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Archaeologies of the Written: Indian, Tibetan, and Buddhist Studies in Honour of Cristina Scherrer-Schaub Series Minor LXXXIX Direttore Francesco Sferra Comitato di redazione Giorgio Banti, Riccardo Contini, Junichi Oue, Roberto Tottoli, Giovanni Vitiello Comitato scientifico Anne Bayard-Sakai (INALCO), Stanisław Bazyliński (Facoltà teologica S. Bonaventura, Roma), Henrietta Harrison (University of Oxford), Harunaga Isaacson (Universität Hamburg), Barbara Pizziconi (SOAS, University of London), Lucas van Rompay (Duke University), Raffaele Torella (Sapienza, Università di Roma), Judith T. Zeitlin (The University of Chicago) Dipartimento Asia, Africa e Mediterraneo Università degli Studi di Napoli “L’Orientale” UniorPress Napoli 2020 UNIVERSITÁ DEGLI STUDI DI NAPOLI “L’ORIENTALE” ÉCOLE FRANÇAISE D’EXTRÊME-ORIENT UNIVERSITÉ DE LAUSANNE Series Minor LXXXIX Archaeologies of the Written: Indian, Tibetan, and Buddhist Studies in Honour of Cristina Scherrer-Schaub Edited by Vincent Tournier, Vincent Eltschinger, and Marta Sernesi Napoli 2020 Volume pubblicato con contributi del Fonds De Boer dell’Università di Lausanne, dell’École française d’ExtrêmeOrient e del Dipartimento Asia, Africa e Mediterraneo ISBN 978-88-6719-174-1 Tutti i diritti riservati Stampato in Italia Finito di stampare nel mese di novembre 2020 Ricci Arti Grafiche S.n.c. – Via Bolgheri 22, 00148 Roma Tutti gli articoli pubblicati in questo volume sono stati sottoposti al vaglio di due revisori anonimi Table of Contents Prefatory Words......................................................................... 9 Publications of Cristina Scherrer-Schaub................................. 13 Orna Almogi Akaniṣṭha as a Multivalent Buddhist Word-cum-Name: With Special Reference to rNying ma Tantric Sources...................... 23 Yael Bentor The Body in Enlightenment: Purification According to dGe lugs’ Works on the Guhyasamāja Tantra............................... 77 Johannes Bronkhorst Sacrifice in Brahmanism, Buddhism, and Elsewhere: Theory and Practice.................................................................. 95 Elena De Rossi Filibeck Il dkar chag del monastero di Lamayuru (Ladakh)........................ 103 Vincent Eltschinger Aśvaghoṣa and His Canonical Sources: 4. On the Authority and the Authenticity of the Buddhist Scriptures.............................. 127 Anna Filigenzi The Myth of Yima in the Religious Imagery of Pre-Islamic Afghanistan: An Enquiry into the Epistemic Space of the Unwritten............................................................... 171 Archaeologies of the Written Dominic Goodall Tying Down Fame with Noose-Like Letters: K. 1318, A Hitherto Unpublished Tenth-Century Sanskrit Inscription from Kok Romeas..... 205 Arlo Griffiths The Old Malay Mañjuśrīgr¢ha Inscription from Candi Sewu (Java, Indonesia)............................................. 225 Paul Harrison Remarks on Recently Identified Sanskrit Fragments of the Pratyutpannabuddhasaṃmukhāvasthitasamādhi-sūtra........ 269 Guntram Hazod The “Anti-Buddhist Law” and Its Author in Eighth-Century Tibet: A Re-consideration of the Story of Zhang Ma zhang Grom pa skyes.... 287 Pascale Hugon Vaibhāṣika-Madhyamaka: A Fleeting Episode in the History of Tibetan Philosophy................................................................ 323 Deborah Klimburg-Salter The Materiality of the Bamiyan Colossi, across Three Millennia....... 373 Leonard van der Kuijp A Note on the “Old” and the “New” Tibetan Translations of the Prasannapadā................................................................ 417 Mauro Maggi Suvarñabhāsottamasūtra 5.9 and Its Khotanese Translation.......... 447 Georges-Jean Pinault The Dharma of the Tocharians................................................... 461 Isabelle Ratié A Note on Śaṅkaranandana’s “Intuition” according to Abhinavagupta...................................................... 493 Akira Saito Bhāviveka on prajñā................................................................ 517 6 Table of Contents Marta Sernesi A Mongol Xylograph (hor par ma) of the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkārabhāṣya................................................. 527 David Seyfort Ruegg Remarks on Updating, Renewal, Innovation, and Creativity in the History of some Indian and Tibetan Knowledge Systems and Ways of Thought................................................................ 551 Francesco Sferra Pudgalo ’vācyaḥ. Apropos of a Recently Rediscovered Sanskrit Manuscript of the Saṃmitīyas. Critical Edition of the First Chapter of the Abhidharmasamuccayakārikā by Saṅghatrāta....... 647 Peter Skilling Conjured Buddhas from the Arthavargīya to Nāgārjuna................. 709 Ernst Steinkellner Dharmakīrti and Īśvarasena...................................................... 751 Samuel Thévoz Paris, vu du Toit du Monde : Adjroup Gumbo, gter ston du « pays de France »................................................................ 767 Raffaele Torella Abhinavagupta as an Aristocrat................................................. 843 Vincent Tournier Buddhist Lineages along the Southern Routes: On Two nikāyas Active at Kanaganahalli under the Sātavāhanas.......................... 857 Kurt Tropper The Historical Inscription in the ’Du khang of mTho lding Monastery........................................................... 911 Dorji Wangchuk The Three Royal Decrees (bka’ bcad gsum) in the History of Tibetan Buddhism................................................................ 943 7 Archaeologies of the Written Cristina Scherrer-Schaub at the XIIIth Congress of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, December 2002. 8 The Historical Inscription in the ’Du khang of mTho lding Monastery * KURT TROPPER (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna) 1. Introduction In September and October 2010, I had the pleasure and privilege to conduct joint fieldwork with the distinguished and cherished scholar to whom this volume is dedicated.1 While tracing and documenting epigraphic sources in various parts of mNga’ ris, we spent several days in mTho lding, the religious and political cen- * The research for this paper was generously financed by the Austrian Science Fund (project nos. S 9811-G21 and P 25479-G19). 