Fifth Dalai Lama (1617–1682). But my primary purpose here is to review the portrayals of Rva lo tsā ba’s life and career in a number of alternate biographical accounts that had circulated in Tibet prior to the nineteenth century and to compare those portrayals with the presentation of him in the Rva lo rnam thar. An examination of these distinct biographical narratives should place us in a better position to address some of the historical conundrums of the Lhasa biography. Alternate accounts of Rva lo tsā ba’s life-story can be found in five separate biographical sketches whose outlines of the basic facts are generally consistent with the Rva lo rnam thar, though notably contradictory on multiple key points. hese sources include the earliest extant biographical synopsis by ’Gos lo tsā ba Gzhon nu dpal (1392–1481); the three seventeenth-century accounts by ’Khon ston Dpal ’byor lhun grub (1561–1637), Tāranātha (1575–1634), and ’Jam 1 2 3 For a full translation of this work in English, see Cuevas 2015. I wish to take this opportunity to express my immense gratitude to Per Sørensen for his encouragement and insightful comments while I was preparing a final draft of my translation. In celebration of Per’s gracious spirit and in recognition of his incomparable scholarship I oﬀer this modest contribution to him on the joyous occasion of his 65th birthday. See, for example, comments in Decleer 1992; Decleer 1994–95; Sørensen and Hazod 2007: 114 n.181, 403 n.3, 473 n.117, 479. Rva lo rnam thar [A] 151r.4–5. 58 Bryan J. Cuevas mgon A myes zhabs (1597–1659), respectively; and the late and largely derivative account by ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa (1648–1722). here may be significance to the fact that the bulk of these biographical accounts were written in the seventeenth century only a few years apart between the years 1628 and 1633, which indicates that during this period there was heightened interest in the subject of Rva lo tsā ba and his eleventh-century Vajrabhairava transmissions among Tibetan historians of diverse sectarian aﬃliation. he reasons for this are not quite clear to me at this stage, but this observation might help us in general terms to situate the Rva lo rnam thar in historical context. Pre-Fifteenth Century Biographical Sources for the Life of Rva lo tsā ba We know very little about the life of the purported author of the Rva lo rnam thar, Rva Ye shes seng ge, beyond the fact that he was the elder son of Rva lo tsā ba’s nephew and principal disciple, Rva Chos rab.4 Tāranātha indicates only that he lived in the western valley of Khu lung in Gtsang and was renowned as the first patriarch of what came to be known as the “Western tradition” (nub lugs) of Rva lo tsā ba’s lineage. 5 Ye shes seng ge’s younger brother, Rva Dharma seng ge, was in turn patriarch of the “Eastern tradition” (shar lugs).6 Ye shes seng ge and his son, Rva ’Bum seng, are said to have travelled in India and Nepal and translated a few miscellaneous ritual texts of the Kr··sn· a-yamāri cycle. 7 We are not told whether Ye shes seng ge authored any other works, though there is clear consensus that he did in fact compose a biography of his great uncle, a work invariably referred to in the historical record by the generic title, Rva lo tsā ba’ i rnam thar. he ornamental title Kun khyab snyan pa’ i rnga sgra, appearing in the title of the 1905 Lhasa blockprint, is not cited in any of the earlier sources. As of yet no manuscript copies of Ye shes seng ge’s biography have come to light and thus when we read in the later histories reference to the “Rnam thar written by Rva Ye shes seng ge,” it is impossible to determine what specific text the Tibetan historians may have consulted. Moreover, we cannot be certain at this stage how accurately the Lhasa edition of the Rva lo rnam thar compares to Ye shes seng ge’s original composition. We can only trust, as does modern Tibetan tradition, that it faithfully preserves the Ye shes seng ge work in whole or in parts, and we must look elsewhere for clues to help confirm this tentative assessment. In addition to the biography attributed to Ye shes seng ge, we have reference to several other contemporaneous (or near-contemporaneous) sources on the life and works of Rva lo tsā ba and his tradition, currently unavailable. hese include the Rva pod kyi dkar chag tshigs bcad ma said to have been written by Rva lo tsā ba himself, and its thirteenth-century commentary, the Dkar chag tshigs bcad ma’ i ’grel ba, composed by Rva Shes rab rgyal mtshan, grandson of Rva Dharma seng ge. 8 Excerpts from these works are preserved in several later Tibetan histories of 4 5 6 7 8 On Rva Chos rab, see Gshin rje I 62.1–63.1; Gshin rje II 112.5–113.5; Gshin rje III 228.6–229.1; ’Jigs byed 189.3– 190.3. Gshin rje II 113.5–6; see also Gshin rje I 63.1–2; Gshin rje III 232.2; ’Jigs byed 190.3–4. Gshin rje I 63.2; Gshin rje II 114.1–3; Gshin rje III 232.2; ’Jigs byed 190.5. Gshin rje II 113.6–7. A myes zhabs gives the alternate titles Rva lugs kyi chos skor gyi dkar chag (Rva lo tsā ba) and Rva pod kyi dkar chag (Rva Shes rab rgyal mtshan). See Gshin rje III 134.3, 144.2. Rva lo tsā ba and His Biographers 59 the Vajrabhairava lineages and appear also to have been incorporated at certain points in the Lhasa edition of the Rva lo rnam thar. 9 Another significant work presently lost to us is the late eleventh or early twelfth-century biography by ’U yug pa Ban she chos skyong, which A khu ching Shes rab rgya mtsho (1803–1875) identifies by the title Rva lo’ i rnam thar dad pa’ i ’od zer phyogs bcur ’phro ba in his list of rare books.10 A myes zhabs appears to have drawn some of his information from this early biography and assures us that it is a reliable source, since as he notes ’U yug pa was a direct disciple of Rva lo tsā ba himself. 11 Tāranātha, moreover, may be referring to ’U yug pa’s lost work when he writes, “even though some say there’s another extensive biographical text from earlier times, nowadays it’s no longer extant.” 12 Two biographical histories from the fourteenth century must also be mentioned: Rgya ston Kun dga’ brtson ’grus’s Gshin rje bshed rva lugs kyi bla ma rgya bod kyi rnam thar and Nyag ge Dpal gyi rgyal mtshan’s ’Jigs byed chos ’byung rdo rje’ i myu gu. So far these works have not become available, though references attesting to their existence have appeared in the Tibetan sources and in modern bibliographical lists.13 It is probable that some of the episodes recorded in our present version of Ye shes seng ge’s work may have been supplemented with information supplied by these earlier works, but until these are brought to light we cannot be certain. In this regard, we should note that Rgya ston rin po che (i.e. Kun dga’ brtson ’grus) is actually mentioned by name in the Rva lo rnam thar as Rva lo tsā ba’s fourth (future) incarnation.14 I will have more to say about him below. Fortunately for comparison we do have the five biographical accounts listed above (’Gos lo tsā ba, etc.), which are today readily accessible. Despite a lack of older pre-fifteenth-century sources for corroborating evidence, at present my tentative assessment is that the author or compiler of the Lhasa edition of the Rva lo rnam thar may have himself borrowed from, or was directly responding to, some of these alternate accounts. We may never know, though one clue may be found in the text’s opening lines, in which our author specifies his intent in writing the biography: to correct previous falsehoods and to set the record straight.15 As I will highlight in the sections that follow, there are several basic events in Rva lo tsā ba’s life that are included in practically all of the available biographies, and it is in these episodes where we tend to find matching passages shared between texts, often verbatim. hese basic events include Rva lo tsā ba as a baby being retrieved by the goddess Remati and toured around Tāranātha oﬀers the most detailed bibliographical assessment of the Rva pod, quoting extensively from the Dkar chag. See Gshin rje II 136.6–145.5. Quotations from the Dkar chag are also found in Gshin rje I 41.4–42.1, 42.5–46.1, 46.4–47.5; Gshin rje III 130.5, 134.3–135.3, 222.5–223.3 (also a quotation from Rva lo’s Yid bzhin gter mdzod, 156.5–6); ’Jigs byed 177.6–178.1, 178.3–181.2; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 210, 222–223. 10 Chandra 1963, no. 10905. 11 Gshin rje III 202.5. 12 Gshin rje II fol. 110.7: rnam thar gyi yi ge rgyas pa gzhan zhig sngon dus byung zer na’ang / deng sang med par mngon. 13 References to Rgya ston’s text can be found in Gshin rje I 31.1–2; Gshin rje II 91.4–6, Gshin rje III 127.3–4, 176.1, 202.5, 232.3–4; also hob yig I 281.4–5. Nyag ge Dpal gyi rgyal mtshan’s text is listed in Martin 1997, no. 124. I wonder if this Sa skya historian Dpal gyi rgyal mtshan might be the very same “Dpal gyi” Tāranātha criticizes in Gshin rje II 142.6? 14 Rva lo rnam thar 308. 