SUBDUING THE DEMONS OF TIBET: GEOMANTIC MAGIC DURING THE
YARLUNG DYNASTY: A LANDSCAPE ARCHAEOLOGY ASSESSMENT
William F. Romain
Posted to Academia 1-31-2020
rev. 2-21-20
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SUBDUING THE DEMONS OF TIBET: GEOMANTIC MAGIC DURING THE
YARLUNG DYNASTY: A LANDSCAPE ARCHAEOLOGY ASSESSMENT
William F. Romain
Keywords: Tibet, geomancy, Yarlung Dynasty, Jokhang Temple, Samye Temple,
Tradruk Temple, Songtsen Gampo
ABSTRACT
Historic documents indicate that during the Yarlung Dynasty (AD 620–AD 842), Tibetan
emperors employed geomantic and magical practices in the design and siting of
important religious structures. Geomantic magic was used to control indigenous
demons that inhabited the land thereby obstructing the introduction of Buddhism and
the building of Buddhist temples and monasteries.
In the present article the Jokhang and Tradruk temples and Samye Monastery are
assessed from a landscape archaeology perspective with the aim of identifying
geomantic and magical practices in their design and layout. New findings are presented.
to include sitings relative to dragon veins, the use of deadly feng shui arrows, and the
suppression of demons using ritual phurbas, vajras, and magical mandalas. The demon
suppressing methods discussed represent a blend of indigenous Tibetan magic
combined with beliefs and practices from China and India. The result was a unique and
powerful magico-religious tradition that endures even today.
In his classic book, Oracles and Demons of Tibet, Rene De Nebesky-Wojkowitz (1956)
identified hundreds of Tibetan demons. Initially these demons obstructed the
introduction of Buddhism into Tibet. Many are indigenous entities associated with local
places such as lakes and mountains. Rather than destroying such demons, however,
early Buddhist masters subdued and converted them to protectors of the new faith.
They did this by magical and geomantic means. In this article, several Imperial-era
structures important to Tibetan Buddhism are assessed for geomantic and magical
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operations. These structures are the Jokhang and Tradruk temples and Samye
Monastery. Assessments are made using Google Earth imagery with interpretations
supported by ethnohistoric information to include ancient legends. The paper begins,
however, with a brief explanation of terms important to the discussion and a short
biographical sketch of Songtsen Gampo—the emperor responsible for building two of
the three structures to be discussed. Geomantic assessments are then provided,
followed by a brief discussion and concluding remarks.
Demons and Geomancy
It is beyond the scope of this paper to present a thorough explication concerning
Tibetan demons or geomancy. Both subjects are exceedingly complex. There are,
however, a couple of points important to what follows. With regard to Tibetan demons,
for example, we begin with the observation that there are a considerable number of
non-human beings in the universe of Tibetan Buddhism. Non-human beings can be
considered as enlightened or non-enlightened. Enlightened deities can have both a
benevolent and wrathful aspect. In their wrathful form these deities can appear quite
terrifying.
Non-enlightened entities can be described as “wandering through samsara in ignorance
as intermediate beings [bar-do sems-can]” (Mumford 1989, 260, brackets in original).
There are several kinds of non-enlightened beings. There are, for example, the klu
(serpent deities), the btsan (powerful warrior spirits), and bdud (demons). Demons
cause death, disease, and misfortune. There are hundreds, or even thousands of
demons in the Tibetan universe. Classification schemes differ (e.g., Farkas and Szabo
2002; Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1956; Tucci 1980). Traditional texts sometimes refer to eight
classes of gods and demons. Some of the better known demons include gshin-‘dre (evil
spirits of dead persons), mamos (malevolent female entities that cause famines,
plagues, and wars), gshed-ma (demons who kill by taking a person’s life force), srin
po (ogre demons that eat human flesh), and srin mo (female version of srin po). Many
demons manifest at specific places or are associated with certain kinds of landscape.
For example, among the many demons that Guru Rinpoche subdued in his journey into
Tibet were the “Lord of Plagues and Pestilence” in Osam, the “Dark Planetary Forces”
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on Targo, the “Lord of Water Pestilence” at Damtiktrak Rock, a “Vindictive Spiritual Lord
of the Earth” at Changramukpo, and the “Devil of the Abyss” at Trasmosong (Dowman
1973, 83–85).
Not all non-enlightened entities are entirely or always malevolent. The chthonic serpent
beings referred to as klu by Tibetans, or nagas in India, are capable of bringing either
rain and fertility, or disease, destruction, and death (Figure 1). Klu are associated with
water and live in lakes and streams and indeed the entire subterranean world as water
flows underground. Many stories tell of klu being subdued and compelled to serve as
protectors of the Dharma. Later in this paper we will encounter a malevolent klu in
connection with the Tradruk Temple.
Figure 1. Klu or naga deity. This klu has a headdress comprised of seven cobras. Cast
bronze with silver highlights (8 cm. x 6 cm.). Author’s collection. Photo by author.
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Another example of non-enlightened deities are the yul lhar. These are territorial entities
associated with or manifested as specific mountains; although they can appear in
multiple guises. If not propitiated with offerings or prayers, yul lhar can cause storms,
flooding, rock falls, fires, and the deaths of livestock and people. When properly
appeased or controlled, however, yul lhar can act as protector deities for a territory,
village, or lineage (Pommaret 2004).
Although some demons can be persuaded from causing harm by supplication or
offerings, the control of more stubborn ill-willed entities requires other measures. These
range from blocking walls and mirrors to spells and magical symbols and effigies to
capture, hold, or otherwise neutralize the demon. Perhaps the most dramatic demonsuppressing technique is the use of directed energy to subdue the demon. This
technique is discussed in more detail below in connection the Samye Monastery.
The term geomancy is often used to refer to a method of divination. Geomancy,
however, can also refer to the practice of situating a temple or other structure in an
auspicious, favorable, or harmonious location relative to celestial and/or terrestrial
influences (Pennick 1979, 7; Romain 2017, 2018, 2019; Yoon 2006, 3). The second
meaning is the one used in the present paper.
Geomantic influences can be visible or invisible, imaginary or real. Influences can
originate from the stars and planets, wind and water, mountains and caves, or other
places and phenomena. Invisible influences can be exerted by spirits, demons,
dragons, forces, or energies. Among the many techniques used to maximize auspicious
effects or bring about geomantic harmony are directional orientation, inter-site
alignments, siting relative to special locations, use of geometric shapes and other
design elements having symbolic meaning. Architectural approaches based in
geomantic understandings include Chinese feng shui and Hindu vastu shastra.
Geomantic beliefs and practices have long been a part of Tibetan culture. The preBuddhist Tibetan Bon religion incorporates many geomantic concepts (see e.g., Baumer
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2002). Indeed, as explained by Tibetan scholar Martin Mills (2016, 1), “…Tibetan
geomancy (or jungtsi, ‘counting the elements’) united the long-established indigenous
worship of mountain gods with Chinese concepts of feng shui and Indian tantra to
create a rich religious science of moral well-being, community prosperity, and
auspicious rule.” Contemporaneous documentation concerning the influence of Chinese
geomancy is suggested in the Tang Annals. According to the Yeshe De Project (1986,
218) “Tang annals note Srong-btsan-sgam-po [Songtsen Gampo – first emperor of
Tibet] began cultural exchange with the Tang court and was very interested in obtaining
ancient knowledge traditions for his country….Four especially learned Tibetans brought
back five major texts on calculation techniques, an ancient science that traced back to
Lao-tzu….the Chinese princess Kong-jo helped translate these texts.” The reference to
“five major texts on calculation techniques” as “an ancient science that can be traced
back to Lao-tzu” likely refers to Chinese feng shui, astrology, and I Ching divination
manuals. The Old Tang Annals referenced above were written more or less
contemporaneously with the later part of the Yarlung Dynasty.
