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Teaching Tibetan Buddhism in Chinese on behalf of Mañjuśrī “Great Perfection” (dzokchen / dayuanman 大圓滿) and Related Tantric Practices among Han Chinese and Taiwanese Believers in Sertar and Beyond

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Ester Bianchi


University of Perugia


“Just now, the Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī and Ven. Vimalamitra from Mount Wutai in China have come here, asking me to go and spread the dharma. From now on, I shall start to establish connections with living beings in Han Chinese areas, in order to transform and save them. In the future, our Larung gar Five Sciences Buddhist Academy will have a lot of Han Chinese disciples, coming here in search of the dharma, to study and practice the dharma. They will spread further both exoteric and esoteric teachings all over the world.” Khenpo Jikmé Püntsok, 1986.1


Introduction2


In April 2014 I had the opportunity to follow some lessons given by Khenpo Tsültrim Lodrö Rinpoché (Mkhan po Tshul khrims blo gros rin po che, b. 1962), who was invited to Taiwan by the Nyingmapa Larung Teksum Chöling Buddhist Institute. I was later to find out that the


1. “剛才,漢地五台山的文殊菩薩、布瑪莫扎尊者親自來此迎請我們前往弘法。我從現在開始與漢地眾生結緣, 度化他們,以後喇榮五明佛學院將會有許許多多的漢族弟子前來求法、修學,並將顯密佛法弘傳到世界各地……” (my translation), cited by Yéshé Püntsok 2011. A slightly different version of the same declaration is also quoted in Jikmé Püntsok’s biographies.


2. The present study is primarily based on the information I collected in Taiwan between April and May 2014, and in Kham and Golok (i.e. in Sertar and in the surrounding areas) during a month-long fieldwork I conducted in February 2015. It also considers information taken from my previous fieldwork in Tibetan areas (mainly in Kham) and in Chinese cities (notably, for the present issue, Chengdu and Peking) over the last two decades. I owe a great debt of gratitude to Han Chinese nun Yuanhao 圓浩, from Larung gar Five Sciences Buddhist Academy, for her constant advice both during my fieldwork and afterwards. My greatest thanks also to Künga Nyingpo (Gengga Ningbo 更嘎寧博), who introduced me to dzokchen practices in Taiwan, to lama Garwang

Nyima (Gawang Nima 噶旺尼瑪) of the Larung gar center in Taipei, to Norsang (Luosang 洛桑) and Chanding 禪定 from Larung gar in Sertar, to my friend and mentor Guoping 果平, and to all the other interviewees, lay practitioners and monastic representatives, who helped me during my fieldworks and preferred to remain anonymous. I also express my deep gratitude to Fabian Sanders for his decisive assistance in tracing and checking Tibetan terms and texts, and to Chou Wen-shing, Brenton Sullivan, Donatella Rossi and Antonio Terrone, for their careful reading of the manuscript and for all their insightful comments and suggestions.


headquarters of the organizing association—a branch of the [[Larung gar Five Sciences Buddhist Academy]] (Tib. Larung Nangten Lopling; Chin. Larong Wuming foxueyuan 喇榮五明佛學院) in Sertar (Easter Sichuan)—were only a small venue located inside a fifth-floor apartment in the city center of Taipei (fig. 1). Nevertheless, to me it was a sign of the existence of a Taiwanese community of practitioners of the “Great Perfection” (Tib. dzokchen; Chin. dayuanman 大圓滿),3 as formulated and taught at Sertar Larung gar, a growing phenomenon in Mainland China within the so-called “fever for Tibetan Buddhism.” 4 This provided me with the “Taiwanese connections” I was looking for in order to contribute to the present volume.


The principal objective of this study is to outline the spread of Larung gar dzokchen teachings among Chinese-speaking practitioners at Sertar, and around and beyond it (be it China proper or Taiwan). Therefore, it focuses on the Larung gar Five Sciences Buddhist Academy seen as a place of practice for Han Chinese followers, an aspect that has not been deeply studied so far.5 I will first introduce Larung gar’s recent history and main characteristics, and then try and analyze contents and strategies of its teaching activities. Special attention will be given to the dzokchen doctrines and practices that are transmitted to Han Chinese monastics and lay Buddhists. Finally, the Taipei’s Larung Teksum Chöling will be presented. In the conclusion, an attempt will be made to understand reasons, backgrounds and implications behind this contemporary growing phenomenon in Mainland China and beyond. This will show how the notion of “ecumenicalBuddhism (Rimé)—which in spite of its non-sectarian approach is a product of the modern Nyingma tradition—has been extended by the Larung gar’s masters in order to embrace not only all Tibetan Buddhist schools and movements, but also Chinese ones.


3. The teachings of dzokchen, which according to tradition originated with Garab Dorjé in Oḍdiyāna, are divided into three series of transmissions, namely, sems sde (the “category of mind”), klong sde (the “category of space”) and man ngag sde (the “category of pith instructions”). On the dzokchen tradition, see Achard 1999, Germano 2005, Karmay 1988, and Van Schaik 2004.


5. Larung gar has already been studied in depth, notably by David Germano, whose focus though was on Tibetan identity, and by Antonio Terrone, who mainly focused on treasure revelation; notice that Terrone is presently preparing a monographic study on “religious encampments” in the same area, comprising a chapter devoted to Han Chinese involvement in Larung gar’s teachings and practices, that was not available at the time of writing this article (A. Terrone, personal communication, November 2015). On Larung gar, particularly see the following studies: Germano 1998, and Terrone 2008. Also see Serta Tsultrim 2009.


Fig. 1. Sign at the entrance of the Nyingmapa

Larung Teksum Chöling Buddhist Institute, Taipei, May 2014. (Photo by the author.)

Teaching Tibetan buddhism in chinese on behalf of mañjuśrī 111


1. Larung gar as a place of practice for Chinese-speaking believers The Larung gar Five Sciences Buddhist Academy is located at 4,300 meters above the sea level in the Golok Sertar region of Eastern Tibet, on the edge of the Kardzé (Chin. Ganzi 甘孜) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan Province.6 It is the largest Tibetan monastery founded in China after the Cultural Revolution and one of the largest Buddhist monasteries in the world (fig. 2). Conceived as an ecumenicalnon-sectarian” (Rimé)7 place of practice, its study curricula and religious activities refer to the Tibetan Buddhist tradition as a whole. Nevertheless, Larung gar teachings and practices clearly reveal a strong Nyingma affiliation, the dzokchen tradition being its distinguishing feature as far as highest practices are concerned; more precisely, most teachings belong to the “Seminal Heart” (Tib. snying thig; Chin. Xinsui 心髓) tradition of the Great Perfection.8


6. Though located in the Kardzé area (Western Sichuan), which mainly belongs to Kham, Sertar—as part of the Golok region—traditionally belongs to Amdo.


7. For more details on the non-sectarian movement, which was established by Jamyang Khyentsé Wangpo (’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po, 1820–1892) and developed within Tibetan Buddhism throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, see Smith 1970.


8. The terma texts entitled klong chen snying thig (Heart Essence teachings of Longchenpa) are believed to have been revealed in vision to Jikmé Lingpa Khyentsé Özer (’Jigs med gling pa mkhyen brtse ’od zer, 1730–1798) by Longchenpa Rabjam pa (Klong chen pa rab ’byams pa, 1308–1364), and have become one of the most widespread dzokchen textual cycles. On the klong chen snying thig lineage of Tibetan Buddhism, see Thondup 1996, p. 43 passim. For Longchenpa and Jikmé Lingpa, see below, notes 61 and 62. Fig. 2. Overview of Larung gar, Sertar, February 2015. (Photo by Sabina Ragaini.)


Though official data are not available, according to most sources and interviewees this “religious encampment” (Tib. chos sgar) is home to over 10,000 persons.9 Male and female devotees live in separate areas and adopt a rigorous disciplinary code, being allowed to meet each other only during some major religious events and, in daily life, at the common spots located in front of the main halls and other religious venues. At least 2,000 of these Buddhist practitioners are Han Chinese.10

Larung gar was founded at the beginning of the 1980s by Khenpo Jikmé Püntsok (Mkhan po ’Jigs med phun tshogs, 1933–2004; Chin. Jinmei Pengcuo 晋美彭措, 1933–2004),11 a native of Golok, who stands out as one of the most important Tibetan masters and “treasure revealers” (Tib. tertön; Chin. fucangshi 伏藏師) of the modern era. According to hagiographic accounts, when he was born he emerged from his mother’s womb reciting the a ra pa ca na “heart mantra” of Mañjuśrī, a Bodhisattva who was destined to play a major role in his practices and teachings.12 At the age of five, he was acknowledged as the reincarnation of Lerab Lingpa tertön Sogyel (Las rab gling pa gter ston Bsod rgyal, 1856–1926);13 thereupon he entered Nupzur gönpa, a branch of Palyul monastery in Sertar, where he took the novice vows at nine years of age. In his autobiography, he writes that his interest in dzokchen developed when, at fifteen, he had a vision of Jamgön Mipam Gyatso Rinpoché (’Jam mgon Mi pham rgya mtsho rin po che,

1846–1912).14 He was ordained as a monk at twenty-two and became abbot of Nupzur monastery two years later. From 1959 until the end of the Cultural Revolution he retired and lived secluded in the mountains, but according to many accounts he was able to continue practicing the dharma and instructing his most intimate disciples. Soon afterwards he created the Larung 9. These data, as all other numerical data in the present paper, refer to the years 2014–2015 and does not consider the latest government actions (2016–2017), which aimed at reducing the number of monastics to 5,000. It should be noticed that numbers have fluctuated a lot “depending on a variety of factors including government crack-downs and the attraction of the site to Han-Chinese in recent years” (Chou Wen-shing, personal communication, October 2015). A few Internet sites and some interviewees even claimed that the population was as high as 40,000 persons, which in my opinion might be true if one takes the count on the occasion of very popular events, such as initiation ceremonies, and counts both monastics and lay people.