1 The field trip was made possible by a cooperation between the Austrian Academy of Sciences and the Tibetan Academy of Social Sciences (TASS) in Lhasa. Its planning and realization were greatly helped by various members of TASS, especially the late and deeply missed Tshe ring rgyal po, Pad ma rgya mtsho, mTsho mo and bsTan ’dzin, with the latter acting as co-researcher during the entire trip. My thanks are also due to Carmen Auer and Holger Neuwirth, who allowed me to reproduce their (slightly modified) ground plan of the ’Du khang and the adjacent gTsang khang (fig. 1). Grong shar Tshe ring and Mathias Fermer kindly discussed the inscription’s first quatrain with me, and Christian Jahoda generously sent me the photos reproduced as figs. 2 and 3. Finally, I am very much obliged to Cynthia Peck-Kubaczek, who corrected my English, and to Marta Sernesi for her most helpful questions and comments. Kurt Tropper tre of the ancient kingdom of Gu ge. The town not only served as a base for our explorations of the areas flanking the Glang chen kha ’bab (Sutlej), all the way down to the Indian border, but naturally it was also a major object of investigation in itself. The famous monastery of mTho lding was a particularly high-yielding place, and we were able to document a considerable number of inscriptions in its various temples. In fond remembrance of our joint journey, it thus gives me great pleasure to offer this article on a historical inscription in the monastery’s ’Du khang to my esteemed kalyāñamitrā. The inscription is found on the northern west wall, near the stairs that lead to the adjacent gTsang khang (fig. 1). It measures c. 8 × 180 cm (height/width) and comprises seven lines. The text is written in golden dbu can letters on a black background (figs. 2 and 3). Except for the incipient oṃ sva sti and the concluding shu bhaṃ, it is entirely of a metrical structure and contains 119 lines of verse. As the inscription is damaged in some places, the number of syllables per verse-line cannot always be established with certainty, but all the verse-lines that are sufficiently preserved are made up of nine syllables. 2 The text can be neatly subdivided into quatrains—save one section consisting of seven verse-lines (81–87), which is probably the result of a mistake by the scribe and/or author. In the summer of 1997, Tshe rdor transcribed the inscriptional text in situ and published it (in Tibetan script) two years later (Tshe rdor 1999). His article also contains some explanatory notes and a short introduction, providing, among other things, information on the fate of the ’Du khang during the Cultural Revolution and brief references to various murals in both the ’Du khang and the gTsang khang. Tshe rdor’s rendering of the epigraph is more or less reliable, but because my own reading differs in numerous places, I believe it is justified to present a new edition of the entire document. Tshe rdor’s transcription of verse-lines 31–119 was reproduced in Vitali 2012a: 131–137, with an added English translation and a discussion of their contents. Again, I feel that a new translation is 2 In verse-line 111, de’i must be read as two syllables (i.e., as de yi). 914 The Historical Inscription in the ’Du khang of mTho lding Monastery warranted—not only because Vitali’s translation of these verselines is exclusively based on Tshe rdor’s text, but also because his understanding of several passages, passages for which Tshe rdor’s and my own readings concur, seems questionable to me. It will be a matter of further research, preferably by a trained art historian, to establish the inscription’s relationship to the temple’s artwork, especially the murals above and below it (figs. 2 and 3). 2. Summary of Contents and Questions of Dating As the inscription is damaged in several places and sometimes refers to people by way of allusions rather than by giving their names, parts of the text remain unclear. In addition, there are the usual ambiguities that one faces in metrical compositions. The following is an attempt to provide a brief summary emphasizing those points that are unequivocally clear. The opening quatrain is dedicated to Tsong kha pa (verse-lines 1–4) and is followed by references to the Buddha (Śākyamuni), Nāgārjuna and Asaṅga (5–20). Next, the inscription cursorily refers to the period of Tibetan history from Srong btsan sgam po to sKyid lde Nyi ma mgon (21–32) and gives a somewhat more detailed description of the exploits of Ye shes ’od, Rin chen bzang po, rTse lde and Zhi ba ’od (33–56). After a brief allusion to the subsequent dark period in “this region,” 3 when “the saṅgha was disrupted” and the temples were “handled like puffed rice in the fire” (57–60), Tsong kha pa’s West Tibetan disciple Ngag dbang grags pa, the first dGe lugs pa abbot of mTho lding monastery, is introduced (61–68). The inscription’s historical part proper ends with a reference to Ngag dbang grags pa’s successor, who was “provided with the name of Nam mkha’” (69–72), and the wish that Shākya ’od 4 as well as his offspring Buddhapālita(?) and Blo bzang rab brtan 5 may be “victorious in all directions” (73–76). 3 ular. ljongs ’di—referring to Western Tibet in general and mTho lding in partic- 4 This is the religious name that King (Nam mkha’i dbang po) Phun tshogs lde received when he became a monk (see n. 102). He was instrumental in establishing Ngag dbang grags pa as abbot of mTho lding. 5 On Buddhapālita(?) (spelled bud dha pa li ta in the inscription) and Blo bzang rab brtan, see nn. 108 and 109. 915 Kurt Tropper The following section provides the names of the sponsors, artists and artisans who were involved in the furnishing and decorating of the temple according to the design that Shākya ’od considered appropriate (77–107). Finally, the inscription refers to various elements of the temple’s artwork (108–119). Regarding the date of the inscription, the year of Blo bzang rab brtan’s birth (1458, according to Vitali 1996: 512f.) is an obvious terminus post quem. Moreover, the fact that neither his son ’Phags pa lha nor any of the latter’s offspring is mentioned in the text suggests that it was composed some time before 1500 (’Phags pa lha’s exact date of birth is unknown, but by 1499 he was already politically active 6). It is difficult to say, however, if the inscription in its present form is original or a replication of an earlier (epigraphic) witness. 7 3. General Notes on the Edition and the Translation The edition is based on video-documentation I made in early October 2010 and presents the text as it appeared at that time. 8 All conjectures 9 and emendations 10 have been relegated to the footnotes. There, the reading of the inscription is first repeated and then the respective conjecture or emendation is given after a colon; 11 slightly doubtful cases are followed by a question mark in brackets 12 and in more speculative instances the brackets are omitted. The divergent readings of Tshe rdor are only selectively quoted. See Vitali 1996: 512f. Cf. Tropper and Scherrer-Schaub 2015. 8 Several dozen exposures were extracted from the video-sequences. They can be viewed at www.univie.ac.at/Tibetan-inscriptions; links: Ngari → Tholing → Red Temple → Inscription 01. 9 I.e., proposed readings where text had become illegible by 2010. 10 I.e., proposed changes for text still legible in 2010; mainly corrections of obvious scribal mistakes and adjustments of “irregular” spellings to “classical norms” (here, for the sake of convenience, spellings that are not attested in Das 1985 [1902], Jäschke 1992 [1881], or Zhang et al. 1993 [1985] are considered “irregular”). No emendations are provided for “irregular” sandhi-forms like “ba : pa,” etc. 11 E.g., “=g : phrag” and “sred : srid.” 12 E.g., “nga=gis : ngang gis(?).” 6 7 916 The Historical Inscription in the ’Du khang of mTho lding Monastery In the translation, conjectures are given in square brackets within the running text. As in the edition, the text of slightly doubtful cases is followed by a question mark in (round) brackets.13 In more speculative cases (i.e., conjectures that are followed by a question mark without brackets in the edition) the translation of the suggested text is provided in a footnote (with question mark)14 and the running text contains an ellipsis (...). In both the edition and the translation, the spelling of Tibetan toponyms and personal names has not been standardized, but where I considered it appropriate, I have provided the more common alternative(s) in the footnotes. 