In Tibet, geomantic practices often merge into the realm of magic. Skinner (2017, 16)
provides a useful definition of ‘magic’: “Magic is the art of causing change through the
agency of spiritual creatures rather than via directly observable physical means: such
spiritual creatures being compelled or persuaded to assist, by the use of sacred words
or names, talismans, symbols, incense, sacrifices and material magica.” As I will
demonstrate below, both geomantic and magical practices were used in the design and
building of important Tibetan structures.
Songtsen Gampo (Wylie: Srong-btsan sGampo)
Scholars generally count 32 kings (mythical and real) before Songtsen Gampo (see
e.g., Haarh 1969, 45–60). Songtsen Gampo (c. AD 605?–AD 649) was the first to unify
the country—hence he is considered the first emperor. According to post-Yarlung
Dynasty accounts (e.g., Mani Kabum; Wylie: ma Ni bka’ ‘bum)1, Songtsen Gampo was
responsible for the promotion of Buddhism into Tibet. Toward this end he built the
Jokhang, Tradruk and other temples. He also established the capital at Lhasa and
residency at the Khritse Marpo palace, later expanded to become the Potala.
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Songtsen Gampo reportedly had six consorts—four Tibetan, one Chinese and one
Nepalese (Sørensen 1994, 302, n. 904). Two consorts are of special importance to the
events related here. In AD 639 the emperor married Nepalese Princess Bhṛkutī (Tib.:
Khri btsun, meaning ‘royal lady’). As part of her dowry the princess brought to Tibet the
Jowo Mikyo Dorje—a statue of Shakyamuni Buddha at age 8, as well as Buddhist
scriptures and Nepalese craftsmen.
In AD 641, to facilitate an alliance with the Tang Dynasty of China, the emperor also
married Chinese Princess Kong jo (pinyin: Wénchéng Gōngzhū). Legends claim that as
part of her dowry the Chinese princess brought to Tibet the Jowo Rinpoche—a statue of
Shakyamuni Buddha at age 12.2 According to The Clear Mirror (Rgyal rabs gsal ba'i me
long) (Sørensen 1994, 232)3 the princess also brought with her, “three hundred and
sixty sections on Chinese divinatory science (gtsug lag)” and “A Chinese [geomantic]
divination-chart in three hundred sections (rgya’I gab rtse gtsug lag sum brgya bo).”
Jokhang Temple (Wylie: gtsug-lag-khang) (29º 39’ 10.9” N x 91º 07’ 55.3” E)
The Jokhang Temple (Figure 2) is situated in the heart of Lhasa. Built during the reign
of Songtsen Gampo, it is considered the most sacred of all the temples in Tibet. The
Clear Mirror (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen (1996 [1368],174) recounts how Songtsen
Gampo intentionally incorporated into the temple, design elements from multiple
sources including Indian Buddhism and Bonpo. As I will demonstrate, the Buddhist
contribution has clear connections to earlier Hindu beliefs and practices including vastu
shastra. Additionally and given Princess Kong jo’s contributions, Chinese geomancy or
feng shui can be added to the mix. This diversity of design elements will become
important in what follows. Indeed, more generally, it is this blend that gives Tibetan
Buddhism its unique character.
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Figure 2. Jokhang Temple. View from second floor. Photo by author.
According to events related in the Mani Kabum (Trizin Tsering 2007, vol. 1, 449), The
Clear Mirror (Sørensen 1994) and other texts, the Jokhang Temple was situated using
geomantic concepts. The founding story is known as the srin mo myth.
The age of the srin mo story is not known. Chronicles such as the Mani Kabum that
record the story are often attributed to Songtsen Gampo. However, these documents
were discovered and/or compiled centuries after Songtsen Gampo’s reign and are not
contemporaneous with the building of the temple. There are also several versions of the
story that differ in minor details. The end result is that, like so many other facets of
Tibetan history, it is difficult to know how much of the srin mo story is based on historical
fact, how much is based in oral tradition, and how much is the result of post-Yarlung
Dynasty writing intended to further a particular political or religious agenda (also see
Tatz 1978).
That said, it seems likely that stories such as the srin mo legend have at least some
basis in oral traditions that date back to the Yarlung Dynasty. Sørensen (1994, 561) has
this to say: “Needless to say, the above geomantic-divinatory expose is mythological in
nature and in particular the numerous Buddhist elements point to a later date of
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compilation, perhaps even simultaneously with the final compilation of the Sringbtsan
sgam-po Vita [Songtsen Gampo], i.e., at the beginning of the phyi-dar period. However,
that this exposition draws on older material which in numerous ways would point to a
date of origin in the dynastic period itself we should likewise assume to be beyond
doubt.”
The srin mo story tells how the Nepalese princess Bhṛkutī was having difficulties
building a temple for the Buddha statue she had brought from Nepal. Knowing of the
newly arrived Chinese princess’s expertise in geomancy, the Nepalese princess,
somewhat reluctantly, asked Princess Kong jo for advice. Princess Kong jo consulted
her geomantic charts and gave the following reading:
I perceive that this Land of Snows, the kingdom of Tibet, is in the form
of an ogress lying upon her back. I perceive that the lake at Otang, the
Plain of Milk, is the ogress’s heart-blood and that the three mountains are
the bones of her heart. As this lake is directly above the ogress’s heart, it
will be necessary to fill it with soil and build a shrine upon it (Sakyapa Sönam
Gyaltsen (1996 [1368], 163).
(For a detailed translation see Sørensen 1994, 555–561.) Figure 3 shows how the
demon is situated relative to Tibet.
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Figure 3. The Demoness of Tibet (late 19th/early 20th century, pigments on cloth).
Courtesy of the Rubin Museum of Art, image C2006.1.1. The Jokhang Temple is built
over the heart of the demoness. Annotation by author.
The story goes on to explain that the instructions given by the Chinese princess were
confused by the handmaiden who delivered the message to Princess Bhṛkutī. Believing
the information was wrong, the Nepalese princess disregarded the instructions and
began construction of a temple at Ladong. What the Nepalese princess built during the
day, however, was demolished by demons at night. In desperation the Nepalese
princess turned for help to her husband, Songtsen Gampo. “That night, the king made
supplications to his tutelary deity, and a ray of light shone forth from the heart of the
image and was absorbed into the lake [Otang]” (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen (1996
[1368], 166). The next day, the emperor and Princess Bhṛkutī went riding on horseback.
The emperor instructed the princess to remove her ring and toss it in the air. Wherever
the ring landed is where they would build the temple. The ring landed in Lake Otang.
Thereupon “She beheld in the water a nine-terraced stupa composed of various rays of
light. Everything in the lake was connected by a web of light radiating out from it”
(Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen (1996 [1368], 167).
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Construction of the Jokhang Temple began the next day. “An earth-dagger was
positioned on each of the four sides of the lake, a great prayer flag was erected and
prayers were offered….Sixteen long, thick trunks were cut from juniper trees. The lower
end of each was placed on the great rocks on the four sides, while the upper ends
rested on the self-created stone stupa in the center of the lake” (Sakyapa Sönam
Gyaltsen (1996 [1368], 167).
