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THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO: A HISTORICAL AND ART HISTORICAL STUDY OLAF CZAJA Introduction Among the numerous festivals held throughout Tibetan history, the Maitreya Prayer Festival at Bkra shis lhun po (“Tashilhünpo”) Monastery was especially renowned. It was not only widely known in its home region, but its fame extended far beyond the borders of Gtsang (“Tsang”), reaching even Mongolia. In Tibetan sources, it is variously called the Prayer Festival of Maitreya (byamspa’ismonlam), the Great Prayer Festival of Maitreya (byamspa’ismonlamchenmo), or simply the Great Prayer Festival (smon lam chen mo). One also finds the designation Prayer Festival of the Fifth Month (zlabalngapa’ismonlam). The exact year when the festival was introduced is not known, but it seems that it was established in the first half of seventeenth century under the Fourth Panchen Lama. It was celebrated for three days in the summer, beginning on the fifteenth day of the fifth Tibetan month. A giant scroll painting (thangka) was unfurled on each of the three days, respectively displaying the Buddhas Amitābha, Śākyamuni, and Maitreya. Numerous rituals and ceremonies were conducted during the festival, many of them attended by the Panchen Lama himself. The festival dedicated to Maitreya, the future Buddha, was deeply rooted in the spiritual imagination of a scared landscape, in which Bkra shis lhun po was reimagined as the holy Mount Meru, the center of the physical and metaphysical universe, and the abbot’s residence as Ketumatī, the divine palace of Maitreya in the Tuṣita heaven. Important statues built by abbots and Panchen Lamas at Bkra shis lhun po gave expression to the special bond the monastery enjoyed with this Buddha, who hopefully would soon descend to earth to preach the dharma and teach all sentient beings. The festival played an important role in perpetuating such pious JournaloftheInternationalAssociationofBuddhistStudies Volume 41 • 2018 • 55–116 • doi: 10.2143/JIABS.41.0.3285739 56 OLAF CZAJA wishes and beliefs. The celebration was an integral part of the monastic and lay calendars of festivals. Held in the middle of the summer, pilgrims and visitors from far away could participate in the celebrations. Moreover, holding the festival in this season allowed the monastery to perform rainmaking rituals during the festival to ensure a good harvest, which was particularly important to the peasant population. Furthermore, it is safe to say that the festival bound the local aristocracy of the province of Gtsang to the Dge lugs monastic establishment of Bkra shis lhun po, giving them an opportunity not only to accumulate religious merit, but also to consolidate social hierarchies. On the monastic side, the auspicious nature of the festival was an excellent occasion to make important announcements and decisions. In general, the festival served to establish and strengthen existing relationships and alliances, be they spiritual, political, or both. In this article, I will examine precisely where in Bkra shis lhun po the festival was held, how it was funded and who participated. I will discuss the performance of some important prayers, ceremonies, and rituals, and the teachings given during the festival, as well as highlight some of the announcements and long-life prayers made during the festivities. I will emphasize that, alongside these rituals, the festival also served to strengthen religious and political ties. In the final section of the article I will discuss the giant thangkas displayed during the Maitreya Prayer Festival, investigating the tradition of producing oversized textile thangkas at Bkra shis lhun po and their continuous renovation and sometimes complete replacement during the reigns of successive Panchen Lamas. The iconography of the giant thangkas shown in the 1990s will be examined in detail. Finally, some concluding remarks will be offered. 1. Maitreya Worship at Bkra shis lhun po and the Maitreya Prayer Festival Over the centuries, the Dge lugs school has developed an intimate relationship with the Future Buddha, Maitreya.1 Tradition holds that Atiśa was 1 I would like to thank Jan Seifert for editing the images of this paper and William McGrath and Andrew Taylor for editing the English version of this essay. I am also thankful to both anonymous reviewers for their comments and suggestions. All remaining mistakes are entirely my own. THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 57 reborn as bodhisattva Nam mkha’ dri med (*Ākāśavimala or *Gaganāmala) in the Tuṣita heaven of Maitreya. The same has also been said about Tsong kha pa who has taken rebirth at the same heavenly abode as bodhisattva ’Jam dpal snying po (*Mañjuśrīgarbha). A devotional prayer, known as TheHundredGodsofTuṣita(Dga’ldanlhabrgyama), which is a special kind of worship that focuses on one’s own teacher (blama’irnal’byor, guruyoga), praises Tsong kha pa as emanating from the heart of Maitreya. Composed by Shes rab seng ge (1383–1445/6), it was handed down orally until it was written down by ’Dul nag pa Dpal ldan bzang po (1402–1473) at Srad rgyud Dga’ ldan pho brang monastery in Gtsang province, the earliest Tantric college of the Dge lugs school. It became a very important prayer for Dge lugs liturgy and was performed and practiced in all religious institutions of the school.2 Historically and politically speaking, this new kind of liturgical worship was part of the efforts on the Dge lugs side to gain influence in Gtsang, which was a Sa skya stronghold at that point. Dge ’dun grub (1391–1474) founded the monastery of Bkra shis lhun po in 1447, as well as his abbatial residence of Rgyal mtshan mthon po, a year later. The latter is the Tibetan name for Ketumatī, the palace of Maitreya, which is supported by the fact that Bkra shis lhun po, literally meaning the “Mountain of Auspiciousness,” alludes the cosmic mountain Mount Meru. In other words, the monastery represents the center of the physical universe and Maitreya’s palace in Tuṣita Heaven is embodied by the residence of its abbot. This also found its expression in the erection of a Maireya statue-cum-temple in Bkra shis lhun po from 1459 to 1463, which became one of the most venerated statues of the monastery. The worship of the Future Buddha continued unabated throughout the centuries, culminating in a colossal Maitreya statue commissioned by the 9th Panchen Lama (1883–1937), one of the largest statues in Tibet.3 Although the paintings and statues of Maitreya created in Bkra shis lhun po were eminently important objects of worship, the adoration of the Future Buddha was not limited to Bkra shis lhun po. In the biographies of 2 This prayer is also the subject of a forthcoming study. Full references will be given there. A study on the Maitreya belief in the Dge lugs school is currently in preparation. The entire issue will be discussed in more detail in a forthcoming article. 3 58 OLAF CZAJA the Panchen Lama, one can see that they were fully aware of important Maitreya sculptures in other monasteries. Rituals at the colossal statue in Khro phu monastery, for example, had already begun under the direction of Dge ’dun grub, who lead a prayer festival in front of the statue in 1448. The 6th Panchen Lama also made luxurious offerings to the Maitreya in Khro phu in 1767 to demonstrate the high level of his pious commitment: A monk’s robe fitting [Maitreya’s] proportions was made from twenty-two large panels of golden satin from the Imperial Treasure House with a label containing a prayer in verses and an imprint of the golden seal [of the Panchen Lamas?], a large water flask of gilded copper larger than a fathom in height, victory banners of silk, a panel of white satin, eight panels of welcome scarves of auspiciousness from the Imperial Treasure House, and approximately 242 grams of fine gold for gilding the face.4 Similarly substantial offerings were also made to the Maitreya statues at Rdzing phyi, Chos ’khor rgyal, and Byams pa gling chos sde monasteries. Thus, it is justified to say that the Dge lugs Maitreya worship was not restricted to Bkra shis lhun po, but clearly had transregional features. The same can be said in regard to the famous Maitreya Festival, which took place in the summer.5 It was unique in its scale and structure, but it was not the only monastic gathering in which Maitreya was revered. The great winter festival of the doctrine (dgunchoschenmo), for example, also took an important place in the liturgical life of the Dge lugs monasteries (Tucci 2012 [1980]: 144). It started on the seventeenth day of the eleventh month and lasted to the sixteenth day of the twelfth month. Within this time, a variety of activities were performed, such as monk examinations, 4 khrophubyamschenlamdzodgosserpoyugchennyishurtsagnyislasgrubpa’i snamsbyarrungbatshaddangldanpazhalbyangsmontshigscangsertham’byarba/ gserzangskyispyiblugscheba’phangdu’domganglhagtsamyodpadang/ goschen gyirgyalmtshan/ gosjusdkaryugdang/ mdzodbtags’dombrgyad/ zhalgsergyirgyur gserbtulmamgurzhosumcu/ stongmchodsnalngatshargsum, Dpalldanyeshesrnam thar 445/10. The weight measurement mgurzho is used in the area of Bkra shis lhun po, Schuh 2010b. Its absolute weight is unknown. The weight of approximately 220 grams is just a rough calculation based on the assumption that 1 seba is equal to 0.253 grams. See Schuh 2010b. 5 There are no academic studies on this festival. In fact, most of publications on Tibetan festival mainly focus on Lha sa and adjacent areas; see Richardson 1993, Rigzin 1993, Ngag dbang rgyal mtshan 1999 [1974], Skal bzang mkhas grub and Chung tshe ring 2002, Hovden 2007, Hovden 2011. THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 59 ceremonies, prayers, and the Prayer to Maitreya.6 The Maitreya Prayer was one of the five most important prayers recited by followers of the Dge lugs school, collectively known as the Five Aspiration Prayers (smonlamlnga).7 It seems that some of the giant fabric thangkas showing Maitreya were specifically made for the Prayer to Maitreya event, like the thangka commissioned by the 8th Dalai Lama for his late teacher, Ye shes rgyal mtshan, after his demise in 1793.8 2. The Celebration of the Festival and Related Activities Unfortunately, there is no historical or modern Tibetan work that provides detailed information about the festival, except for a short account by Byams pa thub bstan (Byams pa thub bstan 1991: 124ff.). According to him, the textile thangkas that were to be displayed were ceremonially ‘invited’ by the monks of the Tantric college, and the ‘invitation’ was performed by playing music with honorary umbrellas and victory banners (figs. 3, 4). On the first day the thangka of Amitābha was displayed, on the second it was Śākyamuni, and Maitreya on the third. After they were unfurled, immense offerings were spread out before them. At the beginning of the festival, on the fifteenth day of the fifth Tibetan month, the monastic community of Bkra shis lhun po, chaired by the Panchen Lama, gathered at the G.yul thang chen mo plain and performed a confession ritual (gsosbyong). After a seven-branch service (yanlagbdunpa), a cleansing ritual (khrusgsol) and a consecration (rabgnas) were held, and the Panchen Lama or his representative recited an aspiration prayer (thugs smon) and made a “speech of truth” (bdenbrjod) for the happiness and well-being of the Buddhist doctrine and all living creatures. While this contributed to the spiritual advancement of the monks’ community, laymen 6 See, for instance, the monastery of Se ra, Cabezón 2006. They consist of the PrayerofGoodActions(Bzangspyodsmonlam), the Prayerof Maitreya (Byamspa’ismonlam), the PrayerofEngagingintheBodhisattvaDeeds (Spyod ’jugsmonlam), the PrayeroftheVirtuousBeginning,Middle,andEnd (Thogmtha’’bar dudgeba’ismonlam) and the PrayerofRebirthinSukhāvatī(Bdebacanduskyeba’i smonlam). 8 This will be discussed in more detail in a forthcoming study on giant Maitreya textile thangkas produced under Ngag dbang blo bzang chos ldan (1642–1714), ’Jam dpal rgya mtsho (1758–1804), and Dharmabhadra (1772–1851). 7 60 OLAF CZAJA could also benefit spiritually. As Byams pa thub bstan explains (Byams pa thub bstan 1991: 124), the habits (bagchags) of seeing, hearing, remembering, and touching are purified through the ritual, so that the gates to the accumulations of merit and wisdom (tshogsgnyis) will be truly opened in the mental continuum (rgyud) of the countless people who attend the feast, where they can see the giant textile thangkas, and they will be reborn at the very beginning of the first teachings of the future Buddha Maitreya. The brief description given by Byams pa thub bstan has also been supplemented by an eye-witness account published in 1902. When Sarat Chandra Das was in Bkra shis lhun po monastery in 1882, he attended the famous Maitreya Festival and was clearly impressed as his vivid description shows: On June 29 the summer prayer ceremony (or monlam) was celebrated. All the monks of Tashilhunpo, some three thousand odd, assembled at Chyagtsal-gang. A satin wall or gyabyal, 1000 feet in circumference, was erected, and inside it was a great State canopy, under which the Panchen rinpoche’s throne was placed. He was unable to be present, but his stole and mitre were put on the throne, and round it thronged the lamas in order of precedence and rank. The people of Shigatse were there, some under tents, others under bowers of cypress and willow branches, all amusing themselves singing and joking. A mast about 120 feet high was erected, and ropes stretched from it to the great Kiku building, and on these were hung pictures of all the gods of the pantheon. At Shigatse, the while, there was racing and military manoeuvres and drill. The following day was sacred to Dipankara Buddha, and his picture was made to occupy a prominent place in the exhibition. This representation of him was about 100 feet high, and skilfully worked in different coloured satins. On either side of it were gigantic representations of the Buddha. All the lamas and nobles of Shigatse with their families made merry under the great tent in the Chyag-tsal-gang. Sumptuous dinners, cooked by the best native and Chinese cooks, were served to the great personages of Tashilhunpo and of the Government. Many persons had pitched tents near the great one, and were amusing themselves there with their families and friends. From morning to evening the deafening music of drums, cymbals, and trumpets never ceased. No one was absent from the fête save the Grand Lama, who, it was rumoured, was laid up with small-pox at Tobgyal, where he had gone after a visit to the hot springs of Tanag. On either side of the great nine-storied building of Kiku, between Shigatse and Tashilhunpo, were two huge lions in which men were concealed these were moved about from time to time to the great delight of the people. THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 61 The next day was the full moon, and was sacred to Sakya Buddha. The great picture of Dipankara Buddha was removed, and one of Sakya Sinha, of gigantic size, and surrounded by all the Buddhas of past and future ages, took its place. This picture was brought out from the lamasery to the sound of deafening music, and with great ceremony. Ten black priests (Nagpa), well versed in tantrik rituals, conducted a solemn religious service, and were assisted by 300 lamas from Tsomaling chanting hymns. In the plain of Chyag-tsal-gang the lamas and people again feasted and enjoyed themselves as on the previous day. On the morrow (July 2) the picture of Sachya tubpa was displaced for one of the Buddha who is to come, Maitreya (or Chyamba). It was brought out and hung up with the same ceremony as was observed on the preceding days. This day Tashilhunpo was open to women, and crowds of them in the gayest and richest apparel visited the temples and shrines. Ugyen estimated the value of the head-dress of one lady he saw at 40,000 rupees. In the evening every one went and touched with his or her head the picture of Chyamba, and thus received his blessing.9 Both descriptions are invaluable accounts, and it is highly regrettable that no Tibetan treatises are currently available that would document in detail the liturgical ceremonies and activities that were observed when unfolding the large textile thangkas in Bkra shis lhun po. It can be assumed that there would have been such works. In the case of the Sa skya school, for example, the thirty-first throne holder, Kun dga’ blo gros (1729–1783), has written a short text explaining when and how sacrifices are to be made, which forms of worship are to be performed, how the ritual circumambulation should be performed, and which particular assignment and sequence of appearances should be observed by the persons involved in the rituals.10 Treatises of this type were also known in the Dge lugs school. Dkon mchog bstan pa’i sgron me (1762–1823), for example, described the liturgical recitations that were to be made when a great textile thangka of Akṣobhya 9 Das 1902: 198ff. The “great Kiku building” is the wall for displaying the giant textile thangkas (gossku). The Chyag-tsal-gang (Phyag ’tshal sgang) is presumably the G.yul thang chen mo plain. Tobgyal (Thob rgyal) and Tanag (Rta nag) are both in Gtsang province. 10 Gosskuzhal’byedthochung. It seems that Kun dga’ blo gros wrote his brief undated work to be consulted for special occasions such as the funeral ceremonies for a deceased Sa skya throne-holder when the famous “black pendants” (’phan nag) and textile thangkas were put at public display. For Kun dga’ blo gros, see Schmidt 2015. 62 OLAF CZAJA was unfurled during a certain festival.11 Even if no such treatises on the Maitreya Festival in Bkra shis lhun po are currently known, the sources contain some information that is of interest with regard to the historical development of the Maitreya Festival. TheVenueoftheFestival The Maitreya Festival would take place from the fourteenth to the sixteenth of the fifth Tibetan month. The center of the festivities was Bkra shis lhun po monastery, and unlike at some other festivals, other distant locations do not seem to have been involved. Most important rituals were conducted in the G.yul thang chen mo plain, whose name literally means the “Great Battlefield” or the “Great Threshing Floor.” The shift in location to the plain appears to have been a later development, however, presumably in connection with the growing popularity of the festival and the increase in the number of monks involved. At the time of the 5th Panchen Lama Blo bzang ye shes, the monastic gathering for liturgical ceremonies – that is, the offerings and the confession ritual – took place in the Skyid skyid na kha garden outside the monastery.12 The rituals took place in the garden under the 6th Panchen Lama and presumably under the 7th Panchen Lama as well.13 This is probably the same garden east of the monastery that Ye shes rtse mo (b. 1433) acquired during his time as abbot of Bkra shis lhun po.14 There was a temple dedicated to Śākyamuni and the Arhats (Gnas bcu’i lha khang) on the site, and in 1825 the 7th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i nyi ma gave an order to erect a summer residence known as Bkra shis kun skyob gling in the vicinity of this temple.15 The palace had several private 11 Mi’khrugspagossku’donrim. According to the colophon, he wrote his work when he came from his hermitage Yid dga’ chos ’dzin, which is in the vicinity of his main seat, the monastery of Bla brang, for the annual offering ceremonies commemorating Tshong kha pa’s death that were traditionally held on the 25th day of the 10th month. The festival dedicated to Buddha Akṣobhya is said to be performed for three days, starting on the 12th day of an unspecified month. On the thirteenth day, the giant textile thangka depicting Akṣobhya is put at display. For Dkon mchog bstan pa’i sgron me, see Samten Chhosphel 2010. 12 Blobzangyeshesrnamthar371/3, 538/1. 13 Dpalldanyeshesrnamthar 58/19. 14 Grags pa ’byung gnas and Blo bzang mkhas grub 1992: 982f. 15 Byams pa thub bstan 1991: 610f. This should not be confused with the Bde chen pho brang residence of the Panchen Lamas to the south-west of Bkra shis lhun po monastery. THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 63 quarters. One of them known as Dbu g.yab was used under Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i dbang phyug as a room for the display of ceremonial food (dkar spro) during the second day of the Maitreya festival.16 The place also became the residence of the Panchen Lama’s family. The first mention of the G.yul thang chen mo plain in biographical writings is under the 8th Panchen Lama in 1868.17 A great ceremonial tent was erected and used for making offerings and performing ceremonies, such as the aspiration prayer, but also to meet people, exchange ceremonial scarves, and bestow blessings. This continued for the next several years. Before this time the responsibilities of the Panchen Lama during this festival included offerings at the roof of the private quarters in the abbot’s residence, with the assistance of the care-takers of the protector chapels.18 TheFundingoftheFestival Detailed information regarding the costs of the festivities – such as work contributions or the offering of products such as tea – would help illustrate the social reality of the festival, but unfortunately we currently do not know of any such documents, and at present there are only isolated references in biographical writings. The majority of work and materials was undoubtedly provided by members of the monastery itself but, as was usually the case for such large festivals, certain parts of the ceremonies were also performed by groups and institutions from outside the monastery, or were voluntarily contributed by individual sponsors. Thus, on the fifteenth day of the fifth month of 1650, the large monastic assembly was provided with ample communal tea, sponsored by all spiritual and secular settlements, peasants and nomads, of the Bzhad (or: ’Jad) region.19 There was also a long tradition that the lords of the fortress of Gzhis ka 16 Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 415/4, 437/3, 458/3. Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 400/2. 18 Blobzangyeshesrnamthar 558/3, Dpalldanyeshesrnamthar 58/19. The private quarters called Nyi ’od, also known as Nyi ’od chen po and Nyi ’od ’khyil ba, were built at the top of the Rgyal mtshan mthon po abbot residency under the 5th Panchen Lama in 1672. The private quarters named Nyi ’od kun ’khyil alias Nyi ’od bde chen kun ’khyil were erected by 7th Panchen Lama, together with the Rnam rgyal pho brang palace to the north of the abbot residency. 19 Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar 278/6. 17 64 OLAF CZAJA rtse rdzong provided tea, soup, tsampa, and the like for the monastic assembly, which is explicitly mentioned twice in the biography of the 5th Panchen Lama Blo bzang ye shes for the years 1710 and 1718.20 From the time of the 8th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i dbang phyug, the family of the Panchen Lama provided the provision of ceremonial food (dkarspro).21 Other sponsors also occasionally appeared; for the year 1874 it is recorded that on the middle day of the festival, the sprulskuof Tre hor khang gsar dgon and Har gdong pa drung Sangs rgyas, who were both enrolled as students of logic in Bkra shis lhun po, made an offering of ceremonial food (dkarspro) and, in addition, performed a religious debate before the monastic community based on the VinayaMūlatantra.22 In general, the festival was a great challenge for the monks in terms of additional obligations, but it also was a welcome occasion to participate in a banquet of communal tea and food, and to receive personal gifts, such as small amounts of money. The Panchen Lama’s household also benefited from the gifts and offerings given by the faithful and visitors. TheParticipantsoftheFestival One might assume that the vast majority of the monastic community was involved in preparing and performing the festival’s tasks, but they are hardly mentioned in historical records. It seems that the monks of the Tantric college played a leading role, as they were also obliged to carry the giant thangkas to the display wall and unfurl them (figs. 3, 4). As reported by Sarat Chandra Das, monks of Tsomaling would perform the liturgical chanting, but unfortunately Tsomaling remains unidentified.23 It remains also unknown which monks played the drums, cymbals, and trumpets as heard by Sarat Chandra Das, and who staged the dance imitating the two huge lions as seen by him.24 Secular dances (gar) are mentioned twice in 20 Blobzangyeshesrnamthar514/3, 573/4. Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 423/1, 431/6, 437/3, 458/3, 486/4. 22 Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 471/2. Both Tre hor khang and Har gdong are regional houses (khangtshan) of Bkra shis lhun po, Byams pa thub bstan 1991: 226. 23 This could be a mistake and should perhaps be emended to Thos bsam gling (Tösamling), a college at Bkra shis lhun po. 24 Das 1902: 199. 21 THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 65 the biographies of the Panchen Lamas,25 and performances of religious dances (’cham) are not described. Undoubtedly, the Panchen Lamas were the most important dignitary during the festivities, but sometimes they were unable to participate. The most common reason was that the Panchen Lama was travelling, but it is not known who would represent him at the festival when he was not present. Very rarely other commitments besides travelling – such as meditation retreats and so forth – would prevent his participation, as was the case for the 1711 Maitreya Festival when the 5th Panchen Lama Blo bzang ye shes was in meditation and could not worship the textile thangkas. Instead, he performed an intensified worship ceremony for his own meditation deities, as his biographer notes.26 A special situation also occurred in the year 1860 when the young 6th Panchen Lama fell ill,27 and the Maitreya Festival was postponed for the performance of long-life and healing ceremonies. The Maitreya Festival was then celebrated on the first day of the six month, and after these prayers and ceremonies, together with a corresponding medical treatment, the Panchen Lama is reported to have fully recovered. Two decades later, in 1882 when the 6th Panchen Lama fell ill again, he could not participate in the celebrations, as Sarat Chandra Das observed, and he soon passed away.28 For the faithful who came to the festival, it was important to see the giant thangkas, and perform ritual circumambulations (skorba), as one reads in the biography of the 5th Panchen Lama Blo bzang ye shes (1663–1737).29 The special highlight for the pilgrims was certainly the personal blessing from the Panchen Lama, who would touch their foreheads with his hands.30 It is reported that the 5th Panchen Lama gave this kind of blessing to more than ten thousand persons at the Maitreya Festival of 1714.31 The strain of this ceremonial activity is illustrated by the case of the 8th Panchen Lama, 25 Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 150/2, 400/2. Blobzangyeshesrnamthar519/2. 27 Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 208/2, 209/3. 28 Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 559/1. 29 Blobzangyeshesrnamthar165/6, 371/3, 431/3, 449/1, 538/1. 30 Blobzangyeshesrnamthar371/3, 431/3, 449/1, Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 180/1. 31 Blobzangyeshesrnamthar538/1. 26 66 OLAF CZAJA who in 1866 conducted not only the Maitreya Festival, but also the ritual for the transference of religious merit for the late Chinese emperor, and handed out blessed items to the faithful, such as protection knots.32 Shortly afterwards he fell ill, possibly due to his strenuous tasks, but recovered quickly. In addition to spiritual well-being, there were also material reasons for many to come to Bkra shis lhun po: markets were set up during the festival, it was a good opportunity for the poor and needy to receive alms.33 For the year 1867, it is also reported that donations such as tea and noodle soup were distributed to hermits.34 Rituals,Prayers,Ceremonies,andTeachings Other than the public display of the giant thangkas and the arrangement of offerings, the most important rituals of the Maitreya Festival must have been the confession rituals of the entire monastic assemblage, which would be performed on the fifteenth day, and the aspiration prayer to Maitreya on the sixteenth day. Although there are not many details given in the historical accounts, biographical sources give some glimpses of the rituals. In the second Tibetan month of 1815, the 7th Panchen Lama decided to change the procedure by introducing special confession rituals throughout the festival. Previously there were probably only the usual confession rituals during the middle day of the three-day festival, but none at the beginning and end of the festival. Thus he and his advisors established the tradition of a confession of sins for the aversion of harm (gnodpabzlog pa’igsosbyong) on the first day, in order to reject any harm that might hinder the teachings of the Buddha to spread, thrive, and endure.35 On the last day of the festival, a confession of sins for auspiciousness (bkrashis pa’igsosbyong) was held, so that happiness should prevail in the world until the coming of the future Buddha Maitreyanātha. 32 Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 355/4. Protection knots are ribbons or strings with knots blessed by a religious teacher. They are worn around the neck. They should never be given away, for they protect the bearer against any harm and ensure a long life. 33 Blobzangyeshesrnamthar 165/6, 787/6. 