The Mirror Illuminating The Royal Genealogies. An Annotated Translation of the XIVth Century Tibetan Chronicle: rGyal rabs gsal ba&#39;i me long.

Per K . Sörensen

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Cet article, basé principalement sur des inscriptions, des textes histo-riographiques et des peintures, pose un regard nouveau sur la royauté dans l'ouest du Tibet aux dixième et onzième siècles. Le modèle de royauté adopté après la fondation du royaume de l'Ouest tibétain peut être associé à celui déjà existant pendant l'empire tibétain (du septième au neuvième siècle). Toutefois, les auteurs de cet article constatent qu'entre c. 932 et 986 (« phase formative I »), les structures socio-politiques et les cultures religieuses qui étaient auparavant dominantes dans la région (appartenant autrefois au royaume de Zhangzhung) furent transformées de telle façon qu'elles participèrent, à partir de 986 (début de la « phase formative II »), à la transformation bouddhique ou « mandala-fi cation » du royaume. En particulier, cet article analyse, en utilisant les approches méthodologiques de l'anthropologie sociale historique et de l'histoire de l'art, les hautes fonctions politiques et religieuses de la royauté : celles du souverain (btsan po) et des hommes de la famille royale appelés podrang (pho brang), qui, après leur ordination, avaient le devoir de protéger le domaine du Vinaya et les enseignements bouddhiques. L'approche par l'histoire de l'art explique l'importance des représentations des donateurs contemporains dans les monuments bouddhiques de Tabo (Spiti, Himachal Pradesh, Inde) et de Toling (Tsamda, RAT, Chine). Les frises dans le hall d'entrée de Tabo (c. 998) commémorent l'acte de la donation et de la consécration, pourvoyeur de mérite : le souverain ordonné Yeshé Ö (Ye shes 'od) conduisant la famille royale, les pratiquants laïcs et son fi ls Devarāja en tant que chef spirituel de la communauté des moines et des nonnes. Les peintures, qui couvrent complètement les murs bas sur les côtés, donnent à voir une société stratifi ée dans un ordre spatial strict. Dans la dernière phase de rénovation, c. 1042, le moine-cum-prince royal Jangchup Ö (Byang chub 'od) est représenté par une image condensée de la royauté dans laquelle la hiérarchie est exprimée par sa position centrale et sa taille proportionnellement plus grande. Les positions, les gestes et les tenues des personnages secondaires représentant les membres des diff érents groupes de la société témoignent de leur allégeance et expriment l'idée de cohésion sociale. Cette nouvelle forme de portrait de groupe renforce les idéologies de l'époque : le rôle exceptionnel du lama royal Jangchup Ö dans les années 1037-1057 au centre d'un domaine politique révèle une superposition singulière de signes religieux et temporels de la souveraineté.

ASIATISCHE FORSCHUNGEN MONOGRAPHIENREIHE ZUR GESCHICHTE, KULTUR U N D SPRACHE DER VOLKER OST- U N D ZENTRALASIENS Herausgegeben fur das Seminar fur Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaft Zentralasiens der Universitat Bonn von Walther Heissig, Klaus Sagaster, Veronika Veit und Michael Weiers unter Mitwirkung von Herbert Franke und Charles R. Bawden Band 128 1994 Harrassowitz Verlag Wiesbaden Per K. S ~ r e n s e n Iibetan Buddhist Historiography T H E MIRROR ILLUMINATING T H E ROYAL GENEALOGIES An Annotated Translation of the X I V t h Century Tibetan Chronicle: rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i me-long 1994 Harrassowitz Verlag - Wiesbaden The signet shows the mythical goat, a symbol for Lhasa (as depicted in a mural in the Potala). Publication of this book was supported by a grant from the Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung. Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme bSod-nams-rgyal-mtshan: The mirror illuminating the royal genealogies : Tibetan buddhist historiography ; an annotated translation of the XIVth century Tibetan chronicle: rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i me-long / Per K. Sarensen. - Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz, 1994 (Asiatische Forschungen ; Bd. 128) Einheitssacht.: rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i me-Ion <engl.> ISBN 3-447-03510-2 N E : Ssrensen, Per K. [Hrsg.]; HST; G T O O t t o Harrassowitz Wiesbaden 1994 This work, including all of ist parts, is protected by copyright. Any use beyond the limits of copyright law without the permission of the ~ u b l i s h e ris forbidden and subject to penalty. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. Printed on permanent durable paper from Nordland, Dorpen/Ems. Printing and binding by MZ-Verlagsdruckerei G m b H , Memmingen Printed in Germany ISSN 0571 -320X ISBN 3-447-03510-2 - Erik Haarh in memoriam Contents Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XI Presupposition and Cultural Ambience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Grand Histories of bSam-yas and ]Ha-sa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Mythographical-Biographical Tradition of King Srong-btsan sgam-po . . . . . . . King Srong-btsan sgam-po's Role Reappraised: Historical Tailoring. Posthumous Apparel and Mythographical Trappings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i me-long: Provenance and Conception . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Author and Date . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Motivation and Concept . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Printed Editions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Interlinear Annotation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Translation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I I 9 14 23 28 28 34 36 37 38 [How] the Universe Came into Existence in the [very] Beginning; the Amval of the Successive Indian Dharmarijas and the Diffusion of the Holy Law after the Appearance of the Teacher Sdcya-muni in the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [Prooemium] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [I] [Genesis of the Universe] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [I11 [Evolution of God and Man] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [I111 [Royal Genealogies of India] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [Ivl [Brief Vita of Buddha] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [vl [The Date of Buddha] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 43 44 48 50 52 56 I1 The Erection of the Three Bodies of Buddha Sdcya-muni and their Consecration [I] [Tribya-Legend] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [I11 [Mahibodhi-Legend] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [I111 [India-China Legend] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 61 66 69 I11 The Dissemination of the Holy Law (Saddharma) in the Countries of China and Mongolia and an Enumeration of their Emperors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [I] [Genealogy of China] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [Ill [Genealogy of Tangut] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [I111 [Genealogy of Mongolia] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 77 84 86 IV The Birth of the Noble [Avalokiteivara] from a Lotus and a Demonstration of the Benefit of the Six-syllable [Formula] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 [I] [The Aspiration-Prayer and AvalokiteSvara's Field of Conversion] . 97 [I11 [Avalokiteivara's Birth] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 [I111 [The Benefit of the Six-Syllabic Formula] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 [How] Arya-~valokiteivarafor the First Time Brought the Sentient Beings of the Snow-Clad Country [of Tibet] unto the Path of Maturation and Salvation . 109 VI [How Arya.~valokite<vara.1 having Transformed [Himselfl into the King of Horses. Worked for the Welfare of the Sentient Beings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 VII The Descent of the Tibetan Race from the Union of a Monkey and a Female Rock-ogress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 VIII A Description of how the First Tibetan Royal Lineage Made its Appearance . . 135 [I] [The Royal Tibetan Progenitor] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 [I11 [King Gri-gum btsan-pol . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 [I111 [King sPu-[llde gung-rgyal and Bon] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 [King 1Ha tho-tho-ri snyan-shal and the Secret gNyan pol . . . . . . . 150 [Ivl [vl [sTag-ri gnyan-gzigs] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 [VI] [gNam-ri srong-btsan] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 The Birth of the Dharmaraja [Srong-btsan sgam-pol from the Emanation of Four Rays of Light Issuing from the Body of Arya Avalokita . . . . . . . . . . . 157 [How] Minister Thon-mi [Sambhop] Invented an Alphabet from India[n Pattern] and [how] the Laws [Based upon] the Ten [Buddhist] Virtues were Enacted by the King . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 [I] [Mission to India] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .167 [I11 [The Invention of the Tibetan Script] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170 11111 [The Enactment of the Laws] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 [How] The Statues of the King's Tutelary Deity were Brought from India and Nepal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .187 [I] [The Legend of the Snakeheart-Sandalwood Idol] . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 [I11 [The Four Self-originated Brother Idols] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193 The Invitation of the Nepalese Princess Khri-btsun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 [I] [Audience with the Nepalese King] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202 [I11 [Returning to Tibet] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .209 The Invitation of the Chinese Princess Kong-jo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 [I] [Audience with the Emperor] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .217 [I11 [Suitor-trials on Wits] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .219 11111 [Departing for Tibet] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .229 [Ivl [Minister mGar Detained in China] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234 [vl [The Escape of Minister mGar] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .236 [VI] [Amval in Tibet] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242 XIV The Successful Erection of the Temples of mTha'.'dul. Yang.