Figure 4 presents the detail of a mural in the Jokhang Temple showing the stupa at the
center of the lake. The demons were not done, however. At a poison tree in Dawatsel,
demons, ghosts, and ogres gathered for the purpose of calling down “frosts, hail and
pestilence” on the emperor’s work (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen 1996 [1368], 172). To
overcome this Songtsen Gampo called upon wrathful protector deities who banished the
demons. Songtsen Gampo then created one hundred and eight manifestations of
himself and completed the construction. Thus the temple was built in twelve days
(Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen 1996 [1368], 174).
Figure 4. Detail of mural in Jokhang Temple showing how the foundation for the temple
was laid out. (Unknown date.) Photo by author.
In addition to the demoness at Lake Otang, Princess Kong jo identified other malignant
influences in the Lhasa area and provided geomantic measures to mitigate them
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(Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen 1996 [1368], 164-165; also see Mills 2007; Sørensen 1994,
253-261). These measures included erecting stupas on the Chagpori and Marpori hills
in Lhasa. Depending on which version of the story one prefers, these hills are either the
heart bones, breasts, or breasts and mons veneris of the demoness (see e.g., Sakyapa
Sönam Gyaltsen 1996 [1368], 290; Dowman 1988, 284).
Concerning other malevolent forces, as recorded in The Clear Mirror (Sakyapa Sönam
Gyaltsen 1996 [1368], 164), the princess advised:
In the southeast, there is a malign geomantic influence that resembles
an ogress thrusting forth her vulva. This is Jangto Sengpug. Place an
image of Vishnu [lingam] facing it. In the southwest is a malign influence
that resembles a black scorpion lunging at its prey. This is Sharri, the
eastern mountain of Yugmari. Place a keru eagle [garuda] facing it.
In the west is a malign geomantic influence that resembles a black
fiend keeping watch. Place a stone stupa facing it….Thus all the
nearer malign geomantic influences will be subdued.
The locations for the above-named mountains are not certain and texts differ even with
regard to their general direction—cf., The Clear Mirror and Pillar Testament (Sørensen
1994, 253-263, 275-280, 553-560). Of interest, however, is that the above instructions
reveal a particular geomantic method for suppressing malevolent forces. In this case,
malign influences are controlled by situating counter measures so they face the
obstructive locale. This differs from placing counter measures on top of offending
entities. Indeed, Mills (2007, 19) distinguishes between the techniques referring to them
as horizontal opposition and vertical suppression, respectively. Mills (2007, 19) defines
horizontal opposition as “counterbalancing geomantic obstructions…by placing their
‘suppressors’ opposite them on a horizontal line of sight.” The technique clearly has
precedent in the dualistic oppositions found, for example, in the Chinese Bagua or Pa
Kuo and elsewhere. Horizontal opposition will figure prominently in the discussion below
concerning the Tradruk Temple.
An additional twelve temples were built by Songtsen Gampo across Tibet and into
Bhutan to hold down the demon’s arms and legs. According to the Mani Kabum (Trizin
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Tsering 2007 [12th century], vol. 1, 457–458) there were four “district controller temples”
(Tib. rug non gyi lha khang) to hold down the demon’s shoulders and hips; “four bordertaming temples” (Tib. mtha’ ‘dul gyi gtsug lag khang) to restrain her elbows and knees;
and four “further taming temples” (Tib. yang ‘dul gyi lha khang) to pin down the demon’s
hands and feet. Traditional sources (e.g., the Mani Kabum, Butön, Sakyapa Sonam
Gyaltsen) differ as to the names and locations of the temples. Based on the Mani
Kabum (arguably as definitive as any of the other non-contemporaneous sources)
Tibetologist Michael Aris (1979, Figure 1) has developed a schematic map showing the
demon suppressing temples surrounding the Jokhang. Figure 5 shows his
interpretation.
Figure 5. Schematic plan showing posited locations of demon suppressing temples.
Drawing by the author, after Aris 1979, Figure 1; and Dorje 1999, 673.
What is interesting is that the three sets of four temples form a series of concentric
zones around the Jokhang. Stein (1972, 39) and Aris (1979, 18) suggest that the idea of
concentric zones surrounding the temple was derived from Chinese cosmological
concepts. In Chinese belief, the emperor and imperial capital were situated at the center
of a series of nested squares each representing less civilized zones extending out to the
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boundaries of the empire. The idea is consistent with the influence of Chinese
geomantic concepts exerted by Princess Kong jo.
According to the srin mo story, the twelve temples restrain the demon by pinning her
down at specific points. Additionally and from a geomantic point of view, however, the
encircling zones can be interpreted as constricting the heart of the demon. In this
interpretation the encircling zones constrain and tighten around the demon’s heart and
life force, or qi—powerful geomantic magic at an unprecedented scale, if intentional.
While the influence of Chinese geomancy is noted for the siting of the Jokhang, the
laying of a foundational grid across Lake Otang and design of the temple structure
appear, in part, based in Indian concepts including Vedic mandala symbolism and in
particular, the Vastupurusha mandala (Figure 6). Traditionally, Hindu temples are based
on this mandala, or a variation thereof. As Kramrisch (1976, 6) explains: “Whenever a
Hindu temple stands…it is built in principle on the same plan, the Vastupurusa mandala.
Although this ritual diagram is neither the ground-plan of the temple nor necessarily the
plan of the site, it regulates them.” Given that Indian Buddhism which was transmitted to
Tibet developed out of Hinduism and shares many concepts with that religion it is not
surprising to find correspondences. According to Kramrisch (1976, 67), in the Vastupurusha Mandala “…the Supernal man, the Supreme Principle is beheld.” Kramrisch
(1976, 73) further explains:
The ‘Brhat Samhita’ (LII.2-3) narrates: Once there was some existing
thing (sattva) not defined by name, unknown in its proper form it blocked
heaven and earth; seeing that, the Devas (gods) seized it of a sudden and
laid it on the earth face downwards. In the same position as they were when
they seized it, the Devas stayed on it where it lay. Brahma made it full of
gods and called it Vastupurusa….
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Figure 6. Vastupurusha mandala. Drawing by the author.
In both the Tibetan srin mo myth and the Hindu Vastupurusha, therefore, we find a
magic square with an internal grid used to hold down and suppress a troublesome
entity. In the srin mo myth, a stupa (symbol for the Buddha) is at the center of the
mandala. In the Vastupurusha mandala, Brahma is at the center (“The centre, the place
of the unconditioned Brahman, is represented by Brahma, the Regent of that place”
(Kramrisch 1976, 89). Brahman refers to the Supreme Principle—“Beyond form and
non-contingent, it is beyond description” (Kramrisch 1976, 67). The Buddha stupa at the
center of Lake Otang and Brahma at the center of the purusha mandala both function in
the same way—i.e., to confine and control or suppress, dark or chaotic forces.
Looking to the visible structure of the Jokhang Temple, Alexander (2010, 211) explains,
“The Jokhang’s plan is identical to the early Indian Buddhist monastery type known as
vihara.” Both are square structures, with cells, or rooms surrounding an empty courtyard
space. Figure 7 shows the center courtyard of the Jokhang Temple.
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Figure 7. View of the Jokhang Temple center courtyard. Photo by author.
Alexander does not provide a rationale for the empty courtyard design. My belief is that
the empty center might symbolize the Buddhist concept known as sūnyatā.
Consider Figure 8. This thangka presents a mandala with Buddha at the center. The
Buddha image is a meditative aid used to evoke the concept of Buddha mind, or
emptiness, known as sūnyatā. Sūnyatā, referred to below as “the theory of emptiness,”
is central to Buddhist doctrine. The 14th Dalai Lama (2005, 46–47) explains:
According to the theory of emptiness, any belief in an objective reality
grounded in the assumption of intrinsic, independent existence is
untenable. All things and events, whether material, mental, or
even abstract concepts like time, are devoid of objective, independent
existence….Things and events are ‘empty’ in that they do not
possess any immutable essence, intrinsic reality or absolute ‘being’
that affords independence.