15 Rva lo rnam thar 2: med pa yod par sgro btags pa’ i / rmongs gtam mkhas pas khrel ba’ i tshigs / spangs te drang por brjod pa’ i gtam / kun khyab snyan pa’ i rnga sgra bri. 9 60 Bryan J. Cuevas Tibet; his troubled childhood marriage and the ensuing feud between families; his subjugation of the klu btsan of Nyu gu (s)na and the mountain deity Yar lha sham po; and his restoration of the fire-damaged temples of Bsam yas. Perhaps these events constitute the earliest core of Rva lo tsā ba’s life narrative and reflect the actual content of Rva Ye shes seng ge’s original biography. Whatever the case, all five accounts provide a fair amount of additional details. Below I provide a summary of the major events of Rva lo tsā ba’s life and career depicted in these sources, noting particularly the episodes that are to be found also in the Lhasa edition of the Rva lo rnam thar, which are frequently rendered in similar or identical language.16 ’Gos lo tsā ba Gzhon nu dpal, Deb ther sngon po (1476–1478) he verifiably earliest account of the life of Rva lo tsā ba that we have available is the rather brief synopsis recorded in ’Gos lo tsā ba’s Deb ther sngon po.17 In contrast to the more widely accepted portrayals of Rva lo tsā ba, this fifteenth-century account is peculiar in that it makes no mention of Rva lo tsā ba’s thaumaturgic powers or murderous reputation. he details that it does provide, however, seem to have been incorporated as standard elements in all subsequent narratives of Rva lo tsā ba’s life, sometimes even copied word for word. What were ’Gos lo tsā ba’s sources? He cites only one text in this section: “the Rnam thar written by Bla ma Ye shes seng ge.” his is all well and good, but again we have no means of identifying the content of that work. here are a number of sentences appearing in the Deb ther sngon po that are matched verbatim in the Rva lo rnam thar. hese include a quotation from Rva lo tsā ba’s Bka’ gdams pa disciple ’Bre Shes rab ’bar concerning the purity and authenticity of Rva lo’s teachings; 18 a reference to the dharma council of Sambhora in Gnyal; 19 an enumeration of Rva lo tsā ba’s teachings and their itemized costs; 20 the Nepali pan· d· ita hugs rje chen po’s invitation to visit Tibet; 21 Rva lo’s restoration work at Bsam yas and support oﬀered to other monastic communities; 22 and oﬀerings he made to specific teachers, such as Rngog lo tsā ba, Glang ri thang pa, Btsan kha bo che, and a few others.23 In addition, ’Gos lo tsā ba identifies the names of Rva lo’s two main teachers: Bal po hugs rje chen po (=Mahākarun· a, Me tsa/Mañja [g]ling pa, Dīpam· kararaks· ita) and Bla ma Bha ro phyag rdum, and provides a short lineage of transmission.24 He then concludes with a rather 16 Since these biographical accounts are relatively short and can be easily consulted, in the summaries that follow I cite specific page and line references only for those passages in the texts where one can find corresponding episodes and/or matching language in the Rva lo rnam thar or in the other works. 17 Deb sngon 455–460; trans. Roerich 1996 [1949]: 374–380. On the composition and printing of the Deb sngon, see van der Kuijp 2006. 18 Deb sngon 456; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 315–316. ’Bre Shes rab ’bar was also one of the four principal disciples of Rngog lo tsā ba Blo ldan shes rab (1059–1109). See Sørensen and Hazod 2007: 106–107 n.142 and sources cited therein. 19 Deb sngon 457; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 290. 20 Deb sngon 457–458; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 329, 332. 21 Deb sngon 458; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 332. 22 Deb sngon 458–459; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 283–284, 286, 297, 331–332. 23 Deb sngon 459; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 205–206, 264–265, 312. 24 Rva lo tsā ba Rdo rje grags, Rva lo tsā ba Chos rab, Rva Ye shes seng ge, Rva ’Bum seng, Rje btsun Rgva lo (1203–1282), and Bla ma Shes rab seng ge (1251–1315). his is the primary lineage of the Western Rva tradition (rva nub lugs). Rva lo tsā ba and His Biographers 61 extensive list of Rva lo tsā ba’s main disciples, most of whom are included by name in the Rva lo rnam thar – in the latter work, however, their stories, vis-à-vis encounters with the master, are elaborated in much greater narrative detail.25 Standard events not recorded in ’Gos lo tsā ba’s account are the episodes describing Rva lo’s troubled marriage and the ensuing family feud, as well his violent “liberating” activities and battles with the klu btsan of Nyu gu (s)na and Yar lha sham po. ’Khon ston Dpal ’byor lhun grub, Gshin rje gshed skor gyi bla ma brgyud pa’ i chos ’byung (1628) ’Khon ston Dpal ’byor lhun grub was one of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s early mentors who first inspired the young Dalai Lama’s interest in the Rnying ma tradition. ’Khon ston was born into a Rnying ma family belonging to a side branch of the ’Khon clan and thus he had close early ties also with the Sa skya tradition. Nevertheless, he received the bulk of his scholastic education and tantric training at several prominent Dge lugs pa colleges in central Tibet and spent his mature years at the hermitage of Pha bong kha above Se ra monastery.26 ’Khon ston’s biography of Rva lo tsā ba is contained in his history of the Yamāntaka transmissions written in 1628, entitled Gshin rje gshed skor gyi bla ma brgyud pa’ i chos ’byung gdul bya’ i re ’ dod skong ba yid bzhin nor bu’ i ’phreng ba.27 In the section of this work on Rva lo tsā ba, ’Khon ston quotes directly a few passages from the Deb ther sngon po. In addition, numerous passages in his narrative are matched verbatim in the Rva lo rnam thar, including a quotation of one of Rva lo tsā ba’s “songs of realization” (mgur) and other unique details matched only in the Lhasa biography. ’Khon ston’s account begins with the story of Rva lo as a baby being flown around Tibet by the goddess Remati. When he is returned to his parents two months later, ’Khon ston says that he had miraculously grown to the size of a five year old child.28 Rva lo later travelled to Nepal 25 hese disciples are listed in the following order (with corresponding page references to their appearances in the Rva lo rnam thar): Lha btsun sngon mo (135–139), ’Gar ston btsan Nam mkha’, Zhang tshes chung ba (=Zhang tshe Spong chos kyi bla ma? 191), So tshab ’dul ’dzin (251–253), Gnyegs ri pa, ’Bre Shes rab ’bar (257, 264, 315), ’Ban Dkon mchog rdo rje (316), Rog Mngon pa ba (157, 264), Zhu Bka’ gdams pa (230–232), Mtha’ bzhi pa So thang pa (52, 237–238?), Stag pa Kha che (264, 316; =Kha che Dgon pa ba? 216), Dpyal lo tsā ba Kun dga’ rdo rje (196–201), Zhang Sag pa (=Zhang pa ga? 93), Zhang Gtsang ’od (=Zhang khrom Rdo rje ’od ’bar? 180, 327), Sgang Indra (184), Snur nyi ma, Ba reg hos pa dga’ (129), Lha rje Dba, Gran bu ba, Rin chen grags (=Bran yu ba Rin chen grags? 188), Klun Rgyam legs, Klun Se bo Śākya rgyal (=Klun sems dpa’ Śākya? 233), Klun Tsandra (Candra) (233), Klun Rdor po (236, 293?), Rgya long Chos grags (177), Mar pa Bsod rin (213–216, 246–247), A me Mi nyag (125), Rgya Dar seng (177), Byang ran stan pa (=Byang ras ston pa? 151), Myang, Rog byugs se, Khyung po Dar ma ’bar (=Smar khams pa Dar ma ’bar, 307), Khyung po hu re (=Khyung po Phu re, 190, 306), Spo lo tsā ba, ’Tshe mi Bsod nams ’bar, ’Tshe mi chul po, Pur Tsandra (Candra) (195, 221), Zhang, Rwa sgom Rdo rje rgyal po, Rong pa Rgya le (195), Bla ma Brang pa, Tshangs yang dag ’bar (254), Bla ma Mtha’, Dpon Rkun po, Btsang tsha lcam me, Rngog Mdo sde (241–244), Khu lo tsā ba Mdo sde ’bar (288, 297–298), Grags, Ne tso, Mdo sde grags, So Rdo rje rgyal mtshan (=Shong Rdo rje rgyal mtshan? 271), So Dge ’dun, ’Dzar Dge po (=’Dzar Nam mkha’ grags? 239), ’Gar A tsa (=Mgar Ācarya, 280), Snyi ba (=Rnyi ba Rin chen ’od ma? 290), Lang tsha ston nag (266), Grol grub pa, ’Bre Kha skyog pa, Kyu ra A skyabs (=Ldan Skyu ra A skyabs, 306), Rab dbya Jo sras, Tre bo Mchog bla (=Kre’o mchog gi bla ma, 308), Do khro Yon tshul (=Dge bshes Ngo khro yon tshul, 305–306), Dbang, Se rigs, Zur Hur po (=Zur khro bo skyabs? 308), Spang gyang bla ma, Ma thog Byang ’bar (227), Tre bo Mgon po (=Dge bshes Spre bo mgon po, 302–303). 26 For details, see Cabezón 2009 and sources cited therein. 27 Gshin rje I 39.3–62.1. 28 Gshin rje I 39.4–5; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 6. 62 Bryan J. Cuevas and met the pan· d· ita Bal po hugs rje chen po, from whom he received a number of teachings (these are listed in the text).29 ’Khon ston then cites a series of quotations from Rva lo tsā ba’s yig cha (also yig sna), which appears to be shorthand for the Rva pod kyi dkar chag. he quotations here are simply lists in verse of texts associated with the cycles of Kr··s n·a-yamāri, Gdong drug (Yamāntaka), and Vajrabhairava; included also are a few minor ritual works (las phran), lists of Rva lo tsā ba’s own writings, and writings compiled by his nephew Rva Chos rab. After that, there is a long quotation from the Deb ther sngon po, opening with the frequently cited statement by ’Bre Shes rab ’bar mentioned above, and then a listing of Rva lo’s disciples, as well as the cost of his teachings, the invitation of hugs rje chen po to Tibet, restoration of Bsam yas, and support oﬀered to Rngog lo tsā ba, and so forth. ’Khon ston presents here additional details about Rva lo’s activities at Bsam yas and cites a prophecy attributed to Khri Srong lde’u btsan, an almost identical version of which is also cited at the beginning of the Rva lo rnam thar.30 Rva lo tsā ba is of course notorious for having forcefully “liberated” (bsgral ba) his numerous opponents through the fierce rites of Vajrabhairava. Here, ’Khon ston briefly mentions Rva lo’s “liberation” of two rival translators, the Vaiśravan· a master Zangs dkar lo tsā ba (’Phags pa shes rab) and another by the name of Rus (Rgyus?) lo tsā ba.31 He also cites in this context an unattributed quotation in verse about Rva lo’s “liberation” of Mar pa’s son Dar ma mdo sde and twelve other vajradhara-s. he line here matches identically a verse quoted in the Rva lo rnam thar, included as a part of one of Rva lo’s songs of realization.32 ’Khon ston follows this with descriptions of Rva lo’s subjugation of the klu btsan of Nyu ga (s)na and the deity Yar lha sham po, again with matching language found also in the Lhasa narrative, though with sentences in slightly diﬀerent order.33 Next, ’Khon ston gives a summary statement about Rva lo tsā ba’s widespread religious mission and influence throughout Dbus, Gtsang, Kong po, Nepal, and so forth. He begins this brief section with an enumeration of the many gifts Rva lo received from his devoted followers, chief of which was a unique type of red turquoise called g.yu dmar ’bri lce ma. I have not been able to identify this specific brand of turquoise, nor have I seen this particular descriptive label recorded in other sources. However, it is worth noting that this unusual type of red turquoise, with the very same peculiar name, is cited several times in the Rva lo rnam thar as a valuable gift oﬀered to Rva lo on a number of occasions.34 ’Khon ston then informs us that Rva lo tsā ba spent the last years of his life in upper Ldan in the Skyid shod valley, specifically at the retreat center he had earlier founded called Gsang 29 Gshin rje I 40.2–41.1; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 80. 