[mtha'.]'dul, 'Phrul-snang and Ra-mo-che . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [I] [Kong-jo's Geomantic Divination] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [I11 [Tibet Resembling a Prostrate Demoness] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [I111 [The Twelve Temples Suppressing the Demoness] . . . . . . . . . . . 251 253 253 261 [Ivl [vl XV [The Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang Temple Miraculously Manifested] [The Eleven-headed AvalokiteSvara] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264 . . . . . . 266 The Act of Consecration after the Successful Completion of the Two [Temples of) 1Ha-sa and the mTha'.'dul. Yang-[mtha'-I'dul Temples etc . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283 [I] [Excursion inside the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang Temple] . . . . . . . . . . . 285 [I11 [The Consecration of the 1Ha-sa Temples] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293 XVI The Concealment of Treasuries and the Conversion of All Tibetan Subjects to Buddhism in order to Ensure the Emergence of Benefit and Felicity . . . . . . . 299 [I] [The Birth of Gung-ri gung-btsan] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301 1111 [The Monks from Khotan] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303 11111 [Gung-ri gung-btsan] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 306 [Ivl [Burial of Treasuries] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307 XVII [How] King [Srong-btsan sgam-pol and [his Two] Queens. Father and Mother[s]. having fully Accomplished their Mission. were Absorbed into the Heart of [the Statue of] the Self-originated Eleven-faced [AvalokiteSvara] . 3 13 [I] [Revelation of the Hidden (Gab-pa mngon-phyung)] . . . . . . . . . . 316 [The Ritual Apotheosis of the King and his Two Consorts] . . . . . . 330 PI] XVIII . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343 [I1 [VII [VIII [VIII] 11x1 [XI [XI1 [XI11 [XIII] [XIVI [XVI [XVII [XVII] [XVIII] [XIXI [XXl [XXII [XXII] [XXIII] [XXIV] [XXVI [XXVI] [King Mang-srong mang-btsan] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 346 [King 'Dus-srong mang-po-rje] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 348 [King Khri-lde gtsug-brt[s]an] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 350 [King Khri-srong Ide-btsan] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 358 [Introduction of Anti-Buddhist Laws and Persecution] . . . . . . . . . 363 [A Bon-Buddhist Controversy] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 366 [The Invitation of Padmasambhava] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 368 [Preparation for Erecting a Temple] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 371 [The Erection of the bSam-yas Temple] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 375 [The Building of the Central Chapel] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 376 [The Building of the bSam-yas Satellite Chapels] . . . . . . . . . . . . 381 [The Consecration of bSam-yas] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 390 [The bSam-yas Debate] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 399 [King Mu-ne btsan-pol . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 404 [King Mu-tig btsan-pol . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 407 [King Khri-lde srong-btsan Sad-na-legs] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 408 [King mNga'-bdag Ral-pa-can] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 410 [The Sino-Tibetan Dynastic Relationship in Retrospect] . . . . . . . . 417 [The Anti-Buddhist Revolt] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 423 [King Glang-dar-ma] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 427 [The Regicide by 1Ha-lung dPal gyi rdo-je] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 431 [Prince 'Od-srung[s] and Yum-brtan] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 435 n h e Royal Lineage of Y urn-brtan] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 440 [Buddhism Revived from Khams] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 444 [The Royal Lineage of 'Od-snrng[s]] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 451 [The Invitation of AtiSa] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 458 [XXVII] [The Royal House of Ya-rtseISemj31 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 459 [XXVIII] [The Royal Lineage of the Yar-[kllung Lords] . . . . . . . . . . . . . 465 [XXIX] [Concluding Remarks and Author's Colophon] . . . . . . . . . . . . . 