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Figure 8. Amitabha Buddha mandala. Author’s collection. Photo by author.
Applying this to the Jokhang Temple, the empty courtyard can be interpreted as an
allegorical representation of the sūnyatā concept.
The orientation of the Jokhang Temple has cosmological significance. The main
entrance to the temple faces west. Traditionally this is explained as memorializing that
the home of Princess Bhṛkutī—patron of the temple, was to the west, in Nepal (Dorje
1999, 78).
Figure 9 shows how the temple is oriented relative to the cardinal directions. In Hindu
and Buddhist cosmology the cardinal directions establish the four quarters of the
cosmos. Chinese influence or at least Chinese interpretation is suggested by reference
in The Mirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogy (Sørensen 1994, 260) that the
orientation of the Jokhang corresponds to the gray tiger mountain in the east, turquoiseblue dragon to the south, red cock [phoenix] mountain to the west, and black tortoise
mountain to the north (also see Mills 2007, 20). In Chinese cosmology dating back to
the Han Dynasty, these mythical animals represent the cardinal directions (Schinz
1996,127).
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Figure 9. Google Earth view showing shape and cardinal alignment of Jokhang Temple.
Satellite image date 6-18-2019. Annotation by author. Google Earth orientation for
temple matches orientation provided by assessment of Sentinel-2B satellite photo,
image date 1-22-2020, tile T46RCT with lat/long overlay, accessed through USGS
EarthExplorer.
Continuing the geomantic assessment, The Clear Mirror (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen
1996 [1368], 166) explains how the location for the Jokhang was determined by the toss
of the princess’s ring. A slightly different version is related in the Mani Kabum (Trizin
Tsering 2007 [12th century], vol. 1, 453) wherein the king tosses his own ring. In either
case, the idea that the location for the temple might be determined by a random toss is
reminiscent of Tibetan Mo divination. According to the Dunhuang manuscripts (Dotson
2007) during Imperial Tibetan times, important questions were often answered using Mo
divination. Mo divination is similar to Chinese I Ching divination. By the time of the
Chinese Tang Dynasty (AD 618–AD 907), the I Ching had been in existence for more
than one thousand years and was central to geomantic or feng shui endeavors. In Mo
divination, dice or other objects are tossed. The resulting outcome is presumed tied to a
future event. In both Mo divination and the royal ring toss, outcomes are determined by
unseen geomantic forces that guide the results.
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In the srin mo story the reference to an earth-dagger positioned on each side of the
temple layout is interesting. As I will discuss later, in Tibetan Buddhism a ritual dagger
known as a phurba is often used to hold down demons. It is likely that the phurba has its
origins in the analogous use of tent stakes used widely across the Tibetan plateau. Beer
(1999, 245) explains that by driving a phurba into the ground “the head of the invisible
‘earth serpent’ below the ground is transfixed or pinned down.” Applied to the Jokhang,
the four impaling phurbas are another geomantic method used to subdue the srin mo
demon.
Likewise, the findings of Heather Stoddard (2010; also see Richardson 1998, 198, 235)
suggest geomantic magic. Stoddard identified nine carved stones situated at different
locations within the Jokhang that she proposes are geomantic devices as prescribed by
the Chinese princess. Several of the stones are embedded in the temple’s walls, others
are on pedestals. The stones are carved in the images of a conch, garuda, lion, stupa,
and others. As Stoddard (2010, 175) explains: “…in the case of these modest stone
symbols, especially the four main ones that are embedded in the structure, they are
directed against entities in the immediate neighborhood of the Lhasa Valley.”
In addition to the design of the Jokhang there are large scale topographic relationships
that reveal geomantic considerations. Feng shui manuals explain that the ideal location
for a palace, temple or house is “typically a flat basin with protective hills in the
background. A useful watercourse such as a river, stream, or lake is situated in front”
(Yoon 2006, 217). Further, as explained by Xu (1990, 51), “mountains are referred to as
dragons.”4 Mountain ridges are called ‘dragon veins’ (Feuchtwang 1974, 141). Qi (i.e.,
life force or energy metaphorically equivalent to blood) moves along dragon veins (He
and Luo 2000, 218; Feuchtwang 1974, 141). Considered from that perspective, Figure
10 shows how the mountain ridges north of the Jokhang Temple can be interpreted as
dragon veins directing qi toward the temple.
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Figure 10. Google Earth view of mountains north of Jokhang Temple. Mountain ridge
dragon veins direct qi toward the temple. The Lhasa River is due south of the temple.
Satellite image date 6-18-2019. Annotation by author.
As per feng shui recommendations (e.g., Xu 1990, 34), the Jokhang Temple is situated
in a flat basin, or valley. Prior to being filled-in, the area was a marshy plain subject to
flooding. A remnant of the original landscape can still be seen north of the Potala, where
the marshland is preserved as a protected area.
Cutting through the area just south of the Jokhang Temple is the Lhasa River. The
meandering nature of the river is apparent as it cuts back and forth across the valley
from east to west. In feng shui belief, a meandering river allows the qi of the river to be
dissipated gently and gradually from its curves (Xu 1990, 64). In summary therefore, Xu
(1990, 31) comments: “A favorable feng-shui site should be enfolded by surrounding
hills (Yin) and a meandering river is passing through (Yang).” This ideal configuration
allows mountain and river qi to accumulate at a particular location. Qi will be strongest
at this location. This ideal location is known as the ‘dragon’s lair’, hsueh (alt. xue)
(Skinner 2006, 40; Xu 1990, 70). Notably, the location of the Jokhang Temple conforms
to the preferred feng shui situation just described and is situated in a dragon’s lair.
Indeed, the location for the Jokhang Temple precisely matches the ideal situation
20
described, for example, in the Han Dynasty text, Archetypal Burial Classic of Qing Wu
(trans. Paton 2013, 119): “With three ridges the qi is made whole and the
configurational forces converge from all directions. If the front is screened [by water]
and the back is embracing [by mountains], all the auspices will arrive in their entirety.”
Although there are no Yarlung Dynasty texts that reference the feng shui
recommendations in the precise form just given, it is interesting to note the templebuilding instructions given by Thubten Legshay Gyatsho (1979, 29):
One should seek out a place for building a temple in places that have the
following: a tall mountain behind and many hills in front, two rivers
converging in front from the right and left, a central valley of rocks and
meadows resembling heaps of grain….The four Guardians are (the four
great animals): in the east a whitish path or rock is the tiger….By the river
of the southern direction there must be verdue, which is the turquoisedragon,.,,Red earth or rock in the west is the bird….A bearded rock in the
north is the tortoise….If these four protectors are all present, the land is
perfectly endowed.
Thubten Legshay Gyatsho (1920–2007) was the abbot for the Tashi Rabten Ling
Temple in Lumbini, Nepal, and secretary general for the Council for Religious and
Cultural Offices of the Tibetan government in exile.
Tradruk Temple (Wylie: khra-’brug dgon-pa, “Thundering Falcon Temple”) (29º 11’
37.5” x 91º 46’ 20.3” E)
Located in the Yarlung Valley, traditional sources claim the Tradruk Temple (Figure 11)
was built during the reign of Songtsen Gampo and further, the temple was one of the
emperor’s twelve demon suppressing temples—intended to pin down the left shoulder
of the srin mo (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen 1996 [1368], 175) (but see Tucci 1950, 71).
