THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO:
A HISTORICAL AND ART HISTORICAL STUDY
OLAF CZAJA
Introduction
Among the numerous festivals held throughout Tibetan history, the
Maitreya Prayer Festival at Bkra shis lhun po (“Tashilhünpo”) Monastery was especially renowned. It was not only widely known in its home
region, but its fame extended far beyond the borders of Gtsang (“Tsang”),
reaching even Mongolia. In Tibetan sources, it is variously called the
Prayer Festival of Maitreya (byamspa’ismonlam), the Great Prayer
Festival of Maitreya (byamspa’ismonlamchenmo), or simply the Great
Prayer Festival (smon lam chen mo). One also finds the designation
Prayer Festival of the Fifth Month (zlabalngapa’ismonlam). The exact
year when the festival was introduced is not known, but it seems that it
was established in the first half of seventeenth century under the Fourth
Panchen Lama. It was celebrated for three days in the summer, beginning on the fifteenth day of the fifth Tibetan month. A giant scroll painting
(thangka) was unfurled on each of the three days, respectively displaying
the Buddhas Amitābha, Śākyamuni, and Maitreya. Numerous rituals and
ceremonies were conducted during the festival, many of them attended
by the Panchen Lama himself.
The festival dedicated to Maitreya, the future Buddha, was deeply rooted
in the spiritual imagination of a scared landscape, in which Bkra shis lhun
po was reimagined as the holy Mount Meru, the center of the physical
and metaphysical universe, and the abbot’s residence as Ketumatī, the
divine palace of Maitreya in the Tuṣita heaven. Important statues built
by abbots and Panchen Lamas at Bkra shis lhun po gave expression to
the special bond the monastery enjoyed with this Buddha, who hopefully
would soon descend to earth to preach the dharma and teach all sentient
beings. The festival played an important role in perpetuating such pious
JournaloftheInternationalAssociationofBuddhistStudies
Volume 41 • 2018 • 55–116 • doi: 10.2143/JIABS.41.0.3285739
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wishes and beliefs. The celebration was an integral part of the monastic
and lay calendars of festivals. Held in the middle of the summer, pilgrims
and visitors from far away could participate in the celebrations. Moreover,
holding the festival in this season allowed the monastery to perform rainmaking rituals during the festival to ensure a good harvest, which was
particularly important to the peasant population. Furthermore, it is safe to
say that the festival bound the local aristocracy of the province of Gtsang
to the Dge lugs monastic establishment of Bkra shis lhun po, giving them
an opportunity not only to accumulate religious merit, but also to consolidate social hierarchies. On the monastic side, the auspicious nature of the
festival was an excellent occasion to make important announcements and
decisions. In general, the festival served to establish and strengthen existing relationships and alliances, be they spiritual, political, or both.
In this article, I will examine precisely where in Bkra shis lhun po the
festival was held, how it was funded and who participated. I will discuss
the performance of some important prayers, ceremonies, and rituals, and
the teachings given during the festival, as well as highlight some of the
announcements and long-life prayers made during the festivities. I will
emphasize that, alongside these rituals, the festival also served to strengthen
religious and political ties. In the final section of the article I will discuss
the giant thangkas displayed during the Maitreya Prayer Festival, investigating the tradition of producing oversized textile thangkas at Bkra shis lhun
po and their continuous renovation and sometimes complete replacement
during the reigns of successive Panchen Lamas. The iconography of the
giant thangkas shown in the 1990s will be examined in detail. Finally,
some concluding remarks will be offered.
1. Maitreya Worship at Bkra shis lhun po and the Maitreya Prayer
Festival
Over the centuries, the Dge lugs school has developed an intimate relationship with the Future Buddha, Maitreya.1 Tradition holds that Atiśa was
1
I would like to thank Jan Seifert for editing the images of this paper and William
McGrath and Andrew Taylor for editing the English version of this essay. I am also thankful to both anonymous reviewers for their comments and suggestions. All remaining mistakes are entirely my own.
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
57
reborn as bodhisattva Nam mkha’ dri med (*Ākāśavimala or *Gaganāmala)
in the Tuṣita heaven of Maitreya. The same has also been said about Tsong
kha pa who has taken rebirth at the same heavenly abode as bodhisattva
’Jam dpal snying po (*Mañjuśrīgarbha). A devotional prayer, known as
TheHundredGodsofTuṣita(Dga’ldanlhabrgyama), which is a special
kind of worship that focuses on one’s own teacher (blama’irnal’byor,
guruyoga), praises Tsong kha pa as emanating from the heart of Maitreya.
Composed by Shes rab seng ge (1383–1445/6), it was handed down orally
until it was written down by ’Dul nag pa Dpal ldan bzang po (1402–1473)
at Srad rgyud Dga’ ldan pho brang monastery in Gtsang province, the
earliest Tantric college of the Dge lugs school. It became a very important
prayer for Dge lugs liturgy and was performed and practiced in all religious institutions of the school.2
Historically and politically speaking, this new kind of liturgical worship
was part of the efforts on the Dge lugs side to gain influence in Gtsang,
which was a Sa skya stronghold at that point. Dge ’dun grub (1391–1474)
founded the monastery of Bkra shis lhun po in 1447, as well as his abbatial
residence of Rgyal mtshan mthon po, a year later. The latter is the Tibetan
name for Ketumatī, the palace of Maitreya, which is supported by the fact
that Bkra shis lhun po, literally meaning the “Mountain of Auspiciousness,”
alludes the cosmic mountain Mount Meru. In other words, the monastery
represents the center of the physical universe and Maitreya’s palace in
Tuṣita Heaven is embodied by the residence of its abbot. This also found
its expression in the erection of a Maireya statue-cum-temple in Bkra shis
lhun po from 1459 to 1463, which became one of the most venerated
statues of the monastery. The worship of the Future Buddha continued
unabated throughout the centuries, culminating in a colossal Maitreya
statue commissioned by the 9th Panchen Lama (1883–1937), one of the
largest statues in Tibet.3
Although the paintings and statues of Maitreya created in Bkra shis
lhun po were eminently important objects of worship, the adoration of the
Future Buddha was not limited to Bkra shis lhun po. In the biographies of
2
This prayer is also the subject of a forthcoming study. Full references will be given there.
A study on the Maitreya belief in the Dge lugs school is currently in preparation. The
entire issue will be discussed in more detail in a forthcoming article.
3
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OLAF CZAJA
the Panchen Lama, one can see that they were fully aware of important
Maitreya sculptures in other monasteries. Rituals at the colossal statue in
Khro phu monastery, for example, had already begun under the direction
of Dge ’dun grub, who lead a prayer festival in front of the statue in 1448.
The 6th Panchen Lama also made luxurious offerings to the Maitreya in
Khro phu in 1767 to demonstrate the high level of his pious commitment:
A monk’s robe fitting [Maitreya’s] proportions was made from twenty-two
large panels of golden satin from the Imperial Treasure House with a label
containing a prayer in verses and an imprint of the golden seal [of the Panchen
Lamas?], a large water flask of gilded copper larger than a fathom in height,
victory banners of silk, a panel of white satin, eight panels of welcome scarves
of auspiciousness from the Imperial Treasure House, and approximately
242 grams of fine gold for gilding the face.4
Similarly substantial offerings were also made to the Maitreya statues at
Rdzing phyi, Chos ’khor rgyal, and Byams pa gling chos sde monasteries.
Thus, it is justified to say that the Dge lugs Maitreya worship was not
restricted to Bkra shis lhun po, but clearly had transregional features.
The same can be said in regard to the famous Maitreya Festival, which
took place in the summer.5 It was unique in its scale and structure, but it
was not the only monastic gathering in which Maitreya was revered. The
great winter festival of the doctrine (dgunchoschenmo), for example, also
took an important place in the liturgical life of the Dge lugs monasteries
(Tucci 2012 [1980]: 144). It started on the seventeenth day of the eleventh
month and lasted to the sixteenth day of the twelfth month. Within this
time, a variety of activities were performed, such as monk examinations,
4
khrophubyamschenlamdzodgosserpoyugchennyishurtsagnyislasgrubpa’i
snamsbyarrungbatshaddangldanpazhalbyangsmontshigscangsertham’byarba/
gserzangskyispyiblugscheba’phangdu’domganglhagtsamyodpadang/ goschen
gyirgyalmtshan/ gosjusdkaryugdang/ mdzodbtags’dombrgyad/ zhalgsergyirgyur
gserbtulmamgurzhosumcu/ stongmchodsnalngatshargsum, Dpalldanyeshesrnam
thar 445/10. The weight measurement mgurzho is used in the area of Bkra shis lhun po,
Schuh 2010b. Its absolute weight is unknown. The weight of approximately 220 grams is
just a rough calculation based on the assumption that 1 seba is equal to 0.253 grams. See
Schuh 2010b.
5
There are no academic studies on this festival. In fact, most of publications on Tibetan
festival mainly focus on Lha sa and adjacent areas; see Richardson 1993, Rigzin 1993,
Ngag dbang rgyal mtshan 1999 [1974], Skal bzang mkhas grub and Chung tshe ring 2002,
Hovden 2007, Hovden 2011.
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
59
ceremonies, prayers, and the Prayer to Maitreya.6 The Maitreya Prayer was
one of the five most important prayers recited by followers of the Dge lugs
school, collectively known as the Five Aspiration Prayers (smonlamlnga).7
It seems that some of the giant fabric thangkas showing Maitreya were
specifically made for the Prayer to Maitreya event, like the thangka commissioned by the 8th Dalai Lama for his late teacher, Ye shes rgyal mtshan,
after his demise in 1793.8
2. The Celebration of the Festival and Related Activities
Unfortunately, there is no historical or modern Tibetan work that provides detailed information about the festival, except for a short account
by Byams pa thub bstan (Byams pa thub bstan 1991: 124ff.). According
to him, the textile thangkas that were to be displayed were ceremonially
‘invited’ by the monks of the Tantric college, and the ‘invitation’ was
performed by playing music with honorary umbrellas and victory banners
(figs. 3, 4). On the first day the thangka of Amitābha was displayed, on
the second it was Śākyamuni, and Maitreya on the third. After they were
unfurled, immense offerings were spread out before them. At the beginning of the festival, on the fifteenth day of the fifth Tibetan month, the
monastic community of Bkra shis lhun po, chaired by the Panchen Lama,
gathered at the G.yul thang chen mo plain and performed a confession
ritual (gsosbyong). After a seven-branch service (yanlagbdunpa), a
cleansing ritual (khrusgsol) and a consecration (rabgnas) were held, and
the Panchen Lama or his representative recited an aspiration prayer (thugs
smon) and made a “speech of truth” (bdenbrjod) for the happiness and
well-being of the Buddhist doctrine and all living creatures. While this contributed to the spiritual advancement of the monks’ community, laymen
6
See, for instance, the monastery of Se ra, Cabezón 2006.
They consist of the PrayerofGoodActions(Bzangspyodsmonlam), the Prayerof
Maitreya (Byamspa’ismonlam), the PrayerofEngagingintheBodhisattvaDeeds (Spyod
’jugsmonlam), the PrayeroftheVirtuousBeginning,Middle,andEnd (Thogmtha’’bar
dudgeba’ismonlam) and the PrayerofRebirthinSukhāvatī(Bdebacanduskyeba’i
smonlam).
8
This will be discussed in more detail in a forthcoming study on giant Maitreya textile
thangkas produced under Ngag dbang blo bzang chos ldan (1642–1714), ’Jam dpal rgya
mtsho (1758–1804), and Dharmabhadra (1772–1851).
7
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OLAF CZAJA
could also benefit spiritually. As Byams pa thub bstan explains (Byams pa
thub bstan 1991: 124), the habits (bagchags) of seeing, hearing, remembering, and touching are purified through the ritual, so that the gates to the
accumulations of merit and wisdom (tshogsgnyis) will be truly opened in
the mental continuum (rgyud) of the countless people who attend the feast,
where they can see the giant textile thangkas, and they will be reborn at
the very beginning of the first teachings of the future Buddha Maitreya.
The brief description given by Byams pa thub bstan has also been supplemented by an eye-witness account published in 1902. When Sarat Chandra
Das was in Bkra shis lhun po monastery in 1882, he attended the famous
Maitreya Festival and was clearly impressed as his vivid description shows:
On June 29 the summer prayer ceremony (or monlam) was celebrated. All
the monks of Tashilhunpo, some three thousand odd, assembled at Chyagtsal-gang. A satin wall or gyabyal, 1000 feet in circumference, was erected,
and inside it was a great State canopy, under which the Panchen rinpoche’s
throne was placed. He was unable to be present, but his stole and mitre were
put on the throne, and round it thronged the lamas in order of precedence
and rank. The people of Shigatse were there, some under tents, others under
bowers of cypress and willow branches, all amusing themselves singing and
joking. A mast about 120 feet high was erected, and ropes stretched from it
to the great Kiku building, and on these were hung pictures of all the gods of
the pantheon. At Shigatse, the while, there was racing and military manoeuvres and drill.
The following day was sacred to Dipankara Buddha, and his picture was
made to occupy a prominent place in the exhibition. This representation of
him was about 100 feet high, and skilfully worked in different coloured
satins. On either side of it were gigantic representations of the Buddha.
All the lamas and nobles of Shigatse with their families made merry under
the great tent in the Chyag-tsal-gang. Sumptuous dinners, cooked by the best
native and Chinese cooks, were served to the great personages of Tashilhunpo
and of the Government. Many persons had pitched tents near the great one, and
were amusing themselves there with their families and friends. From morning
to evening the deafening music of drums, cymbals, and trumpets never ceased.