10. Basically Han Chinese monks and nuns keep their formal residence in the Chinese Buddhist monastery where they have been ordained. In recent years it has become possible for Han Chinese to enter the monastic order directly at Larung gar; however, the numbers of Han Chinese monastics at Larung gar are not made public. 11. For a biography of Jikmé Püntsok, particularly refer to Suodaji Kanbu 2014, and Sodarjey Khenpo 2001. Among Jikmé Püntsok’s titles, khenpo testifies to his erudition, while Rinpoché refers to his status as a trülku (reincarnated lama); he is mostly known as “dharma king” (Tib. chos rgyal; Chin. fawang 法王 or, more often, fawang ruyibao 法王如意寶; Skt. dharmarāja cintāmaṇi); another name that occurs in my sources is Ngakwang Lodrö tsungmé (Ngag dbang blo gros mtshungs med, 1933–2004).


12. He is himself revered as an incarnation of Mañjuśrī. See Smyer Yü 2012, p. 2.

13. Lerab Lingpa Tertön Sogyel was an influential Nyingma scholar-master and treasure revealer of the modern era. He had a close relationship with the thirteenth Dalai Lama Tupten Gyatso (Thub Bstan rgya mtsho, 1876– 1933). It was precisely on the basis of these strong karmic connections that Jikmé Püntsok and the fourteenth Dalai Lama Tenzin Gyatso (Bstan ’dzin rgya mtsho, b. 1935) encountered each other in 1990. See Germano 1998, p. 87. Also see Serta Tsultrim 2009, p. 87.

14. Mipam Rinpoché (1846–1912) was a Nyingma scholar-master and a leading figure in the Rimé (non-sectarian) movement in Tibet. He studied under Jamgön Kongtrül Rinpoché Lodrö Tayé (’Jam mgon Kong sprul rin po che Blo gros mtha’ yas, 1813–1899), Jamyang Khyentsé Rinpoché Wangpo (’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po, 1820–1892) and Peltrül Rinpoché Orgyen Jikmé Chökyi Wangpo (Dpal sprul rin po che O rgyan ’jigs med chos kyi dbang po, 1808–1987) and was a very prolific writer. See Duckworth 2011. Also see Schaeffer, Kapstein & Tuttle 2013, pp. 1044, 1095, 1215 and passim.


Teaching TibeTan buddhism in chinese on behalf of mañjuśrī 113


encampment (1980) and, during the following twenty years, he attracted tens of thousands of disciples—from all over Tibet and China, as well as other countries—and also often traveled within China and abroad.

15 Jikmé Püntsok passed away in 2004, at the age of seventy-one, while sitting in the lotus position, which is usually interpreted as a sign of spiritual realization in the Buddhist tradition.16

Larung gar is situated in a previously uninhabited valley, which was described by tertön Dudjom Lingpa (gter ston Bdud ’joms Gling pa, 1835–1904) as an ideal hermitage place, where thirteen practitioners of the past had attainedrainbow body” (i.e. realization in the dzokchen tradition); it was thus deemed “suitable for spiritual masters” (Tib. bla, for lama, and rung, “suitable”). 17 The encampment was initially an informal place of practice, not officially recognized as a religious site by the government. It already had an explosive growth during the 1980s and soon became the largest religious venue inside the PRC. The tenth Panchen Lama Chökyi Gyeltsen (Chos kyi rgyal mtshan, 1938–1989) visited the place in 1986; the following year he donated a signboard with the nameSertar Larung Nangten Lopling” written in Tibetan script. In 1993 it was the turn of Zhao Puchu 趙樸初 (1907–2000), President of the Buddhist Association of China, to write the Chinese signboard “Seda Larongsi Wuming Foxueyuan” 色達喇榮寺五明佛學院. In this way, the two Buddhist leaders gave their formal approval to the Academy. Finally, in 1997 the Bureau of Religious Affairs of Kardzé prefecture formally registered the Academy as a religious venue under the name Larongsi 喇榮寺.18 The site suffered considerable repression and destruction on more occasions during the 2000s, but every time it was revived by the residing community and other disciples.19


Even if in most functions it can be considered a monastery, Larung is still organized as a chos sgar (“religious encampment”), with the decentralized administration and financial self-sufficiency of the majority of its inhabitants. Generally speaking, the whole community conducts a more independent lifestyle than would be permitted in Chinese monasteries: nuns and monks, laywomen and laymen share the same religious area; moreover, monastics live in private houses, a very uncommon custom for Chinese Buddhists, where they even have their own meals.20 Nowadays the Academy is organized in four separated sections, called “the four pillars” (si da

15. In 1990 Jikmé Püntsok went to India, where he met the fourteenth Dalai Lama, and in 1993 he visited Bhutan, Singapore, Malaysia and Taiwan, as well as the United States, Canada and France.

16. Nenghai 能海 was also found dead with his body in the lotus position. See Bianchi 2009, p. 305.

17. See Germano 1998, p. 61.

18. Larung gar was founded as a religious encampment instead of a formal monastery also in order to avoid government control. In the words of Antonio Terrone, “in the last two decades approximately a dozen non-monastic, loosely-formed religious congregations and Buddhist encampments have grown and are thriving;” they predominantly represent the Nyingma tradition, and most of them “are registered as mountain hermitages (ri khrod) and religious encampments (chos sgar), thereby choosing an unofficial status rather than the qualification of a formal monastery and its associated restrictions.” See Terrone 2009, p. 85. On this issue, also see Germano 1998, pp. 63–64.

19. On the governmental repressions at Larung gar (June 2001, December 2002, April-May 2004, and May 2006), see Serta Tsultrim 2009, pp. 765–767. 20. The current scope and character of the “religious encampments,” which are the home of independent, stationary and often very numerous communities, are a novelty of the contemporary era, considering that sgar were originally traveling encampments. However, the notion of large compounds composed of mixed population of monastic and lay people sharing the same space can be traced back to fourteenth century Tibet. See Terrone 2009, pp. 85–87.


zhizhu 四大支柱) in Chinese. In order to neatly separate the living spaces of the anis from those inhabited by the Tibetan monks, in 1988 Jikmé Püntsok established the Larung nunnery, located down the valley, which was registered as a formal monastic structure.21 A few years later, two new parts were added: an area for Tibetan lay people and the Academy for Han Chinese (hanxueyuan 漢學院), for Han Chinese monastics and lay followers.

The beginnings of Jikmé Püntsok’s connections with Han Chinese people can be traced back to the year 1987, when he went on pilgrimage to Wutai shan, after Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva had recommended him, in a vision, to visit the mountain.22 He set forth with hundreds of his disciples and, once on the mountain, he gave transmissions and teachings to several thousand people, including Tibetan, Han Chinese and Mongolian believers.23 While there, he had other visions of the Bodhisattva, made a two-week solitary retreat in the Narāyāna cave (Naluoyan 那羅延) on the Eastern Terrace, and is said to have experienced various miracles and extraordinary events (figs. 3 and 4).


Many Han Chinese then followed him back to Sertar, which has been a place of retreat and a pilgrimage spot for thousands of Han Chinese devotees ever since (fig. 5). Interestingly enough, when in Chengdu, he visited Zhaojue monastery 昭覺寺 and met with the Han Chinese lama Qingding (清定上师, 1902–1999), Nenghai 能海’s principal heir, thus establishing a connection with the followers of the Sino-Tibetan Buddhist tradition.24

21. On the nunnery, see Schneider 2013, pp. 153–161. 22. Mañjuśrī is the tutelary deity of Mount Wutai. On Wutai shan as a sacred mountain for Tibetan Buddhism,

see Tuttle 2006, and for the Mongol devotion, Charleux 2015. For the Han Chinese devotion to the mountain, see for instance Gimello 1992, pp. 89–149.

23. On the activities of Jikmé Püntsok on Mount Wutai, see Germano 1998, pp. 84–87. These events are extensively narrated in Jikmé Püntsok’s biography; see Suodaji Kanbu 2014, pp. 106–115, and Chou Wen-shing 2016. 24. See Serta Tsultrim 2009, pp. 99–100 for two pictures of Jikmé Püntsok together with Qingding at Zhaojue monastery.

Fig. 4. Narāyāna cave, Wutai shan, October

2012. (Photo by Isabelle Charleux.)

Fig. 3. Devotion to Jikmé Püntsok at the Narāyāna cave,

Wutai shan, October 2012. (Photo by Isabelle Charleux.)


Teaching TibeTan buddhism in chinese on behalf of mañjuśrī 115 Nowadays Larung gar is still a favorite center of practice for Han Chinese people, thanks to Jikmé Püntsok’s charisma,25 whose “aura” continued to be shed even after he passed away in 2004 (fig. 6). This is also due to the charisma of a few of his disciples, to their fluency in Chinese and to their readiness to make use of modern media and “modern discourses” (sciences and psychology, social issues, current affairs, and so on),26 which is particularly appreciated by the modernized and often disenchanted Han Chinese middle class.

Khenpo Sönam Dargyé aka Södargyé (Mkhan po Bsod nams dar rgyas aka Bsod dar rgyas; Chin. Suodaji 索達吉)27 and Tsültrim Lodrö (Chin. Cicheng Luozhu 慈誠羅珠),28 and the younger Khenpo Yéshé Püntsok (Mkhan po Ye shes phun tshogs; Chin. Yixi Pengcuo 益西彭措, 25. On the charisma of modern and contemporary Tibetan masters, particularly trülkus, refer to Smyer Yü 2012, pp. 9–12, 29 and passim, and Terrone 2012.


26. For instance, Sönam Dargyé shows a growing interest in environmental protection and morality issues, and often integrates Buddhist dharma with modern sciences. Similarly, also Tsültrim Lodrö is engaged in promoting environmental awareness and vegetarianism.


27. Sönam Dargyé was born in Kardzé County in 1962 and took the monastic vows in 1985 at Larung gar from Jikmé Püntsok. In 1987, he accompanied his master on a pilgrimage to Mount Wutai and began to receive Han Chinese disciples, while in the 1990s he visited many American, European and Asian countries with him. Following Jikmé Püntsok’s will, in the past thirty years he has devoted himself to spreading the dharma among Han Chinese people as well as in the United States, Canada, Germany and Southeast Asia. His books are mainly printed in the three series: Zhihui baoku 智慧寶庫 (Treasure of Wisdom and Compassion), the transcription of his lectures; Xianmi baoku 顯密寶庫 (Treasure of Sūtra and Tantra), translations from Tibetan into Chinese; Miaofa baoku 妙法寶庫 (Treasure of Supreme Dharma), i.e. his own writings.