34 Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 377/3. 35 Bstanpa’inyimarnamthar 359/5. Cf. Bentor 1996: 44. THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 67 Moreover, the 7th Panchen Lama imposed strict restrictions on the beer drinking during the festival. It appears that it was previously allowed to drink beer within the monastery, which obviously displeased the Panchen Lama. He therefore gave instructions to strictly prohibit the consumption of beer within the monastery and to allow it only outside. These restrictions were also maintained for the coming years, but apparently there were also violations of this ban, especially when the Panchen Lama was not present. Therefore, the he was compelled to send his bodyguards and his personal servants to the monastery to supervise compliance when he stayed in his summer residence at Kun skyob gling. In addition to the standard material and immaterial offerings – such as the offering of ceremonial food and the liturgies performed during the festival – additional ceremonies could also take place, as we see in the case of the Mañjuśrī Thangka that was newly created in 1683, and shown for the first time during the festival. It is stated that the reading authorization of the EulogyoftheLotus-FacedLordofSubduers (Thubdbangzhalpad ma), the Prayer for Good Actions (Bzang spyod), the Aspirations of Maitreya (Byamssmon), and the AspirationsofTārā (Sgrolma) were read aloud.36 Sometimes the Panchen Lama would give specific teachings and initiations to individual visitors or groups, and to the monastic community of Bkra shis lhun po. For example, on the fourteenth day of the fifth month of the year 1692, the 5th Panchen Lama Blo bzang ye shes gave the permission ritual (rjesgnang, i.e. the blessing and the explanation about the recitation and meditation) of the White Mañjugoṣa to a high religious dignitary and his students.37 After the 7th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i nyi ma had performed the regular ceremonies of the three-day prayer festival of 1824, he gave an extensive initiation of Uṣṇīṣavijayā for the assembled monks at the request of ’Dar pa, a monastic official who was responsible for the enforcement of the monastic discipline (dgeskos).38 The Panchen Lama not only imparted teachings, but also occasionally gave the novice 36 Blobzangyeshesrnamthar169/5. The Thubdbangzhalpadma is a eulogy to Blo bzang don grub (1504/1505–1565/1566) that was composed by the 4th Panchen Lama. 37 Blobzangyeshesrnamthar263/3. Only the title of this person is given. The Mongolian title shiretu is similar to “throneholder” (Tib. khri pa). It is not yet known who exactly this person is. 38 Bstanpa’inyimarnamthar450/5. 68 OLAF CZAJA vows to women and ordained them, as it is reported for the 5th Panchen Lama and 8th Panchen Lama.39 Certainly the auspicious character of the festival was one of the reasons to perform such rituals at this time. Another important liturgical aspect is found in the biography of the th 8 Panchen Lama, namely the requirement to perform rituals to make it rain. In 1867, the 8th Panchen Lama was asked by the general administrator (dbyingssa) to conduct rituals to produce rain because the rains had been sparse that year.40 The 8th Panchen Lama saw the strong wind as the cause for the lack of rain, and therefore gave instructions to hold rituals that would soothe the wind. A few days later, on the evening of the eighteenth day of the fifth month, a heavy rain fell, and then the next day there was a relentless downpour. The next year, in 1868, after the festivities of the fifteenth day of the Maitreya Festival, he went straight to the spring of the Skyid na garden, near the Nāga protector temple (klukhang), and spread out the Nāga food, the necessary substances for sacrifices, and so forth.41 He presented offerings, including a golden maṇḍalaand a ceremonial scarf made of blue silk. Soon signs of success appeared, indicating that the gods and nāgas were pleased. A rain fell “as if it wanted to press down the dust,” and a beautiful rainbow appeared in the east of the Skyid na garden. In 1870 it was again necessary to propitiate the Nāgas.42 The Panchen Lama went to the Nāga protector temple in the Skyid na garden, threw various medicinal herbs associated with the Nāgas (klu sman) into the spring, and made an aspiration prayer. Then he gave each of the tantric yogins who were performing the rain ritual a silver coin and asked them to make it rain. In the evening they had heavy rain, and it kept raining for a few days. Rainmaking for the area, as it is described in this biography, is in tune with a more fundamental semantic level of the Maitreya Festival, already addressed by the Fourth Panchen Lama Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan when he used offerings to create favorable 39 Blobzangyeshesrnamthar449/1, Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 377/3. Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 377/3. 41 Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 400/2. In Tibetan tradition, the klu, serpent-spirits inhabiting the underworld, are associated with water. If offended by inappropriate human behaviour they can withhold rain and cause droughts. For Tibetan rain-making rituals, see de Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1993: 467ff., Birtalan 2001. 42 Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 423/1. 40 THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 69 conditions (rten’brel) for the region.43 In the same vein, the 1696 performance of the Maitreya Festival under the Fifth Panchen Lama Blo bzang ye shes was understood as an active positive influence (rten ’brel) to ensure the well-being and prosperity of the country.44 This general wellbeing was at the center of the liturgical activities, especially the aspiration prayer for the happiness and welfare for the Buddhist teachings and all living beings.45 AnnouncementsandLong-LifePrayers In addition to the rituals studied above, there were also several other activities that would be performed at the festival, such as the consecration of Buddhist statues.46 It was also a good time to make official announcements and decisions concerning the administrative life of the monastery. A good example is the enthronement of Mchod mkhan Sman ri ba Blo bzang rnam rgyal in 1858.47 On the fourteenth day of the fifth month, Sman ri ba Blo bzang rnam rgyal, who at that time was the representative of the general administrator (dbyingstshab) of Bkra shis lhun po, came together with his servants to see the Panchen Lama. Since at that time the Panchen Lama was still a toddler, it can be assumed that all ceremonial and ritual obligations were carried out with the help of his advisors and assistants. After exchanging greeting scarves, Blo bzang rnam rgyal handed him a portrait of Amitāyus and a thangka showing the Arhats, painted in Chinese style. They drank tea and talked extensively. On the following day, the festivities of the Maitreya Festival continued, but the middle day of the festival was also used for the enthronement of Blo bzang rnam rgyal on the golden throne of the treasurer (phyagmdzod) in the Panchen Lama’s private quarters known as Gzim chung Nyi ’od 43 Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar 278/6. Blobzangyeshesrnamthar306/2. For further insights into the fundamental concept of rten’brel, see Clarke 1990: 177f., Loden Sherap 1996: 4ff., Samuel 2012: 95f., Thurston 2012: 50ff. 45 Blobzangyeshesrnamthar538/1, 558/3, Dpalldanyeshesrnamthar 58/19, Bstan pa’idbangphyugrnamthar 324/6, 437/3. 46 Dpalldanyeshesrnamthar 476/10. 47 Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 170/4. 44 70 OLAF CZAJA chen po.48 He was thus raised to the highest administrative rank in Bkra shis lhun po, comparable to a state minister (bka’blon) in Lha sa (Jagou 2011: 214f.). Another case of an official decision being announced in the context of the festival was the succession of the abbot of the Tantric college in Bkra shis lhun po in 1859. The Tantric college was one of the most important institutions and the abbot was therefore highly respected. A successor was sought for the deceased twenty-second throne holder of the Tantric college, Sngags chen ’Bi lung pa Dpal ldan grags pa, who had died in the same year.49 There were two possible candidates, Bde can sprulsku Blo bzang tshul khrims (d. 1872), and Gting skyes sprulsku Blo bzang dpal ldan chos kyi dbang phyug (fl. 19th cent.).50 According to the monastic records, a lottery was used in front of a Śrīdevī statue, which chose the former as successor. The Panchen Lama also chose Gting skyes sprulsku as the favourite candidate. Thus, when the general administrator (dbyings sa) asked the Panchen Lama for instructions on the succession, the decision was ultimately undisputed and Gting skyes sprul sku was officially announced as the throne holder on the middle day of the Maitreya Festival. The fact that the three days of the Maitreya festival, especially the middle day, were regarded as particularly auspicious, becomes also obvious in relation to the Chinese Imperial family. The sixteen-year-old 7th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i nyi ma presided over the monastic assembly on the fourteenth day of the fifth month in 1798, and led a prayer for a long life 48 Blo bzang rnam rgyal was born in Sman ri in Thob rgyal in Gtsang. In his youth, he entered the monastery of Bkra shis lhun po and later became the abbot in charge of religious activities and ritual offerings for the 7th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i nyi ma (mchod dponmkhanpo, mchodmkhan). In 1859, he became general administrator (skyabsdbyings dzasag) of Bkra shis lhun po. He oversaw the renovation and partly rebuilt of the upper story of the Maitreya temple, the abbot’s residency, the monastery yard and the monks’ quarters of Ngam ring chos sde. He also commissioned a Kanjur. In 1865, he resigned from the office of general administrator, and he wrote various religious treatises, some of which are still extant. It is not known when he died. (See Grags pa ’byung gnas and Blo bzang mkhas grub 1992: 153f., Don rdor and Bstan ’dzin chos grags 1993: 962f.) His writings appear to have been assembled into a one-volume edition of his collected works; this volume, however, seems currently unavailable, see Buddhist Digital Resource Center P239. 49 Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 180/1, Grwatshanggdanrabs 230/2. 50 Grwatshanggdanrabs223/3, 310/5. THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 71 of the Chinese Emperor (either Qianlong, rn. 1735–1796, or Jiaqing, rn. 1796–1820), together with a dedication of the accumulated religious merit, before a portrait thangka (’drathang) of the Qianlong Emperor.51 At the end precious gifts were distributed to the monks. Such rituals were also the responsibility of the almost eleven-year-old 8th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i dbang phyug. In 1866, in the fifth month of the Tibetan year, a delegation from Lha sa arrived in Bkra shis lhun po.52 It consisted of the official liaison officer (sneshan) Bshad sgra taiji Tshe ring dbang phyug and the state minister (bka’blon) Pha lha ba Padma rgyal po (d. 1875),53 accompanied by the Amban’s interpreter Che kha.54 The delegation was, above all, entrusted with the ceremonies for the late Xianfeng Emperor (1831–1861). On the fifteenth day of the fifth month, the ritual for the transmission of religious merit for the funeral of the Chinese Emperor Xianfeng was held in Bkra shis lhun po, as well as an extensive prayer for a long life of rule of his successor, the Tongzhi Emperor (1856–1875). In compensation for the rituals and ceremonies, 1,500 silver coins were given to the Panchen Lama and his administration. StrengtheningReligiousandPoliticalTies In addition to offering religious merit to the faithful, one of the most important aspects of the Maitreya festival was to strengthen and expand old relationships with religious and secular persons and institutions, not only in the Gtsang region, but also in Dbus and further beyond, in Eastern Tibet and Mongolia. It was certainly helpful that the festival took place in the summer and potential visitors could use the favorable travel conditions to get to the festival quickly and safely. There they met numerous representatives of the aristocracy from Gtsang, as well as 51 Bstanpa’inyimarnamthar 212/5. See also Ya 1994: 173f. It is not stated that the portrait-like image showed the Qianlong Emperor but it is assumed out of the context. According to An, the Emperor Jiaqing granted a giant painting of the Qianlong Emperor to Bkra shis lhun po where it was put at display at the Rgya nag lha khang chapel, An 2003: 83. For the Rgya nag lha khang, see Byams pa thub bstan 1991: 90. 52 Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 355/2. 53 For Tshe ring dbang phyug, see Petech 1973: 180. For Padma rgyal po, see Petech 1973: 83f., Rdo rje dbang ’dud 1999: 34ff., Rdo rje dbang ’dud 2004: 36ff. 54 The amban could be Jing Wen or Ruichang, see Kolmaš 1994: 55f. 72 OLAF CZAJA the most important officials of Bkra shis lhun po, with the Panchen Lama at the top.55 Political ties between Mongolian religious dignitaries and nobles were also cultivated during the festival. For example, in 1701, the 5th Panchen Lama went to his private quarters Nyi ’od together with caretakers of the chapels for the guardian deities in order to worship the textile thangkas on the first day of the festival.56 After that, he met the Torghut leader (dponmo) Mtsho rgyal and her entourage to instruct them in a fasting ritual. One can assume that this was not his only contact with her, for the Panchen Lama also wrote a sādhanaof Sitātapatrā at her request.57 The Torghut belonged to the Western Mongolian clan federation of the Oirad, also known as Dzungars, who adopted Tibetan Buddhism in 1615 (Schwieger 2015: 47). Because of the missionary activities of the 1st Dza ya Paṇḍita (1599–1662) and the 3rd Dben sa sprulsku Blo bzang bstan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1605– 1644), they had close ties to the Dge lugs school. These ties were further strengthened by the audience granted by the 5th Dalai Lama to the Torghut chief Yildeng (Yel deng) and the 4th Dben sa sprulsku Dga’ ldan bstan ’dzin Boshugtu Khan (1644–1697) early in 1656 (Schwieger 2015: 73). Afterwards they also visited the Panchen Lama in Bkra shis lhun po.58 55 For example, Phur bu lcog Blo bzang byams pa (1825–1901), came to attend the festival in 1861, one year after the 8th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i dbang phyug was officially enthroned, see Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 263/3, Phurbulcogrnamthar 214/2. It may also be inferred that Lcang skya Rol pa’i rdo rje (1717–1786) would have seen the display of the textile thangkas during his stay in Bkra shis lhun po in 1758 together with the 6th Panchen Lama Dpal ldan ye shes, seeDpalldanyeshesrnamthar257/1, Rolpa’irdo rjernamthar415/1. 