No one was absent from the fête save the Grand Lama, who, it was rumoured,
was laid up with small-pox at Tobgyal, where he had gone after a visit to
the hot springs of Tanag. On either side of the great nine-storied building
of Kiku, between Shigatse and Tashilhunpo, were two huge lions in which
men were concealed these were moved about from time to time to the great
delight of the people.
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
61
The next day was the full moon, and was sacred to Sakya Buddha. The great
picture of Dipankara Buddha was removed, and one of Sakya Sinha, of gigantic size, and surrounded by all the Buddhas of past and future ages, took its
place. This picture was brought out from the lamasery to the sound of deafening music, and with great ceremony. Ten black priests (Nagpa), well versed
in tantrik rituals, conducted a solemn religious service, and were assisted by
300 lamas from Tsomaling chanting hymns.
In the plain of Chyag-tsal-gang the lamas and people again feasted and
enjoyed themselves as on the previous day.
On the morrow (July 2) the picture of Sachya tubpa was displaced for one of
the Buddha who is to come, Maitreya (or Chyamba). It was brought out and
hung up with the same ceremony as was observed on the preceding days. This
day Tashilhunpo was open to women, and crowds of them in the gayest and
richest apparel visited the temples and shrines. Ugyen estimated the value
of the head-dress of one lady he saw at 40,000 rupees. In the evening every
one went and touched with his or her head the picture of Chyamba, and thus
received his blessing.9
Both descriptions are invaluable accounts, and it is highly regrettable that
no Tibetan treatises are currently available that would document in detail
the liturgical ceremonies and activities that were observed when unfolding the large textile thangkas in Bkra shis lhun po. It can be assumed that
there would have been such works. In the case of the Sa skya school, for
example, the thirty-first throne holder, Kun dga’ blo gros (1729–1783),
has written a short text explaining when and how sacrifices are to be made,
which forms of worship are to be performed, how the ritual circumambulation should be performed, and which particular assignment and sequence
of appearances should be observed by the persons involved in the rituals.10
Treatises of this type were also known in the Dge lugs school. Dkon mchog
bstan pa’i sgron me (1762–1823), for example, described the liturgical
recitations that were to be made when a great textile thangka of Akṣobhya
9
Das 1902: 198ff. The “great Kiku building” is the wall for displaying the giant
textile thangkas (gossku). The Chyag-tsal-gang (Phyag ’tshal sgang) is presumably the
G.yul thang chen mo plain. Tobgyal (Thob rgyal) and Tanag (Rta nag) are both in Gtsang
province.
10
Gosskuzhal’byedthochung. It seems that Kun dga’ blo gros wrote his brief undated
work to be consulted for special occasions such as the funeral ceremonies for a deceased Sa
skya throne-holder when the famous “black pendants” (’phan nag) and textile thangkas
were put at public display. For Kun dga’ blo gros, see Schmidt 2015.
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was unfurled during a certain festival.11 Even if no such treatises on the
Maitreya Festival in Bkra shis lhun po are currently known, the sources
contain some information that is of interest with regard to the historical
development of the Maitreya Festival.
TheVenueoftheFestival
The Maitreya Festival would take place from the fourteenth to the sixteenth
of the fifth Tibetan month. The center of the festivities was Bkra shis lhun
po monastery, and unlike at some other festivals, other distant locations do
not seem to have been involved. Most important rituals were conducted in
the G.yul thang chen mo plain, whose name literally means the “Great
Battlefield” or the “Great Threshing Floor.” The shift in location to the
plain appears to have been a later development, however, presumably in
connection with the growing popularity of the festival and the increase in
the number of monks involved. At the time of the 5th Panchen Lama Blo
bzang ye shes, the monastic gathering for liturgical ceremonies – that is,
the offerings and the confession ritual – took place in the Skyid skyid na
kha garden outside the monastery.12 The rituals took place in the garden
under the 6th Panchen Lama and presumably under the 7th Panchen Lama
as well.13 This is probably the same garden east of the monastery that Ye
shes rtse mo (b. 1433) acquired during his time as abbot of Bkra shis lhun
po.14 There was a temple dedicated to Śākyamuni and the Arhats (Gnas
bcu’i lha khang) on the site, and in 1825 the 7th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i
nyi ma gave an order to erect a summer residence known as Bkra shis kun
skyob gling in the vicinity of this temple.15 The palace had several private
11
Mi’khrugspagossku’donrim. According to the colophon, he wrote his work when
he came from his hermitage Yid dga’ chos ’dzin, which is in the vicinity of his main seat,
the monastery of Bla brang, for the annual offering ceremonies commemorating Tshong kha
pa’s death that were traditionally held on the 25th day of the 10th month. The festival dedicated to Buddha Akṣobhya is said to be performed for three days, starting on the 12th day of
an unspecified month. On the thirteenth day, the giant textile thangka depicting Akṣobhya
is put at display. For Dkon mchog bstan pa’i sgron me, see Samten Chhosphel 2010.
12
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar371/3, 538/1.
13
Dpalldanyeshesrnamthar 58/19.
14
Grags pa ’byung gnas and Blo bzang mkhas grub 1992: 982f.
15
Byams pa thub bstan 1991: 610f. This should not be confused with the Bde chen pho
brang residence of the Panchen Lamas to the south-west of Bkra shis lhun po monastery.
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
63
quarters. One of them known as Dbu g.yab was used under Panchen Lama
Bstan pa’i dbang phyug as a room for the display of ceremonial food (dkar
spro) during the second day of the Maitreya festival.16 The place also
became the residence of the Panchen Lama’s family. The first mention
of the G.yul thang chen mo plain in biographical writings is under the
8th Panchen Lama in 1868.17 A great ceremonial tent was erected and used
for making offerings and performing ceremonies, such as the aspiration
prayer, but also to meet people, exchange ceremonial scarves, and bestow
blessings. This continued for the next several years. Before this time the
responsibilities of the Panchen Lama during this festival included offerings at the roof of the private quarters in the abbot’s residence, with the
assistance of the care-takers of the protector chapels.18
TheFundingoftheFestival
Detailed information regarding the costs of the festivities – such as work
contributions or the offering of products such as tea – would help illustrate the social reality of the festival, but unfortunately we currently do not
know of any such documents, and at present there are only isolated references in biographical writings. The majority of work and materials was
undoubtedly provided by members of the monastery itself but, as was
usually the case for such large festivals, certain parts of the ceremonies
were also performed by groups and institutions from outside the monastery, or were voluntarily contributed by individual sponsors. Thus, on the
fifteenth day of the fifth month of 1650, the large monastic assembly was
provided with ample communal tea, sponsored by all spiritual and secular settlements, peasants and nomads, of the Bzhad (or: ’Jad) region.19
There was also a long tradition that the lords of the fortress of Gzhis ka
16
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 415/4, 437/3, 458/3.
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 400/2.
18
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar 558/3, Dpalldanyeshesrnamthar 58/19. The private
quarters called Nyi ’od, also known as Nyi ’od chen po and Nyi ’od ’khyil ba, were built at
the top of the Rgyal mtshan mthon po abbot residency under the 5th Panchen Lama in 1672.
The private quarters named Nyi ’od kun ’khyil alias Nyi ’od bde chen kun ’khyil were
erected by 7th Panchen Lama, together with the Rnam rgyal pho brang palace to the north
of the abbot residency.
19
Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar 278/6.
17
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rtse rdzong provided tea, soup, tsampa, and the like for the monastic
assembly, which is explicitly mentioned twice in the biography of the
5th Panchen Lama Blo bzang ye shes for the years 1710 and 1718.20 From
the time of the 8th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i dbang phyug, the family of
the Panchen Lama provided the provision of ceremonial food (dkarspro).21
Other sponsors also occasionally appeared; for the year 1874 it is recorded
that on the middle day of the festival, the sprulskuof Tre hor khang gsar
dgon and Har gdong pa drung Sangs rgyas, who were both enrolled as
students of logic in Bkra shis lhun po, made an offering of ceremonial
food (dkarspro) and, in addition, performed a religious debate before the
monastic community based on the VinayaMūlatantra.22 In general, the
festival was a great challenge for the monks in terms of additional obligations, but it also was a welcome occasion to participate in a banquet
of communal tea and food, and to receive personal gifts, such as small
amounts of money. The Panchen Lama’s household also benefited from
the gifts and offerings given by the faithful and visitors.
TheParticipantsoftheFestival
One might assume that the vast majority of the monastic community was
involved in preparing and performing the festival’s tasks, but they are hardly
mentioned in historical records. It seems that the monks of the Tantric
college played a leading role, as they were also obliged to carry the giant
thangkas to the display wall and unfurl them (figs. 3, 4). As reported
by Sarat Chandra Das, monks of Tsomaling would perform the liturgical
chanting, but unfortunately Tsomaling remains unidentified.23 It remains
also unknown which monks played the drums, cymbals, and trumpets as
heard by Sarat Chandra Das, and who staged the dance imitating the two
huge lions as seen by him.24 Secular dances (gar) are mentioned twice in
20
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar514/3, 573/4.
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 423/1, 431/6, 437/3, 458/3, 486/4.
22
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 471/2. Both Tre hor khang and Har gdong are
regional houses (khangtshan) of Bkra shis lhun po, Byams pa thub bstan 1991: 226.
23
This could be a mistake and should perhaps be emended to Thos bsam gling (Tösamling), a college at Bkra shis lhun po.
24
Das 1902: 199.
21
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
65
the biographies of the Panchen Lamas,25 and performances of religious
dances (’cham) are not described.
Undoubtedly, the Panchen Lamas were the most important dignitary
during the festivities, but sometimes they were unable to participate. The
most common reason was that the Panchen Lama was travelling, but it is
not known who would represent him at the festival when he was not present. Very rarely other commitments besides travelling – such as meditation
retreats and so forth – would prevent his participation, as was the case for
the 1711 Maitreya Festival when the 5th Panchen Lama Blo bzang ye shes
was in meditation and could not worship the textile thangkas. Instead, he
performed an intensified worship ceremony for his own meditation deities,
as his biographer notes.26 A special situation also occurred in the year 1860
when the young 6th Panchen Lama fell ill,27 and the Maitreya Festival was
postponed for the performance of long-life and healing ceremonies. The
Maitreya Festival was then celebrated on the first day of the six month,
and after these prayers and ceremonies, together with a corresponding
medical treatment, the Panchen Lama is reported to have fully recovered.
Two decades later, in 1882 when the 6th Panchen Lama fell ill again, he
could not participate in the celebrations, as Sarat Chandra Das observed,
and he soon passed away.28
For the faithful who came to the festival, it was important to see the giant
thangkas, and perform ritual circumambulations (skorba), as one reads in
the biography of the 5th Panchen Lama Blo bzang ye shes (1663–1737).29
The special highlight for the pilgrims was certainly the personal blessing
from the Panchen Lama, who would touch their foreheads with his hands.30
It is reported that the 5th Panchen Lama gave this kind of blessing to more
than ten thousand persons at the Maitreya Festival of 1714.31 The strain of
this ceremonial activity is illustrated by the case of the 8th Panchen Lama,
25
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 150/2, 400/2.
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar519/2.
27
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 208/2, 209/3.
28
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 559/1.
29
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar165/6, 371/3, 431/3, 449/1, 538/1.
30
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar371/3, 431/3, 449/1, Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar
180/1.
31
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar538/1.
26
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who in 1866 conducted not only the Maitreya Festival, but also the ritual
for the transference of religious merit for the late Chinese emperor, and
handed out blessed items to the faithful, such as protection knots.32 Shortly
afterwards he fell ill, possibly due to his strenuous tasks, but recovered
quickly. In addition to spiritual well-being, there were also material reasons for many to come to Bkra shis lhun po: markets were set up during
the festival, it was a good opportunity for the poor and needy to receive
alms.33 For the year 1867, it is also reported that donations such as tea
and noodle soup were distributed to hermits.34
Rituals,Prayers,Ceremonies,andTeachings
Other than the public display of the giant thangkas and the arrangement
of offerings, the most important rituals of the Maitreya Festival must
have been the confession rituals of the entire monastic assemblage, which
would be performed on the fifteenth day, and the aspiration prayer to
Maitreya on the sixteenth day. Although there are not many details given
in the historical accounts, biographical sources give some glimpses of the
rituals. In the second Tibetan month of 1815, the 7th Panchen Lama decided
to change the procedure by introducing special confession rituals throughout the festival. Previously there were probably only the usual confession
rituals during the middle day of the three-day festival, but none at the
beginning and end of the festival. Thus he and his advisors established
the tradition of a confession of sins for the aversion of harm (gnodpabzlog
pa’igsosbyong) on the first day, in order to reject any harm that might
hinder the teachings of the Buddha to spread, thrive, and endure.35 On the
last day of the festival, a confession of sins for auspiciousness (bkrashis
pa’igsosbyong) was held, so that happiness should prevail in the world
until the coming of the future Buddha Maitreyanātha.
32
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 355/4. Protection knots are ribbons or strings with
knots blessed by a religious teacher. They are worn around the neck. They should never be
given away, for they protect the bearer against any harm and ensure a long life.
33
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar 165/6, 787/6.
34
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 377/3.
35
Bstanpa’inyimarnamthar 359/5. Cf. Bentor 1996: 44.
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
67
Moreover, the 7th Panchen Lama imposed strict restrictions on the beer
drinking during the festival. It appears that it was previously allowed to
drink beer within the monastery, which obviously displeased the Panchen
Lama. He therefore gave instructions to strictly prohibit the consumption
of beer within the monastery and to allow it only outside. These restrictions were also maintained for the coming years, but apparently there
were also violations of this ban, especially when the Panchen Lama was
not present. Therefore, the he was compelled to send his bodyguards and
his personal servants to the monastery to supervise compliance when he
stayed in his summer residence at Kun skyob gling.