28. Tsültrim Lodrö was born in 1962 in Kardzé County. He was ordained a monk by Jikmé Püntsok at Larung gar in 1984 and later received the title of khenpo. In the 1990s, at the request of his master, he started spreading the dharma in China, Taiwan, Singapore and Malaysia. While he never abandoned this task, recently he has mostly devoted himself to sustaining knowledge of Buddhism in Tibetan areas. Among his endeavors, there is the promotion of Tibetan culture in Kham (he founded libraries and schools, and edited books and dictionaries). Most of his works in Chinese are published in the series Huideng zhi guang 慧燈之光 (Light of the Wisdom Lamp), inaugurated in 2010.


Fig. 5. Illustration of Jikmé Püntsok instructing Han Chinese and Tibetan disciples at Larung gar, Sertar, February 2015. (Photo by Sabina Ragaini.)

Fig. 6. Han Chinese pilgrims showing devotion to Jikmé Püntsok’s motor car, Sertar, February 2015. (Photo by Sabina Ragaini.)


b. 1971)29 have been entrusted by Jikmé Püntsok to continue spreading Tibetan Buddhism among the Han Chinese. While these three masters reside and operate from Larung gar Five Sciences Buddhist Academy, other disciples of his have left Sertar and have founded their own centers, the most prominent case being that of Khenpo Shérap Zangpo (Mkhan po Shes rab bzang po; Chin. Xi’a Rongbo 西阿榮博, b. 1963).30


Sönam Dargyé and Yéshé Püntsok are the official teachers of the Academy of studies for Chinesespeaking monastics. Their task is to instruct these monastics in exoteric teachings; as a consequence, they usually do not give tantric transmissions or initiations to the Academy students.31 Tsültrim Lodrö, on the other hand, though being Dean of the Academy, teaches Tibetan monks and nuns and is not a formal teacher for Han Chinese monastics; he has many Han Chinese disciples (mostly lay people) as well as Tibetan followers, and also transmits tantric teachings to them. The most active in this regard is Sönam Dargyé, who in recent years has also been giving lectures and talks at Chinese universities.32 Due to a clever use of modern media and to the capability to reach the Chinese book market, their influence has gone far beyond the Sertar valley. The works and textbooks produced at Larung gar are employed to instruct Han Chinese practitioners in other Buddhist centers, including those located in Chinese cities,33 and the websites of the most prominent masters are visited by hundreds of Buddhist web users every week.34 An interesting example of the far-reaching influence of Larung gar tradition is represented by the organization founded by Sönam Dargyé in 2006, originally being called Puti xuehui 菩提學會 (Bodhi Study Society), which has developed into a network of Buddhist groups and individual believers, located throughout China and connected with the master and the Larung gar community via the Internet. As was the case with the homonymous Bodhi Study Societies of the first half of the twentieth century, its declared aim is that of spreading Tibetan Buddhism among Han Chinese people.35


29. Yéshé Püntsok was born in 1971 in the Ngawa (Chin. Aba 阿壩) region (North-Western Sichuan). He attended Chinese schools and a Tibetan high school, thus gaining proficiency in both languages. In 1986, at fifteen years of age, he went to Larung gar to study under Jikmé Püntsok and obtained the title of khenpo. In 1996 Jikmé Püntsok entrusted him with the task of instructing Han Chinese monastics; with this aim in mind, he devoted himself to teaching activities at Larung gar Academy and founded the Xianmi xuehui 顯密學會 (Exoteric and Esoteric Study Society). A prolific translator, he also publishes the series Ganlu miaofa 甘露妙法 (Supreme Dharma of Ambrosia). 30. Shérap Zangpo was born in Dégé in 1963 and at twenty-one took the vows under Jikmé Püntsok at Larung gar. He received the title of khenpo in 1987. In 1993–1994 he founded a retreat center in Dégé, which in recent years has begun to welcome growing numbers of Han Chinese practitioners. Shérap Zangpo’s attention for Han Chinese people is testified by his website, Putizhou 菩提洲 (http://www.ptz.cc/index.html), which is only available in Chinese, as well as by the Chinese series published by his center (Zhaxi chilin zongshu 扎西持林叢書), also including four works of his.


31. Chanding and Yuanhao, personal communication (Sertar, February 19, 2015). 32. For a list of talks and lessons given by Sönam Dargyé at Chinese university venues, see: http://www. zhibeifw.com/cmsc/tlist.php?fid=673.


33. See for instance Jones A. 2011, p. 549.

34. For example, Sönam Dargyé’s website has almost two million followers (http://weibo.com/suodj). Also see the websites and blogs by Tsültrim Lodrö (http://www.huidengzhiguang.com/index.shtml and http://blog.sina.com.cn/cichengluozhu), Sönam Dargyé (http://www.zhibeifw.com/ssjs/sdjs.php; versions in English and Tibetan also available), Yéshé Püntsok (http://www.xianmifw.com/guru_yxpc/guru_intro.html and http://blog.sina.com.cn/yixiponcuo), and Shérap Zangpo (http://www.ptz.cc/index.html). On this issue, particularly see Antonio Terrone 2010.


35. In China they are now simply called Study Societies (xuehui 學會) (http://www.zhibeifw.com/xxgx/), while the branches located abroad are still addressed as Bodhi Study Society (www.buddhistweb.org). On Shanghai’s and Peking’s Bodhi Study Societies of the early 1920s and 1930s, see Welch 1968, p. 179, and Tuttle 2009, pp. 267–269. Teaching TibeTan buddhism in chinese on behalf of mañjuśrī 117

The possibility to follow the teachings on the web (often via web casting) or to attend a religious center in China proper is probably a major reason for the success of the Larung gar tradition. In fact, while Han Chinese monks and nuns stay in Sertar the whole year,36 not many lay people can do the same. Usually, hundreds—and even thousands—of them gather for important meetings, merging into the endless stream of Tibetan pilgrims. In particular, this happens for the four annual grand religious events (si da fahui 四大法會). The most elaborate one is the “Vidhyādharas assembly” (chiming fahui 持明法會), which lasts from the first to the fifteenth day of the first month of the Tibetan calendar (thus coinciding with the New Year celebrations) and consists of the practice of the terma text on vidhyādharas revealed by Lerab Lingpa tertön Sogyel, Jikmé Püntsok’s former incarnation. The “Vajrasattva Assembly” (Jingangsaduo fahui 金剛薩埵法會) lasts for over a week during the fourth month and involves a mass initiation, which is also open to Han Chinese practitioners, who flock to Sertar from every part of China37 (figs. 7 and 8). Then comes the “Assembly of Samantabhadra offerings” (Puxian yungong fahui 普賢雲供法會), during the sixth lunar month, 36. It should be noticed that nearly all my interviewees residing at Larung gar or in nearby centers have complained about the difficulty of living at such high altitudes; many stay at Larung gar for lessons and, possibly, for important teachings or celebrations, but return to China for extended periods (a month or more) to regain their health. In a few cases, altitude-related health problems have resulted in hospitalization. 37. For instance, in May-June 2015, more than a thousand Han Chinese went to Larung gar to attend the Vajrasattva assembly, a considerable increase in numbers if compared to previous years. Yuanhao, personal communication (e-mail, June 4, 2015).

Fig. 7. Lay women chanting mantras in the lama temple, i.e. Larung gar main Dharma hall, during the Vajrasattva assembly, Sertar, April 2015. (Photo courtesy Larung gar Web-service.)

Fig. 8. Lay men at the second floor of Larung gar main Dharma hall during the Vajrasattva Assembly, Sertar, April

2015. (Photo courtesy Larung gar Web-service.)


and finally the “Pure Land Assembly” (jile fahui 極樂法會), another initiatory ritual which takes place during the ninth month and is also very popular among Han Chinese people.38 On these occasions, Larung gar Han Chinese Buddhist monastics and lay Buddhists gather together in their own Dharma Hall, and the whole community—strictly divided by gender: nuns and lay women on the left side, and monks and lay men on the right side—participates in the religious ceremonies. All believers can attend chanting services, since no specific initiation or transmission is usually required to read and chant the majority of these sacred texts; in case the liturgy needs a tantric transmission, it is given to the whole community at the beginning of the event. To conclude, I would like to focus on the perspective of the Han Chinese practitioners I could interview at Larung gar and in the surrounding areas during the 2015 New Year celebrations39 (figs. 9 and 10).


Among the reasons for their interest in Tibetan Buddhism, most of my interviewees mentioned the role of the masters, often defined “of great virtue” (dade 大德), reputed to be imbued with profound knowledge and spiritual realization, and believed to be constantly and concretely 38. On these events, see Serta Tsultrim 2009, pp. 63–65. Besides these four major assemblies Serta Tsültrim also mentions a “Great Prayer Festival” which does not seem to be celebrated by the Han Chinese community. 39. The Han Chinese practitioners I could extensively interview during my fieldwork in Western Sichuan in February 2015, and who figure in the group generically called “my interviewees” in this study (fifteen in number), have different origins and identities: nine are lay people (five women and four men) and six are monastics (two ordained nuns, three female novices and one monk); among the monastics, two are living in Larung gar, two reside in a Chinese monastery or nunnery and go to Larung gar for classes and teachings, and two live in a nearby dharma center but have studied at the Academy in the past; the lay people, on the other hand, are all formally resident in China, but five of them were on pilgrimage, while the other four have been living in Larung gar or in nearby smaller centers for many years. As for their origins, they come from all over China (Peking, Guangxi, Henan, Ningxia, Shanxi, Shanghai, Sichuan, Xinjiang, Zhejiang) and, in two cases, from Taiwan. Figs. 9 and 10. Han Chinese devotees and practitioners at Larung gar, Sertar, February 2015.


(Photos by Sabina Ragaini.)