481 [The Printer's Colophon of the 1Ha-sa 'Phrul-snang Edition] . . . . . . . . . . . 483 [The Printer's Colophon of the sDe-dge Edition] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 486 Appendix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 487 Appendix Chapter I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 489 Appendix Chapter I1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 492 Appendix Chapter 111 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 500 Appendix Chapter IV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 510 Appendix Chapter V . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 512 Appendix Chapter VI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 513 Appendix Chapter VII . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 514 Appendix Chapter VIII . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 517 Appendix Chapter IX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 536 Appendix Chapter X . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .539 Appendix Chapter XI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .543 Appendix Chapter XI1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 544 Appendix Chapter XI11 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 547 Appendix Chapter XIV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .551 Appendix Chapter XV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 581 Appendix Chapter XVI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 584 Appendix Chapter XVII . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .585 Appendix Chapter XVIII . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .591 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .609 Western Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .611 Tibetan Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .632 Primary Historical & Canonical Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 632 Secondary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .646 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .653 Name-Index Tibetan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .655 Geographical Names Tibetan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .665 Name-Index Sanskrit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .671 Geographical Names Sanskrit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 674 Expressions and Idioms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .675 Preface The present annotated translation can look back on a long and tortuous way in its making. My interest for the text was initially aroused through discussions with my former teacher, the late Professor Erik Haarh. A preliminary study of the text, now superseded by the present book, was conducted by me in 1982 and was subsequently published in 1986. Decisive for the final completion of the present translation was a generous allotment of an Alexander von Humboldt Research Fellowship at the Zentralasiatisches Seminar, University of Bonn, 1991-1992, which enabled me to devote the text my undivided attention. The chronicle rGyal-rubs gsal-ba'i me-long compiled by Bla-ma dam-pa bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan (1312-1375 A.D.) occupies a normative position in Tibetan Buddhist historiography and its general popularity as a source as well as the numerous topics delineated and historical incidences narrated in this chronicle are bound to render a richly annotated translation into a Western language useful. Real progress for undertaking a thorough assessment and analysis of the text and its sources has moreover improved palpably in the light of the recent wave of publications of rare Tibetan historical sources which have surfaced within the last years. An attempt has duly been made to incorporate these latest publications issued in Lhasa, Tibet, in the People's Republic of China as well as from Bhutan, Nepal and India and it is my modest hope that the present study in this regard shall prove exhaustive, at least au couranr. The incorporation of new fundamental texts, all from the earliest centuries of the current millennium, shall permit us to acquire a less nebulous picture of the basic sources and the textual fundament behind central parts of the Buddhist historiographical tradition. The present book offers in this respect, for the first time within Tibetology, a cumulative and comprehensive study, providing the relevant textual references for a series of historical data that eventually shall allow the reader and fellow researcher easy access to conduct an evaluation of the development of a number of historical events recorded in this literature. Should the present book eventually merit a modicum of acclaim, however paltry, it is barely more than the rich fruits harvested by me from gleaning and studying the papers of my predecessors, the true trailblazers in our field. Without these pioneering contributions from the pen of scholars such as G. Tucci, G. Uray, E. Haarh, H. E. Richardson, L. Petech and A. Macdonald - to mention only a few - this book would have looked much different. In Bonn with its thriving