21
Figure 11. View of the Tradruk Temple. Photo by Alf, licensed used, Getty Images #
879112154.
Relevant to what follows is that Tradruk is located about eight kilometers south of the
confluence of the Yarlung Tsangpo and Yarlung rivers. Every year, around late summer
and early autumn, the Yarlung Tsangpo floods as a result of monsoon rains (Wang Lei
2019). In some years the flooding is catastrophic. Mega-floods occur when glacial lakes
erode through their surrounding moraines thereby unleashing additional water into the
river. Other times, landslides block the river causing upstream flooding. One such event
occurred in October 2018 in Manling County, downstream from Tsetang, which is at the
Yarlung Tsangpo and Yarlung river confluence. The result was a barrier lake with a rise
in water level of 59 meters (Daqiong and Jia 2018). More than 6,000 people had to be
evacuated from the area. At Tsetang and in the Yarlung Valley, the situation can be
exacerbated by melting glacier ice and snow around Mount Shampo which supplies the
tributary Yarlung River.
Over the centuries Tradruk has undergone multiple renovations and expansions (Henss
2014, vol. 1, 479). These expansions, however, build-on and expand outward from the
original, square-shaped Assembly Hall (Dukhang) and the three shrines immediately to
the east (Henss 2014, vol.1, 328 and Figure 481).5
22
The orientation of Tradruk is unique. Tradruk is often shown oriented to the cardinal
directions (e.g., Henss 2014, vol.1, Figure 481). That is not accurate, however. Rather,
the minor axis of the structure extends along an azimuth of ca. 349 degrees, with its
northeast to southwest diagonal extending along an azimuth of 214 degrees (see Figure
13). My belief is that this peculiar orientation was intended to subdue a dangerous naga.
To better understand this interpretation we need to consider the temple’s foundation
legend.
The foundation story for Tradruk (Sørensen and Hazod 2005, 11, 56-57, 249) is that
while on a journey to the Yumbu Lakkhang palace in the Yarlung Valley, Emperor
Gampo and Princess Kong jo were stopped by a flood that had formed at “the
confluence of the Phyong-po and Yarlung rivers at mKhar-thog in Lower Yar, a mythic
place which according to the founding legend can be identified with the abode of the
local lake and flood monster” (Sørensen and Hazod 2005, 11). The emperor understood
that the impediment to their journey was caused by a malevolent five-headed klu or
naga who lived in the lake. To subdue the naga and depending on which version of the
story one prefers, either the emperor, or two of his priests (Sørensen and Hazod 2005,
249) proceeded to a cave on Mount Gonpo, meditated for several days and transformed
into a great falcon (khra) or Garuda (Tib. khyung mkha’ lding) (Figure 12). The Garuda
flew to the lake and when the naga emerged, the Garuda severed its heads. The lake
then dried-up, allowing entrance into the valley. Clearly it would not have been practical
to situate a temple in the middle of a river confluence. As Sørensen and Hazod (2005,
253) explain, however, the “Kra-‘brug [Tradruk Temple] and mKhra-‘brug relate
mythologically to one and the same point.”
23
Figure 12. Garuda biting a naga held between its claws. Enameled cast bronze (15.3
cm x 20.3 cm.). Author’s collection. Photo by author.
24
Figure 13a. Google Earth view showing flight path from Mount Gonpo through the
center of Tradruk to the mKhar-thog river confluence. Satellite image date 11-30-2014.
Figure 13b. Close-up view of Mount Gonpo point of origin for flight path.
Figure 13c. Close-up view showing how flight path is coincident with the diagonal axis of
Tradruk.
Figure 13d. Close-up view showing termination of flight path at mKhar-thong river
confluence.
I believe the Tradruk Temple not only commemorates the legendary event just noted
but further, was (and still is) intended to maintain control over the klu (since malevolent
entities are seldom totally obliterated and have a way of coming back). The notion that
the location and orientation of Tradruk are directly related to the naga-suppressing story
is supported by the observation that the projected flight path of the Garuda from Mount
Gonpo to the river confluence passes directly through the center of the Tradruk Temple
(Figures 13a and 13b). Moreover, the flight path is coincident with the diagonal axis of
Tradruk (Figure 13c). In other words, the diagonal axis and southwest corner of the
temple point directly to the location where the naga emerged and presumably, might
again remerge (Figure 13d). In this interpretation, the temple’s sharp corner pointing
toward the naga’s genius loci is a geomantic device representing the attacking Garuda’s
death-dealing beak and claws. In this, Tradruk is a demon suppressing temple.
Adding to the special location of the Tradruk Temple is that, as pointed out by Reinhard
Herdick (Sørensen and Hazod 2005, 267) when viewed from Tradruk, the summer
solstice sun will set between two peaks on Mount Shelbrag. My own calculations
confirm that finding (sunset az = 293º ± 1º, where horizon altitude = 7º). Additionally,
assessment of Google Earth imagery reveals that the minor axis of Tradruk points to the
confluence of the Yarlung Tsangpo and Yarlung rivers, eight kilometers to the north.
Multiple sightlines therefore triangulate and in a sense, reveal the ideal location for
Tradruk.
Interestingly, there is a statue of Manjushri in the main chapel of the temple. Manjushri
(Figure 14) is a highly regarded bodhisattva famous for creating the Kathmandu Valley
in Nepal. According to legend (Hem Raj Shakya 2004, xv), “During the Golden Age
(Satya yuga), the Nepal Valley was a vast lake known as Kalihrada, an abode of
serpents….” While on a visionary pilgrimage, crossing from China into Nepal, Manjushri
25
came to Lake Kalihrada. Situated in the middle of the lake was a beautiful, thousand
petal lotus blossom that emitted the luminous flame of enlightenment. Deciding to make
the place habitable for humans, Manjushri raised his flaming sword and cut a gorge
through a flanking mountain, allowing the lake to drain. The place where the lotus
blossom came to rest is memorialized by the 5th century, Swayambhunath Stupa.
Continuing with the legend, “After the waters of the Kalihrada were drained….a
whirlpool was beginning to rise at the spot where the lotus seed had taken root. Fearing
that it might once again fill the whole of the valley basin with water, Master Mañjuvajra
[Manjushri], holding a vajra in his hand, meditated on Hevajara and performed the act of
blocking the flow of water” (Hem Raj Shakya 2004, 13). Given Manjushri’s ability to
control water, it is not hard to imagine that people in the Yarlung Valley might hope for
similar flood mitigating magic from their Manjushri image. Contributing to the association
of Manjushri with flood waters is the manner in which the Manjushri statue came to
Tradruk. The legend is that the self-originating statue swam downstream to the river
confluence whereupon it was installed at Tradruk (Sørensen and Hazod 2005, 17, 64–
65). Sørensen and Hazod (2005, Figure 37) provide a photograph of the Manjushri
statue at Tradruk. The Tradruk statue differs a bit from the one shown in Figure 14 in
that the Tradruk figure shows the deity with upraised arms in a “swimming gesture”
(Sørensen and Hazod 2005, Figure 37 caption).
Perhaps related is that the main entrance into the Tradruk Temple faces west.
Sørensen and Hazod (2005, 17) point out that this situates the entrance facing the
Kathmandu Valley. Expanding on that observation and as noted above, the Kathmandu
Valley was where Manjushri accomplished his renowned magical feats involving the
defeat of the lake-dwelling nagas.