Teaching TibeTan buddhism in chinese on behalf of mañjuśrī 119 supporting their disciples; a few informants even told me that Buddhist masters in Tibet were able to preserve lineages and traditions, whereas they were irremediably interrupted in China during the Cultural Revolution. Another aspect that was addressed was the need of Han Chinese people to react to the materialistic trend of contemporary Chinese society and to its lack of spirituality and ethics.40 Most interestingly, when I asked monks and nuns what obstacles they believed Han Chinese disciples would encounter in the practice, all referred to the lack of confidence in one’s own root master and to an excessively critical and independent mental attitude, which was indicated as a major cause of unsuccessful outcomes.


Finally, an alleged proximity to Chan Buddhism was advanced as a possible reason for dzokchen appeal to Han Chinese people, as well as the fact that it represents a simple path to realization if compared to the more complex and articulated gradual path of tantras. Obviously, nearly all interviewees, lay and monastics alike, explained that to them dzokchen is the highest of all Buddhist teachings, the most powerful and the most suitable for the present age of decline. As evidence, several people quoted, in Chinese, the well-known prophecy by Dodrupchen Rinpoché Jikmé Trinlé Özer (Rdo grub chen rin po che ’Jigs med phrin las ’od zer, 1745–1821):41 In the La valley by the Ser-nga-dam deity,

There will be an emanation of the glorious Padmasambhava named “Jikme;” He will make the exoteric and tantric teachings as radiant as the sun For a collection of Bodhisattvas of the fourfold entourage, While with perfect stability he reaches the summit of living beingswelfare, Thus pervading the ten directions with the disciples in his pure retinue And placing all connected to him in the place of great bliss.


2. Han Chinese studying and practicing dzokchen at Larung gar and beyond At a dharma lecture in Taipei, Tsültrim Lodrö recommended that one should first devote oneself to simple practices such as “exchange oneself for others” (Tib. gtong len; Chin. zita xianghuan 自他相換)42 rather than immediately look for “Great Perfection” and “Great Seal” or mahāmudrā (Tib. phyag rgya chen po; Chin. dashouyin 大手印), since these can only be reached at a later time and through a gradual path: “You do not have to hurry: it is only a question of time.” 43 A gradual path is thus deemed necessary in order to correctly approach the highest teachings. As a matter of fact, not many Han Chinese people I met during my fieldwork at Larung gar and in other centers in the surrounding areas had received transmission of and instruction into the 40. On the possible reasons for the attraction of Han Chinese people to Tibetan Buddhism in general—e.g. fascination with Tibet, spiritual vacuum and the need for spiritual guides—see Bianchi 2014, pp. 360–362, Terrone 2012, pp. 117–121, and 2008, pp. 774–777.

41. Translated from the Tibetan by Germano 1998, p. 61; for the role of visions and prophecies in Jikmé Püntsok’s life and activities, ibid. This prophecy was quoted by four of my interviewees in Larung gar and was also known to many of the other informants. The Chinese text reads: “Dan jian alamu tian Larong gou, wujin Lianshi huashen ming Jinmei, bi yu pusa sizhong juanshu zhong, guang hong xian-mi jiaofa ru mingri, li sheng shiye ding tian li di ye, qingjing suo hua juanshu bian shifang, fan jieyuan zhe jie sheng jilecha 單堅阿拉木天 喇榮溝,鄔金蓮師化身名晉美,彼於菩薩四眾眷屬中,廣弘顯密教法如明日,利生事業頂天立地也,清凈所化眷 屬遍十方,凡結緣者皆生極樂剎” (Suodaji Kanbu 2014, p. 227).


42. Literally meaning “offering and receiving,” gtong len is a basic meditation and breath practice which aims at taking unto oneself the suffering of other sentient beings while breathing in, and at granting them comfort and happiness while breathing out.

43. Lecture given by Tsültrim Lodrö at Shengming daochang 生命道場 (Taipei, April 22, 2014).


supreme dzokchen teachings. Rather, the majority was still bound to the preliminaries, which is the minimum requirement for being considered a dzokchen practitioner (fig. 11). The gradual path begins from “open/exoteric teachings” (xianjiao 顯教), or sūtrayāna, which are considered preparatory to approaching the “secret/esoteric teachings” (mijiao 密教), or tantrayāna. Thus, Larung gar masters, as is also the case with representatives of the Sino-Tibetan Buddhist tradition,44 believe that along the path to realization one should “assimilate exoteric and esoteric doctrines” (xianmi ronghe 顯密融合).

This gradualism and the combination of xian and mi is also reflected in the Academy’s curricula of studies. The main classes of the sūtrayāna curriculum are focused on the following exoteric disciplines: vinaya (jielü 戒律), Buddhist logic (yinming 因明), abhidharma (jushe 倶舍), madhyamaka (zhongguan 中觀) and prajñā (bore 般若), i.e. the five subjects of traditional Tibetan monastic education for khenpos and géshés (dge bshes).45 All monks and nuns are also instructed in the dzokchen preliminaries (Tib. sngon ’gro; Chin. jiaxing 加行 or qianxing 前行), which can be regarded as part of a more esoteric education.46 Tantric teachings and dzokchen advanced practice, on the other hand, are taught in the mantrāyana curriculum (mifa ke 密法 課), that can be attended only at the higher degrees and implies initiation.47 44. On the combination of exoteric and esoteric teachings in Nenghai’s Sino-Tibetan Buddhist tradition, see Bianchi 2017.


45. For the curricula of studies for géshé in Gélukpa monasteries, which are very similar to the Nyingma curricula for khenpo, see Dreyfus 2003, pp. 111–118. 46. Preliminary practices are distinguished between “ordinary or external preliminaries” (gongtong wai qianxing 共同外前行) and “extraordinary or internal preliminaries” (bugongtong nei qianxing 不共同內前行). The former are a number of “thoughts” or mental attitudes. The “extraordinary preliminaries” include: “taking refuge” (guiyi 皈依), “arousing supreme bodhicitta” (fa shusheng putixin 發殊勝菩提心), “practice of Vajrasattva” (nianxiu Jingangsaduo 念修金剛薩埵), “accumulating” merits and wisdom (jilei ziliang 積累資糧), also called “maṇḍala offering” (gong manchaluo 供曼茶羅), and “guru yoga” (shangshi yujia 上師瑜伽). See Suodaji Kanbu 2000, 2008a, and 2008b; the latter is a series of CDs and DVDs, also available on-line: http://www.zhibeifw. com/cmsc/list.php?fid=70.


47. In addition to these curricula, there are also “common culture” classes (medicine, Tibetan language, cultural classes and so on). Furthermore, there are classes purposely organized for elderly Han Chinese practitioners (laonian ban 老年班).

Fig. 11. Han Chinese nuns and lay women during the New Year celebrations in the Han Chinese Dharma Hall, Sertar, February

19, 2015. (Photo by the author.)

Teaching TibeTan buddhism in chinese on behalf of mañjuśrī 121 As far as exoteric Buddhism is concerned, all Buddhist scriptures and doctrines are worth studying—particularly those belonging to the mahāyāna tradition. As a consequence, it is not uncommon to find references to Chinese Buddhism in Larung gar based masters’ works and speeches. For instance, Tsültrim Lodrö gave lectures about “Tibetan vajrayāna and the Chan school” (zangmi yu chanzong 藏密與禪宗), the main point being that Chan, presented as the highest teaching in the mahāyāna exoteric tradition, does not seem to be at odds with Tibetan vajrayāna; on the contrary, it is believed to be perfectly in line with some of the core principles of dzokchen.48 Similarly, Sönam Dargyé, between 2013 and 2014, spent more than a year giving very detailed teachings on the “Platform sūtra of the Sixth Patriarch” (Liuzu tan jing 六祖壇經).49 On the other hand, particular emphasis is given to the Chinese Pure Land teachings, which are often compared to those of the Tibetan tradition.50 For instance, in recent years, during his lessons at the Five Sciences Buddhist Academy, Yéshé Püntsok has taught Chinese Buddhist texts such as the “Sūtra of Immeasurable Life” (Wuliang shou jing 無量壽經), the works by modern Han Chinese master Yinguang 印光 (1862–1940) and other Pure Land related scriptures.51 Also Sönam Dargyé often teaches the “Five Pure Land sūtras” (Jingtu wu jing 淨土五經).52 These Chinese exoteric teachings are thus considered as important as exoteric teachings contained in the Tibetan Buddhist Canons. When referring to the latter, Larung gar masters sometimes still employ translations produced during the first half of the twentieth century.53 48. Basing his reasoning mainly on the Xuemo lun 血脈論 (Bloodstream sermon), a scripture attributed to Bodhidharma, Tsültrim Lodrö refers to the following connections between Chan and Tibetan Buddhism/Great Perfection: both traditions support the centrality and importance of the spiritual master; Chan’s kaiwu 開悟 (“to uncover realization”) is the realization of the identity of one’s own mind to the Buddha, which is the same concept defined by Tibetan Buddhism’s highest teachings; Chan’s idea of xinyin 心印 (“mind-seal”), meaning that Buddhamind is present in everybody as a “seal,” is equal to that of dashouyin 大手印 (“great-seal”), i.e. mahāmudrā, a quintessential teaching in Tibetan Buddhism. Finally, Chan’s doctrine is expressed by the “Platform sūtra” (T 2008: 349a), whereby “originally there existed not a single thing” (benlai wu yi wu 本來無一物), thus pointing to the idea that Buddha nature is pure since ever. According to Tsültrim Lodrö, this recalls the dzokchen principle of “self-arising primordial knowledge” (Tib. rang ’byung ye shes; Chin. ziran benzhi 自然本智). Lecture given by Tsültrim Lodrö at the Taipei Youth Activity Center (Taipei, April 18, 2014). On the widely discussed and controversial issue of Chan and dzokchen’s possible relations and similarities, see Van Schaik 2012, and 2015, particularly pp. 175–192. Also see Meinert 2007.


49. The “Platform sūtra” (T 2008 and 2009), the well-known sūtra attributed to the sixth Chan patriarch Huineng 慧能, is often quoted by Larung gar Chinese-speaking masters.