academic milieu, I had the good fortune to avail myself of a library affluently equipped with extensive holdings of original Asian, mainly Tibetan sources and an almost exhaustive stock of secondary Western literature. Conjointly with my private library, it altogether provided a sound platform of original and secondary sources for my research. The protean task set by me turned out to be a laborious, but, it is my conviction, rewarding one. I have incurred debts of gratitude from a number of persons and colleagues. To my hosts in Bonn, Professor Klaus Sagaster of Zentralasiatisches Seminar, I would like to express my sincere gratitude for the genuine hospitality extended me, officially as well as privately, making my days there less lonesome, for stimulating discussions and for constructive advices on how to improve on the running and final result. To Dr. Helmut Eimer of Indologisches Seminar, Bonn, I am equally beholden for his spontaneous readiness to comment on my research, his meticulousness and unfeigned enthusiasm and for his generosity in supplying me with his own publications as well as that of others. The competent and learned Tibetan scholars active in Bonn, dge-bshes Blo-ldan Shes-rab Brag-g.yab Rin-po-che (L. S. Dagyab Rinpoche) and dge-bshes Padma Tshe-ring (Pema Tsering) my heartfelt thanks must be extended for finding time to discuss and enlighten me on a few particularly intricate textual conundrums. Finally, a warm appreciation for the reception roundly tendered me by students, colleagues and staff, too many to single out individually, must not go unmentioned, but none are forgotten. The learned bKra-shis Tshe-ring mThil-sgo (T.T. Thingo), alias mNga'-ris Rin-po-che, went with me through a unique and recondite piece of rDzogs-chen literature embedded in our text and for his elucidating comments I am equally obliged. To the Alexander von Humboldt Stiftung, Bonn-Bad Godesberg which hosted me as a Research Fellow and provided the financial basis for the printing of the book and thus made it all possible, I feel deeply indebted. I should like to express my heartfelt gratitude to this institution. The AvH-Stiftung gave me the financial support and thereby the freedom to deal with my project exclusively, in a time when it stood in the greatest need of both. The classical and philological disciplines within the Humanities must worldwide fight in order to survive or, equally unworthy, are not seldom compelled to readapt or redefine themselves in order to suit new or ephemeral academic trends. In this light, it is particularly rewarding and gratifying to experience the respect and priority with which these century-old disciplines are still cultivated and to witness how Geisteswissenschaft in Germany is met with anything else than indifference and encroachment. A special debt of gratitude I owe to Dr. Susanne von der Heide, who secured for me in Koln an ideal refugium. It thus enabled me to cover the last leg of my work in Germany. CESMEO and Dr. E. Lo Bue of Torino, Italy must be thanked for supplying me with a picture of a statue representing the author of our text and for allowing me to reproduce it in this book. Mr. Gregor Verhufen, M.A., Bonn brought my manus in a better readable form for the final print than I myself could do and thus saved it from not a few technical flaws. Needless to say, should remaining inconcinnities and solecisms still mar the book and thus vex the readership I can only crave indulgence, such imperfections rest with me alone. A very special thank, finally, I should like to extend to Prof. Walther Heissig, the great doyen of Central Asian Studies for his kindness and readiness to include the present book in his flourishing Asiatische Forschungen. BonnIKoln 1993 Per K. Ssrensen Presupposition and Cultural Ambience Before we embark upon a discussion of the author and date of rGyal-rabs [chos-'byung] gsal-ba'i me-long as a necessary preamble to our annotated translation offered in the present book, it is deemed imperative to discuss, at some length and from the very outset, the literary and scriptural background behind the main bulk of literature found embedded in our text in order to assess properly the literary tradition in which our author stands. We shall probably never be able to answer exhaustively the most crucial questions as to exactly when, how and, in particular, who was ultimately the author(s) or wmpiler(s) behind the bulky, predominantly legendary Vita-narratives dedicated to the life and feats of king Srong-btsan sgam-po, and, for that matter, the Vita-cycles of Padmasambhava, while both Vita-traditions have a number of literary features and narrative themes in wmmon, as more than a few references in the present study shall amply verify. Common points, it moreover would appear, that the question of borrowing and even plagiarism rather shall give way for the assumption that both gter-ma cycles at some point have been through the same editorial or redactional hands. And indeed a small group of reputed gTer-ston-s is known to exist, key figures who took a vivid interest in the