30 Gshin rje I 54.1–2; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 3. For identification of this famous prophecy and discussion of its literary sources, see Sørensen 1994: 10–14. 31 Gshin rje I 56.5; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 224–226, also 206, 216–217. On Zangs dkar lo tsā ba, see Vitali 2012: 216– 218. 32 Gshin rje I 57.1; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 310 (song no. 43). 33 Gshin rje I 57.1–58.1, 58.1–59.4; cf Rva lo rnam thar 50–51, 295–296. 34 Gshin rje I 59.5–60.1; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 237, 246, 307, 333. It might also be worth mentioning that ’Khon ston is the only one among the five secondary biographers examined here who employs the unusual (archaic?) literary expression, rva can, when enumerating a numerical series (e.g. khri rva can ’ dus, Gshin rje I 116.5). his same expression is used consistently throughout the Rva lo rnam thar. Literally, of course, the term means “horned ones” and here must refer to oﬀerings of animals with horns (e.g. goats, sheep, and yaks). Tsering Gyalpo suggests in addition that the use of this expression in the text is a deliberate wordplay on the name Rva chen. (e-mail communication via Per Sørensen, 8 November, 2014). Rva lo tsā ba and His Biographers 63 sngags chos rdzong at Sngon po gdong in Ldan mda’.35 He later died there at the age of 108. Centuries after his death, ’Khon ston continues, Rva lo’s relics were transferred from his stūpa at Ldan mda’ to ’Bras spungs monastery in Lhasa. Here he records that in the fire-male-monkey year 1416 Drung chen Nam mkha’ bzang po, the high oﬃcial from the ruling house of Sne’u rdzong,36 took a boat at midnight across the Skyid chu river, extracted the casket of relics from the Ldan mda’ stūpa and, bringing them to ’Bras spungs, placed the relics inside a statue of Vajrabhairava.37 ’Khon ston concludes with a brief comment about the relationship between Rva lo and Gnyan lo tsā ba (Dar ma grags), claiming that in spite of many self-serving fables (’ dod gtam) and histories to the contrary, the two were actually patron and disciple to one another in their later years. It is unclear who ’Khon ston is addressing here, but the statement signals that in his day this relationship must have been a point of contention. His comment is of particular interest when viewed in light of the critical position Tāranātha takes on this issue, and other such historical matters, in his own narrative of Rva lo tsā ba’s life, composed only three years later in 1631. Tāranātha, Rgyud rgyal gshin rje gshed skor gyi chos ’byung (1631) Tāranātha’s account of Rva lo tsā ba’s life and career takes up a sizeable section of his Rgyud rgyal gshin rje gshed skor gyi chos ’byung rgyas pa yid ches ngo mtshar completed in 1631.38 It is the most narratively rich of the secondary biographies of Rva lo tsā ba and is the least similar to the Lhasa narrative. As such, it seems evident that Tāranātha had access to rare and unique source materials, although throughout this and other sections of the text he cites by name only the more commonly consulted works, such as Ye shes seng ge’s Rva lo biography, the Dkar chag tshigs bcad ma with Shes rab rgyal mtshan’s commentary, and the history by Rgya ston Kun dga’ brtson ’grus. Other sources he refers to anonymously and often quite critically.39 Tāranātha’s record of the main events of Rva lo tsā ba’s life and mission includes the following details: Rva lo was born in Snang yul, a region of Gnya’ snam in La stod. His father, Rva Dkon mchog rdo rje, belonged to a lineage of Rnying ma mantrika-s. As a baby, Rva lo was placed in the sleeve of the goddess Remati, flown around Tibet for three months, and returned the size of a three year old child. At a very young age, Rva lo had become learned in the Prajñāpāramitā and many aspects of the Rnying ma and Gsar ma tantras. He also picked up a rudimentary knowledge of Hevajra and the Jñānapāda tradition of Guhyasamāja. He soon 35 36 37 38 39 Gshin rje I 60.5; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 270. On Sngon po gdong and Ldan valley, see Sørensen and Hazod 2007: 161–162 n. 409; also Hazod 2004. On rdzong dpon Nam mkha’ bzang po, see Czaja 2013: 210 and sources cited therein. Gshin rje I 61.1–3. A khu ching adds the additional detail that Nam mkha’ bzang po had oﬀered the relics to ’Jam dbyangs chos rje (1379–1449), the founder and first abbot of ’Bras spungs, and that it was he who personally deposited them in the Vajrabhairava reliquary in the monastery’s tantric temple. He is also said to have returned one of Rva lo’s fingers as an oﬀering to his Sne’u rdzong patron. See ’Jigs mdzad zhal lung 3v.6–4r.1. On ’Jam dbyangs chos rje, see brief note in Sørensen and Hazod 2007: 217 n.574 and references cited therein. Gshin rje II 91.7–112.4. Tāranātha opens his history with a series of debates about the Vajrabhairava tantras in which he criticizes the assertions of certain unnamed scholars of the Ngor pa tradition and followers of the Skyo and Mal systems (lugs) of Vajrabhairava; both systems are distinctly aﬃliated with the Sa skya school. See Gshin rje II 4.3–23.7. 64 Bryan J. Cuevas took a wife: a girl named Padma, the daughter of ’Bre rtsad po. In Snang yul there were several loopholes in the engagement (sdud sgo), so before long Padma grew to dislike the arrangement and left Rva lo to be with ’Dzam me, the son of ’Bro rje rtsad po. he people of ’Bro and Gnya’ snam exchanged insults and war broke out between them. Rva lo decided he needed magical powers (mthu) to retaliate, so he departed for Nepal. As Hubert Decleer has noted, this story and the names of the main characters involved are quite diﬀerent from what we read in the Rva lo rnam thar (and also as we shall see, in A myes zhabs’s telling of this same tale).40 Along the road, Rva lo met up with a Rnying ma lama from Nyan tsho gnas who was on his way to India and together they travelled to Nepal. here Rva lo became a disciple of Bha ro phyag sdum and the pan· d· ita Mahākarun· a (Me tsa ling pa) and received from both of them initiation into Vajrabhairava, which brought Rva lo magical powers.41 He then sent a warning message to ’Bro rje rtsad po and the people of Snang yul that in three months he intended to destroy them with his sorcerer’s power. Within three months, plague broke out in Snang yul and all the hundred settlements there were destroyed. At midnight of the fourteenth day, an iron kīla dagger struck down both ’Dzam me and Rva lo’s young bride, and before the year was out, ’Bro rje rtsad po himself and sixty of his servants also died. Tāranātha says then that “Rva’s black magic was renowned for toppling bulls and horses.”42 Sometime afterward, Rva lo requested the king of Pu rangs, Rtse lde, for translation resources and the king gave him much gold and other materials.43 Rva lo later took ordination at the Rin chen tshul temple in Nepal.44 Tāranātha then provides a list of teachings Rva lo received from Me tsa ling pa, which matches the list in ’Gos lo tsā ba’s Deb ther sngon po.45 We are then told that Rva lo stayed in Nepal for fifteen years, all the while regularly sending a messenger to request gold from Dbang phyug lde, the king of Mnga’ ris. He used the gold as oﬀerings for his teachers. He then travelled to India, visiting Magadhā and Bodhgayā and making oﬀerings at Vikramalaśīla, Odantapuri, and Nālandā. About a year later, Rva lo decided to invite the pan· d· ita Dīpam· kararaks·ita (Me tsa ling pa) to Tibet. Together they travelled all over northern and southern Dbus and as far as Gnyal. Dīpam· kararaks·ita did not stay long in Tibet (“some say for seven years, others say five”) and when the time came, Rva lo escorted him to the Nepal border. After this, Tāranātha remarks that Rva lo travelled many times to Spo bo in Khams and to Dbus, Gtsang, Kong po, Gynal, Lo ro, and as far as Lho brag. He eventually made G.yas ru Nub mda’ his home base. In these sections Tāranātha gives an enumeration of the cost of Rva lo’s “golden dharma” (gser chos) and 40 Decleer 1992: 14–18; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 9 and 41–43. 