50. See Halkias 2012.

51. Yinguang is credited with having revived Pure Land Buddhism in modern China. As well as the “Sūtra of Immeasurable Life” (Skt. Sukhāvatī-vyūha-sūtra, T 360), the Pure Land scriptures taught by Yéshé Püntsok include the Banzhou sanmei jing 般舟三昧經 (Skt. *Pratyutpanna-buddha-saṃmukhāvasthita-samādhi-sūtra, T 418), the “Treatise on Rebirth” (Wangsheng lun 往生論; Skt. Sukhāvatīvyūhōpadeśa, T 1524) by Vasubandhu, and the “Record of Pure Land Saints” (Jingtu shengxian lu 淨土聖賢錄, T 1549). These data concerning lessons on Chinese Buddhism given at the Academy were provided by Yuanhao, personal communication (e-mail, May 14, 2015). 52. The list includes the three traditional Pure Land sūtras—i.e. the Amitābha-sūtra (Amituo jing 阿彌陀經, T 366: 346b–348b), the “Sūtra of the Meditation on the Buddha of Immeasurable Life” (Guan wuliangshou fo jing 觀無量壽佛經, T 365) and the already mentioned “Sūtra of Immeasurable Life” (Wuliangshou jing, T 360)—plus the “Chapter on the vows of Samantabhadra” (Puxian pusa xingyuan pin 普賢菩薩行願品), from the Avataṃsaka sūtra (Dafangguangfo huayan jing 大方廣佛華嚴經, T 293: 847a–848b), and the “Chapter on Mahāsthāmaprāpta’s realization by the recollection of the Buddha’s name” (Dashizhi pusa nianfo yuantong zhang 大勢至菩薩念佛圓通章) in the Śūraṃgama-sūtra (Lengyan jing 楞嚴經, T 945). 53. Amongst the reforms that involved Chinese Buddhism during the first half of the twentieth century, is the “movement of tantric revival” (mijiao fuxing yundong 密教復興運動) aimed at revitalizing Tantrism through


For example, the translation of Tsongkhapa’s text on “The Three Principal Aspects of the Path” (San zhuyao dao 三主要道) by Tanying 潭影—master Guankong 觀空 (1903–1989)’s pen name— is quoted verbatim in Sönam Dargyé’s explanation.54 In addition, classes of Yéshé Püntsok at the Academy include extensive explanations of Tsongkhapa’s Lamrim chenmo, which is mainly studied in Fazun 法尊 (1902–1980)’s translations.55 Interestingly, to my knowledge no previous Chinese translations of dzokchen texts are employed.56

Most of the works at the basis of the training of the Han Chinese are new translations from the Tibetan or commentaries and didactic works authored by Larung gar Chinesespeaking Tibetan masters, and often written with the help of their Han Chinese disciples. Among the many texts produced at Larung gar or, more recently, also in other China-based publishing houses, the most fundamental work, as far as practice is concerned, is Sönam Dargyé’s translation of Peltrül Rinpoché’s57 “Words of my Perfect Teacher” (Tib. kun bzang bla ma’i zhal lung; Chin. puxian shangshi yanjiao 普賢上師言教), a guide into the preliminary practices of dzokchen.58 The texts on which Han Chinese practitioners can base their practice have been increasing year by year, and include some of the classic works of the Nyingma tradition, and particularly texts and termas by the most representative masters of the lineage:59 Mipam Rinpoché (who is the most translated author),60 Longchenpa,61

the help of Tibetan or Japanese masters, because its lineages had been interrupted in China for centuries. On this movement, see Bianchi 2004, and Chen Bing 2008. For a socio-political analysis, see Tuttle 2005. On the relation between the spread of Tibetan Buddhism among Han Chinese during the 1930s and 1940s, and the contemporary phenomenon, see Bianchi 2014, particularly pp. 361–362. 54. See Suodaji Kanbu 1997. For Sönam Dargyé’s new translation of the short verse text by Tsongkhapa, see Larung gar 2015, pp. 239–240. The three aspects alluded to are renunciation, bodhicitta, and a correct view of emptiness. 55. Fazun 2000. For an English translation, see Wayman 1979, and the more recent three-volume publication by Cutler & Newland 2000–2002–2004. On Fazun, see Wang-Toutain 2000; Sullivan 2008, and 2014. 56. Selections of previous Chinese translations of dzokchen texts were published in the following collections: Wu Jialiang 1987; Qiu Ling 1993a, and 1993b. For an analysis of their contents, see Esposito 2008, pp. 535–548. 57. Peltrül Rinpoché Orgyen Jikmé Chökyi Wangpo (Dpal sprul O rgyan ’jigs med chos kyi dbang po, 1808–1887) was a very influential master in nineteenth-century Kham, who was connected with the lineage of Jikmé Lingpa. His most celebrated work, kun bzang bla ma’i zhal lung, gives a thorough outline of fundamental spiritual practices in the Nyingma tradition, an explanation of the preliminaries exposed in the klong chen snying thig cycle of teachings. More precisely, it is a record of the oral teachings Peltrül Rinpoché received from his own teacher, Jikmé Gyalwé Nyugu (’Jigs med rgyal ba’i myu gu, 1765–1843), to whom the title refers. See Schaeffer, Kapstein & Tuttle 2013, pp. 1188–1189 and passim.


58. See Suodaji Kanbu 2000, and for an English translation, see Patrul Rinpoche 2011. For dzokchen’s preliminaries, see above, note 46.

59. As an example, I shall mention Sönam Dargyé’s translation of Longchenpa’s sems nyid ngal gso, a much appreciated work according to my informants: Suodaji Kanbu 2005. 60. See above, note 14.

61. Longchen Rabjam is one of the most important masters of the Nyingma tradition. He was given the title of “all knowing” (Tib. künkhyen; Chin. quanzhi 全知) and his other names include Drimé Özer (Dri med ’od zer), meaning “immaculate splendor” (Chin. Wugouguang zun 無垢光尊). His dzokchen writings and teachings became very influential thanks to Jikmé Lingpa, who devoted himself to the dissemination of his works, particularly the “Fourfold Seminal Heart” (snying thig ya bzhi), a broad collection of precepts, meditation and ritual texts. See Dudjom Rinpoché 1991, pp. 575–596, and Schaeffer, Kapstein & Tuttle 2013, pp. 756–758 and passim. Also see Talbott 1996.


Teaching TibeTan buddhism in chinese on behalf of mañjuśrī 123


Jikmé Lingpa,62 Dodrupchen Rinpoché,63 and Lerab Lingpa tertön Sogyel.64 Obviously, Chinese versions of the texts and termas by Jikmé Püntsok are also studied and practiced; as an example, the “Sādhana of Vajrasattva: a wish fulfilling jewel” (Jingang satuo xiufa: ruyi baozhu 金剛薩 埵修法.如意寶珠), a terma for purification practice discovered by the dharmarāja in 1997, is particularly celebrated and widespread within the Larung gar community.

Most of the prayers, hymns, invocations and basic liturgies, as well as some advanced meditations and practices are collected in a small volume entitled “Larung Daily Chanting” (Larong richang kesong 喇榮日常課誦), which is the basis for private practice, daily collective services and special celebrations of the religious calendar. In order to inquire into the range of practices involving Han Chinese people, I believe it useful to provide a detailed outline of the contents of this indispensable booklet, a copy of which is owned by every Han Chinese disciple engaging in dzokchen at Larung gar, in the surrounding areas, or back in China or Taiwan.65


In general terms, it should be noticed that the booklet is written in simplified Chinese characters, possibly because they are more widespread and thus easier to understand—for both Han Chinese people and Tibetans—than the traditional ones.66 For each text, Tibetan and Chinese versions are always provided, be it in sequence (the original Tibetan text is followed by the Chinese text) or in the form of parallel texts; in this case, a Chinese transliteration is also available, so as to allow Han Chinese practitioners, who might not be familiar with Tibetan script, to recite the Tibetan original text instead of its translation. At the beginning of the volume, phonetic instructions to read mantras and Tibetan transliterations are provided,67 together with a drawing showing the correct layout of texts, images, and offerings on one’s own altar for private practice (fig. 12).68 62. Jikmé Lingpa (1730–1798) was a very influential tertön and an important master in the Nyingma tradition. He is particularly celebrated for the already mentioned klong chen snying thig (Heart Essence teachings of Longchenpa), a visual terma that he received from Longchenpa. See Dudjom Rinpoché 1991, pp. 835–840. Also see above, note 7.


63. Dodrupchen Rinpoché Jikmé Trinlé Özer (1745–1821) was a treasure revealer native of Golok. He was a disciple of Ngédön Tenzin Zangpo (Nges don bstan ’dzin bzang po, 1759–1792) and principle heir-disciple of Jikmé Lingpa. See Barron 2005, pp. 319–321 and passim.

64. See above, note 13.

65. In reality, since no “official” collection of all liturgies is yet available, various collections referring to different masters also circulate, but the fundamental practices are the same. For the most widespread Chinese version, see Larung gar, Larong richang kesong, also available on-line: http://zhibeifw.com/down/other/ lrksj201503.pdf. The English versions of most prayers and chants are available in Sönam Dargyé’s website: http://www.khenposodargye.org/teachings/meditation-teachings/larung-daily-prayers-practices. These are not new translations from Chinese or Tibetan; rather, they were taken from freely shared English websites. Yuanhao, personal communication (e-mail, June 30 2015).

66. The use of simplified Chinese characters, a widespread practice at Larung gar, seems to run counter to a growing tendency in contemporary China to employ traditional characters for religious publications. In addition to the intention of making these texts as simple and comprehensible as possible to the Han Chinese disciples, the reason why this is not happening at Larung gar could also be due to the Tibetans masters’ lack of proficiency as far as traditional characters are concerned.

67. For similar transliterations of Tibetan syllables in Chinese script in Nenghai’s texts and translations, see Bianchi 2010, pp. 118–119, particularly note 107.