dissemination of these traditions. Judged from a literary point of view, the embryo for these Vitas may most probably be traced back to an oral and popular narrative tradition, a living narrative possibly also bardic tradition,' which in Tibet since documented time constituted the art of story-telling par excellence and which never ceased being a cherished source and means of myth-making. Oral recitation with historic and mythic (often heroic) themes in pre-literate Tibet, rooted in pre-Buddhist times but blossoming well into times with increasing Buddhist supremacy, once maintained a key function in preserving the Tibetan state and in upholding its cultural, religious and social structure. In Tibet's pre-historic and early historic times the power and royal authority (chab srid) was, as recorded by a chain of monk-historians also,2 in fact governed (bsgyur) (i.e. guided and legitimized) by a living narrative, recitational or elocutional tradition, predominantly by way of sundry forms of story-telling (sgmng), riddletelling (lde'u) and songs.3 This can be witnessed by the rich and disparate mythological material which has come down to us, mainly preserved in the Dunhuang dossiers, but otherwise layered in the bulky mythographical writings partly dealt with in this study. Albeit here predominantly retained in an utmost fragmented condition, a mere perusal discloses that the material is replete with narratives of euhemerization and reverse euhemerization. The principal actors involved in disclosing these elocutional narratives and oratory dramas were sacerdotal guardians and national bards, possibly with overlapping functions, and their main task was primary religious, only it is far from evident to what extent. 1 The transmission of an oral narrative tradition, in forms such as the bardic sgrung and etiological Ide'u but also rhetoric, gnomic and vatic shags (prose and verse) etc. as documented in the Dunhuang material and in later literature, was perhaps the foremost medium for narration employed in Tibet in the incunabular part of the dynastic period. However, solid knowledge on these themes, due to lack of detailed and substantial data, is still next to naught. 2 Cf. e.g. GBCHBY 249.4-6; DCHBY 105.5-6, 163.6; YLJBCHBY 47.1-2. For details, cf. note 391 inpa. 3 For samples of these traditions prevailing at an early point in the Tibetan cultural history and even chronicled to have been depicted artistically on walls (rgyud ris, ldebs ris) for edifying reasons, cf. e.g. KCHKKHM-2 5.15-6.18, 252.12-253.13, 254.1 1-256.8; CHBYMTNYP 269a5-b2; HBCHBY (JA) 9al, 44a1-3, 44a7-h2 etc. For further details, cf. e.g. the notes 391 and 874 inpa. By means of retelling and replicating and thereby reviving and actualizing origin-myths, clan or royal genealogies and sundry power-affirming tales and historic myths considered vital for people and society, the daily rituals as well as the sacred and temporal affairs pertaining to state and people were maintained. These narrative sources were typologically designated as mi chos or 'popular (or mundane, i.e. non-divine) convention', in contrast to lha chos (i.e. lha yi chos lugs), or 'divine or sacred (i.e. supramundane) convention' (first later = Buddhism). The very act of recounting e.g. the historic past and feats of mythical significance doubtlessly became a crucial ritual act of confirmation and legitimation. The narrative content and thematic aspects employed in these genres were often etiological, didactic, forenic or rhetoric in nature and diction, seeking to account for (and eventually gain mastery over) the origin and meaning behind the phenomena of things and behind historic, often mythical, events. Associated with the coeval sacerdotal Bon-religion, those embodying the medium between the past and the present by way of these mythical and sacral recitations or mimetic replications were, as said, mainly professional guardian priests, bards, storytellers and diviner^.^ In passing it is worth noting that one cannot help acquiring the impression that the Buddhist conquest and conversion of Tibet at least in one missionary pursuit was artistic or pictorial rather than scriptural in nature, in particular in its initial phase. As unanimously documented in the narrative expositions describing the wall-paintings or murals of the largest edifices raised in the dynastic period, the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang (i.e. Jo-khang) and later bSamyas,5 it is adduced how not only the above mentioned themes sgrung and Ide'u were represented in an artistic and pictorial fashion, but equally so these contemporary murals and frescoes were executed with edifying scenes and extracts from a large number of illustrative key siitra-s portrayed or being depicted for propaedeutic reasons. This was the work, the same sources tell us, of foreign artists and craftsmen, among which the Nepalese, Khotanese and Chinese were strongly represented. This is not an insignificant point to make. The Buddhist culture, not to speak of its scriptural complexity and its rich mental and doctrinal stock of