41 On the story of Bha ro phyag rdum and the origin of his name, see Gshin rje II 89.4–90.2; Gshin rje III 187.4– 196.2. On Me tsa ling pa (hugs rje chen po), see Gshin rje II 90.2–7; Gshin rje III 201.5–202.4. Tāranātha and A myes zhabs both make a point of arguing that Bha ro phyag rdum and hugs rje chen po were in fact two separate teachers, correcting mistaken claims by earlier historians that they were the same person. A myes zhabs even calls out two of these confused historians by name: Jo gdan Nam mkha’ lhun bzang and Rgya ston Kun dga’ brtson ’grus. See Gshin rje III 202.5–6. he Fifth Dalai Lama also agrees that Rva lo’s two teachers should not be conflated, see hob yig I 269.6–270.1, 298.1–2. 42 Gshin rje II 94.1–2: rva nag pa’ i mthu ba log rta log tu grags. 43 Rva lo tsā ba’s historical connections to the kings of Pu rangs and Mnga’ ris are examined in Vitali 1996: 335– 338. 44 A myes zhabs says that Rva lo was ordained in India at Nālandā (Gshin rje III 221.5–6), as does the Rva lo rnam thar 71–72. See next section. 45 Gshin rje II 94.4–6; cf. Deb sngon 455. Rva lo tsā ba and His Biographers 65 the oﬀerings of gold he himself presented to his teachers. he language here matches almost exactly passages in the Deb ther sngon po (also the Rva lo rnam thar).46 At this point, Tāranātha introduces a fivefold thematic structure for organizing the remaining portion of his narrative, arranged in terms of Rva lo’s five “majesties” (che ba): prophecy, teaching, blessings and magical powers, good fortune, and the fruits of his labors.47 he first section contains the same Khri Srong lde’u btsan prophecy cited in ’Khon ston’s work (and in the Rva lo rnam thar) and briefly mentions a few periods in history when Bsam yas was damaged by fire and subsequently restored. In the second section, Tāranātha establishes the authenticity of Rva lo tsā ba’s teachings, quoting the same statement of ’Bre Shes rab ’bar cited also by ’Gos lo tsā ba, ’Khon ston, and the author of the Rva lo rnam thar.48 Tāranātha begins the third section by stating that although Rva lo’s yi dam was the wrathful Mañjuśrī, he also beheld the faces of Cakrasam· vara, Vajravārāhī, and the peaceful Mañjuśrī. It is at this point that Tāranātha then devotes considerable attention to Rva lo’s wrathful activities. He writes about Rva lo driving out the villages of Nyu gu sna with his magic and causing some people in Ngan lam, ’Bar po, and vicinity to go insane. He describes Rva lo’s “liberation” of the Vinaya scholar Skyogs Dbang grags, as well as Rgyus lo tsā ba Smon lam grags,49 and Zangs dkar lo tsā ba.50 hen follows the famous story of Mar pa’s son Dar ma mdo sde. Tāranātha recounts that when Rva lo was laboring for the welfare of living beings in upper and lower Lho brag, his benefactor Shud ke invited him to live and teach there. Dar ma mdo sde also came along, since he and Shud ke had been earlier acquainted as patron and priest. Dar ma mdo sde was treated with greater respect and given more food than Rva lo, so Rva lo insulted Dar ma mdo sde, who responded in turn by denouncing him as an evil magician. A month later, Dar ma mdo sde was kicked by his horse on the festival ground at Rnga mo cu shod and died suddenly.51 Tāranātha then sets the record straight about this famous incident, criticising those who wrongly say Dar ma mdo sde died before Mar pa, and that Mi la ras pa was leading the horse that killed him. Hubert Decleer’s suggestion that this criticism may have been aimed at the celebrated biographer Gtsang snyon Heruka (1452–1507) is certainly plausible.52 Tāranātha continues this long section with the stories of Rva lo’s “liberation” of ’Brog mi Jo sras Indra, his younger brother Jo sras Rdo rje, and a Vajrakīla specialist from Khams named Jo sras Rdo rje sra brtan. his Khams pa yogin had oﬀered Rva lo fake jewelry when requesting Vajrabhairava initiation, and Rva lo called him out on his bogus oﬀering. he next morning the yogin picked up his belongings, insulted Rva lo, and left him to follow the Hevajra master Dpyal ston lo tsā ba of Sman lung. After magically dispatching the Khams pa turncoat, Rva lo sent a threatening message to Dpyal lo tsā ba, who then quickly surrendered and became Rva lo’s disciple. 53 46 Gshin rje II 96.1–97.4; cf. Deb sngon 457–458; Rva lo rnam thar 332. 47 Gshin rje II 97.4–5. Tāranātha’s list is reminiscent of Rva lo’s four “marvels” (ngo mtshar bzhi) enumerated in the Rva lo rnam thar 2, 329, 344: dharma, blessings, merit, and impact (phyag rjes). 48 Gshin rje II 98.2; cf. Deb sngon 456; Gshin rje I 48.2–3; Rva lo rnam thar 315–316. 49 Gshin rje II 99.2–4; Rva lo rnam thar 255. 50 Gshin rje II 99.4–100.1; Rva lo rnam thar 216, 224–225. 51 Gshin rje II 100.1–5; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 210–213. 52 Decleer 1992: 23–27. 53 Gshin rje II 102.2–4. A more favorable account of Dpyal lo tsā ba’s encounters with Rva lo is presented in Rva lo rnam thar 196–200, 201–202. 66 Bryan J. Cuevas Rva lo later returned to Nepal to accompany the pan· d· ita Dīpam · kara (Me tsa ling pa). In Nepal Rva lo killed four tīrthika yogins, among them the lords Kr· s· n· a and Purn· a, who had been harming the Buddha’s teaching. Here, Tāranātha quotes a famous line which he attributes to Grags tshong kha (Tsong kha pa?): “[Rva lo] slayed the vajradhara-s Dar ma mdo sde and so forth.” 54 he line is almost identical to the verse quoted in ’Khon ston’s work mentioned above, and in the Rva lo rnam thar as part of one of Rva lo’s songs of realization.55 Tāranātha then describes Rva lo’s subjugation of the klu btsan of Nyu gu sna and Yar lha sham po in remarkably similar language to what we read in the Rva lo rnam thar, even including in the Yar lha sham po incident an identical four-line verse. 56 In between these episodes, Tāranātha mentions that later in his life Rva lo invited Lha btsun sngon mo to preach in Yar lungs. 57 Rva lo then travelled to Gnyal, Lho brag Ban pa, Gru shul, and La yak. At some point during these travels, he slayed two demons named Klu bdud thog ’bar and Mdze mo spun lnga who had been threatening travellers and forcing them to give up their oﬀerings. Tāranātha lists in the fourth section a number of exceptional gifts Rva lo received from his devoted followers, including rare grapes and fruits from India and Nepal. his distinctive offering is also mentioned in the Rva lo rnam thar. 58 Tāranātha then provides details about Rva lo’s dharma work and a list of his most prominent disciples. Rva lo’s restoration of Bsam yas is taken up in the fifth and final section. Much of the content of these last two sections appears to be derived from ’Gos lo tsā ba’s Deb ther sngon po, or perhaps an earlier source that had been available to both authors. Tāranātha, however, adds here an interesting detail about the deity Pe har (Pe kar), the spirit custodian of Bsam yas, who fled the monastery from fear of Rva lo’s wrath and was soon bound under oath. A similar episode, in almost the same words, is repeated in the Rva lo rnam thar.59 Tāranātha then addresses Rva lo’s age, which he acknowledges has never been adequately determined. He does claim, however, that Rva lo lived another twenty years or more after Rngog lo tsā ba’s death (in 1109) and about a hundred years total, and concludes that “achieving a long life by killing was the special trait of old man Rva lo tsā ba.”60 He then states that Rva lo’s last years were spent in Ne’u me tog ldan and that after his death, his nephew Lo tsā ba Chos rab invited many monks to hold an elaborate funeral service. he same services were carried out in Nepal and in India at Vikramalaśīla and Bodhgayā. Tāranātha concludes his account, like ’Khon ston before him, with a comment about the relationship between Rva lo and Gnyan lo tsā ba, but contrary to ’Khon ston he writes: “In a later rambling tale well-known to all, it says ‘Rva lo and Gnyan lo came [together] to spread Buddhism.’ 61 hat is not true... the followers of Skyo explain in their authentic old texts that the mantrika who spread Buddhism with Gnyan lo was the teacher Rdo lo tsā ba.”62 54 Gshin rje II 102.5–6: grags tshong kha skad du / dar ma mdo sde la sogs pa / rdo rje ’ dzin pa bcu gsum bsgral zhes grags. 55 cf. Gshin rje I 57.1; Rva lo rnam thar 310. 56 Gshin rje II 102.7–104.4; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 51, 295–296. 57 Gshin rje II 103.5–6; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 296. On Lha btsun sngon mo, see Sørensen 1994: 443 n. 1595 58 Gshin rje II 105.7; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 329. 59 Gshin rje II 107.6–108.2; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 283–284. 60 Gshin rje II 110.2–3: bsad pas tshe ring ’grub pa ni / rva rgan lo tsā’ i khyad chos yin. 61 Possibly a reference to ’Gos lo tsā ba’s short statement in Deb sngon 98: rva dang gnyan gyis chos ’ khor thon nas bal po dang rgya gar du byong nas / slar bod du byong te phrin las legs par bskyangs. 