56 Blobzangyeshesrnamthar415/3. 57 Ngagthorbuba 611/4–614/6. 58 In 1698, the Torghut prince Arabjur (d. 1716), a nephew of Ayuki Khan (1642– 1724), traveled with a larger party of two to five hundred persons, including his mother and other members of his family, to go on a pilgrimage in Tibet (DeFrancis 1993: 172ff.; Okada 1999: 191; Perdue 2005: 194, 215; Khodarkovsky 2006: 135. Perdue 2005 speaks of 5000 persons, but this is surely a mistake). Conflicts between Ayuki and Tshe dbang rab brtan (1643–1727) broke out, and Arabjur could not return. He stayed for several years in Tibet, probably until 1704, before trying to return to Mongolia via northern China, which was unsuccessful in the end. His descendants were given the right to settle down in northern China and received a banner in the area at the lower reaches of the Heihe River, also known as the Ejin or Ruoshui River. It is quite possible that the above-mentioned leader Mtsho rgyal belonged to the pilgrimage party of Prince Arabjur and, possibly she THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 73 Naturally, these were not the only contacts the Panchen Lama and the Dge lugs dignitaries of Bkra shis lhun po had with Mongolian individuals and groups. Thus, in general, the Maitreya Festival served as a good opportunity to expand and deepen their relations for both the Panchen Lama administration and the Mongol aristocracy. In the summer of 1712, for example, when Dpal ’byor rab brtan, the son of an unnamed person bearing the title erdenihongtaiji, took part in the festivities, he gave the 5th Panchen Lama numerous valuable gifts, and sponsored tea and donated gifts for the entire monastic assembly.59 It is possible that the unnamed erdenihongtaijiwas Tshe brtan rdo rje, who later asked the 6th Panchen Lama Dpal ldan ye shes to write a long-life prayer (the Brtanbzhugsgsol ’debsertini). Both Tshe brtan rdo rje and Dpal ’byor rab brtan seem to have been the two identically named persons who belonged to the aristocratic leadership of the Aokhan banner of the Juu Uda League, as told in the biography of the 3rd Thu’u bkwan sprulsku Blo bzang chos kyi nyi ma (1737–1802).60 In one final example, on the fifteenth day of the Maitreya Festival of 1776, a ceremonial banquet tent was set up in the Skyid skyid na kha garden in sight of the unfurled thangka.61 It served as a site for the performance of the confession ritual, but was also a place for the Panchen Lama to bless the faithful. The 6th Panchen Lama Dpal ldan ye shes gave many blessings, attended by more than one thousand people according to his biography, including religious and secular dignitaries from China and Mongolia such as Nomon Khan ’Jam dpal rdo rje, the Lamo Oracle (La mo chosrje Sku rten pa), as well as Indian scholars (ācārya), and people from Kashmir and Nepal. Selected guests were invited to a banquet. The district officer (sdepa) of Bkra shis rtse, named Tshe dbang, donated ceremonial food for display in the Tārā chapel. On the two following days, the sixteenth and seventeenth days, various doctors, sent by gong Mi pham rdo rje, Hal ha Bde mchog Yel ting lang, and dabeiseDar rgyas, asked was even his mother. It seems that Bkra shis lhun po continued a close connection between the Dge lugs and the Torghuts in the next centuries. 59 Blobzangyeshesrnamthar520/6. 60 Blobzangchoskyinyimarnamthar 378/11. For this banner and League, see Dharmatāla 1987: 42, Peterson 2016: 120. 61 Dpalldanyeshesrnamthar 622/2. 74 OLAF CZAJA for a long-life prayer that was to be performed at their private quarters (gzimschungzhabsbrtan). On the eighteenth day, after the Panchen Lama had taken over the presidency of the monastic assembly at the invitation of zasag Bsam ’phel rdo rje, he offered another prayer for his long life. Similarly, he made a long-life prayer in his private rooms for Mañjuśrī sprulsku, beise Don grub rdo rje, dzasag Mchog gsum skyabs, and various hongtaiji, all of whom had presented gifts, and blessed them by touching their foreheads. On the twenty-third day, the envoys of the Khalkha gathered in the private quarters Nyi ’od ’khyil ba of the Panchen Lama, and the Lamo Oracle entered into a trance. It was decided that the one-yearold son of Bsod nams bkra shis, the older brother of the 8th Dalai Lama, was the sought-after incarnation of the recently deceased Jebdzundampa (Tib. Rje btsun dam pa).62 Immediately messengers with gifts and letters containing details and instructions were sent to the two ambans in Lha sa. The aforementioned events and relationships deserve to be told in detail because they provide some insight into the special position that the Panchen Lama and Bkra shis lhun po occupied for pious Mongols. The background is the death of the 3rd Jebdzundampa Ye shes bstan pa’i nyi ma (1758–1773) in 1773 and the subsequent search for his rebirth. At the beginning of 1776, a Mongol delegation led by ’Jam dpal rdo rje, Batur Wang, and his son reached Lha sa to organize the funeral ceremonies for the recently deceased Jebdzundampa.63 As it was not unusual in the identification of Jebdzundampa incarnations, the Lamo Oracle was involved. The Panchen Lama explicitly supported the decision of the Lamo Oracle and the 4th Jebdzundampa Blo bzang thub bstan dbang phyug (1775–1813) was found.64 Also noteworthy is the presence of Nomon Khan ’Jam dpal rdo rje, who was a teacher of the third Jebdzundampa incarnation.65 He is also found as the addressee of a letter of the 2nd ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa 62 Cf. also Petech 1973: 39ff. ’Jamdpalrgyamtshornamthar155/1. A person bearing the title batur(sbadur) and his son asked the Panchen Lama Dpal ldan ye shes for a prayer for a long life. In the unfortunately undated colophon of the prayer, his full title of duoluojunwangdalaibatur daiching is included, but not his personal name, Mi’i dbang po brtan bzhugs10/6. It is possible that they are identical with the persons mentioned in the biography of the 8th Dalai Lama. Cf. also Brtanbzhugsgsol’debschingsbadur. 64 Blobzangthubbstandbangphyugrnamthar 58/5. 65 Rolpa’irdorjernamthar 539/20, Berger 2003: 17. 63 THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 75 Dkon mchog ’jigs med dbang po (1728–1791).66 His role becomes slightly clearer if one turns to the writings of the 6th Panchen Lama, where we find four short and unfortunately undated compositions: two prayers for a long life of the Nomon Khan ’Jam dpal rdo rje, and two texts praising the former existences of Nomon Khan ’Jam dpal rdo rje.67 In the accompanying colophons one learns of further honorary titles for ’Jam dpal rdo rje, such as mkhanpo and erdenipanditamkhanpo.68 One also learns that he was installed by the Chinese Emperor as a representative of the Jebdzundampa, and belongs to the Ilagugsan Khutugtu incarnation line.69 Members of this incarnation line were deeply involved in the policies of Inner Asia (Wakamatsu 1994; Schwieger 2015: 83f., 112f.). One can certainly regard the discovery of the 4th Jebdzundampa as a nephew of the 8th Dalai Lama as a political act. This was in agreement with the order issued by the Qianlong Emperor after the death of the 2nd Jebdzundampa in 1758 that the rebirths of this line of incarnations were to be found in Tibet only, and not in the Mongol territories. 3. The History and Iconography of the Giant Textile Thangkas The most spectacular part of the Maitreya Festival was the display of three giant thangkas depicting the Buddhas Amitābha, Śākyamuni, and Maitreya, displayed one after the other on three consecutive days. Together with the ceremonies, rituals and festivities, the thangkas gave the festival its distinctive character. As the survey below will show, their story begins with the earliest large textile thangkas commissioned by the First Dalai Lama, Dge ’dun grub. They can be considered a kind of precursor for the giant textile thangkas made under the Fourth Panchen Lama, Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan, which represent the beginning of the tradition of displaying three giant thangkas at Bkra shis lhun po monastery during the Maitreya Festival. 66 ’Jamdpalrdorjechabshog. NomonhanbrtanbzhugsA, NomonkhangbrtanbzhugsB, Nomonkhang’khrungs rabsgsol’debsA and Nomonkhang’khrungsrabsgsol’debsB. 68 NomonhanbrtanbzhugsA, NomonkhangbrtanbzhugsB. 69 Regarding the preexistences of this incarnation line, see No mon khang ’khrungs rabsgsol’debsA, Nomonkhang’khrungsrabsgsol’debsB. 67 76 OLAF CZAJA These were repaired or replaced by newly made thangkas over the centuries under the successive Panchen Lamas. The survey will conclude with an iconographical discussion of the three thangkas shown in 1990s. 1stDalaiLamaDge’dungrub(1391–1474) The tradition of making oversized textile thangkas in the monastery of Bkra shis lhun po began several decades after its establishment in 1447. These thangkas, however, were not designed for the Maitreya Festival, since the festival developed only after the death of the 1st Dalai Lama. Dge ’dun grub has traditionally been attributed with the production of seven textile thangkas of various sizes, which he commissioned between 1466 and 1470.70 At first his plan was to make use of the many pieces of cloth that he received as gifts during his teaching activities, and to create a conceptual object (dmigsrkyen) for the people of future generations. Later he made further images and developed a deeper, comprehensive religious programme related to these textile thangkas. Dge ’dun grub’s involvement with the creation of oversized textile thangkas began in 1466, after he had gone to give winter lectures at Gnas rnying.71 After completing the lessons, he collected alms and received offerings that would be used to make a large textile thangka. Two years later, in 1468, he had acquired sufficient materials to begin his project of making a large Śākyamuni thangka.72 At this time he possessed numerous rolls of brocade or satin (gos) and silk (dar),73 such as one piece of red satin that was given by Rgya Nam mkha’ dpal, one piece of blue satin given by an unknown individual, one piece of satin given by Khye’u ba, and one piece of satin that was given by chosrje Man lung pa. Dge ’dun grub asked Sman bla don grub, one of the most important artists of the fifteenth century, to use these materials to produce the large Śākyamuni thangka.74 70 Rnam thar mdzad bcu gnyis 158/5, 177/10; Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan, Bka’ gdams chos’byung 793/5; Tsongkhaparnamtharchenmo 476/24; Shen 2002: 314, 332. 71 Rnamtharngomtsharrmadbyung 94/21, Shen 2002: 248. 72 Rnamtharngomtsharrmad byung 94/21, Shen 2002: 251. 73 The term gos can be interpreted as brocade or satin, Karsten s.d.: 8. dar is usually regarded as of inferior quality when compared to gos, and understood as silk, Karsten s.d.: 11. 74 For Sman bla don grub, see Jackson 1996: 103ff. THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 77 Sman bla don grub first made a sketch of the thangka in a meadow in front of the monastery, and then spread it on a wall of the Great White Tower (Sbe dkar chen po) of the Dar rgyas pa family,75 situated in front of the monastery, in order to estimate how large the figure would be. When it turned out that the body proportions were perfect, the textiles were cut into shape according to the sketch. Along with his assistants, Sman bla don grub needed a little more than three months to finish the thangka, which was about 32.76m in height and 21.84m in width.76 For the image of the thangka, ninety-five panels of satin were used, and the upper trim consisted of twenty-five protective covers, usually used for altar statues and images (rten khebs), together with two canopies. For the right and left edge of the thangka, fives panels of silk were used, and one panel of silk and five squares of silk for flags and pennants (dar chag). Forty-nine squares of mixed satin and silk and two fathoms, i.e. 3.64m, of silk ribbons (setha’u)77 were turned into threads and cords, and a piece of blue silk formed the lower edge. Dge ’dun grub wrote a long prayer onto the heart of Śākyamuni, expressing the wish for Buddhism to flourish, and he also conducted the consecration of the thangka. Apart from the main figure nothing is known about the iconographic program of the image. After it was finished, Dge ’dun grub gave the order to make a textile thangka of Tārā with the more than ten panels of satin that remained after the completion of the Śākyamuni thangka. When making the thangka of Tārā, however, it quickly became clear that ten panels of satin would not be sufficient. He therefore used his trip to Mkhar kha in Nyang stod for the winter lecture of 1469 to initiate an alms collection, this time with the aim of producing a textile thangka of 75 The Dar rgyas pa is a family in Bkra shis lhun po. They are frequently mentioned as sponsors in the biography of Dge ’dun grub. 76 The size in terms of Tibetan measurement is eighteen ’domin height and twelve ’dom in width. One can assume that the absolute measurement of ’domwas regionally diverse. Based on a traditional Tibetan measuring stick, one ’domcan be converted to a length of 182cm, see Schuh 2010a. The size of the thangka given by Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan differs from Ye shes rtse mo’s account, on which the figures given above are based. Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan writes that the size of the Śākyamuni textile thangka was 14 × 10 ’dom, or 25.48m × 18.20m; Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan,Bka’gdamschos’byung 793/5. 