4. Editorial Signs {1}, {2}, {3}, etc. * | d = - ṃ xxx pa xxx / xxx pa xxx ÷ beginning of a line dbu shad uncertain reading (underlined)15 illegible “letter”16 illegible letter(s) that formed part of a partly legible “letter,” with one hyphen representing up to three letters (e.g., -o, -rub, and -od; respectively for partly damaged lo, sgrub, and spyod) bindu insertion below/above the line deletion in the inscription, with text no longer legible, each ÷ representing one deleted “letter” E.g., “[gradually(?)].” E.g., “Read: ‘venerable’?” 15 Following Tauscher 1999: 50, a letter is marked in this way even in those cases where it is “‘partly damaged,’ but the reading is obvious and quite certain from the context.” 16 Cf. Steinkellner and Luczanits 1999: 15 (n. 12), where “letter ” is defined as “any combination of letters in the Tibetan alphabet that occupy in vertical arrangement of the letter sequence the space of a single grapheme,” while letter “refers to the single signs for consonants or vowel modification only.” Thus a “letter ” can be composed of between one and four letters. E.g., bsod na=s (partly damaged bsod nams) or =r (partly damaged spyir). 13 14 917 Kurt Tropper <1> empty space, with the respective number denoting how many “letters” would fit into this space; the more or less regular instances found at the end of lines or before, between or after a (double) shad are not indicated. In the annotations to the translation, the following signs are used for quotations from the inscription: {} <> emendations conjectures 5. Edition {1} ** || oṃ sva sti || 1 2 3 4 dpaldan17 blo yi me long dag pa la | | thub pa’i lugs bzang gzugs mdzes gsal bar ’char | =18 =====phr-ng ba19 zla ba’i zer phr- b-20 | | rje btsun rtsong kha pa21 de rgyal gyur cig | | 5 6 7 8 rgya chen tshogs gnyis rgya mtsho’i dbus na mtho22 | | bsdu bzhi’i bang rim mdzes pas dam du mkhyud | | mkhyen brtse nyi zla’i ’od ris gsal ba can | | thub dbang lhun po’i dbang por phyag bgyid do | | I.e., bsdus yig for dpal ldan. | = : | |. 19 phr-ng ba : phreng ba. The remaining traces make it difficult to come up with a convincing conjecture for the beginning of the verse-line; rin chen (’ )phreng ba, for example, can hardly be justified by what is still extant. 20 phr- b- : phro ba (i.e., irregular for ’phro ba). 21 Irregular for btsong kha pa or tsong kha pa. For the spelling of the inscription, cf. Zhang zhung mkhan rgyud 1r2. 22 mtho : mthong Tshe rdor; this seems to be an emendation rather than a different reading, as the inscription clearly has mtho. 17 18 918 The Historical Inscription in the ’Du khang of mTho lding Monastery 9 10 11 12 rt-n =-ung23 zab mo’i rta ljang gis drangs===24 mtha’ gnyis spangs pa shar ri’i rtse nas ’ong=25 | | tog ge ngan pa’i mun pa las rgyal ba | | klu sgrub nyin mo’i mgon des bdag skyong shig | | 13 14 15 16 mi pham thugs chud ÷dbu ba’i ======== ==26 rig grub mtha’i rlabs phreng rab tu g.yo | | rigs lam stong gi nor bu’i dpal mnga’ ba | | thogs med chu gter che des gzigs gyur cig | | 17 18 19 20 rgyal dang shing rta che gnyis rjes ’breng {2} bcas | | dag pa’i zhing gzhan gshegs pas thub bstan ’di | | snum bral mar me’i gnas skabs bsten pa’i tshe | | skye bo ’di dag log pa’i lam ngan zhugs | | 21 22 23 24 dus der mtha’ dag ’gro la spyan ras kyi===27 rtag tu gzigs pa phyag na chu skyes can | | mgon des gangs ri phrod28 ’dir dkar po’i lam | | rgyas par bya phyir rgyal po’i rnam ’phrul gzung29 | | 25 26 27 28 rje btsun ngag gi dbang phyug mthu stobs gter = |30 =g31 dog spang=-ang32 ’jig rten dbang phyug g-s33 | | thub bstan rgyas pa’i khur chen ’degs pa la | | ’gran bzhin kha ba ri pa’i dpal du gyur | | rt-n =-ung : rten ’byung. drangs=== : drangs pa | |. 25 ’ong= : ’ongs. 26 == : kun ? 27 kyi=== : kyis | |. 28 phrod : khrod (khrod Tshe rdor); phrod may simply be an irregular spelling of khrod, but since the syllable can also be read as phrong and since there are some indistinct marks in front of it, perhaps the scribe first wrote phreng (resulting in the common phrase gangs ri[’i ] phreng), and then, as a kind of half-hearted and makeshift correction, tried to change it to khrod. 29 gzung : bzung. 30 = | : | |. 31 =g : phrag. 32 spang=-ang : spangs kyang. 33 g-s : gis. 23 24 919 Kurt Tropper 29 30 31 32 nag phyogs ’byung po’i gdon gyis thugs brlams pa | | dar mas bstan pa=========== | | skyid lde nyi ma mgon sras dang bcas pas | | gangs can stod ’dir sngon med skal bzang byas | | 33 34 35 36 dpal ldan bkra shis mgon sras mthu bo mchog | | ’khor ba’i phun tshogs {3} rtsa34 rtse’i zil pa ltar | | dgongs te sras dang btsun mor bcas pa yi35 | | ngur smrig rgyal mtshan blangs te dul bar gnas | | 37 38 39 40 ye shes spyan ldan ’od kyi mtha’ can des = |36 ’phags yul mkhas pa’i mdun sar mi ’jigs=’i37 | | mgrin pa mtho ldan rin chen bzang po swags38 | | mkhas pa brgya phrag nga=gis39 gang bar mdzad | | 41 42 43 44 de ltar yang dag lugs bzang sprol40 gtod pas | | sbyor sgrol la sogs log pa’i lam ngan dag | | sa’og41 gting rum dag la skyabs42 byas pas | | rdzogs ldan bzhin du =43 chen bskal bzang byas | | 45 46 brtse ldan yab mes gong ma’i rnam ’phrul la | | sred44 pa’i mig yangs gyen du mngon phyogs pa | =45 rtsa : rtswa. While yi can be justified from a grammatical point of view, emending it to yis would yield a much smoother text. 36 = | : | |. 37 ’jigs=’i : ’jigs pa’i (’jigs pa’i Tshe rdor). 38 I.e., for sogs (sogs Tshe rdor). See Hahn 1996: 8, n. 1. The spelling swags for sogs is also found in one of the as yet unpublished inscriptional panels on the life of the Buddha in the gTsang khang of the Red Temple. 39 nga=gis : ngang gis(?) (ngang gis Tshe rdor); the remaining traces also allow for the conjectures dag gis and ngag gis. 40 sprol : srol (srol Tshe rdor). 41 Sic (i.e., without tsheg between sa and ’og). 42 Tshe rdor has btab (which certainly would make good sense), but the inscription clearly reads skyabs. 43 = : ngo or pho (irregular for ’pho)? Tshe rdor has (bzhin du) dus (chen), which would make good sense. However, it can hardly be justified by the remaining traces. 44 sred : srid (srid Tshe rdor). 45 | = : | |. 34 35 920 The Historical Inscription in the ’Du khang of mTho lding Monastery 47 48 ============sras dang bcas | | rgyal ba’i bstan la rgyal ba bzhin du gyur | | 49 50 51 52 mkhyen pa’i nyi ’od ’bar ba yis | | ma lus shes bya’i pad mo kha phye bas | | mdo sngags gzhung brgya’i {4} ze ’bru gsal ba can | | lha rje bla ma zhi ba ’od de rgyal | | 53 54 55 56 gang de’i bka’ lung spyi gtsug la ’god pa | | sa bdag rtse ldes mthun rkyen yo byad dag | | tshogs par byas pas dpal ldan ’dzam gling brgyan46 | | skal ldan mig gi=ga’47 ston lta bur bsgrubs | | 57 58 59 60 ljongs ’di skye bo’i legs byas dman pa dang | | nag po’i phyogs kyi stobs chen rgyas pa las | | dge ’dun sde gshig gtsug lag khang chen dag | | mtha’ dag me la ’bras yos bzhin du byas | | 61 62 63 64 de nas ring zhig lon tshe btsong kha pa,i | | sras kyi mchog <1>gyur ngag dbang grags pa’i dpal | | zhang zhung skye bo’i bsod nams pho nya yis | | legs par spyan drangs ========== | | 65 66 67 68 mgon des rin chen bzang po’i rgyal tshab mchog | | legs par gzung48 nas rgya mtsho’i gos can ’dis | | li khri’i bla gos blangs pa ltar byas ste | | dga’ ldan gnas {5} kyi mi pham mdun sar gshegs | | 69 70 71 72 de yi rgyal tshab chos kyi spyan ldan pa | | nam mkha’i mtshan ldan slob mar bcas pa yis | | snying stobs mchog dang lhag b=m49 mi dman pas | | slar yang lha rje bla ma’i rnam ’phrul bstan | | lhag par brgyan : rgyan. gi=ga’ : gi dga’. 