ideas remained for long a highly alien factor in dynastic Tibet. The Buddhist transformation of Tibet, both cultural and mental, was a painful and radical process which in the end paved the way for the collapse of the dynasty with a centralistic royal power. In this process, with an alphabet barely having been invented and facing immense technical 4 Cf. e.g. Stein, Tibetan Civilization, pp. 191-198; Kvaerne, 1972, p. 34; and for similar or parallel traditions in later local Tibetan cultures, where e.g. the traditions of a bardic and oral porte-parole, such as m l l a (T. mol ba), tamba (T. gram pa, ston pa?) and pe (T. dpe) still are found to persist, cf. Jackson, The Mollas of Mustang, pp. 83-86; B . Steinmann (1987) and S. S. Strickland (1983, Kailarh, X (3-4); JRAS, 1987; further ref., A . W. Macdonald, 1989, Kailarh, XV (3-4), pp. 175177). The central mythical domain of a(ny) society remains an area of special authority. When appropriated, it becomes the core of a system of beliefs, values and ideas which gradually and imperceptibly permeate the entire society. Cf. e.g. the reflections by Northrop Frye, The Secular Scripture: A Study of the Structure of Romance, 1976, pp. 6-27. This process can be observed in many places and cultures of all periods. These power-affirming cults and myths in turn impose a consensus, while they contain elements which justify and account for the existing order of things. In hindsight, we should possibly not see these as deliberate powersustaining contrivances of a ruling class designed to secure its own privileges only, but assume that they were originally rooted in a set of beliefs commonly considered of divine origin. 5 Cf. Chap. XV (note 874) and Chap. XVllI (note 1240ff.) infia. difficultiesin translating these exotic and complex Buddhist concepts, it is small wonder that recourse was initially taken to preach and spread the Buddhist creed by simplified illustrative and artistic means in form of murals. Returning again to the seminal beginning of literate Tibet in the VIIth and VIIIth century, there are reasons to assume that a number of narrative traditions and texts, similar to the genealogical and genesis accounts retained e.g. in the Vitacycle of Srong-btsan sgampo, can seek their roots in this bardic and scriptural t~adition.~ Here as elsewhere, it is not easy to penetrate beyond the thick-layered veneer left behind by the later Buddhist tradition. This holds true for the Srong-Vita rather than, if at all, for the more fanciful and glorifying (i.e. predominantly hagiographical) aspects traced in the biography of the Tantric Magician Padmasambhava. The rich biographical tradition attributed to him and his life is decidedly more literary conceived and artificial, at least in the versions which have come down to us, when not repetitive and stereotype in its concept and composition compared to the ditto narrative dedicated to the exploits and feats of king Srong-btsan sgam-po, in pamcular when we restrict ourselves to the purely biographical themes. The original kernel of the Padmasambhava biographies was possibly sketched out already in the late part of the dynastic period, arguably in the wake of the erection of the bSam-yas vihdra (763-775 A.D., consecration 779 A.D.), at the inception of the IXth century, although to what extent Padmasambhava did play any major or even factual role in its erection and inauguration still is far from clarified and documented. One of the greater mysteries of Tibetan dynastic history has always been centered around the fact that credible information about his person and his alleged activities are lacking in the traditional documents and 6 BZH (Stein ed. 53.5-8, Chin. ed. 62.8-12) = CHBYMTNYP 422a5-6 = MBNTH 120a6-bl = YLJBCHsY 61.6-1 1 = HBCHBY (JA) 11 1b5-7, 112a4-5 all chronicle a similar-worded passage which informs us about the existence of a number of mi rhos texts dealing foremost with genealogical matters during the reign of king Khri-srong Ide-btsan (742-797 A.D.). During his reign the Buddhist tradition gained increasingly a firm foot in Tibet. In order, no doubt, to reconcile and neutralize the growing resentment to this development, the minister mGos (Khri-bzang yab-lhag) is recorded to have requested, probably around 780-785 A.D., the king to effectuate the composition and compilation of a series of skye bo mi chos kyi lo rgyus, i.e. texts and accounts of the ruler's genealogy ( j e ' i gdung robs), on social (or territorial) division (so bcad) of the people and narratives on conventions, etiquette and protocol vis-A-vis the nobility (yo rubs), but also stories (gtam sgrung), accounts and expositions on general good social deportment and on the heritage and virtues of the royal ancestors etc. including possibly also a general guideline for an ancestor cult or worship. Cf. also note 21. A similar attempt was made during the reign of king Ral-pa-can (rl. ca. 817-836 A.D.), cf. BZH (Stein ed. 75.9-12) = CHBYMTNYP 460a4-6. Here it is related how this king, himself an ardent Buddhist, attempted, probably around 830 A.D., to systematize or