77 This is not listed in Karsten s.d. Perhaps the term se tha’u derives from Chinese sitao, i.e. silk cords or ribbons. The term tao designates narrow silk ribbons, used for the trimmings of a robe, Kuhn 2012: 93ff. 78 OLAF CZAJA Tārā.78 Since his collection was very successful, he was soon able to commission it, but the artists hired for the project are not mentioned in the sources. The thangka size is described as being eight fathoms in height and six fathoms in width, which is approximately 14.56m in height and 10.92m in width. The textiles used are said to be of fine material, and it was reported that the thangka possessed a “radiant glow of blessings.” This may refer to the fact that, in addition to the textiles, other materials were used in an applique fashion, such as the assemblage of 1,275 pearls for the ūrṇāof Tārā. In the center of the thangka was a rock crystal, which the local territorial deity Ne ser ba is said to have given to Dge ’dun grub, as well as an “increasing bone relic” of the Buddha (debzhingshegspa’i ’phelgdung), relics of “the one who was born in Glang po” (Glang por ’khrungs pa),79 relics of Mchims Blo bzang grags pa,80 relics of the Snar thang nyer ’dzin chen po,81 along with many other relics (ring bsrel). The right hand consisted of one hundred and twenty-five corals and sapphires, while the left hand was made of two hundred and three corals. Ninety corals formed Tārā’s neck, and the tip of her nose was a piece of excellent amber with some pearls. The consecration of this precious work was again carried out by Dge ’dun grub himself. The material and spiritual value of the thangka must have been immense, but only a few years after its completion, in 1471, Dge ’dun grub began to think about a new textile thangka with Avalokiteśvara as the main deity.82 Ye shes rtse mo, student and biographer of Dge ’dun grub, mentions two basic considerations. On the one hand, it was important to Dge ’dun grub to have images of the four main deities of the Bka’ gdams school in Bkra shis lhun po. These four main meditation deities of Atiśa, often called the Four Patron Deities of the Bka’ gdams (bka’gdamslhabzhi), are Śākyamuni, Acala, Avalokiteśvara, and Tārā. They remained important meditation deities for the ‘New Bka’ gdams’ tradition, as the Dge lugs school is sometimes 78 Rnamtharngomtsharrmadbyung 99/2, Shen 2002: 252. Shen states that the person is Glang Gtum ston Blo gros grags (1106–1166), the first abbot of Snar thang, Shen 2002: 254, n. 455. 80 Shen identifies him as Mchims Blo bzang grags pa (1299–1375), the twelfth abbot of Snar thang, Shen 2002: 254, n. 456. 81 According to Shen, he is Grub pa Shes rab, the fourteenth abbot of Snar thang, Shen 2002: 254, n. 457. 82 Rnamtharngomtsharrmadbyung 102/8, Shen 2002: 256. 79 THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 79 called. The second consideration was based on a prophecy of the Rnying ma scholar Nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan (1326–1401), an important teacher of Tsong kha pa (1357–1419), in which he mentions the conditions under which the spiritual teachings of the Shud phu clan, to which he himself belonged, would spread and proliferate. According to this prophecy, an abbot should ensure that disputes within the monastery were settled, that the repeated recitation of the maṇimantra and the uṣṇīṣadhāraṇī were used in the context of settling disputes, and that the worship of Dharmapālas, the protectors and guardians of the doctrine, was observed. Dge ’dun grub saw these methods as ways to structure the spiritual life in Bkra shis lhun po, and also to shape the relationship between monks and sponsors. The maṇi mantra and other mantras play an important role in this process. According to his biography, Dge ’dun grub was exhorted by the guardian goddess Śrīdevī to recite Avalokiteśvara’s maṇimantra a hundred times at an assembly of monks, as well as the Tārā mantra 100,000 times each year. Based on these considerations, Dge ’dun grub commissioned the painter lhabtsun Bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan and other artisans to produce an oversized textile thangka of Avalokiteśvara. The main material used was a panel of white satin (?) (gos’gangdkar)83 given by chenpochosrgyal Don grub pa of Snar thang. During the production, Dge ’dun grub expounded the One Hundred Thousand Pronouncements on the Maṇi (Ma ṇi bka’ ’bum) – a work related to Mahākāruṇika, a form of Avalokiteśvara – to the artist and his assistants. The Avalokiteśvara thangka was planned to be the same size as the aforementioned Tārā thangka, and it was consecrated in front of the entire community of monks in the Bskal bzang lha khang temple in Bkra shis lhun po. A year later, in 1472, Dge ’dun grub ordered the production of four textile thangkas, each with a special protector of the Buddhist doctrine, namely Acala, Mahākāla, Śrīdevī, and Yama Dharmarāja, with their respective entourage.84 They all had the same size of three fathoms, or 5.46m, in height, and two fathoms, or 3.64m, in width, and are described as possessing great splendor and blessings. 83 The term ’gangis not listed in Karsten s.d. He discusses, however, gangos, muslin (?), and gandar, an unidentified type of satin, Karsten s.d.: 7. 84 Rnamtharngomtsharrmadbyung 104/10, Shen 2002: 259. 80 OLAF CZAJA In a modern publication, Dge ’dun grub has also been credited with the erection of the display wall for the oversized textile thangkas.85 The biography written by Ye shes rtse mo, however, pays great attention to Dge ’dun grub’s activities as a builder and as a commissioner of works of art, but it does not contain any reference to a display wall. Naturally, a special display wall for the large textile thangkas would have been a very useful edifice for these projects, but it was not essential, as demonstrated by the fact that the Śākyamuni thangka could be hung on a wall of the Great White Tower in front of the monastery. Furthermore, it is known that in 1649 the Great White Tower wall was enlarged under the 4th Panchen Lama.86 Unfortunately, the biographical materials about the abbots of Bkra shis lhun po who directed the monastic affairs after Dge ’dun grub and before Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan are rather scarce, and do not contain any reference to the construction, extension, or renovation of such a display wall.87 We can therefore not be certain by whom the wall was erected. It is noteworthy that Dge ’dun grub’s biographies contain no reference to the famous Maitreya Festival. I have also searched in vain for the festival in the relatively detailed material on the life of the 2nd Dalai Lama Dge ’dun rgya mtsho (1476–1542), who served as abbot of Bkra shis lhun po for a certain period of time. This, however, does not necessarily mean that no Maitreya festival was performed during his life-time because Dge ’dun rgya mtsho undertook many journeys and may therefore have been absent during the festival. 85 Byams pa thub bstan 1991: 133, Bkras dgon lo rgyus rtsom ’bri tshogs chung 1992: 41. Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar277/4. 87 In search for information one needs to scrutinize all available materials related to the abbots of Bkra shis lhun po: (1) Dge ’dun grub (1391–1474), (2) Bzang po bkra shis (1410–1478/1479), (3) Lung rig rgya mtsho (b. 1418), (4) Ye shes rtse mo (b. 1433), (5) Dge ’dun rgya mtsho (1476–1542), (6) Blo bzang bstan pa’i nyi ma (b. 1471), (7) Blo gros rgyal mtshan (1487–1567), (8) Don yod rgya mtsho (dates unknown), (9) Blo gros legs bzang (dates unknown), (10) Chos kyi rgyal mtshan (dates unknown), (11) Chos dpal rgya mtsho (dates unknown), (12) Bsod nams dar rgyas (dates unknown), (13) Bsam ’grub dpal bzang (dates unknown), (14) Dam chos yar ’phel (dates unknown), and (15) Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1570–1662). Biographical sketches can be found in Bsod nams grags pa,Bka’gdamschos’byung; Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan,Bka’gdamschos’byung; Lamrimrnamthar; Byams pa thub bstan 1991; Bkras dgon lo rgyus rtsom ’bri tshogs chung 1992; Grags pa ’byung gnas and Blo bzang mkhas grub 1992; Don rdor and Bstan ’dzin chos grags 1993; Shen 2002. 86 THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 81 4thPanchenLamaBlobzangchoskyirgyalmtshan(1570–1662) The Maitreya Festival as it is known today first appeared during the time of the Fourth Panchen Lama.88 In all probability, the Fourth Panchen was well aware of other festivals at which giant thangkas were put on display. The most important example in Gtsang province was probably the festival commemorating the birth of the Buddha, which was celebrated in Dpal ’khor chos sde Monastery in Rgyal rtse on the fifteenth day of the fourth month. Giant textile thangkas of the Buddhas of the Three Times, Dīpaṃkara, Śākyamuni, and Maitreya, were displayed on three successive days (see Henss 2011a; 2011b; 2014: vol. 2, 505ff.). Notably, these thangkas were also divided into a main panel flanked by two side panels as it can also be seen in the present thangkas displayed at Bkra shis lhun po. Perhaps future research will show if there is any relationship between the giant thangkas in Rgyal rtse and Bkra shis lhun po. Early during his term of office, in 1603, to be exact, the Fourth Panchen Lama ordered the repair or replacement of the canopies that were made in the time of Dge ’dun grub and that were still being used, but were now old, rotten, and torn.89 A fundamental renewal of the festival, including the creation of textile thangkas, took place in 1634, when the Panchen Lama gave order to produce an oversized thangka of Amitābha.90 His intention to commission a giant Amitābha thangka, as he writes in his autobiography, was to create a kind of “ladder” on which infinite sentient beings, who have the faculties of seeing, hearing, and remembering, can enter Amitābha’s paradise or ‘pure land’ of Sukhāvatī. A little later, the exact date is unfortunately not mentioned, he also had the plan to create a new Śākyamuni textile thangka. His autobiography discusses both thangkas, the thangka of Amitābha and of Śākyamuni, for the year 1634, but it is quite possible that they were made a few years later and treated simultaneously in his memoirs. 88 The very establishment of the festival may be seen as part of the profound and far-reaching changes of rituals and festivals during the period, along with the rise of the Dge lugs school and their political and administrative body, the Dga’ ldan pho brang. These changes arguably culminated in the Great Prayer Festival undertaken for the New Year by Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705) during the last decade of the seventeenth century (Schaeffer 2006). 89 Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar58/4. 90 Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar192/2. 82 OLAF CZAJA The importance of the Amitābha and Śākyamuni thangkas for the monastic community of Bkra shis lhun po can also be recognized by the fact that the 4th Panchen Lama himself created their complete iconographic program and outlines it in his autobiography.91 For Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan, it was also relevant that the entire display wall was covered and divided into three panels, with a central main image, and two elongated thangkas as side panels. The central thangka was dedicated to Amitābha, and the Bodhisattvas Mañjuśrī and Vajrapāṇi accompanied him on both sides. In the two upper corners were Atiśa and Tsong kha pa, whereas Akṣobhya and Bhaiṣajyaguru were in the two lower corners. The thangka on the right showed Avalokiteśvara, and above him was the Buddha Siṃhanāda, with Acala positioned below. The main deity of the left side was Tārā, accompanied by Śākyamuni above and Śrīdevī (’Dod khams dbang phyug ma) below. The iconographic program of the Śākyamuni thangka is also mentioned, but it is striking that it did not have any side thangkas. Śākyamuni as the main deity was accompanied by Buddha Dīpaṃkara and Maitreya in the two top corners, and by Amitābha and an image of the 4th Panchen Lama himself in the two lower corners. The image of the Panchen Lama was only included because the workers pleaded to include this feature, as the Panchen Lama reports in his autobiography. The figure of Śākyamuni is said to have been larger than the main figures on any previous textile thangkas. The iconometry of the figures was fixed on a favourable day of the first half of the fifth month of the same year, and they were completed a few weeks later. For the consecration, the thangka(s) were taken to the main hall of Bkra shis lhun po and consecrated there on the basis of the GuhyasamājaTantra. Afterwards there was tea and gifts for the entire assembly of monks, and the wages were handed out to the craftsmen. Since the Panchen Lama prepared a religious prayer service (skurim) for the city of Gzhis ka rtse for the twenty-fifth day of the month, where a multitude of monks would be present, he decided to display the thangka(s), to be seen by the monks from all regions. Fifteen years later, on the eighteenth day of the second month of the year 1649, the 4th Panchen Lama summoned Chos dbyings rgya mtsho, 91 Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar192/2. THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 83 perhaps the most important painter of the seventeenth century, who advised him on many artistic projects at Bkra shis lhun po, and executed them together with his assistants.92 The 4th Panchen Lama wanted a giant textile thangka showing the Future Buddha Maitreya, and it is probably this very point in time when one can justifiably speak of a Maitreya festival at Bkra shis lhun po. The execution of the Panchen Lama’s order also suggests that is was an innovation, since no older textile thangka of Maitreya that could have been repaired or used as a model is mentioned. The iconographic program was not described by the 4th Panchen Lama in his autobiography, but fortunately one finds it in a short prayer in his writings.93 Maitreya was accompanied by Buddha Siṃhanāda and Buddha Sunetra, both said to be future incarnations of Tsong kha pa, and the side thangkas, made from high quality old satin (gosrnyingbzangpo), showed the Eight Medicine Buddhas. Chos dbyings rgya mtsho determined the proportions of the main thangkas, and for the actual production two hundred seventy panels of satin were used, with fifteen squares of fine satin (goskha) per panel, and two pieces of a superior Chinese satin embroidered with needle work (dingphon) (Karsten s.d.: 12.), as well as two pieces of excellent satin with inlaid decoration (bkral btags).94 The edges were made entirely of uncut panels (yugdrasmed) of lampas fabric, made of floss silk of various colors (khathizhemchungs [mtshungs?]).95 Dhāraṇīs and verses, such as the long and short DhāraṇīoftheBuddha (Stonpa’igzungsring gzungsthung), the DhāraṇīofMaitreya’sPromise (Byamspasdambcas pa’igzungs), and the FiveClassesofGreatDhāraṇīs(Gzungschensde lnga), as well as short, medium, and long wishes, were written all over the reverse of the thangka. For this piece, the thangka display wall was enlarged under the direction of rjedrung Blo bzang chos grags. The work progressed well and it was finished in the sixth month of the same year.96 The thangka was brought by a procession of monks, led by the Panchen 92 Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar275/6. On Chos dbyings rgya mtsho, see Jackson 1996: 219ff. 93 Blamayidamsangsrgyas 773/6–774/3. 94 This is identified as a satin with an inlaid (=interwoven?) flower (?) pattern = Chin. qianhuatuan, see Karsten s.d.: 6. The same term can also be used for tapestry. 95 Karsten s.d.: 6f. The meaning of zhemchungs [*mtshungs?] in this ccontext is unclear. 96 Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar277/4. 