48 gzung : bzung. 49 b=m : bsam. 46 47 921 Kurt Tropper 73 74 75 76 dpal ldan shākya,i 50 ri<1>gs51 kyi thig le mchog | | rje btsun shakyā52 ’od dang de yi sras | | mi yi dbang po bud dha pa53 li ta | | blo bzang rab brtan phyog=las54 rgyal gyur cig | | 77 78 79 80 rtse55 ldan chos ’dzom pu ñe nam mkha’ sgron | | dpal ldan ’dren dang =or56 bu rgyal mo sogs | | ’di dag rnams kyis sgyu ma’i zas nor la | | snying po len phyir mthun rkyen dpag med mdzad | | 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 57’jig 88 89 90 91 ’di yi shing gzo62 lhun grub mgon po dang | | dpal ldan chos bzang lha btsun grags rdor sogs | | mkhas pa du ma’i sor mo’i rtse mo las | | sngon med gsar pa’i rnam ’phrul ’di ltar ro | | rten mes po’i y-==========(==) (==)=58 bar mi nus mig gi bdud rtsi ’di | | pir thogs dbang po sangs rgyas bzang po dang | | gzo59 rig mthar son dkon mchog rdo rje sogs | | zhang zhung ljongs ’di’i mkhas {6} pa mtha’ dag gis | | legs par bris pas ’phags-ul60 nub phyogs kyi | | gzo61 rig kun la chags bral gyur te ’dug | | 50 Unlike in the following verse-line, here the ’ below kya seems to have been added as the rten for the i inserted above the line. 51 Clearly, the space between ri and gs was left empty by the scribe deliberately, because the stacked letters of the syllable bsgrubs in line 4 extend all the way down to the upper parts of line 5 at this point. 52 shakyā : shākya. 53 pa : pā(?). 54 phyog=las : phyogs las. 55 rtse : brtse or tshe(?). 56 =or : nor. 57 Note that the following passage consists of seven verse-lines, as pointed out in the introduction. 58 (==)= : zhi(?) (zhi Tshe rdor). 59 gzo : bzo. 60 ’phags-ul : ’phags yul. 61 gzo : bzo. 62 gzo : bzo. 922 The Historical Inscription in the ’Du khang of mTho lding Monastery 92 93 94 95 lha yi bkod pa sngon med=di63 ’dra ba | | rje btsun shakyā64 ’od kyi rnam dpyod kyis | | legs par dpyad las ’byung gi gzhan dag la | | ’di tshungs65 mo sham bu yi ’gying phag66 yin | | 96 97 98 99 lha yi sku mdog phyag mtshan bzhugs stabs sogs | | rang rang gzhung nas ji ltar bshad pa bzhin | | ma nor gsal bar ’khod pa’i zhal ta== |67 ==============nam b== yin | | 100 101 102 103 ’di yi phyir du lus ngag yid gsum gyis | | legs par ’bad pa ’od zer rgyal mtshan dang | | smon lam grags sogs gnyer byed thams {7} cad la’ang | | ’==pa’i68 dbyangs kyi gzigs pa ’jug gyur-ig69 | | 104 105 106 107 ’di dag kun =70 kun nas ’bad pa kun | | kun mkhyen go ’phangs kun gyis thob gyur cig | | bstan dang bstan ’dzin yun ring gnas pa dang | | dge ’dun dge legs rgyas pa’i bkra shis shog | 108 109 110 111 gtsang khang dbus su ston pa sangs rgyas la | | sangs rgyas so lnga gnas bcus legs par bskor | | g.yas su rdor dbyings gtso bo rnam snang la | | de’i rtsa lha skal bzang rnams kyis bskor | | 112 113 == rig71 gtso la rigs lnga yum bzhi dang | | ’og tu sbyong72 rgyud dkyil ’khor gtso bo lnga | | med=di : med ’di. shakyā : shākya. 65 tshungs : mtshungs. 66 phag : bag. 67 = | : | |. 68 ’==pa’i : ’jam pa’i. 69 gyur-ig : gyur cig. 70 = : tu(?)—Tshe rdor has ’di, but this can hardly by justified by the remaining traces and the available space. 71 == rig : kun rig(?)—Tshe rdor has rgyal rigs, but rgyal can hardly be justified by the remaining traces, and the second syllable definitely reads rig. 72 The visual appearance of the letters supports the reading sbyong rather than spyod (spyod Tshe rdor) (cf. n. 76). 63 64 923 Kurt Tropper 114 115 phugs kyi g.yon phyogs dpal mchog rdor sems kyi | | gtso ’khor lha tshogs tshang ba legs par gzhugs73 | | 116 117 118 119 =tsu=74============r-d75 dang bcas | | de ’og sbyong76 rgyud dkyil ’khor gtso bo lnga | | ’og gi ’khor yug ston pa,i mdzad pa dag | | ma lus rdzogs pa bcu gnyis dag gis bskor | | shu bhaṃ | | | | 6. Translation Oṃ svasti ! 1 The good system and the beautiful body of the Muni arising lucidly in the clear mirror of the mind of the glorious one77 ... [garland] ... [radiating] moon beam(s); that venerable master rTsong kha pa—may he (always) be victorious! 5 Exalted78 in the midst of the vast ocean of the two accumulations (of merit and wisdom); tightly embraced by the beautiful layers of the four (means of) attraction(s);79 the one provided with the lucid pattern of the light of the sun and moon of wisdom and love—homage is paid to the lord of the sages, the sublime lord.80 gzhugs : bzhugs. =tsu= : btsun (btsun Tshe rdor)? 75 =r-d : brgyad (brgyad Tshe rdor)? 76 Tshe rdor has spyod, but the inscription quite clearly reads sbyong. Emend to spyod (cf. n. 72)? 77 Partly due to the damage at the beginning of the third verse-line, the meaning and syntactic correlation up to phr<o> b<a> is not entirely clear. In the translation presented above, dpal ldan blo is taken in the sense of dpal ldan gyi blo, with dpal ldan relating to Tsong kha pa. 78 Or (following Tshe rdor): “Seen” ? 79 Skt. catuḥsaṃgraha(vastu); i.e., (with variations,) giving (dāna / sbyin pa), speaking kindly (priyavacana / snyan par smra ba), being useful (to others) (arthacaryā / don spyod pa), and having the same aims (as others) (samānārthatā / don mthun pa). 80 thub dbang is a stock epithet of the Buddha Śākyamuni, but since both Tsong kha pa and Nāgārjuna are often referred to as “second Buddha” this quatrain 73 74 924 The Historical Inscription in the ’Du khang of mTho lding Monastery 9 Brought by the (yellowish-)green horse81 of the profound [dependent arising], the one who gave up the two extreme( view)s82 [came] from the peak of the eastern mountain;83 victorious over the darkness of bad reasoning—may Nāgārjuna, that protector of the day (i.e., that sun), help! 13 Invincible, of deep understanding, ...84 ... ...85 (he) made the series of waves of the tenet system(s) utterly shake; (the one) possessing the precious glory of a thousand paths of reasoning—may Asaṅga, that great ocean, grant a (favourable) look! 17 The Jina and the two great charioteers (Nāgārjuna and Asaṅga), together with (their) disciples, moved on to another pure field, and therefore—at a time when this teach- could perhaps also be read together with the previous or following one. Yet, for reasons of symmetry it seems more natural to understand the first four quatrains as referring respectively to Tsong kha pa (with the author of the inscription indicating his sectarian affiliation by putting the founder of the dGe lugs school first), Śākyamuni, Nāgārjuna, and Asaṅga. This is corroborated by the fifth and sixth quatrain, stating that Avalokiteśvara incarnated as a Tibetan king (i.e., Srong btsan sgam po), after the Jina (rgyal [ba]) and the two great charioteers (Nāgārjuna and Asaṅga) had “moved on to another pure field” (i.e., died). Because of the biographical data of Srong btsan sgam po (died 649 CE) and Tsong kha pa (1357–1419), here Jina obviously can only be referring to Śākyamuni. 81 This probably alludes to the horses that are thought to be pulling the chariot of the sun, thus likening Nāgārjuna to the latter (see n. 83). 82 Skt. antadvaya/dvayānta; i.e., the extreme (view) of eternalism (śaśvatānta / rtag mtha’ ) and the extreme (view) of nihilism (ucchedānta / chad mtha’ ). 