In addition to the standard material and immaterial offerings – such as
the offering of ceremonial food and the liturgies performed during the
festival – additional ceremonies could also take place, as we see in the case
of the Mañjuśrī Thangka that was newly created in 1683, and shown for
the first time during the festival. It is stated that the reading authorization
of the EulogyoftheLotus-FacedLordofSubduers (Thubdbangzhalpad
ma), the Prayer for Good Actions (Bzang spyod), the Aspirations of
Maitreya (Byamssmon), and the AspirationsofTārā (Sgrolma) were read
aloud.36 Sometimes the Panchen Lama would give specific teachings and
initiations to individual visitors or groups, and to the monastic community
of Bkra shis lhun po. For example, on the fourteenth day of the fifth month
of the year 1692, the 5th Panchen Lama Blo bzang ye shes gave the permission ritual (rjesgnang, i.e. the blessing and the explanation about the
recitation and meditation) of the White Mañjugoṣa to a high religious
dignitary and his students.37 After the 7th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i nyi ma
had performed the regular ceremonies of the three-day prayer festival of
1824, he gave an extensive initiation of Uṣṇīṣavijayā for the assembled
monks at the request of ’Dar pa, a monastic official who was responsible
for the enforcement of the monastic discipline (dgeskos).38 The Panchen
Lama not only imparted teachings, but also occasionally gave the novice
36
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar169/5. The Thubdbangzhalpadma is a eulogy to Blo
bzang don grub (1504/1505–1565/1566) that was composed by the 4th Panchen Lama.
37
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar263/3. Only the title of this person is given. The Mongolian title shiretu is similar to “throneholder” (Tib. khri pa). It is not yet known who
exactly this person is.
38
Bstanpa’inyimarnamthar450/5.
68
OLAF CZAJA
vows to women and ordained them, as it is reported for the 5th Panchen
Lama and 8th Panchen Lama.39 Certainly the auspicious character of the
festival was one of the reasons to perform such rituals at this time.
Another important liturgical aspect is found in the biography of the
th
8 Panchen Lama, namely the requirement to perform rituals to make it
rain. In 1867, the 8th Panchen Lama was asked by the general administrator (dbyingssa) to conduct rituals to produce rain because the rains had
been sparse that year.40 The 8th Panchen Lama saw the strong wind as the
cause for the lack of rain, and therefore gave instructions to hold rituals
that would soothe the wind. A few days later, on the evening of the eighteenth day of the fifth month, a heavy rain fell, and then the next day there
was a relentless downpour. The next year, in 1868, after the festivities of
the fifteenth day of the Maitreya Festival, he went straight to the spring
of the Skyid na garden, near the Nāga protector temple (klukhang), and
spread out the Nāga food, the necessary substances for sacrifices, and so
forth.41 He presented offerings, including a golden maṇḍalaand a ceremonial scarf made of blue silk. Soon signs of success appeared, indicating that the gods and nāgas were pleased. A rain fell “as if it wanted to
press down the dust,” and a beautiful rainbow appeared in the east of the
Skyid na garden. In 1870 it was again necessary to propitiate the Nāgas.42
The Panchen Lama went to the Nāga protector temple in the Skyid na
garden, threw various medicinal herbs associated with the Nāgas (klu
sman) into the spring, and made an aspiration prayer. Then he gave each
of the tantric yogins who were performing the rain ritual a silver coin and
asked them to make it rain. In the evening they had heavy rain, and it
kept raining for a few days. Rainmaking for the area, as it is described in
this biography, is in tune with a more fundamental semantic level of the
Maitreya Festival, already addressed by the Fourth Panchen Lama Blo
bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan when he used offerings to create favorable
39
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar449/1, Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 377/3.
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 377/3.
41
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 400/2. In Tibetan tradition, the klu, serpent-spirits
inhabiting the underworld, are associated with water. If offended by inappropriate human
behaviour they can withhold rain and cause droughts. For Tibetan rain-making rituals, see
de Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1993: 467ff., Birtalan 2001.
42
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 423/1.
40
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
69
conditions (rten’brel) for the region.43 In the same vein, the 1696 performance of the Maitreya Festival under the Fifth Panchen Lama Blo bzang
ye shes was understood as an active positive influence (rten ’brel) to
ensure the well-being and prosperity of the country.44 This general wellbeing was at the center of the liturgical activities, especially the aspiration prayer for the happiness and welfare for the Buddhist teachings and
all living beings.45
AnnouncementsandLong-LifePrayers
In addition to the rituals studied above, there were also several other
activities that would be performed at the festival, such as the consecration
of Buddhist statues.46 It was also a good time to make official announcements and decisions concerning the administrative life of the monastery.
A good example is the enthronement of Mchod mkhan Sman ri ba Blo
bzang rnam rgyal in 1858.47 On the fourteenth day of the fifth month,
Sman ri ba Blo bzang rnam rgyal, who at that time was the representative
of the general administrator (dbyingstshab) of Bkra shis lhun po, came
together with his servants to see the Panchen Lama. Since at that time
the Panchen Lama was still a toddler, it can be assumed that all ceremonial and ritual obligations were carried out with the help of his advisors
and assistants. After exchanging greeting scarves, Blo bzang rnam rgyal
handed him a portrait of Amitāyus and a thangka showing the Arhats,
painted in Chinese style. They drank tea and talked extensively. On the
following day, the festivities of the Maitreya Festival continued, but
the middle day of the festival was also used for the enthronement of Blo
bzang rnam rgyal on the golden throne of the treasurer (phyagmdzod)
in the Panchen Lama’s private quarters known as Gzim chung Nyi ’od
43
Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar 278/6.
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar306/2. For further insights into the fundamental concept
of rten’brel, see Clarke 1990: 177f., Loden Sherap 1996: 4ff., Samuel 2012: 95f., Thurston 2012: 50ff.
45
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar538/1, 558/3, Dpalldanyeshesrnamthar 58/19, Bstan
pa’idbangphyugrnamthar 324/6, 437/3.
46
Dpalldanyeshesrnamthar 476/10.
47
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 170/4.
44
70
OLAF CZAJA
chen po.48 He was thus raised to the highest administrative rank in Bkra
shis lhun po, comparable to a state minister (bka’blon) in Lha sa (Jagou
2011: 214f.).
Another case of an official decision being announced in the context of
the festival was the succession of the abbot of the Tantric college in Bkra
shis lhun po in 1859. The Tantric college was one of the most important
institutions and the abbot was therefore highly respected. A successor
was sought for the deceased twenty-second throne holder of the Tantric
college, Sngags chen ’Bi lung pa Dpal ldan grags pa, who had died in the
same year.49 There were two possible candidates, Bde can sprulsku Blo
bzang tshul khrims (d. 1872), and Gting skyes sprulsku Blo bzang dpal
ldan chos kyi dbang phyug (fl. 19th cent.).50 According to the monastic
records, a lottery was used in front of a Śrīdevī statue, which chose the
former as successor. The Panchen Lama also chose Gting skyes sprulsku
as the favourite candidate. Thus, when the general administrator (dbyings
sa) asked the Panchen Lama for instructions on the succession, the decision was ultimately undisputed and Gting skyes sprul sku was officially
announced as the throne holder on the middle day of the Maitreya Festival.
The fact that the three days of the Maitreya festival, especially the middle day, were regarded as particularly auspicious, becomes also obvious in
relation to the Chinese Imperial family. The sixteen-year-old 7th Panchen
Lama Bstan pa’i nyi ma presided over the monastic assembly on the
fourteenth day of the fifth month in 1798, and led a prayer for a long life
48
Blo bzang rnam rgyal was born in Sman ri in Thob rgyal in Gtsang. In his youth,
he entered the monastery of Bkra shis lhun po and later became the abbot in charge of
religious activities and ritual offerings for the 7th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i nyi ma (mchod
dponmkhanpo, mchodmkhan). In 1859, he became general administrator (skyabsdbyings
dzasag) of Bkra shis lhun po. He oversaw the renovation and partly rebuilt of the upper
story of the Maitreya temple, the abbot’s residency, the monastery yard and the monks’
quarters of Ngam ring chos sde. He also commissioned a Kanjur. In 1865, he resigned
from the office of general administrator, and he wrote various religious treatises, some
of which are still extant. It is not known when he died. (See Grags pa ’byung gnas and
Blo bzang mkhas grub 1992: 153f., Don rdor and Bstan ’dzin chos grags 1993: 962f.)
His writings appear to have been assembled into a one-volume edition of his collected
works; this volume, however, seems currently unavailable, see Buddhist Digital Resource
Center P239.
49
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 180/1, Grwatshanggdanrabs 230/2.
50
Grwatshanggdanrabs223/3, 310/5.
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
71
of the Chinese Emperor (either Qianlong, rn. 1735–1796, or Jiaqing, rn.
1796–1820), together with a dedication of the accumulated religious
merit, before a portrait thangka (’drathang) of the Qianlong Emperor.51
At the end precious gifts were distributed to the monks. Such rituals were
also the responsibility of the almost eleven-year-old 8th Panchen Lama
Bstan pa’i dbang phyug. In 1866, in the fifth month of the Tibetan year,
a delegation from Lha sa arrived in Bkra shis lhun po.52 It consisted of the
official liaison officer (sneshan) Bshad sgra taiji Tshe ring dbang phyug
and the state minister (bka’blon) Pha lha ba Padma rgyal po (d. 1875),53
accompanied by the Amban’s interpreter Che kha.54 The delegation was,
above all, entrusted with the ceremonies for the late Xianfeng Emperor
(1831–1861). On the fifteenth day of the fifth month, the ritual for the
transmission of religious merit for the funeral of the Chinese Emperor
Xianfeng was held in Bkra shis lhun po, as well as an extensive prayer
for a long life of rule of his successor, the Tongzhi Emperor (1856–1875).
In compensation for the rituals and ceremonies, 1,500 silver coins were
given to the Panchen Lama and his administration.
StrengtheningReligiousandPoliticalTies
In addition to offering religious merit to the faithful, one of the most
important aspects of the Maitreya festival was to strengthen and expand
old relationships with religious and secular persons and institutions,
not only in the Gtsang region, but also in Dbus and further beyond, in
Eastern Tibet and Mongolia. It was certainly helpful that the festival
took place in the summer and potential visitors could use the favorable
travel conditions to get to the festival quickly and safely. There they met
numerous representatives of the aristocracy from Gtsang, as well as
51
Bstanpa’inyimarnamthar 212/5. See also Ya 1994: 173f. It is not stated that the
portrait-like image showed the Qianlong Emperor but it is assumed out of the context.
According to An, the Emperor Jiaqing granted a giant painting of the Qianlong Emperor
to Bkra shis lhun po where it was put at display at the Rgya nag lha khang chapel, An
2003: 83. For the Rgya nag lha khang, see Byams pa thub bstan 1991: 90.
52
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 355/2.
53
For Tshe ring dbang phyug, see Petech 1973: 180. For Padma rgyal po, see Petech
1973: 83f., Rdo rje dbang ’dud 1999: 34ff., Rdo rje dbang ’dud 2004: 36ff.
54
The amban could be Jing Wen or Ruichang, see Kolmaš 1994: 55f.
72
OLAF CZAJA
the most important officials of Bkra shis lhun po, with the Panchen Lama
at the top.55
Political ties between Mongolian religious dignitaries and nobles were
also cultivated during the festival. For example, in 1701, the 5th Panchen
Lama went to his private quarters Nyi ’od together with caretakers of the
chapels for the guardian deities in order to worship the textile thangkas on
the first day of the festival.56 After that, he met the Torghut leader (dponmo)
Mtsho rgyal and her entourage to instruct them in a fasting ritual. One can
assume that this was not his only contact with her, for the Panchen Lama
also wrote a sādhanaof Sitātapatrā at her request.57 The Torghut belonged
to the Western Mongolian clan federation of the Oirad, also known as
Dzungars, who adopted Tibetan Buddhism in 1615 (Schwieger 2015: 47).
Because of the missionary activities of the 1st Dza ya Paṇḍita (1599–1662)
and the 3rd Dben sa sprulsku Blo bzang bstan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1605–
1644), they had close ties to the Dge lugs school. These ties were further
strengthened by the audience granted by the 5th Dalai Lama to the Torghut
chief Yildeng (Yel deng) and the 4th Dben sa sprulsku Dga’ ldan bstan
’dzin Boshugtu Khan (1644–1697) early in 1656 (Schwieger 2015: 73).
Afterwards they also visited the Panchen Lama in Bkra shis lhun po.58
55
For example, Phur bu lcog Blo bzang byams pa (1825–1901), came to attend the
festival in 1861, one year after the 8th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i dbang phyug was officially
enthroned, see Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 263/3, Phurbulcogrnamthar 214/2. It
may also be inferred that Lcang skya Rol pa’i rdo rje (1717–1786) would have seen the
display of the textile thangkas during his stay in Bkra shis lhun po in 1758 together with the
6th Panchen Lama Dpal ldan ye shes, seeDpalldanyeshesrnamthar257/1, Rolpa’irdo
rjernamthar415/1.
56
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar415/3.
57
Ngagthorbuba 611/4–614/6.