62 Gshin rje II 111.1–5: phyis kyi kha skad ’ khyam po la / rva lo dang gnyan lo nang rgyas byung zhes kun la grags pa ni mi bden te... gnyan lo dang sngags pa nang rgyas byung ba de ni / bla ma rdo lo tsā ba yin zhes skyo pa’ i yig rnyings khungs ma rnams las gshad. Rva lo tsā ba and His Biographers 67 Tāranātha then relates that a dispute eventually broke out between Gnyan lo and Rdo lo and the two exchanged threatening words. Rdo lo beseeched his protector Vajrabhairava and soon a large boil developed on Gnyan lo’s chest and he died thereafter. he author of the Rva lo rnam thar seems also to have been aware of this story, but creatively spins it into an elaborate tale in which Rva lo is actually the one responsible for Gnyan lo tsā ba’s death.63 ’Jam mgon A myes zhabs, Dpal gshin rje’ i gshed skor gyi dam pa’ i chos byung (1633) Two years after Tāranātha’s work was completed, the grand Sa skya scholar ’Jam mgon A myes zhabs composed in 1633 his own biographical history of the Yamāntaka transmissions, entitled Dpal gshin rje’ i gshed skor gyi dam pa’ i chos byung ba’ i tshul legs par bshad pa ’ jam dpal chos kun gsal ba’ i nyin byed. His account of Rva lo tsā ba’s life included within this work is the shortest of the seventeenth-century biographies, but follows the details of the Lhasa text of the Rva lo rnam thar most closely, remarkably so.64 His narrative keeps the same basic chronology and contains numerous identically matching passages. hese passages include three of Rva lo tsā ba’s songs repeated word for word almost in their entirety; exact accounts of several episodes describing Rva lo’s activities in Nepal with his teacher Bha ro; and many other unique details that also appear in the Lhasa narrative but are found nowhere else in the existing sources. his is significant and suggests that these two accounts (and perhaps some of ’Khon ston as well) may have been derived from the same biographical tradition. he Sa skya connections may be key to resolving this matter. Still, there do remain a number of factual discrepancies that require further investigation. he same holds true for almost all of Tāranātha’s variant account in his history, which as noted is generally more critical of Sa skya interpretations than those of other schools. A mye zhabs relates the story of Rva lo tsā ba’s life as follows: Rva lo was born the youngest of five children in Snye nam Glang yul. His father, Rva Dkon mchog rdo rje, was a seventh generation descendent in an uninterrupted line of tantric adepts of the Rnying ma tradition.65 Because the young boy was short and fat with dark ruddy skin and white hair and had a wrathful appearance, he was nicknamed Rdo rje gtum po dpal. When Rva lo was eight years old, he received basic teachings on Vajrakīla and Yang dag Heruka. At that time, he had become so ferocious and disagreeable nobody could interact with him, so he was placed in retreat.66 At the age of twelve Rva lo had a vision of Mañjuśrī-Yamāntaka. Around the same time, he was introduced to a beautiful girl named ’Dre mo Dge ma from the most noble and wealthiest family in the village settlements of ’Dre. She was oﬀered to Rva lo as his childhood bride. But ’Dre mo Dge ma found Rva lo so ugly and mean-spirited that she became distraught over the arrangement and refused to marry him. She sang of her distaste for the vicious Rva ston Gtum po dpal in a little song (glu), which A myes zhabs quotes here in nine lines of verse. She then rejected Rva lo and ran away. Later, Rva lo is said to have spitefully cut oﬀ her nose. Afterward a prosthetic nose made of copper was fashioned for her and painted gold; she thus became known as ’Dre mo Gser sna. None of this strange tale appears in the Rva lo rnam thar. 63 64 65 66 See Rva lo rnam thar 277–278. Gshin rje III 216.2–228.6. Gshin rje III 216.4; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 3; also Gshin rje II 92.1. Gshin rje III 216.5–6; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 9. 68 Bryan J. Cuevas A myes zhabs continues that ’Dre mo’s family was upset about the break-up and Rva lo felt so disgraced that he decided to approach the tīrthika yogin Purn· a nag po in Glang yul for rites of vengeance. Note that in the Rva lo rnam thar, Rva lo encounters this same yogin in Nepal under diﬀerent circumstances.67 Oﬀering the yogin a large amount of gold, Rva lo asked him for a specific hail-casting rite. Rva lo then accomplished the ritual in Nepal at Sbrul dong. From noon until midnight, he sent down lightning bolts and massive hail upon the settlements of ’Dre khyim and their villages were all decimated. After that, Rva lo returned to Purn· a nag po with another ounce of gold and requested nine hundred destructive tīrthika spells, but then left without prostrating to the yogin. Fearful of the yogin’s retribution, Rva lo went looking for an expert in countering tīrthika magic and learned about a famous mantrika named Bha ro phyag rdum who lived in Nepal at Ye rang (Pāt· an). Rva lo went there to meet him. Oﬀering Bha ro a full ounce of gold, he requested the repelling rite of the goddess Us· n· ī.68 Rva lo also gave the same amount of gold to the Nepali lo tsā ba Chos kyi rnal ’byor, who taught him how to be a translator. his teacher appears throughout the first half of the Rva lo rnam thar, referred to anonymously as the “Bal po lo tsā ba.” Rva lo stayed with Bha ro for five years, between the age of twenty-three and twentyeight. He received from him all the teachings and practices of Vajrabhairava, as well as those of Vajravārāhī. He subsequently had visions of both deities and became a siddha. Rva lo then insisted that Bha ro come to Tibet. he guru said he could not go, but added that Rva lo should find a pan· d· ita in India and ask him instead.69 A myes zhabs notes here that even though Bha ro would not leave with him, Rva lo was too embarrassed to take back his oﬀering of gold, so he decided he had to return to Tibet to gather more gold. However, his companion, the Nepali lo tsā ba, convinced him to stay and the two then went into retreat together. Later on, a wealthy merchant asked Rva lo for initiation.70 Many people from a large village in the area also gathered around Rva lo and oﬀered him many medicinal herbs, which he and the Nepali lo tsā ba carried with them to Tibet. Purn· a nag po, still angry at Rva lo for not prostrating to him, sent Rva lo a message threatening to attack him with magic arrows and kīla daggers. Rva lo countered by deploying the Us· n· ī rites he had received from Bha ro. Crouching down inside his large cooking pot (for protection), Rva lo drew Us· n· ī’s magical circle and used it as a lid to cover himself. He also hung a scroll painting of Vajrabhairava on the wall and recited mantras. hat evening, he heard the noise of kīla daggers slam against his scroll painting and strike the central beam of his hut. Rva lo emerged unscathed. his same dramatic episode is recounted in the Rva lo rnam thar in nearly identical language.71 Meanwhile, all the enemies in Snye nam were decimated and rumor spread that Rva lo had been killed by a tīrthika’s sorcery. Rva lo’s elder brother, Brtan spre’u, went oﬀ to inquire about him.72 Rva lo later arrived safely in Tibet with three companions from Nepal. He was now famous as someone with extremely powerful magical abilities. Everyone in Snye nam and La stod welcomed him and became his patron. his section contains a few lines that are matched verbatim in the Rva lo rnam thar under the very same circumstances.73 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 Gshin rje III 217.5; cf. Gshin rje II 102.5; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 15–16. Gshin rje III 218.1–2; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 16. Gshin rje III 218.4–5; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 66. Gshin rje III 219.2; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 20. Gshin rje III 219.3–6; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 15–16. Gshin rje III 219.6–220.1; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 38, Gshin rje III 220.1; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 42. Rva lo tsā ba and His Biographers 69 A myes zhabs then tells us that Rva lo intended to travel to India to invite a pan· d· ita to Tibet but that his father did not want him to go. He feared that his son would be at risk of catching a disease in that foreign land and that he might never see him again. Rva lo agreed to stay with his father for three years. he Nepali lo tsā ba, however, urged Rva lo to travel with him to Nepal. Rva lo eventually consented and within ten days they arrived in Ye rang.74 Rva lo met again with Bha ro, who told him that since he knew only Vajrabhairava and Vajravārāhī, Rva lo should go to India to study with one of the pan· d· ita-s there. he Nepali lo tsā ba tried to discourage Rva lo from making the journey, saying that he already had his own pan· d· ita in Nepal and that the road to India was too dangerous.75 Rva lo responded by singing a song, which A myes zhabs quotes here in nineteen lines of verse. hese lines match almost identically a song recorded in the Rva lo rnam thar.76 Rva lo travelled to India in the company of Nepali merchants. Along the way, they were attacked by a gang of bandits and Rva lo magically paralysed them with a Vajrabhairava ritual.77 He and his companions then safely arrived in India. here Rva lo visited Vajrāsana, Nālandā, and other sacred sites. At Nālandā he met Bal po hugs rje chen po and in his presence took full ordination. He received the name Śrī Vajrakīrti on this occasion.78 After that, hugs rje chen po informed Rva lo that he was going back to Nepal to his monastery Mañja gling and asked him if he had plans to stay in India. Rva lo answered that he would accompany the pan· d· ita to Nepal.79 Rwa lo later insisted that hugs rje chen po come with him to Tibet. he pan· d· ita said he would give his answer in a month’s time.80 Meanwhile, Rva lo studied Sanskrit with the junior pan· d· ita Buddhaśrībhadra, and over the course of four months received various teachings and initiations at Mañja gling. A myes zhabs gives a list of these teachings, which is duplicated with only slight variation in the Rva lo rnam thar.81 Rva lo again invited hugs rje chen po to Tibet. At first he refused and suggested that another pan· d· ita should go instead, but after some prodding and a little bit of gold, he eventually agreed to do so.82 A myes zhabs then describes Rva lo’s translation activities in Tibet with hugs rje chen po and the junior