26
Figure 14. Cast bronze sculpture of Manjushri (21 cm. x 16 cm.). In one hand he holds
the flaming sword that cuts through obstacles and ignorance. In his other hand he holds
the lotus of enlightenment. Author’s collection. Photo by author.
Samye Monastery (Wylie: bSam-yas) (29º 39’ 10.9 N x 91º 07’ 55.3” E)
The Samye Monastery (Figure 15) is located about 51 kilometers (32 mi) southeast of
Lhasa.
27
Figure 15. View of the center temple at Samye Monastery. Photo by Nathan Freitas,
Wikimedia Commons (CC-BY 2.0).
The monastery was built ca. AD 779 during the reign of Trisong Detsen (Tib. Khri Srong
lde btsan) based on the advice of Buddhist masters Shantarakshita and Guru Rinpoche.
(Among Tibetans the Tantric master is called Guru Rinpoche, meaning “Precious
Master.” In India he is known as Padmasambhava, meaning “Lotus Born.”) According to
The Mirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogies (Sørensen 1994, 374), the location for
the Samye Temple was determined by “geomantic” means by Guru Rinpoche.
The design of Samye was modeled as a mandala of the Buddhist universe (Yeshe
Tsogyal 1993, 71–74). Unlike the Jokhang with its empty center, however, this mandala
has a multi-level structure at its center symbolizing Mount Meru (Figure 16). Mount
Meru is believed by Hindus and Buddhists to be the axis mundi and center of the
physical and spiritual universe. At Samye, four temple complexes, each containing three
temples that represent continents in the ocean, surround the Mount Meru center temple.
A wall encircling the complex represents the ring of mountains around this world. Gates
through the perimeter wall represent the four directions—although as noted below, the
site is not cardinally aligned.
28
Figure 16. Thangka showing oblique three-dimensional view of Mount Meru. Author’s
collection. Photo by author.
Samye was the base of operations for Guru Rinpoche (Figure 17). The Tantric master
came to Tibet from India at the invitation of Emperor Trisong Detsen. His first task was
to subdue various indigenous demons of Tibet as the demons were interfering with
acceptance of the new Buddhist religion and causing problems with temple
construction. At Samye, Rinpoche subdued and “bound the wicked demons and
creatures by oath” (Sørensen 1994, 374).
29
Figure 17. Statue of Guru Rinpoche. In his right hand he holds a vajra (Tib. dorje)
symbol of Vajrayana Buddhism and in Hindu mythology used by Indra to destroy
demons. He holds the vajra in the Karana mudra, a hand gesture for warding off evil. In
his left-hand Rinpoche holds a skull cup containing Amrita, the elixir of immortality. On
his left side Rinpoche has a katvanga scepter with trishul (trident) at its end. In Hindu
mythology the trishul was used by Shiva to destroy demons. Gold gild over copper (20
cm. x 15 cm.). Author’s collection. Photo by author.
Over the years Samye has been damaged by earthquakes, fire, and civil war. As a
result it has been rebuilt and restored (Dorje 1999, 173). Presumably the current
footprint follows the original mandala design in terms of orientation. That said and as
Figure 18a shows, the site is skewed by about 8º clockwise from the cardinal directions.
As Figure 18b shows, the northwest to southeast diagonal of the square-shaped center
temple extends along an azimuth of 142.7º ± 1º. Conversely, the reciprocal diagonal
extends along an azimuth of 322.7º ± 1º. The ± 1º range reflects limitations to the
accuracy of measurements mainly due in this case to parallax but also image resolution
30
as related to where the Google Earth measurement line locks on to.6 Unfortunately I
have no ground-truthed survey data for the temple and little prospect of being allowed to
conduct a proper GPS and total station survey.
Figure 18a. Google Earth image of Samye Monastery. The complex is skewed
clockwise from the cardinal directions by about 8 degrees.
Figure 18b. Detail of Google Earth image showing center temple. Yellow line shows
diagonal axis with azimuth of 142.7º. Image date 7-17-2019. Annotation by author.
In any case, when the northwest to southeast diagonal of Samye is extended, it is found
to intersect Mount Shampo—74.5 kilometers (46 mi) to the southeast (Figures 19a–
31
19c). Specifically, as plotted using the Google Earth measurement tool, the azimuth
from Samye to Mount Shampo is 142.4º. Accordingly, the diagonal axis of Samye points
to Mount Shampo to within three-tenths of one degree (142.7º – 142.4º = 0.3º).
Figures 19a + b. Google Earth images showing 142.4º azimuth plotted from Samye to
Mount Shampo. Image date 12-14-2011. Annotation by author.
Figure 19c. Illustration showing how diagonal of a square can be interpreted as a
directional arrow or phurba. Drawing by author.
The significance of this finding is that Mount Shampo is a manifestation of Yarlha
Shampo—one of the “four great mountain gods” in pre-Buddhist and imperial Tibetan
belief (Jisheng 2001, 343). Visually Mount Shampo is one of the most impressive
mountains in the region; and it is the source of the Yarlung River which provides water
for the fertile Yarlung Valley.
Tibetan mountain gods control weather phenomena; and as the result of melting snows
on Mount Shampo, Yarlha Shampo had the power to cause floods—including in the
Yarlung Valley and occasionally did so. Given that the Yarlung Valley was central to
agricultural production for the Yarlung Dynasty it was necessary to ‘tame’ or subdue the
32
deity. During the ensuing spiritual battle between Guru Rinpoche and Yarlha Shampo,
the mountain deity “manifested himself as a white yak the size of a mountainside. With
his nose steaming like assembled clouds, his roar like thunder, and his breath storming
like a blizzard, he brought down lightning and hail” (Yeshe Tsogyal 1993, 63). After
overcoming Yarlha Shampo, Rinpoche bound the deity by oath to be a protector of the
Dharma (Gyalbo, Hazod, and Sørensen 2000, fn. 83).
Looking the other way, the southeast to northwest diagonal axis of the Samye Temple is
322.7º ± 1º. This azimuth intersects Mount Nenchen Tanglha—149 kilometers (90 mi) to
the northwest (Figures 20a and 20b). Like Mount Shampo, Mount Nyenchen Tanglha is
identified as one of the four great mountain gods of pre-Buddhist and imperial Tibet
(Jisheng 2001, 343). Known by the same name as the mountain, this mountain deity
rides a flying white horse and brandishes a crystal sword (Jisheng 2001, 349).
Figures 20a + b. Google Earth images showing 322.7º azimuth plotted from Samye to
Mount Nyenchen Thangla. Image date 12-30-2016. Annotation by author.
Figure 20c. Illustration showing how diagonal of a square can be interpreted as a
directional arrow or phurba. Drawing by author.
33
And, like Yarlha Shampo, Nyenchen Tanglha was one of the indigenous gods subdued
by Guru Rinpoche—apparently for good cause. The story is that in the year prior to
Rinpoche’s arrival in Tibet, Yarlha Shampo caused a flood in the Yarstod area, while
Nyenchen Tanglha caused a fire by lightning at Lhasa (Gyalbo, Hazod, and Sørensen
2000, fn. 83).
Sources say that the oath of allegiance that Nyenchen Tanglha was compelled to swear
to protect Buddhism was administered at the Samye Monastery (Nebesky-Wojkowitz
1956, 205)—thereby affirming a connection between the mountain god and monastery.
Indeed, the location of Samye with respect to Mount Shampo and Mount Nyenchen
Tanglha could not have been better. It is one of the few locations that allows for
reciprocal azimuths to simultaneously intersect two of the four indigenous mountain
gods (Figures 21a–e).