58
In 1698, the Torghut prince Arabjur (d. 1716), a nephew of Ayuki Khan (1642–
1724), traveled with a larger party of two to five hundred persons, including his mother
and other members of his family, to go on a pilgrimage in Tibet (DeFrancis 1993: 172ff.;
Okada 1999: 191; Perdue 2005: 194, 215; Khodarkovsky 2006: 135. Perdue 2005 speaks
of 5000 persons, but this is surely a mistake). Conflicts between Ayuki and Tshe dbang rab
brtan (1643–1727) broke out, and Arabjur could not return. He stayed for several years
in Tibet, probably until 1704, before trying to return to Mongolia via northern China,
which was unsuccessful in the end. His descendants were given the right to settle down in
northern China and received a banner in the area at the lower reaches of the Heihe River,
also known as the Ejin or Ruoshui River. It is quite possible that the above-mentioned
leader Mtsho rgyal belonged to the pilgrimage party of Prince Arabjur and, possibly she
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
73
Naturally, these were not the only contacts the Panchen Lama and the
Dge lugs dignitaries of Bkra shis lhun po had with Mongolian individuals and groups. Thus, in general, the Maitreya Festival served as a good
opportunity to expand and deepen their relations for both the Panchen
Lama administration and the Mongol aristocracy. In the summer of 1712,
for example, when Dpal ’byor rab brtan, the son of an unnamed person
bearing the title erdenihongtaiji, took part in the festivities, he gave the
5th Panchen Lama numerous valuable gifts, and sponsored tea and donated
gifts for the entire monastic assembly.59 It is possible that the unnamed
erdenihongtaijiwas Tshe brtan rdo rje, who later asked the 6th Panchen
Lama Dpal ldan ye shes to write a long-life prayer (the Brtanbzhugsgsol
’debsertini). Both Tshe brtan rdo rje and Dpal ’byor rab brtan seem to
have been the two identically named persons who belonged to the aristocratic leadership of the Aokhan banner of the Juu Uda League, as told in
the biography of the 3rd Thu’u bkwan sprulsku Blo bzang chos kyi nyi
ma (1737–1802).60
In one final example, on the fifteenth day of the Maitreya Festival
of 1776, a ceremonial banquet tent was set up in the Skyid skyid na kha
garden in sight of the unfurled thangka.61 It served as a site for the performance of the confession ritual, but was also a place for the Panchen
Lama to bless the faithful. The 6th Panchen Lama Dpal ldan ye shes gave
many blessings, attended by more than one thousand people according to
his biography, including religious and secular dignitaries from China and
Mongolia such as Nomon Khan ’Jam dpal rdo rje, the Lamo Oracle (La
mo chosrje Sku rten pa), as well as Indian scholars (ācārya), and people
from Kashmir and Nepal. Selected guests were invited to a banquet. The
district officer (sdepa) of Bkra shis rtse, named Tshe dbang, donated ceremonial food for display in the Tārā chapel. On the two following days,
the sixteenth and seventeenth days, various doctors, sent by gong Mi pham
rdo rje, Hal ha Bde mchog Yel ting lang, and dabeiseDar rgyas, asked
was even his mother. It seems that Bkra shis lhun po continued a close connection between
the Dge lugs and the Torghuts in the next centuries.
59
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar520/6.
60
Blobzangchoskyinyimarnamthar 378/11. For this banner and League, see Dharmatāla 1987: 42, Peterson 2016: 120.
61
Dpalldanyeshesrnamthar 622/2.
74
OLAF CZAJA
for a long-life prayer that was to be performed at their private quarters
(gzimschungzhabsbrtan). On the eighteenth day, after the Panchen Lama
had taken over the presidency of the monastic assembly at the invitation
of zasag Bsam ’phel rdo rje, he offered another prayer for his long life.
Similarly, he made a long-life prayer in his private rooms for Mañjuśrī
sprulsku, beise Don grub rdo rje, dzasag Mchog gsum skyabs, and various
hongtaiji, all of whom had presented gifts, and blessed them by touching
their foreheads. On the twenty-third day, the envoys of the Khalkha gathered in the private quarters Nyi ’od ’khyil ba of the Panchen Lama, and
the Lamo Oracle entered into a trance. It was decided that the one-yearold son of Bsod nams bkra shis, the older brother of the 8th Dalai Lama,
was the sought-after incarnation of the recently deceased Jebdzundampa
(Tib. Rje btsun dam pa).62 Immediately messengers with gifts and letters
containing details and instructions were sent to the two ambans in Lha sa.
The aforementioned events and relationships deserve to be told in
detail because they provide some insight into the special position that the
Panchen Lama and Bkra shis lhun po occupied for pious Mongols. The
background is the death of the 3rd Jebdzundampa Ye shes bstan pa’i nyi
ma (1758–1773) in 1773 and the subsequent search for his rebirth. At the
beginning of 1776, a Mongol delegation led by ’Jam dpal rdo rje, Batur
Wang, and his son reached Lha sa to organize the funeral ceremonies for
the recently deceased Jebdzundampa.63 As it was not unusual in the identification of Jebdzundampa incarnations, the Lamo Oracle was involved.
The Panchen Lama explicitly supported the decision of the Lamo Oracle
and the 4th Jebdzundampa Blo bzang thub bstan dbang phyug (1775–1813)
was found.64 Also noteworthy is the presence of Nomon Khan ’Jam dpal
rdo rje, who was a teacher of the third Jebdzundampa incarnation.65 He is
also found as the addressee of a letter of the 2nd ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa
62
Cf. also Petech 1973: 39ff.
’Jamdpalrgyamtshornamthar155/1. A person bearing the title batur(sbadur)
and his son asked the Panchen Lama Dpal ldan ye shes for a prayer for a long life. In the
unfortunately undated colophon of the prayer, his full title of duoluojunwangdalaibatur
daiching is included, but not his personal name, Mi’i dbang po brtan bzhugs10/6. It is
possible that they are identical with the persons mentioned in the biography of the 8th Dalai
Lama. Cf. also Brtanbzhugsgsol’debschingsbadur.
64
Blobzangthubbstandbangphyugrnamthar 58/5.
65
Rolpa’irdorjernamthar 539/20, Berger 2003: 17.
63
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
75
Dkon mchog ’jigs med dbang po (1728–1791).66 His role becomes slightly
clearer if one turns to the writings of the 6th Panchen Lama, where we find
four short and unfortunately undated compositions: two prayers for a long
life of the Nomon Khan ’Jam dpal rdo rje, and two texts praising the former existences of Nomon Khan ’Jam dpal rdo rje.67 In the accompanying
colophons one learns of further honorary titles for ’Jam dpal rdo rje, such
as mkhanpo and erdenipanditamkhanpo.68 One also learns that he was
installed by the Chinese Emperor as a representative of the Jebdzundampa,
and belongs to the Ilagugsan Khutugtu incarnation line.69 Members of this
incarnation line were deeply involved in the policies of Inner Asia (Wakamatsu 1994; Schwieger 2015: 83f., 112f.). One can certainly regard the
discovery of the 4th Jebdzundampa as a nephew of the 8th Dalai Lama as
a political act. This was in agreement with the order issued by the Qianlong
Emperor after the death of the 2nd Jebdzundampa in 1758 that the rebirths
of this line of incarnations were to be found in Tibet only, and not in the
Mongol territories.
3. The History and Iconography of the Giant Textile Thangkas
The most spectacular part of the Maitreya Festival was the display of three
giant thangkas depicting the Buddhas Amitābha, Śākyamuni, and Maitreya,
displayed one after the other on three consecutive days. Together with the
ceremonies, rituals and festivities, the thangkas gave the festival its distinctive character.
As the survey below will show, their story begins with the earliest large
textile thangkas commissioned by the First Dalai Lama, Dge ’dun grub.
They can be considered a kind of precursor for the giant textile thangkas
made under the Fourth Panchen Lama, Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan,
which represent the beginning of the tradition of displaying three giant
thangkas at Bkra shis lhun po monastery during the Maitreya Festival.
66
’Jamdpalrdorjechabshog.
NomonhanbrtanbzhugsA, NomonkhangbrtanbzhugsB, Nomonkhang’khrungs
rabsgsol’debsA and Nomonkhang’khrungsrabsgsol’debsB.
68
NomonhanbrtanbzhugsA, NomonkhangbrtanbzhugsB.
69
Regarding the preexistences of this incarnation line, see No mon khang ’khrungs
rabsgsol’debsA, Nomonkhang’khrungsrabsgsol’debsB.
67
76
OLAF CZAJA
These were repaired or replaced by newly made thangkas over the centuries under the successive Panchen Lamas. The survey will conclude with
an iconographical discussion of the three thangkas shown in 1990s.
1stDalaiLamaDge’dungrub(1391–1474)
The tradition of making oversized textile thangkas in the monastery of
Bkra shis lhun po began several decades after its establishment in 1447.
These thangkas, however, were not designed for the Maitreya Festival,
since the festival developed only after the death of the 1st Dalai Lama. Dge
’dun grub has traditionally been attributed with the production of seven
textile thangkas of various sizes, which he commissioned between 1466
and 1470.70 At first his plan was to make use of the many pieces of cloth
that he received as gifts during his teaching activities, and to create a conceptual object (dmigsrkyen) for the people of future generations. Later
he made further images and developed a deeper, comprehensive religious
programme related to these textile thangkas.
Dge ’dun grub’s involvement with the creation of oversized textile thangkas began in 1466, after he had gone to give winter lectures at Gnas rnying.71 After completing the lessons, he collected alms and received offerings
that would be used to make a large textile thangka. Two years later, in 1468,
he had acquired sufficient materials to begin his project of making a large
Śākyamuni thangka.72 At this time he possessed numerous rolls of brocade
or satin (gos) and silk (dar),73 such as one piece of red satin that was given
by Rgya Nam mkha’ dpal, one piece of blue satin given by an unknown
individual, one piece of satin given by Khye’u ba, and one piece of satin
that was given by chosrje Man lung pa. Dge ’dun grub asked Sman bla
don grub, one of the most important artists of the fifteenth century, to use
these materials to produce the large Śākyamuni thangka.74
70
Rnam thar mdzad bcu gnyis 158/5, 177/10; Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan, Bka’ gdams
chos’byung 793/5; Tsongkhaparnamtharchenmo 476/24; Shen 2002: 314, 332.
71
Rnamtharngomtsharrmadbyung 94/21, Shen 2002: 248.
72
Rnamtharngomtsharrmad byung 94/21, Shen 2002: 251.
73
The term gos can be interpreted as brocade or satin, Karsten s.d.: 8. dar is usually
regarded as of inferior quality when compared to gos, and understood as silk, Karsten s.d.:
11.
74
For Sman bla don grub, see Jackson 1996: 103ff.
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
77
Sman bla don grub first made a sketch of the thangka in a meadow in
front of the monastery, and then spread it on a wall of the Great White
Tower (Sbe dkar chen po) of the Dar rgyas pa family,75 situated in front
of the monastery, in order to estimate how large the figure would be. When
it turned out that the body proportions were perfect, the textiles were cut
into shape according to the sketch. Along with his assistants, Sman bla don
grub needed a little more than three months to finish the thangka, which
was about 32.76m in height and 21.84m in width.76 For the image of the
thangka, ninety-five panels of satin were used, and the upper trim consisted of twenty-five protective covers, usually used for altar statues and
images (rten khebs), together with two canopies. For the right and left
edge of the thangka, fives panels of silk were used, and one panel of silk
and five squares of silk for flags and pennants (dar chag). Forty-nine
squares of mixed satin and silk and two fathoms, i.e. 3.64m, of silk ribbons (setha’u)77 were turned into threads and cords, and a piece of blue
silk formed the lower edge. Dge ’dun grub wrote a long prayer onto the
heart of Śākyamuni, expressing the wish for Buddhism to flourish, and he
also conducted the consecration of the thangka. Apart from the main figure
nothing is known about the iconographic program of the image. After it
was finished, Dge ’dun grub gave the order to make a textile thangka of
Tārā with the more than ten panels of satin that remained after the completion of the Śākyamuni thangka.
When making the thangka of Tārā, however, it quickly became clear
that ten panels of satin would not be sufficient. He therefore used his trip
to Mkhar kha in Nyang stod for the winter lecture of 1469 to initiate an
alms collection, this time with the aim of producing a textile thangka of
75
The Dar rgyas pa is a family in Bkra shis lhun po. They are frequently mentioned
as sponsors in the biography of Dge ’dun grub.
76
The size in terms of Tibetan measurement is eighteen ’domin height and twelve ’dom
in width. One can assume that the absolute measurement of ’domwas regionally diverse.
Based on a traditional Tibetan measuring stick, one ’domcan be converted to a length of
182cm, see Schuh 2010a. The size of the thangka given by Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan differs
from Ye shes rtse mo’s account, on which the figures given above are based. Kun dga’
rgyal mtshan writes that the size of the Śākyamuni textile thangka was 14 × 10 ’dom, or
25.48m × 18.20m; Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan,Bka’gdamschos’byung 793/5.
77
This is not listed in Karsten s.d. Perhaps the term se tha’u derives from Chinese
sitao, i.e. silk cords or ribbons. The term tao designates narrow silk ribbons, used for the
trimmings of a robe, Kuhn 2012: 93ff.
78
OLAF CZAJA
Tārā.78 Since his collection was very successful, he was soon able to
commission it, but the artists hired for the project are not mentioned in
the sources. The thangka size is described as being eight fathoms in
height and six fathoms in width, which is approximately 14.56m in height
and 10.92m in width. The textiles used are said to be of fine material, and
it was reported that the thangka possessed a “radiant glow of blessings.”
This may refer to the fact that, in addition to the textiles, other materials
were used in an applique fashion, such as the assemblage of 1,275 pearls
for the ūrṇāof Tārā. In the center of the thangka was a rock crystal, which
the local territorial deity Ne ser ba is said to have given to Dge ’dun grub,
as well as an “increasing bone relic” of the Buddha (debzhingshegspa’i
’phelgdung), relics of “the one who was born in Glang po” (Glang por
’khrungs pa),79 relics of Mchims Blo bzang grags pa,80 relics of the Snar
thang nyer ’dzin chen po,81 along with many other relics (ring bsrel).