pan· d· ita. heir work continued for as long as hugs rje chen po remained in Tibet, about five and half years.83 After the pan· d· ita left and returned to Nepal, Rva lo travelled to upper Mnga’ ris, where he stayed for three years. here he worked as a translator, earning five hundred ounces of gold. With that gold, Rva lo returned to Nepal to meet again with Bha ro. He made oﬀerings of gold for the sādhana-s of Vajrabhairava, which he practiced for six months. At that time, he and Bha ro also translated the tantras of Vajrabhairava, Vajravārāhī, and a few other texts.84 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 Gshin rje III 220.2–4; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 204–205. Gshin rje III 220.4–6; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 66–68. Gshin rje III 220.6–221.2; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 204–205 (song no. 28). Gshin rje III 221.3–4; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 68. Gshin rje III 221.5–6; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 71–72. Gshin rje III 222.4; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 80. Gshin rje III 222.3; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 80–81. Gshin rje III 222.5–223.2; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 80. Gshin rje III 223; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 208. Gshin rje III 224.3–4; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 209–210. Gshin rje III 224.4–225.1; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 206–207. 70 Bryan J. Cuevas Later, Rva lo returned to Tibet and bestowed initiations and gave teachings in Mnga’ ris, upper Nyang, and other places.85 He was then invited to Khams and as he prepared to go, he spent some years in Dbus. It is at this point that A myes zhabs very briefly recounts the story of Rva lo’s subjugation of Yar lha sham po and the klu btsan of Nyu gu (s)na. Later in Khams, he trained countless disciples and by that time had become widely renowned as possessing the greatest spiritual powers of anyone in India and Tibet. A myes zhabs then briefly mentions Rva lo’s restoration of Bsam yas, his activities at Rong Ngur smrig,86 and a list of gifts Rva lo received as oﬀerings, including a superior turquoise called me tog spungs pa – a cherished gem mentioned also by name in the Rva lo rnam thar.87 In the final section, A myes zhabs turns his attention to Rva lo’s wrathful actions, beginning with a short account of the “liberation” of Zangs dkar lo tsā ba.88 In a second episode, a man named Skyo ’dul ’dzin criticized Rva lo for indulging in meat and beer, engaging in sorcery, and secretly keeping company with women. Rva lo, annoyed by this, sang a song in reply. Skyo ’dul ’dzin died seven days later. he song A myes zhabs quotes here in seven lines of verse appears also in the Rva lo rnam thar as a preamble to one of Rva lo’s songs of realization.89 In the last episode, Rva lo’s horse is confiscated and his attendant beaten in Yar lung by a minister of Btsad po Rtse lde.90 As Rva lo began to perform sorcery against the minister, someone asked that he refrain from doing so and Rva lo complied. A few days later, however, Btsad po Rtse lde, having joined forces with “the evil people of G.yor po,” looted the place where Rva lo had been teaching. Rva lo’s disciples pleaded with him to retaliate and he sang a song in response. Afterward, Rva lo brought hail down upon Btsad po Rtse lde and his evil allies and all of them were destroyed. Again, the verse A myes zhabs quotes here we find also in the Rva lo rnam thar, in slightly altered form, as a second preamble to the same song mentioned above.91 A myes zhabs acknowledges in conclusion that there are countless examples of Rva lo tsā ba “liberating” many evildoers through sorcery, but what he has written here is just a brief synopsis. ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa, Dpal rdo rje’ i ’ jigs byed kyi chos ’byung (1718) ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa, influential abbot of Sgo mang and founder of Bla brang bkra shis ’khyil in A mdo, was a staunch promoter of Dge lugs pa orthodoxy throughout central and eastern Tibet in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. In 1718 he composed an extensive history of the Vajrabhairava transmissions, entitled Dpal rdo rje’ i ’ jigs byed kyi chos ’byung khams gsum las rnam par rgyal ba dngos grub kyi gter mdzod.92 he short biography of Rva lo tsā ba contained in this work is mainly composed of a stitching of direct quotations from ’Gos lo tsā ba’s Deb ther sngon po and ’Khon ston’s history. However, several additional details in his narrative – specific personal names, description of events, etc. – indicate very clearly that he also drew from 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 Gshin rje III 225.3; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 217–219. Gshin rje III 225.6–226.1; cf. Rva lo’s activities in Rong Ngur smrig in Rva lo rnam thar 200–201. Gshin rje III 226.2; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 175. Gshin rje III 226.5–227.1; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 224–226. Gshin rje III 227.4–5; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 266–267 (preamble to song no. 37). Gshin rje III 227.6; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 205. Gshin rje III 228.2–3; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 268. ’Jigs byed 175.3–189.3. Rva lo tsā ba and His Biographers 71 Tāranātha as well, though he does not cite him by name. On the other hand, the history by A myes zhabs does not appear to have been consulted. Since ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa’s account is almost entirely derivative of earlier works already reviewed above, its content will not be summarized here. Suﬃce it to note that he does highlight most of the basic events of Rva lo tsā ba’s life and mission, including the early Lha mo Remati episode; Rva lo’s troubled childhood marriage and family feud; his studies in Nepal and India with Me tsa ling ba (hugs rje chen po) and Bha ro phyag rdum; enumerations of Rva lo tsā ba’s writings and their itemized costs; Rva lo’s restoration of Bsam yas; his subjugation of the klu btsan of Nyu gu (s)na and Yar lha sham po; and his “liberation” of rivals (specifically, Skyogs dbang grags, Rgyus lo tsā ba Smon lam grags, Zangs dkar lo chen, Dar ma mdo sde, ’Brog mi’i Jo sras Indra, Jo sras Rdo rje, and Khams pa Jo sras Rdo rje sra brtan). He concludes by describing the transfer of Rva lo’s relics to ’Bras spung monastery in 1416, quoting ’Khon ston by name. Rva Ye shes seng ge, Rva lo rnam thar (Lhasa print, 1905) As previously noted, the large biography of Rva lo tsā ba that we know today as the “Rva lo’ i rnam thar by Rva Ye shes seng ge” was printed in Lhasa in 1905. Internal evidence points to the likelihood that this blockprint was based on a manuscript produced or modified during the seventeenth century, no longer extant. Assuming this to be the case, this manuscript would have been compiled from a patchwork of earlier biographical sources that probably included the original Ye shes seng ge text, as well as the Rva pod kyi dkar chag tshigs bcad ma, its commentary by Rva Shes rab rgyal mtshan, and perhaps also portions of the lost biography by ’U yug pa and Rgya ston’s Rva lugs kyi bla ma rgya bod kyi rnam thar. his patchwork then would have been embellished with new material, worked over and adapted to form a cohesive and extravagantly detailed narrative, but retaining the attribution of Rva Ye shes seng ge, the figure long renowned by tradition to have been the biography’s legitimate author. he identity of this anonymous craftsman, however, remains a matter of conjecture. We can surmise, though, given specific historical references and the overall religious and philosophical slant of the text, that this individual was probably working in connection with someone close to the Fifth Dalai Lama, or perhaps even at the behest of the Dalai Lama himself. he first evidence for this is to be found in the miniatures prominently inscribed on the second folio of the 1905 blockprint where we see depicted from left to right three honored figures: Rva lo tsā ba, Tsong kha pa, and the Fifth Dalai Lama. Other evidence woven throughout the text assures its post-fifteenth century compilation and attests to its Dge lugs pa sympathies. Two of the most obvious examples are the prophecy of the founding of Bkra shis lhun po monastery in 1447 by the First Dalai Lama (1391–1474), who is here unnamed but referred to simply as an incarnation of Avalokiteśvara,93 and the unmistakable allusion to the transfer of Rva lo’s relics to ’Bras spungs monastery in 1416, which as already noted is also described in ’Khon ston’s work and later repeated by ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa .94 Among other examples, there is also an anachronistic reference to the Potala during Rva lo’s stay in Lhasa.95 93 Rva lo rnam thar 145. 94 Rva lo rnam thar 340–341. 95 Rva lo rnam thar, 263. 