68. The sacred text (faben 法本) given by the masters to those who took refuge occupies the center of the upper level of the altar, with a Buddha statue (foxiang 佛像) on its left side and a Buddha stūpa (fota 佛塔) on the right. A maṇḍala is to be placed in front of the sacred text while offerings are arranged on the lower level; starting from the left: torma (duoma 多瑪), i.e. butter sculptures, flowers, water, lamp and incense. Larung gar 2015, p. 4.


The authors of most of the translations, when acknowledged, are Sönam Dargyé and, in a few cases, Yéshé Püntsok. For those texts that are already available in the Chinese language, previous translations are employed. For instance, the Chinese text entitled “Thirty-five Buddhas confession prayer” (sanshiwu fo chanhui wen 三十五佛懺悔文) is placed after its Tibetan equivalent (Tib. byang chub sems dpa’i ltung bshags “Bodhisattvas confession prayer”) but it is quoted from Bodhiruci’s translation from the Sanskrit dating back to the Tang dynasty (618–907); this same text is currently recited during the evening services (wanke 晚課) in Chinese Pure Land Buddhist monasteries.69 Another example is the “Ritual of repulsion from the Prajñāpāramitā-hr̥daya-sūtra” (Bore boluomiduo xinjing hui zhe yigui 般若波羅蜜多 心經回遮儀軌), which is taken from Xuanzang 玄奘’s seventh-century translation of the “Heart Sūtra;” it is worth noticing that the Tibetan version only refers to a Prajñāpāramitā original text, without mentioning the ritual context of “repulsion” (Tib. bzlog pa; Chin. huizhe 回遮) alluded to in the Chinese title.

70 Again, among the practices listed in the last part of the volume, one finds the “Chapter on the vows of Samantabhadra” (Puxian xingyuan pin 普賢行願品) taken from Prajñā’s Chinese translation of the Gaṇḍavyūha chapter of Avataṃsaka sūtra (beginning of the ninth century).71 Finally, the inclusion of Nenghai’s translation of the “Hymn of Mañjuśrī” (Wenshu lizan 文殊禮讚) is further evidence of the seamless bonds between the current spread of Tibetan Buddhism among the Han Chinese and the phenomenon of the “Tantric revival” of the first half of the twentieth century. As for other contents, the “Larung Daily Chanting” opens with a number of basic practices which are common to all Tibetan Buddhist traditions, such as auspicious mantras and prayers, verses of offerings, recitation of vows, requests for blessings (Skt. adhiṣṭhāna), prayers addressed to Mañjuśrī, requests for the teachings, dedication of merits, refuge and bodhicitta, and the “four immeasurable minds.” 72

69. The text is taken from the twenty-fourth section of the Dabao jijing 大寶積經, translated during the Tang dynasty by Bodhiruci (T 310: 515c–516a).

70. More precisely, it is the concluding part of the Bore boluomiduo xinjing 般若波羅蜜多心經 (Skt. *Mahāprajñāpāramitā- hr̥daya-sūtra) (T 251: 848c).

71. The Tibetan text is entitled “Samantabhadra’s aspiration to good actions” (Tib. ’phags pa bzang po spyod pa’i smon lam gyi rgyal po). In this case, Tibetan and Chinese are available as parallel texts, and the former is provided both in Tibetan script and in Chinese transliteration, thus allowing Han Chinese practitioners to recite the text according to Tibetan phonetics. For the Chinese text (T 293: 847a–848b), see above, note 52.

72. The basic practices included in the first part of the book, which comprise a few texts by Jamgön Mipam, are: “Mantra for multiplying the power of recitation” (Jiabei zhou 加倍咒); “Verses of the Eight Noble Auspicious

Fig. 12. Phonetic instructions to read Tibetan transliterations and the arrangement of texts, images and offerings on the altar, from Larung gar, Larong richang kesong, 4.


Teaching TibeTan buddhism in chinese on behalf of mañjuśrī 125 The following texts are some fundamental prayers which are central to the dzokchen tradition, such as the “Prayer of the seven verses of the vajra” (Jingang qi ju qidao wen 金剛七句祈 禱文), i.e. the most common invocation to Padmasambhava; the “Prayer which is the source of all realization” (Puhuo xidi qidaowen 普獲悉地祈禱文) by Mipam Rinpoché; the “Brief version of the prayer that removes all obstacles from the path” (Qianchu daozhang lüe qidaowen 遣除 道障略祈禱文), which is believed to have been revealed in a vision by Padmasambhava himself to Dodrupchen Rinpoché. The series of supplications to the masters of the lineage comes next: prayers are addressed to Padmasambhava, to all the masters and to one’s own master, to Longchenpa and Mipam Rinpoché, and finally to Jikmé Püntsok and Ani Muntsho (A ni Mu mtsho; Chin. Mencuo 門措, b. 1966),73 Jikmé Püntsok’s young niece, presently Abbess of Larung gar nunscommunity in Sertar and Principal of the Larung gar Buddhist Academy.74 The “Guru yoga: swift bestowal of blessings” (Shangshi yujia: su ci jiachi 上師瑜伽.速賜 加持), a well-known terma text by Jikmé Püntsok, and the “Sādhana for invoking the blessing of Buddha Śākyamuni” (Shijiafo xiufa yigui 釋迦佛修法儀軌) by Mipam Rinpoché conclude the first part of Larong richang kesong.


The texts mentioned above are central to daily chanting services of the Larung gar Han Chinese community. These are held in the temple before morning classes and last half an hour. The subsequent part of the booklet, on the other hand, includes liturgies, prayers and meditations for private practice and/or special ceremonies or events.

The first texts are deity yoga sādhanas, i.e. meditational texts describing the visualization of oneself in the form of a deity (notably: Amitābha, Avalokiteśvara, and Vajrasattva), all of which are “revealed treasures” (terma). These practices are scheduled on specific days of the religious calendar and require tantric transmission.75


Ones” (Sheng ba jixiang song 聖八吉祥頌) by Jamgön Mipam; “Offering ritual” (Gongyang yigui 供養儀軌) for blessing the offerings; “Samantabhadra invocation: seven-limb offering” (Puxian xingyuan pin: qizhi gong 普賢行願品.七支供), namely prostration, offerings, confession, rejoicing in the meritorious deeds, request to turn the dharma wheel, request not to manifest final nirvāṇa for the benefit of sentient beings, and dedication of all acquired merits; “Ritual of the Bodhisattva vows” (Pusa jie yigui 菩薩戒儀軌); “Great cloud of blessings: the prayer which magnetizes all that appears and all that exists” (Huaiye qidaowen: da jiachi yun 懷業祈禱文.大加 持雲) by Jamgön Mipam; the already mentioned “Hymn of Mañjuśrī” by Nenghai; “Mañjuśrī opening wisdom stanzas” (Wenshu kaizhi ji 文殊開智偈); “Dharma request stanzas” (Qing fa ji 請法偈); “Dedication stanzas” (Huixiang ji 迴向偈); “Refuge and bodhicitta” (Guiyi faxin 皈依法心); the “Four immensurable minds” (Si wuliang xin 四無量心), namely compassion, love, joy and equanimity.

73. On Ani Muntsho (b. 1966), particularly see Schneider 2013, pp. 156–160 passim.

74. The series opens with another text on Padmasambhava (Guiyi yi chu zongji benti lianhuasheng dashi 皈依依 處總集本體蓮花生大師), attributed to Longchenpa, and is followed by: “Prayer to the lineage masters” (Benchuan shangshi qidaowen 本傳上師祈禱文), “Prayer to one’s own root master” (Genben shangshi qidaowen 根本上師 祈禱文), “Prayer to venerable Longchenpa” (Quanzhi Wugouguang zunzhe qidaosong 全知無垢光尊者祈禱頌), “Prayer to Mipam Rinpoché” (Quanzhi Maipeng renboqie qidaosong 全知麥彭仁波切祈禱頌), “Supplication to dharmarāja Jikmé Püntsok” (Shengzhe Fawang ruyi qidaosong 聖者法王如意祈禱頌), and “Supplication to lama Muntsho” (Mencuo shangshi qidaosong 門措上師祈禱頌).


75. Namely: “Sādhana of Amitābha: the swift path to great bliss” (Amituofo xiufa: jile jiejing 阿彌陀佛修法.極 樂捷徑), a terma text discovered by Lerab Lingpa Tertön Sogyel; “Sādhana of four-armed Avalokiteśvara: a wish fulfilling jewel” (Sibi Guanyin xiufa: ruyi zhenbao 四臂觀音修法.如意珍寶), also a terma revealed by the “trülku great vidyādhara” (huashen da chimingzhe 化身大持明者); and the already mentioned terma discovered by Jikmé Püntsok and titled “Sādhana of Vajrasattva: a wish fulfilling jewel.” These are followed by a long “Prayer for the fulfilment of wishes” (Yiyuan ren yun chengjiu qidaowen 意願任運成就祈禱文) and a “Praise to the twenty-one Tāras” (Ershiyi Dumu zan 二十一度母贊).


At this point, one finds the “Liturgy for the preliminary practice: illuminating the path to liberation” (Qianxing niansong yigui: kaixian jietuodao 前行念誦儀軌.開顯解脫道) by Mipam Rinpoché. This can be regarded as the first real sign of actual dzokchen practice in the book. After some other exoteric teachings76 there is the “Kusāli ritual” (Kusali xiufa 古薩里修法), i.e. a gcod practice that is here related to the dzokchen preliminaries as well.77 The subsequent text concerns the tantricfire offering,” which involves the visualization of oneself in the form of Avalokiteśvara and the burning of food offerings such as flour, meat, blood and pills, in order to feed demons and liminal beings.78 The following practice is the “Transference of consciousness79 according to Great Perfection klong chen snying thig” (Dayuanman Longqin xinsui wangsheng fa 大圓滿龍欽心髓往生法), taken from the dzokchen cycle of termas revealed by Jikmé Lingpa.80

The booklet then provides practitioners with a series of other prayers and rituals, sacred appellations and mantras, offerings and “invocations” (Tib. mönlam; Chin. yuanwen 願文),81 which complete the range of liturgical practices of Jikmé Püntsok’s tradition. Worthy of special mention are the prayer to the legendary King Gesar, who is invoked as dharma protector in Tibetan Buddhism; a sādhana of Ekajaṭī, the protectress of the terma tradition; a terma text by Jikmé Püntsok dedicated to Samantabhadra (Tib. Küntuzangpo; Chin. Puxian 普賢), the Primordial Buddha representing the dzokchentrue nature;” the invocation to the base, path and fruit82 of Mañjuśrī and the invocation for increasing the teachings of the Nyingma school, both by Mipam Rinpoché, and so on.83 The “Larung Daily Chanting” closes with a tribute to 76. Namely: the “Ritual of the recollection of the three jewels” (Suinian sanbao shoushi yigui 隨念三寶受 食儀軌), a popular sūtra within the Nyingma tradition, and the already mentioned “confession” and “ritual of repulsion” that are taken from the Chinese Buddhist canon.