The right hand consisted of one hundred and twenty-five corals and sapphires, while the left hand was made of two hundred and three corals.
Ninety corals formed Tārā’s neck, and the tip of her nose was a piece of
excellent amber with some pearls. The consecration of this precious work
was again carried out by Dge ’dun grub himself.
The material and spiritual value of the thangka must have been immense,
but only a few years after its completion, in 1471, Dge ’dun grub began to
think about a new textile thangka with Avalokiteśvara as the main deity.82
Ye shes rtse mo, student and biographer of Dge ’dun grub, mentions two
basic considerations. On the one hand, it was important to Dge ’dun grub to
have images of the four main deities of the Bka’ gdams school in Bkra shis
lhun po. These four main meditation deities of Atiśa, often called the Four
Patron Deities of the Bka’ gdams (bka’gdamslhabzhi), are Śākyamuni,
Acala, Avalokiteśvara, and Tārā. They remained important meditation deities for the ‘New Bka’ gdams’ tradition, as the Dge lugs school is sometimes
78
Rnamtharngomtsharrmadbyung 99/2, Shen 2002: 252.
Shen states that the person is Glang Gtum ston Blo gros grags (1106–1166), the first
abbot of Snar thang, Shen 2002: 254, n. 455.
80
Shen identifies him as Mchims Blo bzang grags pa (1299–1375), the twelfth abbot
of Snar thang, Shen 2002: 254, n. 456.
81
According to Shen, he is Grub pa Shes rab, the fourteenth abbot of Snar thang,
Shen 2002: 254, n. 457.
82
Rnamtharngomtsharrmadbyung 102/8, Shen 2002: 256.
79
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
79
called. The second consideration was based on a prophecy of the Rnying
ma scholar Nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan (1326–1401), an important teacher
of Tsong kha pa (1357–1419), in which he mentions the conditions under
which the spiritual teachings of the Shud phu clan, to which he himself
belonged, would spread and proliferate. According to this prophecy, an
abbot should ensure that disputes within the monastery were settled,
that the repeated recitation of the maṇimantra and the uṣṇīṣadhāraṇī
were used in the context of settling disputes, and that the worship of
Dharmapālas, the protectors and guardians of the doctrine, was observed.
Dge ’dun grub saw these methods as ways to structure the spiritual life in
Bkra shis lhun po, and also to shape the relationship between monks and
sponsors.
The maṇi mantra and other mantras play an important role in this
process. According to his biography, Dge ’dun grub was exhorted by the
guardian goddess Śrīdevī to recite Avalokiteśvara’s maṇimantra a hundred
times at an assembly of monks, as well as the Tārā mantra 100,000 times
each year. Based on these considerations, Dge ’dun grub commissioned the
painter lhabtsun Bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan and other artisans to produce
an oversized textile thangka of Avalokiteśvara. The main material used was
a panel of white satin (?) (gos’gangdkar)83 given by chenpochosrgyal
Don grub pa of Snar thang. During the production, Dge ’dun grub expounded
the One Hundred Thousand Pronouncements on the Maṇi (Ma ṇi bka’
’bum) – a work related to Mahākāruṇika, a form of Avalokiteśvara – to the
artist and his assistants. The Avalokiteśvara thangka was planned to be
the same size as the aforementioned Tārā thangka, and it was consecrated
in front of the entire community of monks in the Bskal bzang lha khang
temple in Bkra shis lhun po. A year later, in 1472, Dge ’dun grub ordered
the production of four textile thangkas, each with a special protector of the
Buddhist doctrine, namely Acala, Mahākāla, Śrīdevī, and Yama Dharmarāja,
with their respective entourage.84 They all had the same size of three fathoms,
or 5.46m, in height, and two fathoms, or 3.64m, in width, and are described
as possessing great splendor and blessings.
83
The term ’gangis not listed in Karsten s.d. He discusses, however, gangos, muslin (?),
and gandar, an unidentified type of satin, Karsten s.d.: 7.
84
Rnamtharngomtsharrmadbyung 104/10, Shen 2002: 259.
80
OLAF CZAJA
In a modern publication, Dge ’dun grub has also been credited with
the erection of the display wall for the oversized textile thangkas.85 The
biography written by Ye shes rtse mo, however, pays great attention to Dge
’dun grub’s activities as a builder and as a commissioner of works of art,
but it does not contain any reference to a display wall. Naturally, a special
display wall for the large textile thangkas would have been a very useful
edifice for these projects, but it was not essential, as demonstrated by
the fact that the Śākyamuni thangka could be hung on a wall of the Great
White Tower in front of the monastery. Furthermore, it is known that in
1649 the Great White Tower wall was enlarged under the 4th Panchen
Lama.86 Unfortunately, the biographical materials about the abbots of
Bkra shis lhun po who directed the monastic affairs after Dge ’dun grub
and before Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan are rather scarce, and do not
contain any reference to the construction, extension, or renovation of such
a display wall.87 We can therefore not be certain by whom the wall was
erected.
It is noteworthy that Dge ’dun grub’s biographies contain no reference
to the famous Maitreya Festival. I have also searched in vain for the festival in the relatively detailed material on the life of the 2nd Dalai Lama Dge
’dun rgya mtsho (1476–1542), who served as abbot of Bkra shis lhun po
for a certain period of time. This, however, does not necessarily mean
that no Maitreya festival was performed during his life-time because Dge
’dun rgya mtsho undertook many journeys and may therefore have been
absent during the festival.
85
Byams pa thub bstan 1991: 133, Bkras dgon lo rgyus rtsom ’bri tshogs chung 1992: 41.
Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar277/4.
87
In search for information one needs to scrutinize all available materials related to
the abbots of Bkra shis lhun po: (1) Dge ’dun grub (1391–1474), (2) Bzang po bkra
shis (1410–1478/1479), (3) Lung rig rgya mtsho (b. 1418), (4) Ye shes rtse mo (b. 1433),
(5) Dge ’dun rgya mtsho (1476–1542), (6) Blo bzang bstan pa’i nyi ma (b. 1471), (7) Blo
gros rgyal mtshan (1487–1567), (8) Don yod rgya mtsho (dates unknown), (9) Blo gros
legs bzang (dates unknown), (10) Chos kyi rgyal mtshan (dates unknown), (11) Chos dpal
rgya mtsho (dates unknown), (12) Bsod nams dar rgyas (dates unknown), (13) Bsam ’grub
dpal bzang (dates unknown), (14) Dam chos yar ’phel (dates unknown), and (15) Blo
bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1570–1662). Biographical sketches can be found in Bsod
nams grags pa,Bka’gdamschos’byung; Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan,Bka’gdamschos’byung;
Lamrimrnamthar; Byams pa thub bstan 1991; Bkras dgon lo rgyus rtsom ’bri tshogs
chung 1992; Grags pa ’byung gnas and Blo bzang mkhas grub 1992; Don rdor and Bstan
’dzin chos grags 1993; Shen 2002.
86
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
81
4thPanchenLamaBlobzangchoskyirgyalmtshan(1570–1662)
The Maitreya Festival as it is known today first appeared during the time
of the Fourth Panchen Lama.88 In all probability, the Fourth Panchen was
well aware of other festivals at which giant thangkas were put on display.
The most important example in Gtsang province was probably the festival
commemorating the birth of the Buddha, which was celebrated in Dpal
’khor chos sde Monastery in Rgyal rtse on the fifteenth day of the fourth
month. Giant textile thangkas of the Buddhas of the Three Times, Dīpaṃkara, Śākyamuni, and Maitreya, were displayed on three successive days
(see Henss 2011a; 2011b; 2014: vol. 2, 505ff.). Notably, these thangkas
were also divided into a main panel flanked by two side panels as it can
also be seen in the present thangkas displayed at Bkra shis lhun po. Perhaps future research will show if there is any relationship between the giant
thangkas in Rgyal rtse and Bkra shis lhun po.
Early during his term of office, in 1603, to be exact, the Fourth Panchen
Lama ordered the repair or replacement of the canopies that were made
in the time of Dge ’dun grub and that were still being used, but were now
old, rotten, and torn.89 A fundamental renewal of the festival, including the
creation of textile thangkas, took place in 1634, when the Panchen Lama
gave order to produce an oversized thangka of Amitābha.90 His intention
to commission a giant Amitābha thangka, as he writes in his autobiography, was to create a kind of “ladder” on which infinite sentient beings,
who have the faculties of seeing, hearing, and remembering, can enter
Amitābha’s paradise or ‘pure land’ of Sukhāvatī. A little later, the exact
date is unfortunately not mentioned, he also had the plan to create a new
Śākyamuni textile thangka. His autobiography discusses both thangkas, the
thangka of Amitābha and of Śākyamuni, for the year 1634, but it is quite
possible that they were made a few years later and treated simultaneously
in his memoirs.
88
The very establishment of the festival may be seen as part of the profound and
far-reaching changes of rituals and festivals during the period, along with the rise of the
Dge lugs school and their political and administrative body, the Dga’ ldan pho brang. These
changes arguably culminated in the Great Prayer Festival undertaken for the New Year
by Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705) during the last decade of the seventeenth
century (Schaeffer 2006).
89
Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar58/4.
90
Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar192/2.
82
OLAF CZAJA
The importance of the Amitābha and Śākyamuni thangkas for the
monastic community of Bkra shis lhun po can also be recognized by
the fact that the 4th Panchen Lama himself created their complete iconographic program and outlines it in his autobiography.91 For Blo bzang
chos kyi rgyal mtshan, it was also relevant that the entire display wall
was covered and divided into three panels, with a central main image,
and two elongated thangkas as side panels. The central thangka was dedicated to Amitābha, and the Bodhisattvas Mañjuśrī and Vajrapāṇi accompanied him on both sides. In the two upper corners were Atiśa and Tsong
kha pa, whereas Akṣobhya and Bhaiṣajyaguru were in the two lower corners. The thangka on the right showed Avalokiteśvara, and above him
was the Buddha Siṃhanāda, with Acala positioned below. The main deity
of the left side was Tārā, accompanied by Śākyamuni above and Śrīdevī
(’Dod khams dbang phyug ma) below.
The iconographic program of the Śākyamuni thangka is also mentioned,
but it is striking that it did not have any side thangkas. Śākyamuni as the
main deity was accompanied by Buddha Dīpaṃkara and Maitreya in the
two top corners, and by Amitābha and an image of the 4th Panchen Lama
himself in the two lower corners. The image of the Panchen Lama was
only included because the workers pleaded to include this feature, as the
Panchen Lama reports in his autobiography. The figure of Śākyamuni is
said to have been larger than the main figures on any previous textile
thangkas. The iconometry of the figures was fixed on a favourable day of
the first half of the fifth month of the same year, and they were completed
a few weeks later. For the consecration, the thangka(s) were taken to the
main hall of Bkra shis lhun po and consecrated there on the basis of the
GuhyasamājaTantra. Afterwards there was tea and gifts for the entire
assembly of monks, and the wages were handed out to the craftsmen.
Since the Panchen Lama prepared a religious prayer service (skurim) for
the city of Gzhis ka rtse for the twenty-fifth day of the month, where a
multitude of monks would be present, he decided to display the thangka(s),
to be seen by the monks from all regions.
Fifteen years later, on the eighteenth day of the second month of the
year 1649, the 4th Panchen Lama summoned Chos dbyings rgya mtsho,
91
Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar192/2.
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
83
perhaps the most important painter of the seventeenth century, who advised
him on many artistic projects at Bkra shis lhun po, and executed them
together with his assistants.92 The 4th Panchen Lama wanted a giant textile
thangka showing the Future Buddha Maitreya, and it is probably this very
point in time when one can justifiably speak of a Maitreya festival at
Bkra shis lhun po. The execution of the Panchen Lama’s order also suggests that is was an innovation, since no older textile thangka of Maitreya
that could have been repaired or used as a model is mentioned. The iconographic program was not described by the 4th Panchen Lama in his autobiography, but fortunately one finds it in a short prayer in his writings.93
Maitreya was accompanied by Buddha Siṃhanāda and Buddha Sunetra,
both said to be future incarnations of Tsong kha pa, and the side thangkas,
made from high quality old satin (gosrnyingbzangpo), showed the Eight
Medicine Buddhas. Chos dbyings rgya mtsho determined the proportions
of the main thangkas, and for the actual production two hundred seventy
panels of satin were used, with fifteen squares of fine satin (goskha) per
panel, and two pieces of a superior Chinese satin embroidered with needle work (dingphon) (Karsten s.d.: 12.), as well as two pieces of excellent satin with inlaid decoration (bkral btags).94 The edges were made
entirely of uncut panels (yugdrasmed) of lampas fabric, made of floss silk
of various colors (khathizhemchungs [mtshungs?]).95 Dhāraṇīs and verses,
such as the long and short DhāraṇīoftheBuddha (Stonpa’igzungsring
gzungsthung), the DhāraṇīofMaitreya’sPromise (Byamspasdambcas
pa’igzungs), and the FiveClassesofGreatDhāraṇīs(Gzungschensde
lnga), as well as short, medium, and long wishes, were written all over
the reverse of the thangka. For this piece, the thangka display wall was
enlarged under the direction of rjedrung Blo bzang chos grags. The work
progressed well and it was finished in the sixth month of the same year.96
The thangka was brought by a procession of monks, led by the Panchen
92
Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar275/6. On Chos dbyings rgya mtsho, see
Jackson 1996: 219ff.
93
Blamayidamsangsrgyas 773/6–774/3.
94
This is identified as a satin with an inlaid (=interwoven?) flower (?) pattern = Chin.
qianhuatuan, see Karsten s.d.: 6. The same term can also be used for tapestry.
95
Karsten s.d.: 6f. The meaning of zhemchungs [*mtshungs?] in this ccontext is unclear.