84 OLAF CZAJA Lama himself, to the monastery, where it was consecrated. Assisted by monks from the Tantric college, the Panchen Lama presided over the very elaborate ceremony, which also included ritual fire offerings of pacifying (zhi), increasing (rgyas), and subjugating (dragpo). After the end of the consecration, he handed over a fine ceremonial scarf as an extra gift to everyone who participated in the rituals, and provided coral-colored tea for the entire monastic assembly. The artists, workers, and craftsmen were also rewarded with presents. The next year, in 1650, the Maitreya thangka was unfurled for the first time on the fifteenth day of the fifth month during the Maitreya Festival,97 and two years later, in 1652, the Panchen Lama had a dust cover for the Maitreya thangka made.98 It seems that perhaps he was not quite satisfied with the impression of the newly created thangkas, for in the second month of the year 1659 he gave orders to significantly enlarge the two thangkas of Śākyamuni and Amitābha that were made in 1634.99 Presumably, he made them equal in the size to the new Maitreya thangka. Chos dbyings rgya mtsho and others began to enlarge the two thangkas in the fourth month and were then given another order: to create a thangka of the Khasarpaṇi Avalokiteśvara.100 On this occasion the Panchen Lama also commissioned two large pendants (’phancheba), which could be hung to the left and right side of the Maitreya thangka. Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan states that 1,300 squares of fine fabric were used to execute all orders. 5thPanchenLamaBlobzangyeshes(1663–1737) Following the description given above, one might think that textile thangkas were only created for special occasions, such as religious festivals. This is not the case, however. In the autobiography of the 4th Panchen Lama, there are numerous examples of thangkas made of fabrics that were used in the ordinary liturgy, or which served as an exquisite gift for high dignitaries or monastic institutions.101 97 Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar 278/6. Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar 290/2. 99 Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar 359/1. 100 Blobzangchoskyirgyalmtshanrnamthar 362/4. 101 In the winter of 1646, for example, Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan commissioned Chos dbyings rgya mtsho to design sketches for a textile thangka of Vaiśravaṇa, which 98 THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 85 The monastery of Bkra shis lhun po and its abbots not only gave away textile thangkas, but also received them as presents. An outstanding textile thangka came into the possession of the monastery during the childhood of the 5th Panchen Lama. In 1672, when the Panchen Lama was nine years old, emissaries (gseryigmisna) of the Chinese emperor and a highranking physician (blasman) named Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan from Byams gling, arrived at Bkra shis lhun po.102 He seems to be the same as the physician Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan who is mentioned in the writings of the 5th Dalai Lama; he arrived as an Imperial emissary (gser yig pa) in 1656, and appears again presenting a thangka to the Dalai Lama in 1670.103 It is quite possible that after his visit to Lha sa, this delegation travelled to Bkra shis lhun po. Around that time, the 5th Dalai Lama, at the request of the Sangs rgyas ’byung gnas, wrote a prayer for long life that the Dge lugs monks could use in the Imperial capital for their liturgical prayers.104 Only a few years later, an unknown incident occurred which totally discredited the doctor in the eyes of the Dalai Lama. Sangs rgyas ’byung gnas died in 1676, and black magic was said to be the cause. On the fifth day of the tenth month in 1678, the 5th Dalai Lama expressed gratitude for the death of the doctor, giving thanks to Pehar and his followers (rgyalposkulnga), and especially to the wrathful deity Byes chas ke tu.105 For the biographer and presumably also for the still very young Panchen Lama himself, the extraordinary present that the doctor offered to the Panchen Lama remained, above all, an exceptional gift. It was a was soon completed and sent together with gifts to Zhwa lu monastery, see Blobzangchos kyirgyalmtshanrnamthar269/2. 102 Blo bzang ye shes rnam thar 79/5. He is probably identical with a doctor from Byams gling bearing the name Sangs rgyas ’byung gnas who is mentioned in the writings of the 5th Dalai Lama. 103 On the third day of the tenth month of 1656, the doctor received an audience and handed over Imperial letters and gifts to the Dalai Lama, Za hor gyi bande rang thar I 372/18, Blo bzang rgya mtsho 2014: 370. In 1670, the Dalai Lama wrote auspicious verses about a present given from the doctor to the Sa skya monastery of Grwa thang in Lho kha. The gift was a textile thangka of Śākyamuni with the sixteen Arhats, and here one also learns that Sangs rgyas ’byung gnas himself came from this region and was a monk of Dga’ ldan byams pa gling in Grwa nang. See Zahorgyibanderangthar II 143/7, Skugsungthugs rtengsarbzhengs I 326/2. A year later, he was again mentioned in connection with Imperial emissaries, Zahorgyibanderangthar II 176/15. 104 Smonlamshisbrjod I 150/17–151/8. 105 Zahorgyibanderangthar III 140/2, Skugsungthugsrtengsarbzhengs III 357/15– 358/2. 86 OLAF CZAJA textile thangka of eighteen fathoms, or 32.76m, in height. Maitreya, the main deity of the thangkas, was surrounded by the Thirty-Five Buddhas of Confession, a group of Indian Buddhist teachers and commentators known as the Six Ornaments and the Two Excellent Ones, and other religious teachers and protectors of the Buddhist doctrine. The 5th Panchen Lama was also involved himself in the creation of large textile thangkas. On the second month of 1683, he ordered to renew the thangka of Mañjuśrī, a side piece of the Śākyamuni thangka, as the original image had become too old.106 The person in charge of supervising all artisan works was rjedrungSdings pa, and the master painter nangso Dge legs yongs ’du and the master tailor Kun dga’ bkra shis were responsible for the painting and textile aspects of the newly created thangka.107 They began work on an auspicious day of the second month. The Mañjuśrīnāmasaṃgīti was written on the back of the canvas, together with numerous dhāraṇīs and mantras from the four classes of Tantra. On the twenty-second day of the same month, the 5th Panchen Lama himself went to the Skyid skyid na kha garden, where the thangka seems to have been made, and wrote a verse at the heart of the Mañjuśrī figure on the [back of the?] canvas, which reads: May you, Mañjugoṣa, saffron coloured, Endowed with a youthful body of beauty, And equipped with book and sword, Bestow upon us a divine gift, Such that our intelligence increases without difficulty Just by one-pointedly remembering you in our minds!108 On the twenty-fifth day of this month, the canvas was connected with the textile thangka, and by the beginning of the fifth month, all the works had been finished. The biography of the 5th Panchen Lama contains detailed information on the material used, which highlights the extraordinary importance of such textile thangkas. Accordingly, more than two hundred panels of excellent quality textiles were used for the fabric thangka, including a superior kind of Chinese satin with embroidered needlework (ding 106 Blobzangyeshesrnamthar 165/6. The titles are “master painter” (lhabrisdbumdzad) and “master tailor”(gosbzodbu mdzad). 108 gurkummdogcanmdzespa’igzhonnu’isku// glegsbamralgrisrabmtshan’jam dpaldbyangs// khyodnyidrtsegcigyidladrantsamgyis// blogrosthogsmedrgyaspa’i dngosgrubstsol//, Blobzangyeshesrnamthar 167/6. 107 THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 87 phon), Yuan dynasty satin (horgos), Russian gold satin (rgyasergyigos),109 a kind of satin (?) (ganjus),110 a lampas of floss silk of various colors (khathi) (Karsten s.d.: 6f.), a multi-colored textile (tshonkhra), a colored kind of satin with small cloud patterns (mthonthi) (Karsten s.d.: 11), a kind of satin (gosther),111 a (silk?) textile with only one color (tshosgcig) (Karsten s.d.: 14), twill brocade (ling),112 a coarse textured and unpatterned tabby silk fabric (churtse),113 a kind of satin (?) (’gang),114 and a kind of satin (?) (gosphrug).115 It took one hundred and fifty-five panels of the best quality “southern cotton” (lhoras)116 to create the canvas. Dust covers were also made for the entire thangka set, that is, the central Śākyamuni thangka and the two side thangkas. For this purpose, seven hundred and sixty panels of “northern silk” (byangdar)117 were used, which was “shining like a rainbow in numerous colors,” but primarily in blue. The large textile thangka of Amitābha was also given a new dust cover, since it had none at all. Two hundred panels of very thin gauze-like cloth (smanrnying)118 were used for these covers. After their completion, 109 On these terms see Karsten s.d.: 12, 16, 9. Karsten identifies gandaras an unidentified type of satin forand jusas an extremely shiny satin, Karsten s.d.: 7, 10. 111 This is not found in Karsten s.d. Perhaps it is an abbreviation of horgostherjus. The term therjusis listed under jus, a gold-thread satin or extremely shiny satin, Karsten s.d.: 10. The term horgosdenotes a Yuan dynasty satin, Karsten s.d.: 16. 112 Karsten writes that the Tibetan term ling is a transcription of the Chinese term ling (綾) denoting twill, Karsten s.d.: 15. Perhaps more accurately, one should speak of twill damask, Kuhn 2012: 128ff. Cf. also Watt and Wardwell 1997: 27, 49f. 113 Karsten lists a similar term, namely gru’urtsi,gru’urtse and gru’utse, and suggests that it probably is a transcription of Chinese chouzi, i.e. silk, Karsten s.d.: 8. Kuhn explains that “In ancient times, the term chou referred to a weave made of spun coarse silk threads. During the Ming period, however, it referred to a twill fabric whose structure was often compared to that of a Han dynasty twill-patterned tabby (qi). During the Qing period … [t]he word chou eventually came to be used for tabby and twill weave silk fabrics that were further defined by their place of production and other attributes,” Kuhn 2012: 447. See also Kuhn 2012: 521. 114 On ’gangsee n. 83 above. 115 Karsten lists gos phrug sngon po but provides no explanation or interpretation, Karsten s.d.: 8. He gives brocade for gos and satin for goschen, ibid. 116 Not listed in Karsten s.d. 117 Unidentified according to Karsten s.d.: 12. 118 Karsten gives the variants mantsi, smantse, smanrtse alias smantshe, Karsten s.d.: 14. This can refer to 1. a kind of facial cover of very thin gauze-like cloth, 2. the facing of a garment, 3. a yellow silk scarf with red spots impressed on it, or 4. Chin.manzi, curtain, screen. He suggests that “old sman” (smanrnying) might point out that it is a mantsitextile going back to the Yuan dynasty, ibid. 110 88 OLAF CZAJA the teachers and monks of the Tantric college, dressed in their best robes, formed a solemn procession, and the Panchen Lama himself was carrying a censer. The image (sku) of the textile thangka of Mañjuśrī was greeted in front of the Ba so spyi khang house and guided to the large paved square of the monastery. After the evening tea, the monks praised Mañjuśrī, and nearly two thousand monks each received a large and delicately made welcome scarf of religious merit (bsodnamskhabtags) as a personal gift. The teachers also received extensive donations, and there was a feast for the masters, the overseers, the workers, and assistants. Because the path on which the fabric thangka was to be carried was in a bad condition, it had been repaired and newly paved. The thangka display wall was also embellished by adding a tamarisk fringe for the upper end of the lower platform (fig. 5). The Mañjuśrī thangka was first shown to the public on the fifteenth day of the fifth month; later, in the ninth month of the same year, an extensive consecration ceremony was held in which all the repaired or newly made images, statues, and temples were consecrated, including the newly created textile thangka of Mañjuśrī and the Maitreya textile thangka given by the doctor.119 6thPanchenLamaDpalldanyeshes(1738–1780) Over time, it became necessary to repair the thangkas. A few days after the Maitreya Festival of 1771, the 6th Panchen Lama had the textile thangkas repaired, which required various kind of satin (goschen) (Karsten s.d.: 8), very thin gauze-like cloth (smanrnying),120 twill brocade (ling),121 and Yuan dynasty silk (hordar).122 119 Blobzangyeshesrnamthar170/4. Karsten gives mantsi, smantse, smanrtse alias smantshe, Karsten s.d.: 14. This can refer to 1. a kind of facial cover of very thin gauze-like cloth, 2. the facing of a garment, 3. a yellow silk scarf with red spots impressed on it, or 4. Chin.manzi, curtain, screen. He suggests that “old sman” (sman rnying) might point out that it is a man tsi textile going back to the Yuan dynasty, ibid. 121 Karsten writes that the Tibetan term ling is a transcription of Chinese term ling (綾) denoting twill, Karsten s.d.: 15. Perhaps more accurately, one should speak of twill damask, Kuhn 2012: 128ff. Cf. also Watt and Wardwell 1997: 27, 49f. 122 The term dar is usually used for silk, Karsten s.d.: 11. Perhaps the term hor, i.e. Mongols, Mongolian, refers to the Yuan dynasty. See Dpalldanyeshesrnamthar 514/20. 120 THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 89 7thPanchenLamaBstanpa’inyima(1782–1853) New textile thangkas were not produced until the time of the next Panchen Lama, Bstan pa’i nyi ma. His advisers suggested that he commissions a large Amitābha textile thangka, which was presumably for the sake of neutralizing the possible bad influences and obstacles that are thought to occur in twelve-year intervals. In the fifth month of 1794, the 7th Panchen Lama officially issued the order to produce a large textile thangka of Amitābha, as well as textile thangkas for the New Year’s festival (cho’phrulsmonlam).123 They were greeted by a high official (’phrinlaspachenpo) and a procession of monks. The Panchen Lama performed the ritual of opening the eyes, and the next day the textile thangkas were unfurled on the display wall. Offerings were arranged before them, and they were briefly consecrated by the Tantric college. Later, when the 7th Panchen Lama presided over the monastic assembly at the large meeting place, the thangkas were ‘invited,’ bathed, given presents, praised, and consecrated. At the great feast of the transference of religious merit, during which these religious images were displayed, the Panchen Lama gave each monk tea, gifts, and a traditional ceremonial scarf. The artists and artisans also received gifts, but the names of these artists and craftsmen are not given. Information regarding the materials used for the creation of these thangkas is also missing. 