77. The Tibetan word gcod (Chin. duanfa 斷法 or shishenfa 施身法) means to “cut,” “sever,” and implies the visualization of one’s own dismembered body; it is thus deemed useful to counter attachment to oneself. See Orofino 2000, and, in regard to the preliminary practices, Patrul Rinpoche 2011, pp. 297–307. 78. “Fire Puja to make smell offerings and dedication to the harm-causing demons, hindrances, and elemental spirits” (Yan shi mosui buduo yigui. Jietuo zhu e’yuan 煙施魔祟部多儀軌.解脫諸惡緣); the text is followed by the “Ritual for the offering of tormas representing one’s body” (Changshi tishen duoma yigui 常施替身朵瑪儀軌), which is meant to conclude the fire offering. For homa or fire offerings in Tibetan Buddhism, see Bentor 2000, particularly pp. 594–596.


79. The practice of “consciousness transference” (Tib. ’pho ba; Chin. wangshengfa 往生法) is meant to direct the consciousness in a Buddha-field upon one’s own or other people’s death. See Halkias 2012, pp. 139–164. 80. See above, note 7.

81. In the words of Adriano Clemente (2005, p. 7), “the Tibetan term mönlam (smon lam), here rendered as ‘invocation,’ means to express a wish in order that it may come true;” these texts are recited mainly “due to the power it is believed they possess.”

82. The dzokchen teachings are presented as threefold: the “base” (Tib. gzhi; Chin. ji ), i.e. the primordial state, “path” (Tib. lam; Chin. dao ), i.e. the spiritual itinerary, and “fruit” (Tib. ’bras bu; Chin. guo 果), i.e. spiritual realization.

83. This is the complete list of texts in the last part of the “Larung Daily Chanting”: “Ritual offering to pray the Great Lion King Gesar: the self-fulfilment of deeds” (Da shi Gesa’er wang qidao gongyang yigui: shiye zicheng 大獅格薩爾王祈禱供養儀軌.事業自成) by Jamgön Mipam; “Brief sādhana to Ekajaṭī and other protectors” (Yiji fomu deng hufa lüe xiu yigui 一髻佛母等護法略修儀軌); “Maṇḍala offering” (Mancha gong 曼茶供); “Simple offering” (Jiangong 簡供) by Jamgön Mipam; “Lamp offering invocation by Atiśa” (Adixia zunzhe gongdeng yuanwen 阿底峽尊者供燈願文); “Light offering invocation” (gongdeng fayuanwen 供燈發願文); “Sacred names and mantras” (Shenghao yu mingzhou 聖號與明咒); the already mentioned “Chapter on the vows of Samantabhadra,” taken from the Chinese translation of the Gaṇḍavyūha; “Pledge to realize all aspirations” (Chengjiu suo yuan shiyan 成就所願誓言); “Essence of the ocean of aspiration: the day of attaining the realm Teaching TibeTan buddhism in chinese on behalf of mañjuśrī 127

Larung gar founder and to its present abbess: an invocation to one’s own master, which was written by Jikmé Püntsok himself on Mount Wutai—“Invocation to be taken care of throughout all lifetimes” (Shengsheng shishi sheshou yuanwen 生生世世攝受願文)—and prayers to him and to Ani Muntsho, followed by the dedication verses.


All the contents in “Larung Daily Chanting,” and particularly those concentrated in the last section of the booklet, clearly reveal the overwhelmingly Nyingma (and particularly dzokchen) nature of Larung gar doctrinal tradition, in spite of its being ecumenical in many ways.


3. The Taiwanese connections


The already mentioned Nyingmapa Larung Teksum Chöling Buddhist Institute (Chin. Ningmaba Larong sansheng falin foxueyuan 寧瑪巴喇榮三乘法林佛學院) was founded in Taipei in 1995 by Tupten Norbu Rinpoché aka sixth Taktser Rinpoché Tupten Jigmé Norbu Rinpoché (Stag mtsher rin po che Thub bstan ’jigs med nor bu rin po che; Chin. Tudeng Nuobu 圖登諾布, 1922–2008)84 following the will of Jikmé Püntsok, who had been in Taiwan two years earlier in order to visit the Palyul dharma center.


Besides Jikmé Püntsok, the list of the lineage masters given in the Larung Teksum Chöling institutional website85 includes Khenchen Münsel (Mkhan chen Mun sel; Chin. Kenqin Mense 堪欽門色, 1916–1993)86 and Dungsé Trinlé Norbu Rinpoché (Gdung sras Phrin las nor bu rin po che; Chin. Tinglie Nuobu 聽列諾布, 1931–2011),87 Tupten Norbu’s other two masters, but they do not seem to exert a significant influence on the center’s activities and practices. As for contemporary masters, Ani Muntsho is mentioned together with Tsültrim Lodrö and Sönam Dargyé, the two principal masters for Larung gar Chinese-speaking community.


of Samantabhadra” (Yuan hai jingsui: Puxian cha zhi guori 願海精髓.普賢剎之杲日), a terma that, in 1990, was revealed by Jikmé Püntsok and written down by Sönam Dargyé (the latter in 2000 translated it into Chinese); “Invocation to the inseparable meaning of the base, path and fruit of Mañjuśrī Great Perfection” (Wenshu dayuanman ji dao guo wubie fayuanwen: juekong jingang zixiang 文殊大圓滿基道果無別發願文.覺空金剛自相); “Invocation for the increase of the teachings of the school of the early translations: the oral transmission that delights the dharma kings” (Qianyi jiaofa xingsheng zhi yuanwen: fawang xinyue jiaoyan 前譯教法興盛之願 文.法王欣悅教言); “Brief invocation to be reborn in (Amitābha’s) Pure Land” (Shelüe jile yuanwen 攝略極樂願文) and “Invocation to be reborn in the Pure Land by Mipam Rinpoché” (Maipeng renboqie jile yuanwen 麥彭仁波切 極樂願文); “Special prayer for aspiration” (Hengchang niansong yuanwen 恆常念誦原文), from Jikmé Lingpa’s Longchen Nyingtik (which was arranged by Dodrupchen Rinpoché Jikmé Trinlé Özer, the author of the text according to the “Larung Daily Chanting”); “Invocation of the vajra knot” (Jingang jie yuanwen 金剛結願文) by tertön Minling Terchen Gyurmé Dorjé (Gter ston Smin gling gter chengyur med rdo rje, 1646–1714), the founder of Mindrolling monastery.


84. Tupten Norbu Rinpoché (b. 1965) was born in the Golok area. As a child, he was commonly regarded as a reincarnation of his own grandfather, a tertön who was himself trülku of Rikdzin gökyi demtruchen (Rig ’dzin rgod kyi ldem ’phru can, 1337–1408), the great treasure revealer of the fourteenth century. In Eastern Tibet he studied under Jikmé Püntsok, whom he considers his principal master. He arrived in Taiwan in 1993 and has been the leading master of the Nyingmapa Larung Teksum Chöling Buddhist Institute since its foundation in 1995.

85. See http://larong-chuling.org/.

86. Khenchen Münsel was a dzokchen master from the Golok area. After having been imprisoned for twenty- two years, in the 1980s he resumed monastic life and began teaching and practicing in Golok and in Kham, gathering thousands of disciples and followers.

87. Dungsé Trinlé Norbu is the eldest son of Dudjom Rinpoché Jikdrel Yéshé Dorjé (Bdud ’joms rin po che ’Jigs bral ye shes rdo rje) and the patron of the Vajrayana Foundation, a major Nyingma foundation in the West.


Larung Teksum Chöling only accommodates two lamas, i.e. Tupten Norbu Rinpoché and Garwang Nyima (Gar dbang nyi ma), thus figuring among the smallest Tibetan centers in Taiwan. However, despite its limited size the center has acquired greater prominence in recent years. In this regard, it should be noticed that several Tibetan Nyingma monks and nuns coming from Mainland China and now living in Taiwan,88 at some point of their monastic life have been at Larung gar during their career and training, or have established some other connection with Jikmé Püntsok and his tradition.89 On the other hand, judging from the audience gathering for dharma talks, special events and practice retreats organized by the center, Taipei’s Larung Teksum Chöling seems to be very attractive to Taiwanese dzokchen lay practitioners and followers as well. Since 1998 Tupten Norbu has been meeting his Taiwanese disciples twice or three times a week, for dharma talks, dharma transmissions and daily practices, and occasionally for tantric empowerments, special celebrations and feast-offerings (Tib. tsok; Chin. huigong 薈供). Furthermore, in 1999 he founded a publishing house and inaugurated the Chinese language series Huiguang ji 慧光集

(Wisdom Light Collection) which, by May 2015, had issued its 62nd volume and has become very popular among Taiwanese practitioners of Tibetan Buddhism. It is free of charge and mainly consists of writings and translations by Tupten Norbu and some of Larung gar’s most prominent masters.90 On this basis, masters from Jikmé Püntsok’s lineage have recently increased their visits to Taiwan. The most prominent example is that of Sönam Dargyé, who had been on the island 88. Most Nyingma monks belong to the Pelyül lineage, which was established in Taiwan in 1986 by Khentrül Jampel Lodrö Rinpoché (Mkhan sprul ’Jam dpal blo gros rin po che; Chin. Jiangbo Luozeng 蔣波羅曾, 1930– 1987). Note that, according to Yao Lixiang, who used a survey done in 2000, “probably because it has a long history and a complicated internal lineage, the Nyingma school [in Taiwan] is not very tightly organized and its monks live in scattered communities.” See Yao Lixiang 2008, p. 591 and, specifically on the Nyingma tradition in Taiwan prior to and after 1980, pp. 583–584 and 585–586 respectively. On the spread of Tibetan Buddhism in Taiwan from a historical perspective, also see Jagou 2011a, and Zablocki 2009.