96
Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar277/4.
84
OLAF CZAJA
Lama himself, to the monastery, where it was consecrated. Assisted by
monks from the Tantric college, the Panchen Lama presided over the very
elaborate ceremony, which also included ritual fire offerings of pacifying
(zhi), increasing (rgyas), and subjugating (dragpo). After the end of the
consecration, he handed over a fine ceremonial scarf as an extra gift to
everyone who participated in the rituals, and provided coral-colored tea
for the entire monastic assembly. The artists, workers, and craftsmen were
also rewarded with presents.
The next year, in 1650, the Maitreya thangka was unfurled for the first
time on the fifteenth day of the fifth month during the Maitreya Festival,97
and two years later, in 1652, the Panchen Lama had a dust cover for the
Maitreya thangka made.98 It seems that perhaps he was not quite satisfied
with the impression of the newly created thangkas, for in the second month
of the year 1659 he gave orders to significantly enlarge the two thangkas of
Śākyamuni and Amitābha that were made in 1634.99 Presumably, he made
them equal in the size to the new Maitreya thangka. Chos dbyings rgya
mtsho and others began to enlarge the two thangkas in the fourth month
and were then given another order: to create a thangka of the Khasarpaṇi
Avalokiteśvara.100 On this occasion the Panchen Lama also commissioned
two large pendants (’phancheba), which could be hung to the left and
right side of the Maitreya thangka. Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan states
that 1,300 squares of fine fabric were used to execute all orders.
5thPanchenLamaBlobzangyeshes(1663–1737)
Following the description given above, one might think that textile thangkas
were only created for special occasions, such as religious festivals. This
is not the case, however. In the autobiography of the 4th Panchen Lama,
there are numerous examples of thangkas made of fabrics that were used
in the ordinary liturgy, or which served as an exquisite gift for high dignitaries or monastic institutions.101
97
Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar 278/6.
Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar 290/2.
99
Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar 359/1.
100
Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar 362/4.
101
In the winter of 1646, for example, Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan commissioned
Chos dbyings rgya mtsho to design sketches for a textile thangka of Vaiśravaṇa, which
98
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
85
The monastery of Bkra shis lhun po and its abbots not only gave away
textile thangkas, but also received them as presents. An outstanding textile
thangka came into the possession of the monastery during the childhood
of the 5th Panchen Lama. In 1672, when the Panchen Lama was nine
years old, emissaries (gseryigmisna) of the Chinese emperor and a highranking physician (blasman) named Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan from Byams
gling, arrived at Bkra shis lhun po.102 He seems to be the same as the
physician Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan who is mentioned in the writings
of the 5th Dalai Lama; he arrived as an Imperial emissary (gser yig
pa) in 1656, and appears again presenting a thangka to the Dalai Lama
in 1670.103 It is quite possible that after his visit to Lha sa, this delegation
travelled to Bkra shis lhun po. Around that time, the 5th Dalai Lama, at
the request of the Sangs rgyas ’byung gnas, wrote a prayer for long life
that the Dge lugs monks could use in the Imperial capital for their liturgical prayers.104 Only a few years later, an unknown incident occurred
which totally discredited the doctor in the eyes of the Dalai Lama. Sangs
rgyas ’byung gnas died in 1676, and black magic was said to be the cause.
On the fifth day of the tenth month in 1678, the 5th Dalai Lama expressed
gratitude for the death of the doctor, giving thanks to Pehar and his followers (rgyalposkulnga), and especially to the wrathful deity Byes chas
ke tu.105 For the biographer and presumably also for the still very young
Panchen Lama himself, the extraordinary present that the doctor offered
to the Panchen Lama remained, above all, an exceptional gift. It was a
was soon completed and sent together with gifts to Zhwa lu monastery, see Blobzangchos
kyirgyalmtshanrnamthar269/2.
102
Blo bzang ye shes rnam thar 79/5. He is probably identical with a doctor from
Byams gling bearing the name Sangs rgyas ’byung gnas who is mentioned in the writings
of the 5th Dalai Lama.
103
On the third day of the tenth month of 1656, the doctor received an audience and
handed over Imperial letters and gifts to the Dalai Lama, Za hor gyi bande rang thar I
372/18, Blo bzang rgya mtsho 2014: 370. In 1670, the Dalai Lama wrote auspicious verses
about a present given from the doctor to the Sa skya monastery of Grwa thang in Lho kha.
The gift was a textile thangka of Śākyamuni with the sixteen Arhats, and here one also learns
that Sangs rgyas ’byung gnas himself came from this region and was a monk of Dga’ ldan
byams pa gling in Grwa nang. See Zahorgyibanderangthar II 143/7, Skugsungthugs
rtengsarbzhengs I 326/2. A year later, he was again mentioned in connection with Imperial
emissaries, Zahorgyibanderangthar II 176/15.
104
Smonlamshisbrjod I 150/17–151/8.
105
Zahorgyibanderangthar III 140/2, Skugsungthugsrtengsarbzhengs III 357/15–
358/2.
86
OLAF CZAJA
textile thangka of eighteen fathoms, or 32.76m, in height. Maitreya, the
main deity of the thangkas, was surrounded by the Thirty-Five Buddhas of
Confession, a group of Indian Buddhist teachers and commentators known
as the Six Ornaments and the Two Excellent Ones, and other religious
teachers and protectors of the Buddhist doctrine.
The 5th Panchen Lama was also involved himself in the creation of large
textile thangkas. On the second month of 1683, he ordered to renew the
thangka of Mañjuśrī, a side piece of the Śākyamuni thangka, as the original image had become too old.106 The person in charge of supervising all
artisan works was rjedrungSdings pa, and the master painter nangso Dge
legs yongs ’du and the master tailor Kun dga’ bkra shis were responsible for
the painting and textile aspects of the newly created thangka.107 They began
work on an auspicious day of the second month. The Mañjuśrīnāmasaṃgīti
was written on the back of the canvas, together with numerous dhāraṇīs and
mantras from the four classes of Tantra. On the twenty-second day of the
same month, the 5th Panchen Lama himself went to the Skyid skyid na kha
garden, where the thangka seems to have been made, and wrote a verse at
the heart of the Mañjuśrī figure on the [back of the?] canvas, which reads:
May you, Mañjugoṣa, saffron coloured,
Endowed with a youthful body of beauty,
And equipped with book and sword,
Bestow upon us a divine gift,
Such that our intelligence increases without difficulty
Just by one-pointedly remembering you in our minds!108
On the twenty-fifth day of this month, the canvas was connected with
the textile thangka, and by the beginning of the fifth month, all the works
had been finished. The biography of the 5th Panchen Lama contains detailed
information on the material used, which highlights the extraordinary
importance of such textile thangkas. Accordingly, more than two hundred
panels of excellent quality textiles were used for the fabric thangka, including a superior kind of Chinese satin with embroidered needlework (ding
106
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar 165/6.
The titles are “master painter” (lhabrisdbumdzad) and “master tailor”(gosbzodbu
mdzad).
108
gurkummdogcanmdzespa’igzhonnu’isku// glegsbamralgrisrabmtshan’jam
dpaldbyangs// khyodnyidrtsegcigyidladrantsamgyis// blogrosthogsmedrgyaspa’i
dngosgrubstsol//, Blobzangyeshesrnamthar 167/6.
107
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
87
phon), Yuan dynasty satin (horgos), Russian gold satin (rgyasergyigos),109
a kind of satin (?) (ganjus),110 a lampas of floss silk of various colors
(khathi) (Karsten s.d.: 6f.), a multi-colored textile (tshonkhra), a colored
kind of satin with small cloud patterns (mthonthi) (Karsten s.d.: 11), a
kind of satin (gosther),111 a (silk?) textile with only one color (tshosgcig)
(Karsten s.d.: 14), twill brocade (ling),112 a coarse textured and unpatterned tabby silk fabric (churtse),113 a kind of satin (?) (’gang),114 and a
kind of satin (?) (gosphrug).115 It took one hundred and fifty-five panels
of the best quality “southern cotton” (lhoras)116 to create the canvas.
Dust covers were also made for the entire thangka set, that is, the central Śākyamuni thangka and the two side thangkas. For this purpose, seven
hundred and sixty panels of “northern silk” (byangdar)117 were used,
which was “shining like a rainbow in numerous colors,” but primarily in
blue. The large textile thangka of Amitābha was also given a new dust
cover, since it had none at all. Two hundred panels of very thin gauze-like
cloth (smanrnying)118 were used for these covers. After their completion,
109
On these terms see Karsten s.d.: 12, 16, 9.
Karsten identifies gandaras an unidentified type of satin forand jusas an extremely
shiny satin, Karsten s.d.: 7, 10.
111
This is not found in Karsten s.d. Perhaps it is an abbreviation of horgostherjus. The
term therjusis listed under jus, a gold-thread satin or extremely shiny satin, Karsten s.d.:
10. The term horgosdenotes a Yuan dynasty satin, Karsten s.d.: 16.
112
Karsten writes that the Tibetan term ling is a transcription of the Chinese term
ling (綾) denoting twill, Karsten s.d.: 15. Perhaps more accurately, one should speak of
twill damask, Kuhn 2012: 128ff. Cf. also Watt and Wardwell 1997: 27, 49f.
113
Karsten lists a similar term, namely gru’urtsi,gru’urtse and gru’utse, and suggests
that it probably is a transcription of Chinese chouzi, i.e. silk, Karsten s.d.: 8. Kuhn explains that
“In ancient times, the term chou referred to a weave made of spun coarse silk threads. During
the Ming period, however, it referred to a twill fabric whose structure was often compared to
that of a Han dynasty twill-patterned tabby (qi). During the Qing period … [t]he word chou
eventually came to be used for tabby and twill weave silk fabrics that were further defined
by their place of production and other attributes,” Kuhn 2012: 447. See also Kuhn 2012: 521.
114
On ’gangsee n. 83 above.
115
Karsten lists gos phrug sngon po but provides no explanation or interpretation,
Karsten s.d.: 8. He gives brocade for gos and satin for goschen, ibid.
116
Not listed in Karsten s.d.
117
Unidentified according to Karsten s.d.: 12.
118
Karsten gives the variants mantsi, smantse, smanrtse alias smantshe, Karsten s.d.:
14. This can refer to 1. a kind of facial cover of very thin gauze-like cloth, 2. the facing of
a garment, 3. a yellow silk scarf with red spots impressed on it, or 4. Chin.manzi, curtain,
screen. He suggests that “old sman” (smanrnying) might point out that it is a mantsitextile
going back to the Yuan dynasty, ibid.
110
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the teachers and monks of the Tantric college, dressed in their best robes,
formed a solemn procession, and the Panchen Lama himself was carrying
a censer. The image (sku) of the textile thangka of Mañjuśrī was greeted
in front of the Ba so spyi khang house and guided to the large paved square
of the monastery. After the evening tea, the monks praised Mañjuśrī, and
nearly two thousand monks each received a large and delicately made
welcome scarf of religious merit (bsodnamskhabtags) as a personal gift.
The teachers also received extensive donations, and there was a feast for
the masters, the overseers, the workers, and assistants. Because the path on
which the fabric thangka was to be carried was in a bad condition, it had
been repaired and newly paved. The thangka display wall was also embellished by adding a tamarisk fringe for the upper end of the lower platform
(fig. 5). The Mañjuśrī thangka was first shown to the public on the fifteenth
day of the fifth month; later, in the ninth month of the same year, an extensive consecration ceremony was held in which all the repaired or newly
made images, statues, and temples were consecrated, including the newly
created textile thangka of Mañjuśrī and the Maitreya textile thangka given
by the doctor.119
6thPanchenLamaDpalldanyeshes(1738–1780)
Over time, it became necessary to repair the thangkas. A few days after
the Maitreya Festival of 1771, the 6th Panchen Lama had the textile thangkas repaired, which required various kind of satin (goschen) (Karsten s.d.:
8), very thin gauze-like cloth (smanrnying),120 twill brocade (ling),121 and
Yuan dynasty silk (hordar).122
119
Blobzangyeshesrnamthar170/4.
Karsten gives mantsi, smantse, smanrtse alias smantshe, Karsten s.d.: 14. This can
refer to 1. a kind of facial cover of very thin gauze-like cloth, 2. the facing of a garment,
3. a yellow silk scarf with red spots impressed on it, or 4. Chin.manzi, curtain, screen. He
suggests that “old sman” (sman rnying) might point out that it is a man tsi textile going
back to the Yuan dynasty, ibid.
121
Karsten writes that the Tibetan term ling is a transcription of Chinese term ling (綾)
denoting twill, Karsten s.d.: 15. Perhaps more accurately, one should speak of twill damask,
Kuhn 2012: 128ff. Cf. also Watt and Wardwell 1997: 27, 49f.
122
The term dar is usually used for silk, Karsten s.d.: 11. Perhaps the term hor, i.e.
Mongols, Mongolian, refers to the Yuan dynasty. See Dpalldanyeshesrnamthar 514/20.
120
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
89
7thPanchenLamaBstanpa’inyima(1782–1853)
New textile thangkas were not produced until the time of the next Panchen
Lama, Bstan pa’i nyi ma. His advisers suggested that he commissions a
large Amitābha textile thangka, which was presumably for the sake of neutralizing the possible bad influences and obstacles that are thought to occur
in twelve-year intervals. In the fifth month of 1794, the 7th Panchen Lama
officially issued the order to produce a large textile thangka of Amitābha, as
well as textile thangkas for the New Year’s festival (cho’phrulsmonlam).123
They were greeted by a high official (’phrinlaspachenpo) and a procession of monks. The Panchen Lama performed the ritual of opening the eyes,
and the next day the textile thangkas were unfurled on the display wall.