83 The eastern mountain is a common topos in Tibetan poetical literature (for examples, see Sørensen 1990: 44) and it is often used in a metaphorical sense. Here, too, it most likely must be taken in a figurative sense and does not relate to an actual mountain (e.g., Śrīparvata at Nāgārjunakoñḍa) connected to the life of Nāgārjuna. This is especially borne out by the allusion to the sun in verse-lines 9 and 12. 84 Because of the damage to the next passage, the meaning of dbu ba’i remains unclear. Considering expressions like dbu ba’i gong bu or dbu ba rdos pa (both rendering Skt. phenapiñḍa, “heap of foam,” “nonsense”), the end of verse-line 13 may have portrayed Asaṅga (mentioned in verse-line 16) as a “no-nonsense” person. Alternatively, dbu ba(’i ) could be a (metrical) shortening of dbu ma pa(’i )/ba’i and the damaged passage thus may have identified his relation to the Madhyamaka school. Finally, it may have contained a panegyric expression, with dbu ba meaning “top of the head” (see Rangjung Yeshe Dictionary 2003, s.v.). 85 Read: “learned,”? 925 Kurt Tropper ing of the Muni, a butter lamp without oil, was kept (only) temporarily—these people entered a bad, wrong path. 21 At that time, continuously looking at all beings [with] (his) deep vision, the lotus holder (Avalokiteśvara), that protector, in order to develop the white path in the midst of these snowy mountains, incarnated as a king (Srong btsan sgam po).86 25 The venerable master and lord of speech, a mine of power and strength,87 [(and) (the one who) gave up envy/jealousy, too,] the powerful lord of the world,88 in striving to shoulder the great responsibility of spreading the teaching of the Muni, became the glory of the Tibetans. 29 Possessed by an evil demon, Dar ma ... the teaching(s) ...89 sKyid lde Nyi ma mgon, together with his sons, created unprecedented good fortune here, in snowy sTod.90 86 Cf. n. 80, above. For some early Tibetan sources portraying Srong btsan sgam po as an incarnation of Avalokiteśvara, see Tropper 2016: 53, n. 484. 87 According to Tshe rdor 1999: 83, this verse-line refers to Srong btsan sgam po’s minister Thon mi Sam bho ta, famous for his creation of the Tibetan script. While Tshe rdor does not provide any evidence for this identification, it fits the general context and is also supported by the inscription’s expression ngag gi dbang phyug. 88 According to Tshe rdor 1999: 83, this verse-line (which he reads, p. 81, as “□□□□’jig rten dbang phyug gis ||”) refers to Srong btsan sgam po’s minister mGar sTong btsan. Again, Tshe rdor does not provide any evidence for this identification, but the preceding <phra>g dog spang<s> would certainly be a suitable phrase for describing a loyal minister. In fact, in PT 1287 (Old Tibetan Chronicles) the ministers of Khri Srong lde btsan are praised with a similar phrase (’phrag myī dog ‘[they] were not envious’) (for the Tibetan text and an English translation of the entire passage, see Dotson 2006: 26f.). On the other hand, ’jig rten dbang phyug (Skt.lokeśvara) is a frequent epithet of Avalokiteśvara, and in light of the previous quatrain it thus could, perhaps, also relate to Srong btsan sgam po here. This interpretation would be corroborated by dPal ’brug pa rin po che mthu chen ngag gi dbang po’i bka’ khrims, which has ’jig rten dbang phyug srong btsan sgam po (Aris 1986: 126). Hence the inscription’s =g dog spang=-ang ’jig rten dbang phyug g-s may either refer to mGar sTong btsan(/rtsan), to Srong btsan sgam po, or to both of them. 89 The completely damaged end of the verse-line obviously must have portrayed Glang dar ma’s persecution of the Buddhist teaching(s). For his being possessed by a demon, see, e.g., sBa bzhed 80, 1–2, Deb ther dmar po gsar ma 31v3, 32v6–33r1, and Me tog phreng ba 14v3–4. 90 I.e., “Upper/Western Tibet.” For a brief summary of sKyid lde Nyi ma mgon’s activities, see Petech 1997a: 231f. 926 The Historical Inscription in the ’Du khang of mTho lding Monastery 33 The powerful and supreme son of the glorious bKra shis mgon considered the wonders of cyclic existence like dew on a grass tip;91 having taken the saffron coloured victory banner of one who has children and consort,92 he abided by the vinaya.93 37 The one who was provided with the deep vision of pristine awareness (ye shes) and who(se name) ended in splendour (’od)94 (Ye shes ’od) [gradually(?)] brought the (number of) scholars to the hundreds, (scholars) such as the one with the high neck,95 (that is,) Rin chen bzang po, [who was] not afraid in the presence of scholars of the noble land (i.e., India). 41 In that way, the tradition of the authentic good system was introduced (in Tibet), and thus the bad perverted paths of 91 For this simile of ephemerality, cf. Tropper 2015: 154 and 164f., n. 231. 92 I.e., he became a monk, but (still) had children and consort. As mentioned in the corresponding footnote of the edition, the emendation yis would yield a much smoother text: “after the one with children and consort had taken the saffron coloured victory banner, ... .” 93 As Petech (1997a: 233) points out, the tradition is uncertain about which of the two sons of bKra shis mgon (and grandsons of sKyid lde Nyi ma mgon), i.e., ’Khor re or Srong nge, “became king of Purang, married and begot two sons, ... abdicated in favour of his brother and was ordained a monk.” The inscription’s ’khor ba’i phun tshogs may be an allusion, indicating that according to the author of the inscription it was ’Khor re. In any case, it is clear that after his ordination he was known by his religious name Ye shes ’od (cf. the following quatrain). 94 The expression ’od kyi mtha’ can, as a thinly veiled allusion to Ye shes ’od, also occurs in lHa bla ma ye shes ’od kyi rnams (sic) thar rgyas pa by one Grags pa rgyal mtshan. The passage is quoted, translated and briefly discussed (including other attestations for the phrase) in van der Kuijp 2015: 368–371. For the similar ’od kyi mthas brgyan pa can “who[se name] is adorned with the ending ’od,” see van der Kuijp 2015: 367. 95 While Rin chen bzang po is often reported to have had the face of a bird (see, e.g., Rin chen bzang po’i rnam thar snyan dngags puñḍa rī ka’i phreng ba 2r2: bya yi gdong can, and ’Jig rten mig gyur lo chen rin chen bzang po’i rnam thar gsol ’debs 6r3: mkha’ lding gdong can), I am not aware of any sources describing his neck (or throat) as long. Thus I am rather inclined to understand the inscription’s mgrin pa mtho ldan in the sense of “outstanding.” Cf. the similar phrase (tshogs kyi dbus su) mgrin pa {m }thor steg “[Phag mo gru pa] raised his neck (in the middle of the flock),” found in verse-line 75 of the dGung ’phur inscription (edition and translation in Tropper 2016: 28 and 59f.). 927 Kurt Tropper (sexual) union and liberation (by killing) were guarded in the depths below the ground.96 As a result, a fortunate aeon of great ...97 like the kr¢tayuga was created. 45 For/among the emanations of the loving ancestors and forefathers, the vast eye of the world,98 moving upwards, ... together with (his) (spiritual?) son(s), became like (a) Jina(s) for the teachings of the Jina. 49 Having opened the lotus of everything there is to know with the blazing sunlight of supreme wisdom, the one endowed with the bright stamens of hundreds of sūtra and tantra texts, that divine master and guru Zhi ba ’od, was victorious. 