8thPanchenLamaBstanpa’idbangphyug(1854/1855–1882) New fabric thangkas were not commissioned under the 8th Panchen Lama. In the fifth month of 1857, however, he gave instructions for making new dust covers for all three thangkas, which were shown during the festival.124 9thPanchenLamaThubbstanchoskyinyima(1883–1937) Under the 9th Panchen Lama Thub bstan chos kyi nyi ma, works of art at Bkra shis lhun po were both repaired and created anew, culminating in the erection of a colossal Maitreya statue. In connection with this, a large 123 124 Bstanpa’inyimarnamthar 181/3. Bstanpa’idbangphyugrnamthar 150/2. 90 OLAF CZAJA textile thangka of Śākyamuni together with two lateral thangkas of Mañjuśrī and Avalokiteśvara were also commissioned.125 Unfortunately, the biography of the 9th Panchen Lama, written by Blo bzang ’jam dbyangs ye shes bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, is influenced by the political controversies of this period, and the biographical details are often disorganized or even absent altogether. The textile thangkas can therefore not be dated to a precise year, but only to the approximate period of 1905 to 1914. For another textile thangka, showing Maitreya with the Eight Medicine Buddhas, the 9th Panchen Lama wrote an aspiration prayer, which was written on the back of the image.126 The thangka was commissioned by a monk official for the purification rituals of the Bogd Khan (1869/1870– 1924) in Urga/Khüree (Khu ral) in Mongolia. The monk in question, named as the jawtüi lam (byabs khrus bla ma), the high-ranking monk responsible for ritual bathing and cleansing ceremonies, and also known by the title khambanomonkhan (mkhanponomonhan) according to the colophon of the aspiration prayer, must have been Luwsankhaimchog (Blo bzang mkhas mchog). He was probably born in Tibet in 1873, studied in Bkra shis lhun po monastery, and became the abbot (khachinlam, mkhanchen) of one of the colleges (Teleki 2008: 82, 169). He traveled to Mongolia in 1915 and became the jawtüilam as well as the personal teacher of the Bogd Khan Jebdzundampa. In 1920, he was appointed khambanomonkhan – that is, the abbot of all of Urga. In the biographical material of the 9th Panchen Lama, he is mentioned in the second month of 1924 in connection with his rapid departure, which may also be called a flight, from Tibet towards Inner and Outer Mongolia.127 With the death of the Bogd Khan, the khambanomonkhan was the most senior religious dignitary in Mongolia, and he retained this position until his execution in 1937. Although the fabric thangka of Maitreya is not mentioned in the biography of the Panchen Lama, it is noted in the colophon of the aspiration prayer that was written down in the garden called the “Grove of Immortality” (Skyid na ’Chi med skyed tshal), which may refer to the garden 125 126 127 Choskyinyimarnamthar vol. 1: 293/4. This is not mentioned in Jagou 2011. Byabskhrusgossmon. This is not mentioned in Jagou 2011. Choskyinyimarnamthar vol. 2: 13/3, 17/1. THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 91 of the Panchen Lamas in Bkra shis lhun po.128 Supposing that the title of the aspiration prayer reflects the date of its composition and was not added later, it could be that this prayer was written between 1920 and 1924, and the thangka was created at that time. Unfortunately, it is not clear whether the thangka was a gift to the Panchen Lama, or whether it was created for liturgical use in Urga, and the Panchen Lama was only asked for an auspicious prayer. It also remains unclear whether it was a single thangka, showing Maitreya surrounded by the Eight Medicine Buddhas, or an ensemble of a central Maitreya thangka and two side thangkas with the Eight Medicine Buddhas. 10thPanchenLamaChoskyirgyalmtshan(1938–1989) Although the political fate of Tibet did not become easier in the second half of the twentieth century, the tradition of the Maitreya festival still continued whenever it was possible. Under the 10th Panchen Lama a new large textile thangka was manufactured in 1959.129 According to biographies of the 10th Panchen Lama, the Dīpaṃkara thangka – one of the thangkas with the Buddhas of the Three Times that were shown during the Maitreya Festival at Bkras shis lhun po – was old and worn out, so he commissioned a new one. It is said that this new thangka was forty-two meters in height and more than thirty meters in width, but this statement is problematic because, apart from the report of Sarat Chandra Das, there is no evidence in the historical sources that a Dīpaṃkara thangka had ever been created for this festival at Bkra shis lhun po.130 It is unclear what the old, now worn thangka is supposed to be. It does not seem to be a mistake of the biographers, because when the newly created thangka was shown at the festival on the fourteenth day of the fifth month, the 10th Panchen Lama wrote an aspiration prayer, which explicitly speaks of Buddha Dīpaṃkara.131 It seems that the 10th Panchen Lama equated Amitābha with Dīpaṃkara in order to preserve the unity of the Buddhas 128 Byabskhrusgossmon 526/2. Rimpakhaggi’gokhridsogs 523/3, Blo bzang bkra shis et al. 2009: 91f. This is not mentioned in ’Jam dbyangs grags pa 1999 and Gtsang phrug stobs lags 2012. 130 Das 1902: 199. 131 Gsungthorbu 611/2. 129 92 OLAF CZAJA of the Three Times.132 This is confirmed by the account of Blo bzang bkra shis, which records the commissioning of a Dīpaṃkara thangka, but then describes an Amitābha thangka instead (Blo bzang bkra shis et al. 2009: 91f.). 11thPanchenLamaRgyalmtshannorbu(b.1990) In 2014, a newly made Maitreya thangka was displayed during the festival of the future Buddha. According to news articles, it was commissioned to celebrate the twenty-fifth birthday of the 11th Panchen Lama Rgyal mtshan nor bu, and to prevent misfortune, as the twenty-fifth year in a life (the twenty-fourth based on Western reckoning) is considered a difficult one. It is said that the thangka, measuring 45m in length and 29m in width, was executed by twenty-five tailors and ninety other workers in approximately seven months.133 TheAmitābhaThangka Among the early photographs of the textile thangkas displayed at Bkra shis lhun po during the Maitreya Festival, there is not a single one that shows a thangka of Buddha Dīpaṃkara. There are three thangkas that have been reproduced in a book about Bkra shis lhun po monastery published in 1993, one of which shows Amitābha in meditation position at the center of the image (fig. 6).134 He is accompanied by Atiśa and Tsong kha pa in the upper left and right corner of the central thangka. Below, one can see Pañjarnātha Mahākāla on the left and Śrīdevī (Dpal ldan lha mo Dmag zor rgyal mo) on the right. Two bodhisattvas can be seen on the two lateral thangkas as Amitābha’s attendants, with Mañjuśrī placed to the left and Vajrapāṇi to the right. The 4th Panchen Lama sits above the standing Mañjuśrī, and the guardian deity Beg tse is below. Vajrapāṇi is accompanied by an unidentified Panchen Lama above and by the guardian deity 132 The same identification is found in modern publications on Bkra shis lhun po, where for the Maitreya festival Amitābha is regarded as the Buddha of the Past. See Zi and Pin 1993: 162, An 2003: 84, Li and Jiang 2003: 78. 133 Palden Nyima 2014. See also Anonymous 2014, Yang 2014. 134 Zi and Pin 1993: 168. See also Phun tshogs rnam rgyal 1998: 143–146. THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 93 Phying dkar ba below. It is obvious that the iconographic program differs from the Amitābha thangka commissioned under the 4th Panchen Lama in 1634. Even though both bodhisattvas in the side thangkas and the monks Atiśa and Tsong kha pa were kept, the remaining figures were changed. It is possible that the composition in the photograph shows the arrangement made under the 7th Panchen Lama, for a new Amitābha thangka was made in 1794, as mentioned above. Unfortunately, no details are given on the iconographic program in the biography of Bstan pa’i nyi ma. The deity Phying dkar ba frequently appears on the block prints and thangkas that are associated with the 6th Panchen Lama Dpal ldan ye shes, but one can also find him in thangkas associated with the 9th Panchen Lama Chos kyi nyi ma. The latter can also be identified by a right hand pointing downwards and the left one holding a vessel filled with ambrosia like on this Amitābha thangka.135 It is therefore possible that the unknown Panchen Lama is Chos kyi nyi ma. An investigation on the spot would be desirable, for Chos kyi nyi ma, in contrast to all other Panchen Lamas, had a moustache, which is also reproduced on artistic representations. If it is the 9th Panchen Lama, the entire Amitābha thangka set or only the right-side thangka could have been created during his lifetime or after his death. As mentioned above, the biographical material on him is fragmentary for some periods of his life, and it cannot, therefore, be ruled out at present that the original thangkas were made during his abbotship. Perhaps the thangka seen on figure six is the Dīpaṃkara alias Amitābha thangka commissioned by the 10th Panchen Lama in 1959. However, according to a recent journalistic report, the Amitābha thangka is said to have been made in the 1990s, and so the question needs to remain open for the time being (Wang 2015). TheŚākyamuniThangka The giant Śākyamuni textile thangka, which was shown on the middle day of the three-day Maitreya festival, is arranged differently from the Amitābha thangka, both with regard to the absolute size of the main figures, and the 135 Bod rang skyong ljongs rig dngos do dam u yon khan khang 2007 [1985]: 81, Chen 2005: 81. 94 OLAF CZAJA iconographic programme (fig. 7) (Zi and Pin 1993: 168). The Buddha of the present age, Śākyamuni, occupies the central position of the three-part thangka ensemble. On the left and right sides above him are Dīpaṃkara, the Buddha of the Past, and Maitreya, the Buddha of the Future. On the left side of Śākyamuni, one can see the 4th Panchen Lama, and on the right the Buddha of the Infinite Light, Amitābha. This arrangement corresponds to the Śākyamuni thangka commissioned by the 4th Panchen Lama (see above). Lateral thangkas are not mentioned, but one can probably assume that they did exist because, as we saw above, the side thangka of Mañjuśrī was renewed in 1683 by the 5th Panchen Lama Blo bzang ye shes. Finally, the 9th Panchen Lama commissioned a Śākyamuni thangka with lateral thangkas of Mañjuśrī and Avalokiteśvara between 1905 and 1914. It is therefore possible that the thangka ensemble that is in use today for display at the second day of the Maitreya Festival is still the one commissioned by the 9th Panchen Lama.136 It is worth noting that the thangka does not have guardian deities. This is probably due to the fact that the main figure of Śākyamuni is larger than usual, as the 4th Panchen Lama recorded in his autobiography, which did not leave enough space for the protectors. The two bodhisattvas on both sides were made larger to correspond to the main figure. It seems to me that both lateral panels belong to the main thangka even though they appear to be much larger than usual; the colour and the shape of the lotus petals and the clouds seem to support this assumption, but a close examination insitu would be required to say this with certainty. TheMaitreyaThangka On the last day of the Maitreya festival, the faithful would see the colourful image of the future Buddha (fig. 8) (Zi and Pin 1993: 169). In this textile thangka, a huge image of Maitreya is accompanied by various smaller figures, which can most likely be identified as Blue Vajradhara with consort, Tsong kha pa (left), White Vajrasattva with consort, and 136 This conjecture was confirmed in a recent publication (Li and Jiang 2003: 78), which states that the Śākyamuni thangka was made by the 9th Panchen Lama, but fieldwork would be necessary to validate it. THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 95 a still unidentified Panchen Lama (right). At the height of the hips of Maitreya, one can see the green Buddha Siṃhanāda and the yellow Buddha Sunetra, and on the left and right sides.On the left and right panels, one can see the Eight Medicine Buddhas. No protectors of the Buddhist doctrine are depicted. The iconographic programme corresponds in part to the thangkas which the 4th Panchen Lama had produced starting in 1649. Siṃhanāda and Sunetra can be found in his iconographic description, as well as the two lateral thangkas with the Eight Medicine Buddhas, but the figures in the two corners above the Maitreya are not mentioned by the 4th Panchen Lama. The unknown Panchen Lama teaches, with his right hand raised, while his left is resting on his lap and holding a vase with ambrosia. He holds the stalks of two lotus flowers that blossom at the height of his shoulder, supporting a sword and a book. Although it remains unclear which Panchen Lama he is, it could be the 7th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i nyi ma (1782–1853), or possibly the 8th Panchen Lama Bstan pa’i dbang phyug (1854/1855–1882). As indicated above, the production of a Maitreya thangka under these two dignitaries is not recorded in the historical sources. During the life of the 9th Panchen Lama, one thangka, or perhaps even three thangkas, of Maitreya with the Eight Medicine Buddhas were created by the jawtüilam khambanomonkhan from Khüree. Future research, especially with in-depth fieldwork in Bkra shis lhun po, might help to clarify whether or not there is any relationship of these earlier precedents with the thangkas exhibited nowadays. It seems that the three thangkas discussed above were probably made during the nineteenth- and twentieth-centuries, or perhaps entirely in the twentieth century. Stylistically, some differences can be observed between the three. The Śākyamuni thangka, possibly executed in the first decades of the twentieth century, has lotus petals with smooth edges for both the main image and the lateral images. This is in contrast to the lotus petals seen in the thangkas of Amitābha and Maitreya, which have jagged edges. Comparing the two latter thangkas, it is evident that the lotus petals are very similar but not identical. Both thangkas also differ in the colours of the clouds. The Amitābha thangka has one colour for each cloud or band of clouds, whereas a variety of colours are used in the Maitreya thangka. In this regard the Maitreya thangka is comparable with the thangka of 96 OLAF CZAJA Śākyamuni. It can be further observed that floral motifs are more prominently employed for Amitābha and Maitreya than for Śākyamuni. The depiction of the landscape is noticeably distinct in each image. The hills on the Maitreya thangkas are shrouded in clouds but still have vegetation. The latter is absent in both other thangkas. On the other hand, both the Amitābha and Śākyamuni thangkas have cloud-covered mountains, but the colouring clearly differs. Based on these preliminary observations, one might conclude that these three thangkas were neither made by the same artists nor at the same time, but I cannot currently offer a more exact dating.137 Furthermore, in 2014 a brand new Maitreya thangka commissioned by the 11th Panchen Lama Rgyal mtshan nor bu was displayed for the first time. The two contemporary Maitreya thangkas – the one shown before 2014 and the one shown during and after 2014 – differ significantly,138 particularly in terms of their iconographic programmes. The recently commissioned Maitreya has four smaller attendant figures: Atiśa and Tsong kha pa in the upper corners and two unidentified monks on both sides. To the left and right of the main thangka are two side thangkas with the bodhisattvas Mañjuśrī (left) and Avalokiteśvara (right). There is also a monk sitting above each of the Bodhisattvas, most likely the 5th Dalai Lama above the Mañjuśrī, and the 4th Panchen Lama above the Avalokiteśvara. 