Offerings were arranged before them, and they were briefly consecrated
by the Tantric college. Later, when the 7th Panchen Lama presided over the
monastic assembly at the large meeting place, the thangkas were ‘invited,’
bathed, given presents, praised, and consecrated. At the great feast of the
transference of religious merit, during which these religious images were
displayed, the Panchen Lama gave each monk tea, gifts, and a traditional
ceremonial scarf. The artists and artisans also received gifts, but the names
of these artists and craftsmen are not given. Information regarding the
materials used for the creation of these thangkas is also missing.
8thPanchenLamaBstanpa’idbangphyug(1854/1855–1882)
New fabric thangkas were not commissioned under the 8th Panchen Lama.
In the fifth month of 1857, however, he gave instructions for making new
dust covers for all three thangkas, which were shown during the festival.124
9thPanchenLamaThubbstanchoskyinyima(1883–1937)
Under the 9th Panchen Lama Thub bstan chos kyi nyi ma, works of art at
Bkra shis lhun po were both repaired and created anew, culminating in
the erection of a colossal Maitreya statue. In connection with this, a large
123
124
Bstanpa’inyimarnamthar 181/3.
Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 150/2.
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textile thangka of Śākyamuni together with two lateral thangkas of Mañjuśrī
and Avalokiteśvara were also commissioned.125 Unfortunately, the biography of the 9th Panchen Lama, written by Blo bzang ’jam dbyangs ye shes
bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, is influenced by the political controversies of this
period, and the biographical details are often disorganized or even absent
altogether. The textile thangkas can therefore not be dated to a precise
year, but only to the approximate period of 1905 to 1914.
For another textile thangka, showing Maitreya with the Eight Medicine
Buddhas, the 9th Panchen Lama wrote an aspiration prayer, which was
written on the back of the image.126 The thangka was commissioned by
a monk official for the purification rituals of the Bogd Khan (1869/1870–
1924) in Urga/Khüree (Khu ral) in Mongolia. The monk in question,
named as the jawtüi lam (byabs khrus bla ma), the high-ranking monk
responsible for ritual bathing and cleansing ceremonies, and also known
by the title khambanomonkhan (mkhanponomonhan) according to
the colophon of the aspiration prayer, must have been Luwsankhaimchog
(Blo bzang mkhas mchog). He was probably born in Tibet in 1873, studied in Bkra shis lhun po monastery, and became the abbot (khachinlam,
mkhanchen) of one of the colleges (Teleki 2008: 82, 169). He traveled
to Mongolia in 1915 and became the jawtüilam as well as the personal
teacher of the Bogd Khan Jebdzundampa. In 1920, he was appointed
khambanomonkhan – that is, the abbot of all of Urga. In the biographical
material of the 9th Panchen Lama, he is mentioned in the second month
of 1924 in connection with his rapid departure, which may also be called
a flight, from Tibet towards Inner and Outer Mongolia.127 With the death
of the Bogd Khan, the khambanomonkhan was the most senior religious
dignitary in Mongolia, and he retained this position until his execution
in 1937.
Although the fabric thangka of Maitreya is not mentioned in the biography of the Panchen Lama, it is noted in the colophon of the aspiration
prayer that was written down in the garden called the “Grove of Immortality” (Skyid na ’Chi med skyed tshal), which may refer to the garden
125
126
127
Choskyinyimarnamthar vol. 1: 293/4. This is not mentioned in Jagou 2011.
Byabskhrusgossmon. This is not mentioned in Jagou 2011.
Choskyinyimarnamthar vol. 2: 13/3, 17/1.
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
91
of the Panchen Lamas in Bkra shis lhun po.128 Supposing that the title of
the aspiration prayer reflects the date of its composition and was not added
later, it could be that this prayer was written between 1920 and 1924, and
the thangka was created at that time. Unfortunately, it is not clear whether
the thangka was a gift to the Panchen Lama, or whether it was created
for liturgical use in Urga, and the Panchen Lama was only asked for an
auspicious prayer. It also remains unclear whether it was a single thangka,
showing Maitreya surrounded by the Eight Medicine Buddhas, or an
ensemble of a central Maitreya thangka and two side thangkas with the
Eight Medicine Buddhas.
10thPanchenLamaChoskyirgyalmtshan(1938–1989)
Although the political fate of Tibet did not become easier in the second
half of the twentieth century, the tradition of the Maitreya festival still
continued whenever it was possible. Under the 10th Panchen Lama a new
large textile thangka was manufactured in 1959.129 According to biographies of the 10th Panchen Lama, the Dīpaṃkara thangka – one of the
thangkas with the Buddhas of the Three Times that were shown during
the Maitreya Festival at Bkras shis lhun po – was old and worn out, so he
commissioned a new one. It is said that this new thangka was forty-two
meters in height and more than thirty meters in width, but this statement
is problematic because, apart from the report of Sarat Chandra Das, there
is no evidence in the historical sources that a Dīpaṃkara thangka had
ever been created for this festival at Bkra shis lhun po.130 It is unclear
what the old, now worn thangka is supposed to be. It does not seem to
be a mistake of the biographers, because when the newly created thangka
was shown at the festival on the fourteenth day of the fifth month, the
10th Panchen Lama wrote an aspiration prayer, which explicitly speaks
of Buddha Dīpaṃkara.131 It seems that the 10th Panchen Lama equated
Amitābha with Dīpaṃkara in order to preserve the unity of the Buddhas
128
Byabskhrusgossmon 526/2.
Rimpakhaggi’gokhridsogs 523/3, Blo bzang bkra shis et al. 2009: 91f. This is
not mentioned in ’Jam dbyangs grags pa 1999 and Gtsang phrug stobs lags 2012.
130
Das 1902: 199.
131
Gsungthorbu 611/2.
129
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of the Three Times.132 This is confirmed by the account of Blo bzang
bkra shis, which records the commissioning of a Dīpaṃkara thangka,
but then describes an Amitābha thangka instead (Blo bzang bkra shis
et al. 2009: 91f.).
11thPanchenLamaRgyalmtshannorbu(b.1990)
In 2014, a newly made Maitreya thangka was displayed during the festival
of the future Buddha. According to news articles, it was commissioned
to celebrate the twenty-fifth birthday of the 11th Panchen Lama Rgyal
mtshan nor bu, and to prevent misfortune, as the twenty-fifth year in a life
(the twenty-fourth based on Western reckoning) is considered a difficult
one. It is said that the thangka, measuring 45m in length and 29m in width,
was executed by twenty-five tailors and ninety other workers in approximately seven months.133
TheAmitābhaThangka
Among the early photographs of the textile thangkas displayed at Bkra
shis lhun po during the Maitreya Festival, there is not a single one that
shows a thangka of Buddha Dīpaṃkara. There are three thangkas that have
been reproduced in a book about Bkra shis lhun po monastery published
in 1993, one of which shows Amitābha in meditation position at the center
of the image (fig. 6).134 He is accompanied by Atiśa and Tsong kha pa in
the upper left and right corner of the central thangka. Below, one can see
Pañjarnātha Mahākāla on the left and Śrīdevī (Dpal ldan lha mo Dmag zor
rgyal mo) on the right. Two bodhisattvas can be seen on the two lateral
thangkas as Amitābha’s attendants, with Mañjuśrī placed to the left and
Vajrapāṇi to the right. The 4th Panchen Lama sits above the standing
Mañjuśrī, and the guardian deity Beg tse is below. Vajrapāṇi is accompanied by an unidentified Panchen Lama above and by the guardian deity
132
The same identification is found in modern publications on Bkra shis lhun po, where
for the Maitreya festival Amitābha is regarded as the Buddha of the Past. See Zi and Pin
1993: 162, An 2003: 84, Li and Jiang 2003: 78.
133
Palden Nyima 2014. See also Anonymous 2014, Yang 2014.
134
Zi and Pin 1993: 168. See also Phun tshogs rnam rgyal 1998: 143–146.
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
93
Phying dkar ba below. It is obvious that the iconographic program differs
from the Amitābha thangka commissioned under the 4th Panchen Lama in
1634. Even though both bodhisattvas in the side thangkas and the monks
Atiśa and Tsong kha pa were kept, the remaining figures were changed.
It is possible that the composition in the photograph shows the arrangement made under the 7th Panchen Lama, for a new Amitābha thangka
was made in 1794, as mentioned above. Unfortunately, no details are
given on the iconographic program in the biography of Bstan pa’i nyi
ma. The deity Phying dkar ba frequently appears on the block prints and
thangkas that are associated with the 6th Panchen Lama Dpal ldan ye shes,
but one can also find him in thangkas associated with the 9th Panchen
Lama Chos kyi nyi ma. The latter can also be identified by a right hand
pointing downwards and the left one holding a vessel filled with ambrosia
like on this Amitābha thangka.135 It is therefore possible that the unknown
Panchen Lama is Chos kyi nyi ma. An investigation on the spot would
be desirable, for Chos kyi nyi ma, in contrast to all other Panchen Lamas,
had a moustache, which is also reproduced on artistic representations.
If it is the 9th Panchen Lama, the entire Amitābha thangka set or only the
right-side thangka could have been created during his lifetime or after his
death. As mentioned above, the biographical material on him is fragmentary for some periods of his life, and it cannot, therefore, be ruled out at
present that the original thangkas were made during his abbotship. Perhaps
the thangka seen on figure six is the Dīpaṃkara alias Amitābha thangka
commissioned by the 10th Panchen Lama in 1959. However, according
to a recent journalistic report, the Amitābha thangka is said to have been
made in the 1990s, and so the question needs to remain open for the time
being (Wang 2015).
TheŚākyamuniThangka
The giant Śākyamuni textile thangka, which was shown on the middle day
of the three-day Maitreya festival, is arranged differently from the Amitābha
thangka, both with regard to the absolute size of the main figures, and the
135
Bod rang skyong ljongs rig dngos do dam u yon khan khang 2007 [1985]: 81,
Chen 2005: 81.
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OLAF CZAJA
iconographic programme (fig. 7) (Zi and Pin 1993: 168). The Buddha of
the present age, Śākyamuni, occupies the central position of the three-part
thangka ensemble. On the left and right sides above him are Dīpaṃkara,
the Buddha of the Past, and Maitreya, the Buddha of the Future. On the
left side of Śākyamuni, one can see the 4th Panchen Lama, and on the right
the Buddha of the Infinite Light, Amitābha. This arrangement corresponds
to the Śākyamuni thangka commissioned by the 4th Panchen Lama (see
above). Lateral thangkas are not mentioned, but one can probably assume
that they did exist because, as we saw above, the side thangka of Mañjuśrī
was renewed in 1683 by the 5th Panchen Lama Blo bzang ye shes. Finally,
the 9th Panchen Lama commissioned a Śākyamuni thangka with lateral
thangkas of Mañjuśrī and Avalokiteśvara between 1905 and 1914. It is
therefore possible that the thangka ensemble that is in use today for display at the second day of the Maitreya Festival is still the one commissioned by the 9th Panchen Lama.136
It is worth noting that the thangka does not have guardian deities. This
is probably due to the fact that the main figure of Śākyamuni is larger than
usual, as the 4th Panchen Lama recorded in his autobiography, which did
not leave enough space for the protectors. The two bodhisattvas on both
sides were made larger to correspond to the main figure. It seems to me
that both lateral panels belong to the main thangka even though they appear
to be much larger than usual; the colour and the shape of the lotus petals
and the clouds seem to support this assumption, but a close examination
insitu would be required to say this with certainty.
TheMaitreyaThangka
On the last day of the Maitreya festival, the faithful would see the colourful image of the future Buddha (fig. 8) (Zi and Pin 1993: 169). In this
textile thangka, a huge image of Maitreya is accompanied by various
smaller figures, which can most likely be identified as Blue Vajradhara
with consort, Tsong kha pa (left), White Vajrasattva with consort, and
136
This conjecture was confirmed in a recent publication (Li and Jiang 2003: 78),
which states that the Śākyamuni thangka was made by the 9th Panchen Lama, but fieldwork
would be necessary to validate it.
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
95
a still unidentified Panchen Lama (right). At the height of the hips of
Maitreya, one can see the green Buddha Siṃhanāda and the yellow Buddha
Sunetra, and on the left and right sides.On the left and right panels, one
can see the Eight Medicine Buddhas. No protectors of the Buddhist doctrine are depicted.
The iconographic programme corresponds in part to the thangkas
which the 4th Panchen Lama had produced starting in 1649. Siṃhanāda
and Sunetra can be found in his iconographic description, as well as the
two lateral thangkas with the Eight Medicine Buddhas, but the figures in
the two corners above the Maitreya are not mentioned by the 4th Panchen
Lama. The unknown Panchen Lama teaches, with his right hand raised,
while his left is resting on his lap and holding a vase with ambrosia. He
holds the stalks of two lotus flowers that blossom at the height of his
shoulder, supporting a sword and a book. Although it remains unclear
which Panchen Lama he is, it could be the 7th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i
nyi ma (1782–1853), or possibly the 8th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i dbang
phyug (1854/1855–1882). As indicated above, the production of a Maitreya
thangka under these two dignitaries is not recorded in the historical sources.
During the life of the 9th Panchen Lama, one thangka, or perhaps even
three thangkas, of Maitreya with the Eight Medicine Buddhas were created by the jawtüilam khambanomonkhan from Khüree. Future research,
especially with in-depth fieldwork in Bkra shis lhun po, might help to
clarify whether or not there is any relationship of these earlier precedents
with the thangkas exhibited nowadays.
It seems that the three thangkas discussed above were probably made
during the nineteenth- and twentieth-centuries, or perhaps entirely in the
twentieth century. Stylistically, some differences can be observed between
the three. The Śākyamuni thangka, possibly executed in the first decades
of the twentieth century, has lotus petals with smooth edges for both the
main image and the lateral images. This is in contrast to the lotus petals
seen in the thangkas of Amitābha and Maitreya, which have jagged edges.