89. Künga Nyingpo, personal communication (Taipei, May 3, 2014).


90. Some of the works are first editions (e.g. those penned by Tupten Norbu and the transcripts of teachings given in Taiwan) but most of them are reprints of volumes that have already been published in China. Out of fifty-five works (in sixty-two volumes), Tupten Norbu authored two books with his own teachings and explanations and two translations; Sönam Dargyé authored two books and twenty-nine translations; Tsültrim Lodrö authored thirteen books; and Yéshé Püntsok authored four books and four translations. Other than these, the series includes two works by the fourteenth Dalai Lama, one translation by Fazun and one work by Shérap Zangpo. For a complete list (and for the e-editions of most books) see: http://larong-chuling.org/book.php. Note that Tsültrim Lodrö’s own series (Huideng zhi guang) echoes the title of the Taiwanese series. Fig. 13. Poster for Tsültrim Lodrö’s conference on “Hedonomics in Tibetan Buddhism” (Zangchuan

fojiao de xingfuxue 藏傳佛教的幸福學) at Tamkang University, Taipei, April 15, 2014. (Photo by the author.)

Teaching TibeTan buddhism in chinese on behalf of mañjuśrī 129 in 1993 together with Jikmé Püntsok; during his visit in November 2013, he gave talks and teachings for five days, mainly at university sites, attracting hundreds of people at each event. Similarly, as mentioned earlier, Tsültrim Lodrö, who had first been in Taiwan in 1997, was invited for a two-week visit in April 2014. The events he presided over—eight in number according to the original program, plus three supplementary ones added at the request of local followers and devotees—comprised both dharma talks delivered at Buddhist sites and general speeches given in academic environments (notably, Tamkang University, Huafan University, and National Taipei University) (fig. 13).


Each time, hundreds of people gathered to listen to this Tibetan lama, who—to the surprise of most of the persons I spoke to—was “so incredibly fluent in Chinese.” The audience was formed by Tibetan monastics in exile and their respective Taiwanese disciples, by monks, nuns and believers in mainstream Chinese Buddhism, as well as common people and “sympathizers.” Regardless of the presence of Tibetan monks, all teachings were given in Chinese (fig. 14). At the request of the Taiwanese practitioners, Tsültrim Lodrö visited Taiwan again in January 2015, devoting the last two days of his stay to a tantric transmission retreat: open to initiates (“fourth abhiṣeka,” or siji guanding 四級灌頂, was required), it concerned the Māyājāla, or “Web of Magical Illusion” class of tantra.91


These events testify to the growing importance of the Larung gar tradition in Taiwan, which clearly reflects the relevance and development of the Five Sciences Buddhist Academy in Mainland China and within Chinese Buddhist communities abroad.92 91. Künga Nyingpo, personal communication (e-mail, May 6, 2015). The retreat was held on January 24–25 at Nanfang baosheng fosha 南方寶生佛剎, one of the oldest Nyingma centers in Taiwan, which was founded in 1971 by Qu Yingguang 屈映光 (dharma name: Faxian 法賢, 1883–1973), a disciple of Norlha Qutuγtu Sönam Rapten (Nor lha Qutuγtu Bsod nams rab brtan, 1863–1936) and former Minister of Internal Affairs. Located in New Taipei City, at present the center is run by Qu’s lay disciples and often invites and hosts Tibetan masters to give teachings and transmissions, and to bestow blessings and initiations. See Yao Lixiang 2008, pp. 583 and 589–590. On the Māyājāla (Tib. sgyu ’phrul drva ba; Chin. dahuan huawang 大幻化網) cycle of texts, especially the Guhyagarbha, and its relation to the dzokchen, see Higgins 2012.


92. On September 24, 2016, I had the privilege to introduce and translate Sönam Dargyé’s talk delivered at Teatro Carignano (“Torino Spiritualità,” Turin). A fourth of the hundreds of people assisting to the event were Chinese immigrants. For this very reason, Sönam Dargyé had decided to speak in Chinese instead of in the Tibetan language. Fig. 14. Audience gathered to listen to Tsültrim Lodrö’s dharma talk on the topic “You can be less selfish” (Geng wusi ni keyi 更無私你可以) at Shengming daochang 生命道場, Taipei, April 22, 2014. (Photo by the author.)



Conclusion


At the dharma lecture in Taipei mentioned above, Tsültrim Lodrö constantly referred to an alleged “Western culture,” imbued with materialism and responsible for turning away Han Chinese people from their own tradition. On the other hand, he presented Confucian thought as in line with Buddhism, stating that some of Confucius’ mottos could have been spoken by the Buddha himself.93 A similar message was also the core of a lecture on “The Popularity of Tibetan Buddhism in China Today” recently given by Sönam Dargyé at the Ho Center for Buddhist Studies at Stanford University.94 This approach, which is to be found throughout books and materials edited at Larung gar, is evidence of the fact that the objective of these Tibetan masters teaching to Han Chinese disciples is not to promote Tibetan Buddhism at the expense of Chinese culture. Rather, what they counter is the modernized, i.e. Westernized Chinese society.


As has already been recognized, in order to revive their own tradition Nyingma masters “have mostly focused on reconstructing their ruined monasteries and engaging in lineage-based teachings to both Tibetans and non-Tibetans,” showing a “soteriological intent to globalize Tibetan Buddhism.” 95 This means that they perceive their form of the Buddhist dharma not as a seal of identity based on exclusion, but rather as a powerful tool capable of “saving the world” and that they are willing to share with other beings, even—and in many cases especially—with the Han Chinese people. The fact that they have not been confrontational toward the Chinese state is also a central point in understanding their non-exclusivist approach.96 The present study has shown that, from this perspective, Chinese Buddhism is considered part and parcel of the proposed system. In this respect, it is significant that Larung gar masters often employ the xianmi 顯密 (“exoteric/open/sūtra and esoteric/secret/tantra”) category, where xian refers both to Chinese Buddhism and to a fundamental part of Tibetan Buddhism.

Since xian is considered complementary to and propaedeutic of mi, Chinese Buddhist doctrines are deemed necessary as much as the Tibetan sūtrayāna along the spiritual path. This allows Larung gar Tibetan masters to make use of previous Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures, but also to refer to typical Chan or Chinese Pure Land concepts and doctrines. This strategy undoubtedly makes their teachings more familiar to Han Chinese devotees; however, differently from the “tantric revival” phenomenon of the first half of the twentieth century, it does not imply evident forms of “hybridization.” 97 In other words, instead of being perceived as different/other, Chinese and Tibetan Buddhisms are integrated within the inclusive mahāyāna system; as such, they are presented as co-existing ab origine and do not need to be merged. In so doing, the scope of “non-sectarianBuddhism (Rimé) has been extended in order to include all Chinese Buddhist traditions as well.


In addition to this, other factors may help explain why the contemporary Han Chinesefever for Tibetan Buddhism” particularly as regards Nyingma lineages and religious centers situated

93. Lecture given by Tsültrim Lodrö at Shengming daochang (Taipei, April 22, 2014).

94. Sönam Dargyé’s lecture was given on 20 November 2014, and is available on-line: https://hcbss.stanford. edu/event/popularity-tibetan-buddhism-china-today.

95. Smyer Yü 2012, p. 4.

96. This basically apolitical attitude differentiates the Nyingmapa from the Gélukpa, whose “revival has manifested in street demonstrations against the rule of the Chinese” (ibid.).

97. With this term I intend to refer to evident forms of sinicization of Tibetan teachings, which—as I have claimed elsewhere—characterize the so-called Sino-Tibetan Buddhist tradition and are meant to be attempts to make Tibetan Buddhism as comprehensible as possible to Han Chinese. See for instance Bianchi 2014, p. 362. Teaching TibeTan buddhism in chinese on behalf of mañjuśrī 131 in Kham and Golok,98 for instance the relatively relaxed political situation in the area99 (which also derives from the seemingly apolitical attitude of Nyingma masters), as well as the loose organization of the “religious encampments” (chos sgar), capable of offering a remarkably more accessible environment in which to approach Tibetan masters than is the case in regular monasteries.100


Finally, another important factor that has already emerged in the previous pages is the capability of Larung gar masters, as well as other Chinese-speaking Tibetan masters from the surrounding areas, to make use of modern media and technologies and, more generally, to speak to Han Chinese in their own cultural language, both literally and metaphorically. References to the social problems of a modern and globalized world—including the need for environment protection, the psychological analyzes of social distress, the necessity to take care of spiritual needs before the evident failure of material prosperity to give happiness—are recurring themes in Tsültrim Lodrö, Sönam Dargyé and Yéshé Püntsok’s lectures and works. These are clearly addressed above all to a middle class, urban and cultured Han Chinese audience and would probably not be equally effective if addressed to the majority of Tibetan people.


98. In these regions there are many other centers that welcome Han Chinese devotees. Besides smaller and often non-official centers, another favorite place of practice in Eastern Sichuan is Yachen gar (Chin. Yaqingsi 亞青寺), located near the town of Kardzé and headed by tertön Jamyang Lungtok Gyeltsen (Gter stonJam dbyangs lung rtogs rgyal mtshan, 1927–2011). On Yachen or Gyen Samten Chöling, or Yachen gar, see Terrone 2009, particularly pp. 89–97. According to some of my interviewees, this place is often preferred to Larung gar because it is more focused on actual practice, whereas at Larung gar the doctrinal aspect predominates.



99. This is true if compared to the other Tibetan regions, and particularly to the Tibetan Autonomous Region, “where religious life undergoes even more serious repression.” See Terrone 2009, p. 85 note 25.

100. See Terrone 2009, pp. 85–87.