53 The one who placed the precepts of that one (i.e., Zhi ba ’od) on the crown of (his own) head, (that is,) the worldruler rTse lde, brought together the resources and implements, and thus the glorious ’Dzam gling rgyan (Ornament of Jambudvīpa)99 was established as [a feast for] the eye of the fortunate ones, as it were. 96 Cf. mNga’ ris rgyal rabs 64 (referring to the activities of Atiśa, who had been invited to Western Tibet by Ye shes ’od’s nephew Byang chub ’od): lo chen rin chen bzang po dang mjal | ... phal cher dad de | chos rnam dag la zhugs | ... sngags log pa dang | log chos spyod pa rnams sun phyung nas bkag te ; “(He, i.e., Atiśa) met the great translator Rin chen bzang po. ... Most people had faith and engaged in the completely pure dharma. ... The employment of perverted mantra s and a perverted dharma was refuted and stopped.” For a discussion of the general background and a short text from Tabo directed against the “bad perverted paths” mentioned in the inscription, see Scherrer-Schaub 2001. 97 Read: “men” or “transformation”? 98 As a variant of ’jig rten (gyi) mig, srid pa’i mig is not only used as an epithet of the sun but also as a metaphorical expression for translators (see Kramer 2007: 51, where the common “Tibetan” term for translator, i.e., lo tsā ba [with many variant spellings] is identified as a derivation of Skt. lokacakṣu ‘eye of the world’). Hence the entire quatrain could relate to Rin chen bzang po and his spiritual sons. However, since ’jig rten (gyi) mig and srid pa’i mig are not exclusively used for translators, but also for other important figures, the quatrain could also refer to a number of historical characters, including Ye she ’od, Byang chub ’od or Atiśa. See, in particular, Grub mtha’i rnam bshad kun bzang zhing gi nyi ma 550, where Atiśa is called ’jig rten kyi mig gcig pu mnyam med (rendered as “the unparalleled sole eye of the world” in Hopkins 2003: 459). The beginning of the third verse-line may have contained more clues, but regrettably the text is completely damaged here. 99 Also known as gSer khang. On this temple in mTho lding, see Vitali 1996: 311ff. (and passim) and 1999: 29–33. Note that the present-day ’Du khang (or lHa 928 The Historical Inscription in the ’Du khang of mTho lding Monastery 57 As for this region: after the virtuous actions of the people had weakened, the great power of the dark side spread, so that the saṅgha was disrupted and the great temples, all (of them), were handled like puffed rice in the fire.100 61 Then, after some time had passed, the one who had turned into the supreme (spiritual) son of bTsong kha pa, (that is,) the grace of Ngag dbang grags pa101—the meritorious ambassador of the Zhang zhung people ... invited (...) in an excellent manner ... .102 khang dmar po) is also called ’Dzam gling (b)rgyan, but according to Vitali 1999: 38 this latter temple dates “to the time of Ngag.dbang grags.pa” (i.e., 15th century). See also Vitali 1999: 129. 100 Cf. the chapter “The period of obscurantism in Gu.ge and particularly at Tho.ling” in Vitali 1999: 32ff. As discussed there, with the death of rTse lde and his uncle Zhi ba ’od at the turn from the 11th to the 12th centuries, Gu ge and mTho lding fell into a state of oblivion for the next one and a half centuries. For a more detailed account, see also Vitali 1996: 335–355. 101 Here, ngag dbang grags pa’i dpal is taken as an explicative genitive (i.e., “the grace that is/was Ngag dbang grags pa,” or, more freely, “the gracious Ngag dbang grags pa”). Vitali 1996: 527, n. 899, quotes a passage from Thub bstan dpal ldan 1990: 289–290, which contains exactly the same phrase: “Gu.ge.ru ’jam.mgon bla.ma Tsong.kha.pa chen.po’i zhal slob.ma rje Ngag.dbang grags.pa’i dpal dang mjal”, “in Gu ge, [he, i.e., lHa dbang blo gros] met the grace of Lord Ngag dbang grags pa, (i.e.,) the direct disciple of the gentle protector and guru, the great Tsong kha pa” (my translation). 102 Due to the damage at the end of the last verse-line, the syntax of the quatrain is somewhat unclear: zhang zhung skye bo’i bsod nams pho nya could either be an apposition to ngag dbang grags pa’i dpal, or it could relate to another person. The latter alternative seems much more likely, however, considering the evidence, for example, of Zhang zhung mkhan rgyud 1r1–2 and Chos ’byung mkhas pa’i yid ’phrog 196f., which tell us about King (Nam mkha’i dbang po) Phun tshogs lde’s invitation of Ngag dbang grags pa: ngag dbang graḍ [i.e., grags; K.T.] pa ni ... chos rgyal phuoḍ [i.e., phun tshogs; K.T.] ldes spyandrangs [read spyan drangs; K.T.] te, and: chos rgyal phun tshogs ldes ... ngag dbang grags pa spyan ’drongs te. Thus in the inscription, ngag dbang grags pa’i dpal probably should be taken as the object of (legs par ) spyan drangs, and zhang zhung skye bo’i bsod nams pho nya as an epithet of King (Nam mkha’i dbang po) Phun tshogs lde (1409–80, according to Vitali 1996: 133, 147, 508ff. and passim). According to Vitali 2012a: 146, “Phun tshogs lde’s alleged responsibility of the invitation extended to Nag dbang grags pa goes against the evidence provided by mKhar nag lo tsa ba—accepted by sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho—that this king’s father, rNam rgyal lde, was responsible for the presence of the Gu ge pa disciple of Tsong kha pa at the court.” Note, however, that according to both mKhar nag lo tsa ba (dGa’ ldan chos ’byung 84v3–4) and Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (Vaiḍūrya ser po 272.16–17), Ngag dbang 929 Kurt Tropper 65 That protector took hold of Rin chen bzang po’s supreme representation in an excellent manner,103 and then he made it happen that this ocean-clothes wearer (i.e., the earth) donned the orange upper robe, as it were; (later) he went to the presence of the invincible one of the “Joyous (realm).”104 grags pa was invited by bKra shis ’od lde, Khri rNam(s) rgyal ’od and a certain Shākya ’od, and that elsewhere Vitali considers it untenable “that it is rNam.rgyal.lde who is called rNam.rgyal.’od in this passage of Bai.ser [i.e., Vaiḍūrya ser po 272.16–17; K.T.]” (Vitali 1996: 506, n. 854). Finally, it should be pointed out that according to mNga’ ris rgyal rabs 84f., Shākya ’od is the religious name that (Nam mkha’i dbang po) Phun tshogs lde received when, at age fortyone, he became a monk in front of the three silver statues at Kha char (’Khor chags): de nas zhe gcig pa la kha char du dngul sku mched gsum gyi drung du | thar pa’i rgyal mtshan bzhes | lha rje btsun shākya ’od du mtshan gsol. 103 In principle, this clause can be interpreted in two different ways: 1) “That protector ([Nam mkha’i dbang po] Phun tshogs lde[?]) took hold of Rin chen bzang po’s supreme representation (Ngag dbang grags pa) in an excellent manner” or 2) “That protector (Ngag dbang grags pa) took hold of Rin chen bzang po’s supreme representation in an excellent manner” (i.e., Ngag dbang grags pa was an excellent representative/successor of Rin chen bzang po). Again, the second alternative seems much more likely to me, especially in combination with verse-line 68 and the following quatrain. But in either case, the passage—in one way or another—clearly refers to Ngag dbang grags pa’s nomination as abbot of mTho lding and thus as the (remote) successor of Rin chen bzang po. On this nomination, see Zhang zhung mkhan rgyud 1r2–3 and Chos ’byung mkhas pa’i yid ’phrog 197: (ngag dbang grags pa) mtho gling du skye mchog lotstsa ba rien bzango’i [i.e., rin chen bzang po’i ; K.T.] khri la bzhugsuol [i.e., bzhugs su gsol ; K.T.], and: ngag dbang grags pa de nyid lhag par lo tstsa ba’i khri la bzhugs su gsol. 104 I take this to be a euphemistic expression for Ngag dbang grags pa’s passing away, with an added play on words: mi pham (“the invincible one”) is a frequent epithet of both Maitreya and Tsong kha pa, while dga’ ldan (Skt. tuṣita) can refer to the future Buddha Maitreya’s realm as well as to the monastery that was founded by Tsong kha pa (1357–1419) in 1409. Vitali (2012a: 132) translates rgya mtsho’i gos can ’dis | | li khri’i bla gos blangs pa ltar byas ste | | dga’ ldan gnas kyi mi pham mdun sar gshegs as “those who used to wear brocade robes likewise opted for the saffron robe of the bla [ma- s], and entered into the presence of the mi pham (the ‘invincible [master]’, i.e. Tsong kha pa) of the holy dGa’ ldan (i.e. became dGe lugs pa).” While the first part of this translation can hardly be justified, Vitali’s interpretation of verse-line 68 constitutes a viable alternative to the one given above (in this case, however, the expression blangs pa ltar byas in verse-line 67 would have to be taken as a periphrastic rather than a causative formation; in other words, the verse-line would have to be understood in the sense of “and then this ocean-clothes wearer [i.e., the earth] donned the orange upper robe, as it were, and ...”). In this connection it should be mentioned that according to Vitali, the following passage (verse-lines 69–70) “adds that Ngag dbang grags pa abdica- 930 The Historical Inscription in the ’Du khang of mTho lding Monastery 69 His representative (i.e., successor), provided with religious insight, provided with the name of Nam mkha’105 (and) accompanied by disciples, with great courage and good altruistic [intent] once again exemplified the miraculous manifestations of the divine master(s) and guru(s).106 73 The supreme essence of the glorious Shākya lineage, the venerable master Shākya ’od107 and his offspring, (that is,) the lord of mankind, Buddhapālita(?),108 (and) Blo bzang rab brtan109—may they be victorious [in all directions]! ted [my emphasis; K.T.] the throne of Tho ling in favour of a disciple of his, named Nam mkha’” (Vitali 2012a: 134). Vitali’s interpretation of verse-lines 68–70 is doubtlessly based on his assumption that the Ngag dbang grags pa who was a disciple of Tsong kha pa (1357–1419) and already a senior scholar in 1424 is the same person who wrote mNga’ ris rgyal rabs as late as 1497—an assumption that has already been contested by Petech (1997b: 107f.; 1999: 101) and recently again by van der Kuijp (2015: 342ff.). 105 Vitali 2012a: 143 provides a comparative chart on the evidence found in various literary sources on the mTho lding abbots after Ngag dbang grags pa. According to Chos ’byung mkhas pa’i yid ’phrog 200 and bKa’ gdams gsar rnying gi chos ’byung yid kyi mdzes rgyan 98v1, his direct successor was Nam mkha’ dpal / (dbon) Nam mkha’ ba. Zhang zhung mkhan rgyud, dGa’ ldan chos ’byung and Vaiḍūrya ser po have additional names in between: Ngag dbang grags pa → Zhang zhung pa Chos dbang grags pa → Nam mkha’ dpal ba (Zhang zhung mkhan rgyud 1v2–8); Ngag dbang grags pa → Tshul khrims bshes gnyen → (kun spangs pa) Nam mkha’ (dGa’ ldan chos ’byung 85r4–5); Ngag dbang gr{a}gs pa → Tshul khrims bshes gnyen → Legs grub pa → (kun spangs pa) Nam mkha’ (Vaiḍūrya ser po 273). 106 Vitali 2012a: 132 takes lha rje bla ma as referring to Ye shes ’od and Byang chub ’od and translates the passage as “... manifested the miracles of the lha rje bla ma-s (i.e. Ye shes ’od and Byang chub ’od).” See, however, also verse-line 52 above, where Zhi ba ’od (who followed Byang chub ’od on the religious throne) is called lha rje bla ma. Moreover, the phrase lha rje bla ma’i rnam ’phrul bstan could of course also be understood in the sense of “presented (himself as) an incarnation of the divine master(s) and guru(s).” In either case, the passage may be an indication that Nam mkha’ was a member of the royal family. 107 I.e., (Nam mkha’i dbang po) Phun tshogs lde. Cf. n. 102. 108 In mNga’ ris rgyal rabs 85, Shākya ’od’s / (Nam mkha’i dbang po) Phun tshogs lde’s son is referred to as khri rnam ri sang [read sangs] rgyas lde dpal bzang po. While the inscription’s pa/pā li ta remains somewhat unclear, bud dha obviously corresponds to sang {s } rgyas. 109 According to Vaiḍūrya ser po 273f., Blo bzang rab brtan (pa) was the son of “chos rgyal Buddha” but lived many generations (rgyal rabs du ma) after (Nam mkha’i dbang phyug/po) Phun tshogs lde/sde: gu ge bdag po khri nam mkha’i dbang phyug phun tshogs sde’i dus su ... de nas rgyal rabs du ma zhig song rjes | chos rgyal buddha’i sras | blo bzang rab brtan pas rje ngag dbang grags pa’i zhabs pad spyi bos bsten. 931 Kurt Tropper 77 110(b)rTse/Tshe(?) ldan chos ’dzom,111 Pu ñe112 nam mkha’ dPal ldan ’dren114 and [Nor] bu rgyal mo,115 etc.— they provided immeasurable assistance by taking full advantage of the illusory food and wealth. sgron,113 81 ... of the ancestor(s) of the world ... this nectar for the [restless(?)] eye—the leader in brandishing the brush, Sangs rgyas bzang po, and the expert in the arts and crafts, dKon mchog rdo rje, etc., all the masters of this Zhang zhung region painted (it) in an excellent way, and therefore the situation is/was such that one is/was not attached to all the arts and crafts of the western noble [land] any more.116 mNga’ ris rgyal rabs 85, however, suggests that Blo bzang rab brtan was the grandson of (Nam mkha’i dbang phyug/po) Phun tshogs lde/sde (cf. n. 108). For a discussion of these conflicting views, see Vitali 2012a: 197. The inscription clearly supports the evidence of mNga’ ris rgyal rabs. 110 Verse-lines 77–78 obviously contain the names of several donors, but due to the peculiarities of Tibetan names, it is not completely clear how many people the passage is referring to. In my translation I provide the reading that seems most natural to me, adding some comments and/or alternative interpretations in the footnotes. At any rate, it seems that most or even all of these donors were women. 111 Or: “(b)rTse/Tshe ldan (and) Chos ’dzom”? Or: “the compassionate/venerable Chos ’dzom”? 112 Vitali 2012a: 132, n. 48, relates this to the term phu ne found in Kho char dkar chag 50–51, which he takes as referring “to the son whom an unidentified king of Glo bo and his wife wished to have in order to perpetuate their line.” However, apart from the fact that in the respective passage, phu ne refers to the king himself rather than to the son he longed for, it seems doubtful that the inscription’s pu ñe has anything to do with this episode related in Kho char dkar chag. In Ti se lo rgyus (ed. Don grub 1992: 66, ed. de Rossi Filibeck 1988: 41), pu ñe rmal is clearly a phonetic transcription of puñyamalla, which, in turn, is the Sanskritized rendering of bsod nams lde (cf. Petech 2003: 37ff.). I am thus also inclined to take the inscription’s pu ñe as a Sanskritization of bsod nams. 113 Or: “Pu ñe (and) Nam mkha’ sgron”? 114 Cf. Everding’s (2015: 82, 92) edition and translation of the printing colophon of a xylograph of Theg pa’i mchog rin po che’i mdzod (prepared in Mang yul Gung thang in 1533), which gives the name of the wife of a certain Nam mkha’ mgon po as dPal ldan ’dren ne (cf. also the edition in Ehrhard 2000: 107). While she can hardly be the person mentioned in the inscription, the obvious similarity may be taken as an indication that the latter is also a woman. 