Comparing the two latter thangkas, it is evident that the lotus petals are
very similar but not identical. Both thangkas also differ in the colours of
the clouds. The Amitābha thangka has one colour for each cloud or band
of clouds, whereas a variety of colours are used in the Maitreya thangka.
In this regard the Maitreya thangka is comparable with the thangka of
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Śākyamuni. It can be further observed that floral motifs are more prominently employed for Amitābha and Maitreya than for Śākyamuni. The
depiction of the landscape is noticeably distinct in each image. The hills
on the Maitreya thangkas are shrouded in clouds but still have vegetation.
The latter is absent in both other thangkas. On the other hand, both the
Amitābha and Śākyamuni thangkas have cloud-covered mountains, but the
colouring clearly differs. Based on these preliminary observations, one
might conclude that these three thangkas were neither made by the same
artists nor at the same time, but I cannot currently offer a more exact
dating.137
Furthermore, in 2014 a brand new Maitreya thangka commissioned
by the 11th Panchen Lama Rgyal mtshan nor bu was displayed for the
first time. The two contemporary Maitreya thangkas – the one shown
before 2014 and the one shown during and after 2014 – differ significantly,138 particularly in terms of their iconographic programmes. The
recently commissioned Maitreya has four smaller attendant figures: Atiśa
and Tsong kha pa in the upper corners and two unidentified monks on
both sides. To the left and right of the main thangka are two side thangkas with the bodhisattvas Mañjuśrī (left) and Avalokiteśvara (right).
There is also a monk sitting above each of the Bodhisattvas, most likely
the 5th Dalai Lama above the Mañjuśrī, and the 4th Panchen Lama above
the Avalokiteśvara.
4. Concluding Remarks
The Maitreya Prayer Festival has long been one of the most important
events in the annual monastic life of Bkra shis lhun po. The iconic importance of the Maitreya Prayer Festival can for example be seen in the
fact that the giant Śākyamuni thangka was often depicted on traditional
137
A more precise assessment cannot be given here, as I have not had the opportunity
to see them insituand the only accessible photographic materials are the plates produced
in this article, scanned from a 1993 Chinese publication. I cannot even say whether the
Chinese reproductions are in true colours. Moreover, other important features such as the
type of textile, its lustre, brightness, texture, and haptic qualities, and technological aspects
such as cords and seams could not be examined.
138
For images of the thangka made in 2014, see Anonymous 2014, Palden Nyima 2014,
Yang 2014.
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
97
representations of the monastery (fig. 2).139 It is not known exactly when
the festival was introduced. Dge ’dun grub made various over-dimensional
thangkas, but he did not create the Maitreya Festival itself. It is likely
that the Maitreya Prayer Festival first happened under the 4th Panchen
Lama in the first half of the seventeenth century. During his abbotship,
the three giant textile thangkas with Amitābha, Śākyamuni, and Maitreya
were made, and although the exact iconographic programme of the thangkas has changed over the centuries, the festival itself and the public display of the thangkas has remained an integral part of the religious identity
of the monastery.
The precious materials used for the production of the thangkas were
in part an expression of the social and religious prestige of the Panchen
Lamas. It must be remembered that these rare and expensive materials
were not purchased, but were given to the Panchen Lamas as gifts from
the Chinese emperor, high spiritual dignitaries, secular officials, monastic
institutions, and aristocratic families. It is no coincidence that the texts
contain detailed information on the fabrics used to make textile thangkas,
which highlights the material value of the thangka and the religious prestige enjoyed by the Panchen Lamas. The association with named high
profile donors implies that the oversized thangkas were also a manifestation of the power and prestige of the Panchen Lamas.
In its pronounced form created at the beginning of the seventeenth
century, the Maitreya Prayer Festival also clearly demonstrated the fact
that the Dge lugs school had firmly established itself in Gtsang province,
and had the confidence to publicly proclaim this fact (figs. 1, 2). The festival was an eloquent expression of the self-understanding of the Dge lugs
school as having a special bond to the future Buddha Maitreya, as well as
Bkra shis lhun po as a symbolic embodiment of Mt. Meru, with the abbot’s
residence representing Maitreya’s Palace. Thus, the Dge lugs pa in general
and the Panchen Lamas in particular showed that they were prepared for
the descent of the future Buddha and a new era of Buddhism. This selfesteem of Bkra shis lhun po was not limited to their home region of Gtsang,
but also extended to the province of Dbus, and especially in the Lha sa
139
See, for instance, van der Wee and van der Wee 1995: fig. 34. See also http://www.
himalayanart.org, under the entry Tibet: Tashi Lhunpo, Shigatse Cityscape (Paintings).
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valley. In a sense, the Maitreya Festival in Bkra shis lhun po can be
understood as a kind of response to the Prayer Festival at the beginning
of the year in Lha sa. In both cases, the festival was a defining feature
of the venue, together with the surrounding areas, and possessed a strong
supraregional attraction. In other words, each of the two festivals became
a unique feature of the respective monastic communities.
In the Middle Ages in Europe, festivals were occasionally implemented
in order to bind aristocratic families to a ruler, and thus tournaments and
festivals could be part of local politics (Kühnel 1991: 74). One might
assume that something similar also applies to the Maitreya Festival in
so far as it bound the local aristocracy of Gtsang to Bkra shis lhun po,
the seat of Dge lugs power in that region. A remaining desideratum is to
learn more about the “racing and military manoeuvres and drill” at Gzhis
ka rtse, as reported by Sarat Chandra Das for the festivities of 1882, but
unfortunately the consulted sources are completely silent on this matter.140
It was probably not only an exercise of military skill and mastery, but also
an opportunity for aristocratic families to challenge and reassure the social
hierarchies on a visual and non-violent level. In the Middle Ages in Europe,
tournaments and other martial games were an important way to demonstrate and reaffirm social and political hierarchies. It was also an opportunity to display one’s might and wealth in the lavishness of decor and
costumes (see Kühnel 1991), an observation also made by Das, when he
speaks of the head-dress of one lady worth 40,000 rupees.
On the other hand, the socially inclusive nature of the festival allowed
for the visible expression of a common bond – a shared identity for otherwise separate and competing communities (Johanek 1991, Kühnel 1991).
As seen above, the lord of the Gzhis ka rtse rdzong or the clerics and
laymen from the communities in Bzhad demonstrated their involvement
by providing provisions at the festival. Festival food and small presents
were not just given to the monastic assembly, but also to those who were
in need, such as beggars. Although the practice of circumambulation is
only briefly mentioned in the textual sources, one can assume that it was
crucial for those who attended the festival. The route was probably similar
to that which is still used today, including the monastery, the mountain
140
On the importance of horse racing in Tibet in general, see Maurer 2013.
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
99
behind it, and part of the fortress and town of Gzhis ka rtse. The route
is dotted with maṇi wheels, small chapels, and rock carvings. Other participants are said to have spent their time reciting prayers for long life,
or participating in other rituals and ceremonies as discussed above. In
general, the days of the festival were seen as very auspicious, and important announcements and decisions influencing the monastic life of Bkra
shis lhun po were made on these days in order to publicly place them
above all doubt. Agendas for such holy days could also include ceremonies that were of special importance for the monastery, such as those
related to the Chinese emperor.
The festival served to establish and strengthen existing relationships
and alliances. This did not only affect people and institutions in the two
central Tibetan provinces, but also outside Tibetan regions, especially in
outer and inner Mongolia. As shown above, Mongolian visitors – both
clergy and laymen – were not infrequently involved in the festival. They
bear witness to the profound connection between Mongol tribes and the
Panchen Lama. Very often they turned to him with the request to write
religious texts that they needed for the practice of their faith. It is also
clear that political talks and political decisions would have been made
in this context, such as the funeral ceremonies for the deceased and the
discovery of the new Jetsün Dampa. Thus, one can safely assume that,
much like in the European Middle Ages, there was a close connection
between banquet, feast, and political alliance (Althoff 1991). The banquets
are seldom mentioned in the historical Tibetan sources, but the eyewitness account of Sarat Chandra Das may compensate for this, as he clearly
shows the emphasis placed on such feasts during the Maitreya festival.
The strengthening of political alliances through hospitable meetings is a
frequently recurring event in medieval descriptions of European feasts; in
addition to the banquets, hosts and guests were also honored with presents,
a feature which is also found in the Tibetan context. In view of the traditionally close ties between Mongols and the Panchen Lamas, it is certainly
worth mentioning that the famous Maitreya Festival of the Mongols, which
often took place around New Year, was possibly inspired by the 4th Panchen
Lama (Berger 2003: 119f.). It must be emphasized, however, that in
the liturgical calendar of the Mongolian Buddhists there were two great
festivals in which the future Buddha was worshiped: the second one
100
OLAF CZAJA
was a festival of prayers to Maitreya, celebrated on the sixth day of the
last summer month (Teleki 2012: 272). Whether and how these festivals relate to the Maitreya Festival in Bkra shis lhun po still needs to be
clarified.
In Bkra shis lhun po, the festival took place in July, in the middle of
the summer. This time of the year made it possible for remote visitors
to participate in the festivities, for the summer is a good time for the
rural population, as the harvest was still to come. As is well known, the
cropland in central Tibet is mainly located in the basin of the Gtsang po
river, together with its main tributaries, the Skyid chu in the Lha sa region,
and the Nyang chu in Gtsang, not far from Bkra shis lhun po. Since winter wheat and winter barley were both only recently introduced to these
areas, during the 1960s and 1970s, and the 1970s and 1980s, respectively,
the farmers in Tibet’s past were generally occupied with spring wheat and
spring barley. The harvest season for spring barley would have been in
late August in Gtsang (Paltridge et al. 2009: 631, 634), and therefore
farmers would have had time to attend the festival in the middle of the
summer. On the other hand, the months from May to July were the period
when most of the off‐farm labour and livestock labour was carried out
(Brown and Waldron 2011: 10), and therefore farmers still had to carefully manage their affairs in order to come to Bkra shis lhun po’s festivities. The fact that the festival was not independent of the agricultural
season can also be seen in the rain-making rituals performed during the
festival or shortly afterwards. The annual precipitation of the Gtsang area
mostly concentrates in the period from May/June to September, and more
than 90 per cent of precipitation falls in summer (Zhang et al. 2013: 37,
Waldron et al. 2016: 12, Paltridge et al. 2009: 633). Beside the paramount
importance of irrigation, summer rain was essential for a good harvest. It
is understandable, then, that any prolonged absence of rain could result in
a poor harvest, and rituals for rainmaking should be regarded not just as
an accessory support by the monastic specialists in Bkra shis lhun po for
the lay communities, but as a constitutive and integral part of the festival.
This is still valid today, as the journalist Palden Nyima writes, “Religious
officials of the monastery said the ritual is part of ceremonial prayers
for rain that would help local people to have a bumper harvest” (Palden
Nyima 2014).
THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO
101
Considering the complexity of this festival, the historical and arthistorical study presented here should only be considered a beginning. It
is hoped that social anthropologists will research the Maitreya festival in
more detail in the future. The festival is undoubtedly marked by today’s
political and social conditions, but it can be assumed that there are also
continuities within this tradition, even if the form may have slightly
changed. It would also be desirable, if further sources emerge, to determine
the exact details of the organisation of the festival over time, especially its
economic details. Further studies could help demonstrate the interpenetration of art, ritual, and society in Tibet, and festivals like the Maitreya
Festival in Bkra shis lhun po are indispensable for such endeavors.
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ABSTRACT
This article deals with an important festival in Tibet dedicated to the future
Buddha Maitreya. It was held on three days in summer when three giant thangkas
showing Buddhas Amitābha, Śākyamuni and Maitreya were put on public display. Introduced in the seventeenth century, it became a defining feature of the
monastic life in the Dge lugs monastery of Bkra shis lhun po, the seat of the
Panchen Lamas. It attained a supra-regional importance, which even extended to
Mongolia. Based on a number of textual sources, this essay examines various
aspects of this festival, how it was funded, who participated, and which rituals
and ceremonies were conducted. It also analyses the history and iconography of
the three giant textile thangkas by discussing in detail the contributions made
during the reign of each respective Panchen Lama from the past to the present.
In sum, the article argues that this festival has to be seen in the context of a
special bond the Dge lugs school of Tibetan Buddhism maintained to have with
the future Buddha Maitreya.
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Appendix
Fig. 1. Bkra shis lhun po (Tashi Lhünpo) Monastery from the south, 1900/1901,
O. M. Norzunoff. From the American Geographical Society Library,
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Libraries.
Fig. 2. Bkra shis lhun po Monastery, Tibet, 19th cent., pigment on cotton,
61×43cm, Bkra shis lhun po Monastery. After Bod rang skyong ljongs rig dngos
do dam u yon khan khang 2007 [1985]: no. 23. Detail showing the thangka
display wall with the giant Śākyamuni textile thangka.
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Fig. 3. A giant textile thangka is brought out and welcomed by music bands.
After Zi and Pin 1993: 164f.
Fig. 4. Monks carry a giant textile thangka to the display wall.
After Zi and Pin 1993: 166f.
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Fig. 5. The thangka display wall situated in the north-east of Bkra shis lhun po.
After Zi and Pin 1993: 40f.
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Fig. 6. The Amitābha thangka at Bkra shis lhun po. After Zi and Pin 1993: 168.
Fig. 7. The Śākyamuni thangka at Bkra shis lhun po. After Zi and Pin 1993: 168.
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Fig. 8. The Maitreya thangka at Bkra shis lhun po. After Zi and Pin 1993: 169.