72 Bryan J. Cuevas he hybrid religious orientation and sharp sectarian polemics of the biography are also quite revealing. Well grounded in standard Dge lugs pa interpretations of Vajrabhairava and the related Gsar ma practices of the yoganiruttara systems, the text also shows clear aﬃnities with certain Rnying ma pa interpretations, specifically those derived from the gter ma tradition. he text also reflects a sympathetic understanding of Rdzogs chen, following especially the system propagated by a line of eminent descendents of the ancient Zur clan, several of whom are mentioned by name and treated favorably in the biography as dedicated followers of Rva lo.96 his blending of Dge lugs and Rnying ma perspectives was a hallmark of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s own unique Buddhist outlook and for which in his early years he was roundly admonished by some of his more orthodox Dge lugs pa elders.97 As is well known, he was himself a rather ecumenical figure open to a wide variety of Buddhist schools in Tibet and was especially captivated throughout his life by the doctrines and practices of the Rnying ma pa. But paradoxically, he was also notoriously intolerant of other sectarian groups and the leaders who supported them. One sect he scorned in particular was the Karma Bka’ rgyud pa. his might very well help to explain the animosity shown toward Mar pa’s tradition in the Rva lo rnam thar, expressed most dramatically in the tale of Rva lo’s slaying of Mar pa’s son Dar ma mdo sde and several other of his relatives and disciples.98 I have yet to locate reference to this famous event in any of the available sources that pre-date the seventeenth century. Of course, the story is likely much older than that, but its conspicuous absence in earlier sources suggests to me that it may have been a later innovation added to Rva lo tsā ba’s biographical tradition, reaching back perhaps to Tsong kha pa himself (as Tāranātha seems to indicate) or one of his Dge lugs pa heirs. Inspired early in his youth by visions of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, Tsong kha pa was a devout practitioner of Vajrabhairava throughout his life. hus from the fifteenth century onward Mañjuśrī and his wrathful form as Vajrabhairava would become central tutelaries of the Dga’ ldan pa (later Dge lugs pa) tradition. Following Tsong kha pa’s death in 1419, partisans of his order initiated a concentrated eﬀort of expansion outside central Tibet into Gtsang, a territory with deep Sa skya and Karma Bka’ rgyud ties and notoriously hostile to Tsong kha pa’s faction in Dbus. hroughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries there were almost constant struggles between the Dge lugs pa in Dbus and the Karma pa in Gtsang. It is well known that these protracted conflicts were mostly brought to a bloody conclusion in the 1640s, with the defeat of the Gtsang ruler by the Fifth Dalai Lama’s allied Mongol forces and consolidation of the two regions under a unified Dge lugs pa government. Once in power, the regime of the Fifth Dalai Lama adopted a policy of systematically erecting massive monastic complexes in every corner of the country and new Dge lugs pa institutions were established across the Tibetan heartland.99 Meanwhile, a great many of the monastic and aristocratic estates of the older sects, mostly Bka’ rgyud and including those of the Bon po, were forcibly converted into Dge lugs pa centers and became subjects of the Dalai Lama’s government. If indeed, as it appears so, the anonymous compiler of the Lhasa edition of the Rva lo rnam thar was a supporter of the Fifth Dalai Lama, it is tempting to read the text’s triumphant narrative of Rva lo tsā ba’s expansive mission – to subdue and convert the whole of Tibet to the practice of Vajrabhairava – as a shrewd allegory 96 hese were primarily disciples and relatives of Zur chung Shes rab grags pa (1014–1074). See Rva lo rnam thar 187–188 (Yang khen), 227–228 (Ma thog byang ’bar), and 308 (Zur Khro bo skyabs). 97 See, for example, Dukūla I 166; trans. Karmay 2014: 127; also Karmay 1988: 30. 98 Rva lo rnam thar 210–213. 99 For a fresh and insightful take on this process, see McCleary and van der Kuijp 2010. Rva lo tsā ba and His Biographers 73 of the territorial conquests of the Great Fifth and the ever expanding power of his Dge lugs pa administration. he Fifth Dalai Lama was indeed a devoted follower and avid patron of the Rnying ma pa, but there was one pair of Rnying ma luminaries whom he personally despised. his was the gter ston Zhig po gling pa (1524–1583) and his disciple Sog bzlog pa Blo gros rgyal mtshan (1552– 1624). Zhig po gling pa was a political visionary and scion of the powerful Snang rtse family in the Stod lung valley.100 he nobles of Snang rtse were patrons of the Karma Bka’ rgyud pa in Gtsang and hence opponents to the Dge lugs pa and their Mongolian allies. Consequently, Zhig po gling pa was engaged in ongoing eﬀorts to combat by ritual sorcery Dge lugs pa dominance in central Tibet; eﬀorts that his student Sog bzlog pa would later continue with great fervor (as his name suggests).101 Dge lugs pa authorities were likewise never fond of these two political agitators – they were Rnying ma pas supported by Bka’ rgyud pa patrons who had placed themselves in direct ritual competition with their Dge lugs pa rivals. he Fifth Dalai Lama even placed Zhig po gling pa, Sog bzlog pa, and their cohorts at the top of his list of rogue political visionaries whose prophecies were deemed treasonous and whose writings were sealed and banned from publication.102 It is not implausible then to suggest that we see hints of this conflict being played out in the pages of the Rva lo rnam thar, particularly in the episodes recounting Rva lo’s troubles with the Vajrakīla master Lang lab Byang chub rdo rje.103 It was Sog bzlog pa, after all, who had most ardently celebrated Rva lo’s defeat by the superior magic of this Rnying ma yogin in his 1609 history of the Vajrakīla transmissions.104 here Sog bzlog pa relates that Rva lo was so terrified by Lang lab’s powers that he begged for mercy and respectfully bowed to him in humiliation. Nowhere in this account is Rva lo described as coming back and defeating the Vajrakīla master, as he does in the Rva lo rnam thar. Both texts, however, cite verbatim the same verse of village gossip that is said to have circulated among the locals at that time.105 his matching verse quotation and the addition of Rva lo’s triumphant sequel in the Lhasa narrative seems to suggest that its author may have been familiar with the Rnying ma version of the story and perhaps even knew Sog bzlog pa’s text. Remarkably, this seemingly major conflict in Rva lo’s life is missing in all the other (earlier?) biographical accounts. So the appearance of Lang lab and his battles with Rva lo in the Rva lo rnam thar is peculiar indeed. Perhaps we have uncovered here a seventeenth-century Dge lugs pa polemic, a veiled expression of one of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s own personal and political vendettas. Moreover, given the overt polemics of the Lhasa biography as evidenced, for example, in this episode and considering the fact that the Fifth Dalai Lama and his government were known to have banned controversial or opposing books, we might also question whether rival or contradictory versions of Rva Ye shes seng ge’s work (most copies almost certainly originating from Gtsang) were oﬃcially confiscated or destroyed during this period, which could explain the scarcity of older manuscripts. he explicit mention in the Rva lo rnam thar of the fourteenth-century Tibetan scholar Rgya ston rin po che may be yet another significant clue for situating the text historically and ascer100 101 102 103 104 105 Akester 2001; Sørensen and Hazod 2007: 515–526; Gentry 2013: 66–87. Gentry 2010 and Gentry 2013, esp. 105–150. Smith 2004. Rva lo rnam thar 56–58 and 87–89. Phur pa lo rgyus 168.2–170.3. Phur pa lo rgyus 170.3; cf. Rva lo rnam thar 58. 74 Bryan J. Cuevas taining the lineage of its compiler. A myes zhabs is the only other biographer who corroborates Rgya ston Kun dga’ brtson ’grus’s identity as the fourth incarnation of Rva lo tsā ba.106 Tāranātha describes him as a powerful sorcerer and accomplished scholar of both the Yamāntaka cycle and the Sa skya Lam ’bras tradition.107 He received these teachings from his father, Rgya ston Dbang phyug rgyal mtshan, who was a direct disciple of Rva Shes rab rgyal mtshan. hus Rgya ston rin po che and his father both held the lineage of Shes rab rgyal mtshan’s Eastern Rva tradition. According to Tāranātha, Rgya ston eventually settled in Khams in eastern Tibet where he lived in Rgyal thang at a place called Me long steng. His teachings were propagated throughout central Tibet by his main student Yon tan ’bum (or Yon tan dpal bzang) who originally hailed from Khams.108 he Fifth Dalai Lama adds that Rgya ston’s history was written at the behest of this Khams pa disciple.109 But this historical work is spoken of disparagingly by Tāranātha, who questions whether Rgya ston was its actual author, due to what he judged to be its many contradictions and scripturally baseless assertions. Instead, Tāranātha suspects the text must surely have been composed by “some uneducated student from Khams.”110 Since a manuscript of the text has yet to surface we are unable here to decide the issue. Judging from numerous Tibetan lineage records, the Eastern Rva tradition of Rgya ston and his student Yon tan appears after the fourteenth century to have been transmitted primarily through the hierarchs of Zhva lu monastery.111 It is well established that Zhva lu maintained a dual aﬃliation with both the Bka’ gdams pa and Sa skya schools of Tibetan Buddhism. Of special significance in the history of the Eastern Rva tradition at Zhva lu was the enthronement in 1555 of the Sa skya master Tshar chen Blo gsal rgya mtsho (1502–1567) as thirteenth abbot of the monastery (he served in that post until 1559).112 In the abbatial records of Zhva lu, it is noted that Tshar chen in his early twenties had beheld a vision of the actual face of Vajrabhairava when