In geomantic terms, the diagonal axis of the Samye Temple can be thought-of as an
arrow (e.g., feng shui “deadly arrow”—see Feuchtwang 1974, 91, 115), ritual phurba, or
vajra aimed at Yarlha Shampo in one direction and Nenchen Tanglha in the other
direction. All of these weapons were used by Tantric Buddhists to defeat demons. For
ancient Tibetans the bow and arrow was an important weapon, for both ritual and mortal
combat. There were many kinds of arrows used for different purposes including poison
arrows as well as ‘spirit’ or magical arrows used against demons (Beer 1999, 270–272).
Nebesky-Wojkowitz (1953, 510) describes a Tibetan New Year ceremony wherein the
presiding Dharma master shoots magic arrows “to drive away the malevolent demons.”
Likewise, Mumford (1989, 123-124) describes an annual “arrow-shooting festival called
Da Gyab (mda’ rgyab)….which defeats the demonic forces for that year.” So too the
tantric deity Kurukulla wields a bow and arrow and “shoots demons and negative energy
with her magical arrows, which are covered in blood” (Müller-Ebeling, Rätsch and
Bahadur 2002, 212).
In the early 1900s a visitor to Samye observed in one of the smaller temples, “a quiver
named ‘rainbow’ with 7 notched arrows that belonged to the Great Teacher
34
Padmasambhava. It has a golden seal that belonged to the Great Teacher
Padmasambhava” (Martin 2014, 8). While it seems doubtful that these arrows survived
since the time of Guru Rinpoche, it is interesting to note the attribution of arrows found
at Samye to the Tantric master and of course, the discovery is consistent with the
concept of the deadly arrow discussed above.
According to Müller-Ebeling, Rätsch and Bahadur (2000, 211) “The arrow is…one of the
many forms of the phurba.” The phurba (Tib.) (or kīla in Skt.) (Figure 21a) is a three
bladed weapon used in Tantric rituals. The phurba works by focusing energy that is
directed at a demon or spiritual obstacle with the result of transfixing or destroying the
demon or obstacle. Like the deadly arrow discussed above, the diagonal axis of Samye
with its pointed corners can be thought of as a phurba.
Figure 21a. Three-bladed phurba (15.2 cm. brass and copper with silver accents).
Figures 21b + c. Base stand for phurba (brass). Note the corresponding demons on the
phurba stand and within the triangle shown in Figure 22.
Figure 21d. Phurba (20 cm. copper) in stand.
35
Figure 21e. Vajra weapon (13 cm. brass). Author’s collection. Photos by author, not to
scale.
Described in the Hindu Vedas (Cantwell and Mayer 2008, 19, 22) and Dunhuang
manuscripts (Cantwell and Mayer 2008, 36), the phurba is one of the weapons wielded
by Vajrakīlaya (Tib. rDo rje phur pa)—patron deity of the Nyingma sect founded by Guru
Rinpoche (Figure 23). Indeed Guru Rinpoche used the phurba to subdue the demons at
Samye. The Tibetan chronicle rGyal-rabs gsal-ba’ i ma-long explains: “Thereupon the
Teacher bound the wicked demons and creatures by oath which [thus] eliminated all
destructive impediments [threatening the prospective edifice]….[whereafter
Padmasambhava performed the ritual of] planting the [kīla-]dagger into the ground,
whereby the soil was blessed” (Sørensen 1994, 374–375, brackets by Sørensen).
Murals showing the phurba being used by Guru Rinpoche at Samye are illustrated by
Dunham (2004, 26, 29). The murals are not contemporaneous with Rinpoche. They are,
however, illustrative of the founding legend and show that in traditional belief, the
temple was consecrated by means of demon suppressing rituals using the phurba (also
see Beer 1999, 246). Figure 22 shows a detail from one of the murals. Here, Rinpoche
is subduing a demon (dgra) using a phurba. The dgra is the indigenous demon
occupying the locale where the temple is to be built. The representation of the demon
as bound indicates that the entity has been bound by oath to be a protector of the
Dharma. The triangle form surrounding the demon is known as a ling ga (Tucci 1970,
fig. 15c, 174–175). The same demon-defeating concept is represented in Figure 21d
showing a ling ga used as a stand for a phurba which has penetrated the demon’s
torso.
36
Figure 22. Detail of wall mural at Samye showing Guru Rinpoche consecrating the
ground for temple construction. Rinpoche is subduing the demon using a phurba. From
Dunham 2004, 26. Used with permission.
37
Figure 23. Tantric deity Vajrakīlaya (demon defeater) with consort. He holds two vajras,
two tridents, and at center, a phurba clasped between his right and left hands. Cast
bronze (23 cm. x 21 cm.). Author’s collection. Photo by author.
Another ritual weapon used by Rinpoche (and the Tantric deity Vajrakīlaya) was the
vajra (meaning thunderbolt or diamond in Skt.). In the Hindu Rigveda the vajra was
used by the Indra to slay the serpent Vrita. According to legend, the prongs on either
end of the weapon were originally open. They were closed by Buddha as a symbol of
peace. Either way—as an open prong stabbing weapon, or closed blunt force
implement, the vajra is a powerful weapon. Concerning his use of the vajra at Samye,
Guru Rinpoche reportedly said: “With my blessings, I purified the ground upon which the
monastery was to be built…I coerced the gods and evil spirits of the place into
obedience with the dancing motion of the Vajra” (Dowman 1973, 86).
Like the feng shui arrow and phurba, the diagonal axis of Samye can be interpreted as
a vajra. In this interpretation the two ends of the vajra correspond to the opposing
corners of the temple’s diagonal axis (Figure 24a).
Reinforcing the notion that the diagonal axis of the Samye Temple represents a vajra or
phurba are four large chortens situated around the center temple. The square formed by
the chortens is oriented in the same direction as the temple. Thus the chortens provide
a redundant demon suppressing function in their horizontal layout as well as vertical
suppression devices as phurbas stabbed into the ground.
38
Figure 24a. Google Earth view showing how Mount Nyenchen Thangla, Samye, and
Mount Shampo are in direct line with each other. Annotation by author.
Figure 24b. Close-up view showing how line drawn between Mount Nyenchen Thangla
and Mount Shampo intersects Samye. Annotation by author.
Figure 24c. Figure showing how the diagonal of Samye with its two sharp ends can be
interpreted as a vajra. Annotation by author.
Given the above, I believe the orientation of Samye can be interpreted as a geomantic
technique intended to pin down or suppress the mountain deities, Nyenchen Tanglha
and Yarlha Shampo. In this manner, Samye controls two out of four of Tibet’s most
sacred and most dangerous mountain deities. In this, Samye is a powerful addition to
Tibet’s demon suppressing web.
Discussion
Comparing the orientations of Jokhang and Samye it is instructive to note that while the
Jokhang is precisely oriented to the cardinal directions, Samye is skewed from those
directions by about 8º. This is a significant deviation. For the Jokhang, I suspect that the
gnomon shadow method was used to establish true north. The method was already
known for more than one thousand years in India (Yano 1986) and China (Li 2014).
Since Samye was built after the Jokhang, we can infer that Samye could have been
more precisely oriented to the cardinal directions if so desired. As suggested I believe
39
the intentional skew of Samye was intended to align the diagonal axis of the site to the
two mountains identified.
Given the distances involved, however, a question that arises is how the posited Samye
alignments might have been accomplished. We have no direct information in that
regard. What is known, however, is that, as early as 200 BC, the Chinese were building
very long roads, straight across difficult terrain (Pankenier 2020, 224). Moreover,
Needham (1959, vol. 3, 571) documents Chinese use of sighting-tubes (Chi. wang
thung) and survey range or sighting poles as early as the Han Dynasty.