4. Concluding Remarks The Maitreya Prayer Festival has long been one of the most important events in the annual monastic life of Bkra shis lhun po. The iconic importance of the Maitreya Prayer Festival can for example be seen in the fact that the giant Śākyamuni thangka was often depicted on traditional 137 A more precise assessment cannot be given here, as I have not had the opportunity to see them insituand the only accessible photographic materials are the plates produced in this article, scanned from a 1993 Chinese publication. I cannot even say whether the Chinese reproductions are in true colours. Moreover, other important features such as the type of textile, its lustre, brightness, texture, and haptic qualities, and technological aspects such as cords and seams could not be examined. 138 For images of the thangka made in 2014, see Anonymous 2014, Palden Nyima 2014, Yang 2014. THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 97 representations of the monastery (fig. 2).139 It is not known exactly when the festival was introduced. Dge ’dun grub made various over-dimensional thangkas, but he did not create the Maitreya Festival itself. It is likely that the Maitreya Prayer Festival first happened under the 4th Panchen Lama in the first half of the seventeenth century. During his abbotship, the three giant textile thangkas with Amitābha, Śākyamuni, and Maitreya were made, and although the exact iconographic programme of the thangkas has changed over the centuries, the festival itself and the public display of the thangkas has remained an integral part of the religious identity of the monastery. The precious materials used for the production of the thangkas were in part an expression of the social and religious prestige of the Panchen Lamas. It must be remembered that these rare and expensive materials were not purchased, but were given to the Panchen Lamas as gifts from the Chinese emperor, high spiritual dignitaries, secular officials, monastic institutions, and aristocratic families. It is no coincidence that the texts contain detailed information on the fabrics used to make textile thangkas, which highlights the material value of the thangka and the religious prestige enjoyed by the Panchen Lamas. The association with named high profile donors implies that the oversized thangkas were also a manifestation of the power and prestige of the Panchen Lamas. In its pronounced form created at the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Maitreya Prayer Festival also clearly demonstrated the fact that the Dge lugs school had firmly established itself in Gtsang province, and had the confidence to publicly proclaim this fact (figs. 1, 2). The festival was an eloquent expression of the self-understanding of the Dge lugs school as having a special bond to the future Buddha Maitreya, as well as Bkra shis lhun po as a symbolic embodiment of Mt. Meru, with the abbot’s residence representing Maitreya’s Palace. Thus, the Dge lugs pa in general and the Panchen Lamas in particular showed that they were prepared for the descent of the future Buddha and a new era of Buddhism. This selfesteem of Bkra shis lhun po was not limited to their home region of Gtsang, but also extended to the province of Dbus, and especially in the Lha sa 139 See, for instance, van der Wee and van der Wee 1995: fig. 34. See also http://www. himalayanart.org, under the entry Tibet: Tashi Lhunpo, Shigatse Cityscape (Paintings). 98 OLAF CZAJA valley. In a sense, the Maitreya Festival in Bkra shis lhun po can be understood as a kind of response to the Prayer Festival at the beginning of the year in Lha sa. In both cases, the festival was a defining feature of the venue, together with the surrounding areas, and possessed a strong supraregional attraction. In other words, each of the two festivals became a unique feature of the respective monastic communities. In the Middle Ages in Europe, festivals were occasionally implemented in order to bind aristocratic families to a ruler, and thus tournaments and festivals could be part of local politics (Kühnel 1991: 74). One might assume that something similar also applies to the Maitreya Festival in so far as it bound the local aristocracy of Gtsang to Bkra shis lhun po, the seat of Dge lugs power in that region. A remaining desideratum is to learn more about the “racing and military manoeuvres and drill” at Gzhis ka rtse, as reported by Sarat Chandra Das for the festivities of 1882, but unfortunately the consulted sources are completely silent on this matter.140 It was probably not only an exercise of military skill and mastery, but also an opportunity for aristocratic families to challenge and reassure the social hierarchies on a visual and non-violent level. In the Middle Ages in Europe, tournaments and other martial games were an important way to demonstrate and reaffirm social and political hierarchies. It was also an opportunity to display one’s might and wealth in the lavishness of decor and costumes (see Kühnel 1991), an observation also made by Das, when he speaks of the head-dress of one lady worth 40,000 rupees. On the other hand, the socially inclusive nature of the festival allowed for the visible expression of a common bond – a shared identity for otherwise separate and competing communities (Johanek 1991, Kühnel 1991). As seen above, the lord of the Gzhis ka rtse rdzong or the clerics and laymen from the communities in Bzhad demonstrated their involvement by providing provisions at the festival. Festival food and small presents were not just given to the monastic assembly, but also to those who were in need, such as beggars. Although the practice of circumambulation is only briefly mentioned in the textual sources, one can assume that it was crucial for those who attended the festival. The route was probably similar to that which is still used today, including the monastery, the mountain 140 On the importance of horse racing in Tibet in general, see Maurer 2013. THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 99 behind it, and part of the fortress and town of Gzhis ka rtse. The route is dotted with maṇi wheels, small chapels, and rock carvings. Other participants are said to have spent their time reciting prayers for long life, or participating in other rituals and ceremonies as discussed above. In general, the days of the festival were seen as very auspicious, and important announcements and decisions influencing the monastic life of Bkra shis lhun po were made on these days in order to publicly place them above all doubt. Agendas for such holy days could also include ceremonies that were of special importance for the monastery, such as those related to the Chinese emperor. The festival served to establish and strengthen existing relationships and alliances. This did not only affect people and institutions in the two central Tibetan provinces, but also outside Tibetan regions, especially in outer and inner Mongolia. As shown above, Mongolian visitors – both clergy and laymen – were not infrequently involved in the festival. They bear witness to the profound connection between Mongol tribes and the Panchen Lama. Very often they turned to him with the request to write religious texts that they needed for the practice of their faith. It is also clear that political talks and political decisions would have been made in this context, such as the funeral ceremonies for the deceased and the discovery of the new Jetsün Dampa. Thus, one can safely assume that, much like in the European Middle Ages, there was a close connection between banquet, feast, and political alliance (Althoff 1991). The banquets are seldom mentioned in the historical Tibetan sources, but the eyewitness account of Sarat Chandra Das may compensate for this, as he clearly shows the emphasis placed on such feasts during the Maitreya festival. The strengthening of political alliances through hospitable meetings is a frequently recurring event in medieval descriptions of European feasts; in addition to the banquets, hosts and guests were also honored with presents, a feature which is also found in the Tibetan context. In view of the traditionally close ties between Mongols and the Panchen Lamas, it is certainly worth mentioning that the famous Maitreya Festival of the Mongols, which often took place around New Year, was possibly inspired by the 4th Panchen Lama (Berger 2003: 119f.). It must be emphasized, however, that in the liturgical calendar of the Mongolian Buddhists there were two great festivals in which the future Buddha was worshiped: the second one 100 OLAF CZAJA was a festival of prayers to Maitreya, celebrated on the sixth day of the last summer month (Teleki 2012: 272). Whether and how these festivals relate to the Maitreya Festival in Bkra shis lhun po still needs to be clarified. In Bkra shis lhun po, the festival took place in July, in the middle of the summer. This time of the year made it possible for remote visitors to participate in the festivities, for the summer is a good time for the rural population, as the harvest was still to come. As is well known, the cropland in central Tibet is mainly located in the basin of the Gtsang po river, together with its main tributaries, the Skyid chu in the Lha sa region, and the Nyang chu in Gtsang, not far from Bkra shis lhun po. Since winter wheat and winter barley were both only recently introduced to these areas, during the 1960s and 1970s, and the 1970s and 1980s, respectively, the farmers in Tibet’s past were generally occupied with spring wheat and spring barley. The harvest season for spring barley would have been in late August in Gtsang (Paltridge et al. 2009: 631, 634), and therefore farmers would have had time to attend the festival in the middle of the summer. On the other hand, the months from May to July were the period when most of the off‐farm labour and livestock labour was carried out (Brown and Waldron 2011: 10), and therefore farmers still had to carefully manage their affairs in order to come to Bkra shis lhun po’s festivities. The fact that the festival was not independent of the agricultural season can also be seen in the rain-making rituals performed during the festival or shortly afterwards. The annual precipitation of the Gtsang area mostly concentrates in the period from May/June to September, and more than 90 per cent of precipitation falls in summer (Zhang et al. 2013: 37, Waldron et al. 2016: 12, Paltridge et al. 2009: 633). Beside the paramount importance of irrigation, summer rain was essential for a good harvest. It is understandable, then, that any prolonged absence of rain could result in a poor harvest, and rituals for rainmaking should be regarded not just as an accessory support by the monastic specialists in Bkra shis lhun po for the lay communities, but as a constitutive and integral part of the festival. This is still valid today, as the journalist Palden Nyima writes, “Religious officials of the monastery said the ritual is part of ceremonial prayers for rain that would help local people to have a bumper harvest” (Palden Nyima 2014). THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 101 Considering the complexity of this festival, the historical and arthistorical study presented here should only be considered a beginning. It is hoped that social anthropologists will research the Maitreya festival in more detail in the future. The festival is undoubtedly marked by today’s political and social conditions, but it can be assumed that there are also continuities within this tradition, even if the form may have slightly changed. It would also be desirable, if further sources emerge, to determine the exact details of the organisation of the festival over time, especially its economic details. Further studies could help demonstrate the interpenetration of art, ritual, and society in Tibet, and festivals like the Maitreya Festival in Bkra shis lhun po are indispensable for such endeavors. Bibliography PrimarySources Blamayidamsangsrgyas Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan. 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It was held on three days in summer when three giant thangkas showing Buddhas Amitābha, Śākyamuni and Maitreya were put on public display. Introduced in the seventeenth century, it became a defining feature of the monastic life in the Dge lugs monastery of Bkra shis lhun po, the seat of the Panchen Lamas. It attained a supra-regional importance, which even extended to Mongolia. Based on a number of textual sources, this essay examines various aspects of this festival, how it was funded, who participated, and which rituals and ceremonies were conducted. It also analyses the history and iconography of the three giant textile thangkas by discussing in detail the contributions made during the reign of each respective Panchen Lama from the past to the present. In sum, the article argues that this festival has to be seen in the context of a special bond the Dge lugs school of Tibetan Buddhism maintained to have with the future Buddha Maitreya. 112 OLAF CZAJA Appendix Fig. 1. Bkra shis lhun po (Tashi Lhünpo) Monastery from the south, 1900/1901, O. M. Norzunoff. From the American Geographical Society Library, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Libraries. Fig. 2. Bkra shis lhun po Monastery, Tibet, 19th cent., pigment on cotton, 61×43cm, Bkra shis lhun po Monastery. After Bod rang skyong ljongs rig dngos do dam u yon khan khang 2007 [1985]: no. 23. Detail showing the thangka display wall with the giant Śākyamuni textile thangka. THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 113 Fig. 3. A giant textile thangka is brought out and welcomed by music bands. After Zi and Pin 1993: 164f. Fig. 4. Monks carry a giant textile thangka to the display wall. After Zi and Pin 1993: 166f. 114 OLAF CZAJA Fig. 5. The thangka display wall situated in the north-east of Bkra shis lhun po. After Zi and Pin 1993: 40f. THE MAITREYA PRAYER FESTIVAL AT BKRA SHIS LHUN PO 115 Fig. 6. The Amitābha thangka at Bkra shis lhun po. After Zi and Pin 1993: 168. Fig. 7. The Śākyamuni thangka at Bkra shis lhun po. After Zi and Pin 1993: 168. 116 OLAF CZAJA Fig. 8. The Maitreya thangka at Bkra shis lhun po. After Zi and Pin 1993: 169.