he was performing the bsnyen sgrub of that deity at the hermitage of Bya bzang in the ’Phan yul valley.113 He had earlier received initiation into these practices from his Sa skya teachers, many of whom belonged to a lineage of the Rva transmission that traced back to Rgya ston in the fourteenth century, and through him back to Rva Shes rab rgyal mtshan and ultimately to Rva lo tsā ba himself. Twenty-five years later, upon taking up his post as abbot of Zhva lu, he revived the monastery’s ritual custom of propitiating Yamāntaka and Kr· s·n· a-yamāri.114 Tshar chen thus appears to have been an important promoter of the Eastern tradition of Vajrabhairava at Zhva lu. After Tshar chen’s death his unique tradition, called Tshar pa, remained particularly strong at Zhva lu, but was largely contested by some of the more orthodox Sa skya proponents. his opposition was due in part to an enduring feud between followers of Tshar chen’s lineage and the masters of the ’Khon family at Sa skya, an animosity that had been ignited in the last years of Tshar chen’s life and continued on for nearly two hundred years.115 In the middle of the sev106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 Gshin rje III 232.3. cf. Rva lo rnam thar 308. Gshin rje II 91.5. Gshin rje II 114.4–5; see also ’Jigs byed 191.2–3. hob yig I 281.4–5. Gshin rje II 91.4–6. See, for example, hob yig I 300.6–302.3, 305.5–307.1 and 310.4–6; also Gshin rje III 232.3–5. Zhva lu gdan rabs 268.5–279.5; Stearns 2006: 257–259. Zhva lu gdan rabs 272.1. Zhva lu gdan rabs 277.1–3. Smith 2001: 241–242; Stearns 2012: 20–21 n.16. Rva lo tsā ba and His Biographers 75 enteenth century, the Fifth Dalai Lama, an avid promoter of Tshar chen’s legacy, incorporated the Tshar pa tradition into Dge lugs pa practice. Again, this bit of historical detail might help to explain another remarkable episode recorded only in the Rva lo rnam thar and nowhere else – Rva lo’s slaying of ’Khon Śākya blo gros, the grand patriarch of the Sa skya family, and the vanquishing of his loyal patrons and disciples.116 Might we read this allegorically as a tale of vengeance directed against the noble house of Tshar chen’s adversaries? In 1647 the Fifth Dalai Lama had a vision of Tshar chen and afterward asked his trusted Rnying ma advisor Zur chen Chos dbyings rang grol (1604–1657) to obtain Tshar chen’s teachings from their chief lineage-holder Mgon po Bsod nams mchog ldan (1603–1659), who was at that time the recognized incarnation of Tshar chen and an important Sa skya scholar aﬃliated with Zhva lu.117 Zur chen received this transmission from Bsod nams mchog ldan a year later in 1648.118 Zur chen, a scion of the prominent Zur clan, was one of the two principal Rnying ma tutors of the Fifth Dalai Lama; the other, of course, being ’Khon ston Dpal ’byor lhun grub. As accomplished specialists in the tantric systems combining both the Rnying ma and Dge lugs traditions, these two masters exerted a profound influence on the Fifth Dalai Lama and helped to foster his bipartisan religious orientation. he Fifth began his studies with both teachers in 1633, but it was the elder ’Khon ston who first initiated him into the Rnying ma practice of Rdzogs chen.119 Zur chen, on the other hand, was a more active collaborator in the Fifth Dalai Lama’s political aﬀairs. By the time the two had first met, Zur chen had already established himself as a formidable Buddhist sorcerer.120 In the turbulent years leading up to the rise of Dge lugs pa dominance in Tibet, both he and the Fifth Dalai Lama worked closely together performing hostile rites of sorcery against their enemies.121 Among the numerous rites he and Zur chen deployed in this war of magic were the fierce practices of Yamāntaka derived from older Rnying ma sources. One source in particular was drawn from the eleventh-century gter ma revelations of Rgya Zhang khrom Rdo rje ’od ’bar, who incidentally makes his appearance several times in the Rva lo rnam thar.122 Rgya Zhang khrom was believed to be an incarnation of the feared ninth-century Rnying ma sorcerer Snubs chen Sangs rgyas ye shes, whose hidden Yamāntaka cycle Zhang khrom had unearthed from a site in Gtsang. In the Rva lo rnam thar, it is related that Zhang khrom, puzzled by what he had discovered, showed this treasure to Rva lo tsā ba, who then helped him to remember the profound meanings of its words. Afterward, the two exchanged their respective teachings on Yamāntaka and Vajrabhairava. Zur chen was also in possession of the Eastern Rva transmissions propagated by Tshar chen and maintained at Zhva lu. He had received these teachings from Mgon po Bsod nams mchog 116 117 118 119 Rva lo rnam thar 47–52. Zhva lu gdan rabs 329.3–337.5; Stearns 2006: 267. See Sørensen and Hazod 2007: 229 n.625 and sources cited therein. Dukūla I 155–156; trans. Karmay 2014: 119–120. Mgon po Bsod nams mchog ldan would also become one of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s principal teachers. 120 In 1626, for example, when the Dge lugs pa were the targets of magical attacks by an alliance of ’Bri gung factions in Gtsang, the frightened Dga’ ldan abbot Khri chen Dkon mchog chos ’phel (1573–1644/46) called upon Zur chen to perform a ritual counteroﬀensive, which according to Dge lugs pa records was a great success. See Zur chen rnam thar 83.3–84.1. 121 Dukūla I 195–198, 204–206, 210–211; trans. Karmay 2014: 149–151, 156–158, 161–162; also Karmay 1988: 29–30. 122 Rva lo rnam thar 3, 180–181, 327. On Rgya Zhang khrom and his gter ma revelations, see hob yig III 1–98.6; also Dalton 2014: 155–157. 76 Bryan J. Cuevas ldan in 1652.123 Two years later in 1654, he bestowed these upon the Fifth Dalai Lama at the Dga’ ldan pho brang.124 his information may be significant in helping to fix a date for the Lhasa biography. In addition to elevating and glorifying Rva lo tsā ba as an exemplary Tibetan Buddhist saint, the Rva lo rnam thar can be read as a documentary record of the supremacy of the cult of Vajrabhairava, which in the eleventh century was a new and ascending tantric programme in Tibet. Running throughout the narrative is a sharp polemic against other emerging tantric traditions at that time and some of the older systems that by then had already established a long Tibetan pedigree. In this light, we may also discern in the work certain political overtones that seem in fact to be connected to the Fifth Dalai Lama and his rule over Tibet beginning in the middle decades of the seventeenth century. I suggest, then, that the Rva lo rnam thar as we now have it was more likely a product of this later historical period, rather than a work of the twelfth or early thirteenth century, in Ye shes seng ge’s time. Its anonymous author appears to have compiled his narrative from several earlier sources, brought together and embellished for the purpose of bolstering the reputation of Rva lo tsā ba and his Vajrabhairava revelations, but perhaps also in turn to promote the religious and political agendas of the Fifth Dalai Lama and the far-reaching territorial dominance of his Dge lugs pa school. But then who was its author? In addition to the brief evidence highlighted above, many additional clues embedded in the text suggest that whoever it may have been, this person was certainly a Dge lugs pa advocate familiar with and sympathetic to the Rnying ma pa. He also must have had ties to the Eastern Rva tradition that passed through the lineage of Rgya ston Kun dga’ brtson ’grus and thus in turn the hierarchs of Zhva lu monastery, and particularly the patriarchs of the Tshar pa tradition. If at this point we had to guess the author’s identity, there may be only three plausible candidates to choose from: ’Khon ston Dpal ’byor lhun grub, Zur chen Chos dbyings rang grol, or Mgon po Bsod nams mchog ldan. My hunch is that the text may have been assembled by one of these three teachers or by an anonymous scribe, or a small team of scribes, working under their influence. he text might then have been written in or around the 1630s when there was a surge of Yamāntaka/Vajrabhairava histories being compiled, or more likely later in the 1650s when Zur chen and Bsod nams mchog ldan were still active and the Fifth Dalai Lama’s geopolitical campaign of territorial expansion and the consolidation of a centralized Tibetan state were just getting underway. But, of course, it could have been produced even later than this, perhaps toward the end of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s career or shortly after his death during the regency of Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705). With these possibilities in mind, it seems to me that the basic narrative of Rva lo’s life contained in this Lhasa biography was probably based on a tradition of stories that had long been circulating at Zhva lu and reached the Fifth Dalai Lama’s court by way of these three pivotal masters or one of their like-minded associates. 123 Zur chen rnam thar 203.1–3. 124 Zur chen rnam thar 209.1–3. Rva lo tsā ba and His Biographers 77 Bibliography Primary Sources Deb sngon ’Gos lo tsā ba Gzhon nu dpal. Deb ther sngon po. Cheng tu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1985. 2 vols. Dukūla I–III Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho. Za hor gyi ban de ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho’ i ’ di snang ’ khrul ba’ i rol rtsed rtogs brjod kyi tshul du bkod pa du kū la’ i gos bzang las glegs bam. 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No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Printed in Germany

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