If I might speculate then: using a simple tripod-mounted sighting tube in combination
with a vertical range pole, a survey line could have been established between Samye
and the two mountains using less than two hundred intermediary survey stations in
each direction. In fact, by establishing survey stations on intervening ridges, even fewer
stations would likely have been needed. To begin with, the surveyor would establish his
point of beginning as station 1 or S1 in the area of the future temple. The tripod-mounted
sighting tube would be placed at S1. Looking through the tube, the surveyor would direct
a rodman to walk in the direction of the mountain, to the furthest point wherein the rod is
visible through the tube. At this point—say several hundred meters distant, the rodman
marks the foresight location. This will be S2. A straight line, S1– S2, extending in the
approximate direction of the mountain has now been established.
Leaving a marker at S1 the surveyor next moves to S2. From S2 the surveyor backsights
to S1. Keeping the sighting tube immobile and aimed at S1 the surveyor next sights
through the tube in the opposite direction, to a new position that will be S3. The rodman
will be several hundred yards distant and the surveyor will direct the rodman right or left
until the range pole is centered in the sighting tube. If the procedure is properly carried
out then S1, S2, and S3 will be in a straight line. The same procedure is repeated as many
times as needed until the line between S1 and the Sn target mountain is completed. By
placing flags or other markers along the line, the line can be adjusted laterally as
needed until it intersects both the point of beginning and target appropriately.
The problems involved in designing a square having a diagonal that points to a specific
mountain are not difficult. Depending on the distance, a bit of leg work is involved; but
40
certainly the operation is doable even across many kilometers. Moreover, the method I
just outline is not the only way of laying out a straight line across long distances. Lewis
(2001, 217–246) has suggested several alternative methods. In any case, if the
technology needed to establish true north and long survey lines was known to the
ancient Chinese and Indians then it was also likely known to the Tibetans given the
many centuries of cultural exchange between the cultures. What makes the Samye
situation of special geomantic interest is how the location of the temple appears to have
been selected to accommodate double demon-suppressing alignments.
With regard to the horizontal demon suppressing technique discussed, it is useful to
point out that this magical technique has been employed throughout Asia for millennia.
Mills (2007, 22) reminds us of a dramatic example dating to the Tang Dynasty. The
Leshan sculpture is a 71-meter tall statue of the Maitreya (future) Buddha carved out of
a sheer rock cliff. The sculpture was begun in AD 713, roughly 65 years after Songtsen
Gampo’s death. The statue is situated at the confluence of the Minjiang and Yuexi rivers
in Sichuan province, China. Many people are said to have perished in the turbulent
waters of the river confluence. An inscription at the site made upon completion of the
work explains that the intent of the sculpture was to drive “the monsters away from the
deep water” (translation by PRC, quoted by Mills 2007, 23). The Buddha faces the river.
Concluding remarks
In this paper, previously unreported geomantic and magical practices involving the
design and siting of three Imperial Dynasty structures were identified. For the Jokhang
Temple it was suggested that the foundation grid underlying the temple was intended to
suppress the srin mo demon at that location. Also identified for the Jokhang were
landscape relationships corresponding to feng shui practices intended to maximize the
positive influence of qi. For the Tradruk Temple it was shown how the location and
orientation of that structure memorialize the defeat of a malevolent naga by the
legendary Garuda. For Samye, it was shown how the off-cardinal orientation of the
central temple can be accounted for by alignment to two sacred mountains that were
the dwelling places of indigenous yul lhar spirits. These mountain deities were the cause
of multiple calamities. According to the interpretation offered, the mountain deities were
41
subdued using magical arrows, ritual phurbas, and vajra weapons. These penetrating
weapons are symbolized by the diagonal axis of Samye which points rather precisely to
the very heart of the troublesome spirits in their manifestations as special mountains.
Given the foregoing it is likely that future research will find many, or even most, Tibetan
temples and monasteries geomantically situated relative to the landscape. Much work
needs to be done.
Notes
1. Regarding the Mani Kabum, Kapstein (1992, 80) explains that: “This entire mass of
textual material—usually assembled in two volumes containing about 700 folia in all—
was discovered as gter-ma by some three discoverers of spiritual treasure (gter-ston)
over a period lasting approximately one century, beginning, it appears, in the middle of
the XIIth” (also see Sørensen 2000, 147).
2. There is some controversy concerning the age of the princess when she was sent to
Tibet, who she was intended to marry, and even the extent of her role in helping to
establish the Jokhang Temple (see e.g., Dotson 2009, 22; Yamaguchi 1970).
3. The book translated by Sørensen (1994) titled, The Mirror Illuminating the Royal
Genealogies: An Annotated Translation of the XIVth Century Tibetan Chronicle: rGyalrabs gsal-ba’I me-long was compiled by Sakya Buddhist Master Sonam Gyaltsen in
1368. The document provides accounts concerning the origins of the Tibetan people,
background material on early kings, documents the arrival of Buddhism into Tibet, and
relates the history of important shrines. Taylor and Yuthok (1996) also published a
translation of the same chronicle.
4. The term “dragon” is ubiquitous in feng shui literature. As Feuchtwang (1974, 141)
explains, “The most basic form in a geomantic situation is what every feng-shui manual
is called the dragon. It is what all topographical formations resemble. The dragon
appears in many ways to the Chinese and has very many meanings even within fengshui.” In other words, the dragon is a metaphor or image used to help visualize
landforms or phenomena. Thus there are mountain dragons, river dragons, valley
dragons, cloud dragons, and others.
42
5. I would not get too caught-up with the question of whether or not the restored
structures of Tradruk and Samye are true to their original orientations. It seems likely
that the restorations followed the original orientations, However, for the purposes of the
discussion here, the issue is not critical. The salient point is that whoever built these
structures—whether earlier or later, arguably oriented them with respect to the
geomantic concepts noted.
6. It is not possible to quantify the accuracy of ‘heading’ information generated by the
Google Earth ruler, especially in this region of the world. There are multiple reasons for
this. First, the Google Earth program attempts to overlay and merge flat satellite photos
onto a spherical earth model. However, there is no perfect fit. As a result, heading data
can vary from true due to issues associated with map projection, as well as
georeferencing, orthorectification, image resolution, parallax, and even the zoom factor
being used. A sense of the accuracy of the Google Earth heading measurement for a
particular project, however, can be gauged by calculating the azimuth between locations
using latitude and longitude. My preference in this regard is for the online program at:
http://www.ga.gov.au/geodesy/datums/vincenty_inverse.jsp. For the present case the
following latitude and longitude coordinates are used: Samye = 29.326528 N x
91.502444 E; Mt. Shampo = 28.800667 N x 91.964472 E; Mt. Nyenchen Thangla =
30.3888889 N x 90.5594444. Using the above referenced inverse Vincenty formula, the
calculated Samye to Mt. Shampo azimuth is 142.2º. The Samye to Mt. Nyenchen
Thangla azimuth is 322.5º. Notably, the calculated azimuth from Samye to Mt. Shampo
is the same as indicated using the Google Earth measurement tool. The longer,
calculated azimuth from Samye to Mt. Nyenchen Thangla agrees with the Google Earth
measurement to within three-tenths of one degree.
Acknowledgements
Special thanks to Mikel Dunham for permission to reproduce his excellent photograph of
the Samye Temple mural. For useful comments and discussions my sincere thanks to
Per K. Sørensen, Georg Zotti, and Guntram Hazod. I am solely responsible for any
errors. May all living beings be happy.
43
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