115 Or: “Nor bu (and) rGyal mo”? 116 Referring to north-western India (situated more or less to the west of mTho lding), where many of the artisans that were active in western Tibet traditionally came from. See, e.g., Klimburg-Salter 1997: 202 and Luczanits 2004: 7. 932 The Historical Inscription in the ’Du khang of mTho lding Monastery 88 The carpenters here (were) lHun grub mgon po, dPal ldan chos bzang and lHa btsun grags rdor, etc.; the unprecedented new magical manifestations (coming) from the fingertips of the many masters are like this. 92 [Such an] unprecedented arrangement of deities came into being after it had been thoroughly judged by the judgement of the venerable master Shākya ’od; but for others, suchlike (arrangement of deities) is (like) the dignified appearance of a son of a barren woman.117 96 The deities’ body colour, hand emblems, postures, etc., are according to how they are explained in the respective texts. ... authentic and clearly written instructions ... is/are ... . 100 Therefore, [may] the favour of [Mañju]ghoṣa be bestowed on the ones who exerted themselves with body, speech and mind, (that is,) (on) ’Od zer rgyal mtshan and sMon lam grags (pa), etc., all those who took care! 104 All these (people), who exerted themselves completely all [the time(?)]—may it come about that all attain the rank of an omniscient one! May the teachings and the adherents of the teachings stay for a long time, and may there be the auspiciousness of the increase of the saṅgha’s prosperity! 108 In the centre of the gTsang khang, the enlightened teacher is surrounded in an excellent way by the thirty-five (Confession) Buddhas (and) the sixteen Sthaviras.118 On the right, the principal (deity) of the Vajradhātu, Vairocana, is surrounded by his worthy primary deities.119 117 The “son of a barren woman” is a stock example for something impossible. Thus, the meaning intended here is probably that no one else could create such a dignified arrangement of deities. 118 I take gnas bcu to be an abbreviation of gnas brtan bcu drug (as in gnas bcu lha khang ; see, e.g., Vitali 1999: 88, 222 and passim). For examples of early Tibetan representations of the Buddha Śākyamuni together with the thirty-five Confession Buddhas and/or the sixteen Sthaviras, cf. Watt 2012a; see also Watt 2012b. 119 This probably refers to a Vajradhātu-mañḍala with Vairocana in its centre. See n. 120. 933 Kurt Tropper 112 As to the (mañḍala with the) principal (deity) [Sarvavid(?) (Vairocana)], (there are) the five (tathāgata) families (and) the four consorts,120 and, below, the five principal (deities of the[?]) mañḍala(s) of the Śodhanatantra(?).121 On the left side of the innermost (part of the temple) properly reside the principal (deity) and (his) entourage, the entire assembly of deities of the glorious supreme Vajrasattva. 116 ... ...122 ... together with ...123 ...; below that, the five main mañḍalas of the Śodhanatantra(?).124 All around, below, revolve (the paintings [and inscriptions] conveying) the entire and complete twelve deeds of the Buddha.125 śubham !126 120 This seems to take up the concluding two verse-lines of the preceding quatrain, explicating the structure of the Vajradhātu-mañḍala: Vairocana is surrounded by Akṣobhya, Ratnasambhava, Amitābha, Amoghasiddhi (together constituting the five tathāgatha families), and the four consorts. For examples of such representations, see, e.g., Luczanits 2004: 134 and 284–288; see also Wayman 1973: 186f. and Bentor 1996: 80ff. 121 If the inscription’s sbyong rgyud dkyil ’khor gtso bo lnga is taken in the sense of “the five principal mañḍala s of the Śodhanatantra,” it remains somewhat unclear to which mañḍala s it refers (for the various mañḍala s described in the Sarvadurgatipariśodhanatantra, see Skorupski 1983: 35–65, 74f., 180–216 and 230). The passage also remains ambiguous if dkyil ’khor gtso bo is taken in its usual meaning “the principal deity of a mañḍala;” the Sarvadurgatipariśodhanatantra does not explicitly refer to “five principal deities” in any of its mañḍala descriptions. Similarly, I cannot come up with a satisfactory explanation for the alternative reading spyod rgyud dkyil ’khor gtso bo lnga “the five principal (deities of the[?]) mañḍala(s) of the Caryātantra.” A comprehensive documentation of the gTsang khang’s and ’Du khang’s art work would be of help in this matter. Regrettably, the available publications contain only selected photos of the murals. 122 Read: “venerable” ? 123 Read: “eight” ? 124 Cf. n. 121. 125 This cycle of combined paintings and inscriptions is presently being prepared for publication. Cf. n. 38. 126 I.e.,“Good fortune!” 934 The Historical Inscription in the ’Du khang of mTho lding Monastery References Primary Sources sBa bzhed Ed. in Stein 1961: 1–92. Chos ’byung mkhas pa’i yid ’phrog Zhang zhung pa dPal ’byor bzang po, Chos ’byung mkhas pa’i yid ’phrog. Manuscript reproduction in Vitali 2012b, following p. 86. Deb ther dmar po gsar ma bSod nams grags pa, Deb ther dmar po gsar ma. 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Kho char dkar chag Ngag dbang bsod nams rgyal mtshan, lHar bcas ’gro ba’i mchod sdong jo bo dngul sku mched gsum sngon byung gi gtam rabs brjod pa rin chen baiḍūr[y]a sngon po’i pi waṃ. Ed. in Jackson and Bod ljongs mnga’ ris rig gzhung gces skyong khang 1988: 35–61. Me tog phreng ba Nel pa pañḍita Grags pa smon lam blo gros, sNgon gyi gtam me tog phreng ba. Ed. in Uebach 1987: 47–160. mNga’ ris rgyal rabs Gu ge mkhan chen Ngag dbang grags pa, mNga’ ris rgyal rabs. Ed. in Vitali 1996: 1–85. 935 Kurt Tropper dPal ’brug pa rin po che mthu chen ngag gi dbang po’i bka’ khrims bsTan ’dzin chos rgyal, dPal ’brug pa rin po che mthu chen ngag gi dbang po’i bka’ khrims phyogs thams cad las rnam par rgyal ba’i gtam. Ed. in Aris 1986: 121–168. Rin chen bzang po’i rnam thar snyan dngags puñḍa rī ka’i phreng ba Zhang zhung pa Chos dbang grags pa, Gangs can gyi skad gnyis smra ba thams cad kyi gtsug gi rgyan lo chen thams cad mkhyen pa rin chen bzang po’i rnam thar snyan dngags puñḍa rī ka’i phreng ba. Manuscript reproduction in rDo rje tshe brtan 1977: 19–49 (fol. 1r–16r). Ti se lo rgyus bsTan ’dzin chos kyi blo gros (aka dKon mchog bstan ’dzin), Gangs ri chen po ti se dang mtsho ma dros pa bcas kyi sngon byung gi lo rgyus mdor bsdus su brjod pa’i rab byed shel dkar me long. Ed. in De Rossi Filibeck 1988: 11–65; ed. also in Don grub 1992, with the title Gangs ri’i gnas bshad shel dkar me long. Vaiḍūrya ser po sDe srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, dGa’ ldan chos ’byung vaiḍūrya ser po, ed. by rDo rje rgyal po. Xining: Krung go’i bod kyi shes rig dpe skrun khang, 1989. Zhang zhung mkhan rgyud Blo bzang bstan ’dzin (rnam rgyal), Zhang zhung mkhan rgyud. Manuscript reproduction in Vitali 2012a, between p. 90 and p. 91. 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Floor plan of the ’Du khang (right) and the adjacent gTsang khang (left) (© Carmen Auer and Holger Neuwirth, 2008); arrow showing the location of the inscription added by author. Kurt Tropper 942 Fig. 2. The inscription on the northern west wall of the ’Du khang (© Christiane Kalantari, 2007) Fig. 3. Detail of the inscription (© Christiane Kalantari, 2007) The Historical Inscription in the ’Du khang of mTho lding Monastery 943