regulate (gtan la phab) and thus distinguish the mi chos tradition, Ix it narrative (oral or scriptural) and otherwise from the now very dominant ditto lha chos = Buddhist tradition. This exertion was doubtlessly also intended to counter a still-growing dissatisfaction in leading circles and among the people still hostile to the new religion. This, among other things, led to the compilation of a number of authoritative accounts and genealogical sources, which came to constitute the scriptural backbone for later Tibetan genealogical theories and accounts. These original sources, we may conjecture, circulated in Tibet until, at least, the Xlllth century. For a fuller discussion, cf. Appendix, note 359 and note 1488 inpa. records.' Contemporary historical data and records are in fact conspicuously silent on his person, which rather than denying his historicity perhaps only shows that he was far from popular in leading court circles and that his person and creed must have been met with severe opposition, a fact also acknowledged in later literature. But whether his spectacular personality became down-played by contemporary official documents either for reasons of his advocacy of unusual teachings and apotropaic techniques alien to contemporary Tibetan creed and mentality (although later apologetic literature, again, tends to draw the opposite picture), for reasons of religious antagonism encountered by him and his followers or due, perhaps, to the fact that the role he played after all was a modest one indeed, there is no cogent reason to oppugn his historicity. On the contrary, it is likely that an immensely glorifying and legitimizing popularity did set in after he had left the scene in Tibet, when he became the subject of gross magnification and veneration particularly among his spiritual devotees and adherents, foremost the rNying-ma-pas. Leaving out here any assessment of the religious and scriptural heritage purportedly left behind by him in form of bka '-ma and gterma transmitted teachings, it makes sense to assume that the pre-hagiographical literature centered around his person and his more mundane activities arguably was first conceived in a metrical, oratory-song or similar oral form, but soon put to writing by his most ardent proselytes, some narratives glorifying his figure being retained in purely metrical or verse form, others in the mixed prose-metrical form and, for all we know, then transmitted or concealed in scroll-form (thang yig, shog [d~ril),* before they were redactionally worked over and subjected to further hypertrophy and mythopoetic excrescencies at the point of their (numerous) detection(s) or reformulation(s) in the phyi-dar period. While on one side a number of parallel narrative elements and incidences between the Vita dedicated to Srong-btsan sgam-po and Padmasambhava may ultimately point to the fact that they have been through the same redactional hands,9 many narrative components of the Srong-btsan sgam-po biography on the other hand, despite occasional narrative repetitions, lo appear in language, diction as well as in narrative resourcefulness to be far more oral and popular in origin. This may be reflected e.g. in the witty portions depicting the exploits of the shrewd minister mGar (d. 667 A.D.) during his mission to the Tang court.'' In the wake of this successful and spectacular mission and the ensuing bridal escort of the Chinese princess in 640-641 A.D., a rich oral story-telling doubtlessly grew forth, recapturing and colouring this historical event, to such an extent that e.g. an extraordinary tale about the 7 Cf. also Bishoff, 1971. Aside from PT 44, a late dynastic work describing the practice of the &laritual by Padmasambhava in Tibet, our best and most credible source is in fact sBa-bzhed (abbr. BZH) (Stein ed. 18.7ff., Chin. ed. 22.21ff.), a source and witness of considerable antiquity. But also therein his role is a modest one, at least compared against later hagiographical trappings, being restricted to the demesne of exorcism. In his time, no doubt, Tantrism was, when not unpopular, still accorded a rather insignificant role. The validity of this testimony in BZH, moreover, is subject to the proviso that the passages which mention Padmasambhava pertain to the original core of this IXth-century historical source. But there is no ground to doubt this. 8 The hitherto oldest scroll-biography of the Indian Master, the Zangs-gling-ma, tracedlcompiled by Nyang-ral was in fact 'found' in bSam-yas. Cf. also note 24 infra. 9 For cases of parallelism, cf. e.g. the notes 266, 455, 726 and 790 infra. Cf. also note 19 i n t a . 10 Cf. the almost identical narrative structure of the initial part of GLR Chap. XI1 and XI11 infra; confer also the parallel ode in Chap. X ad note 528 and Chap. XVIII ad note 1318. 1 l Cf. the notes 608 and 626 infra. Chinese sources independently confirm the Tibetan minister's ingenuity and intelligence. Chinese princess giving birth to the child of the minister mGar at some point even found its way into the biography. l 2 Decidedly more literary in concept and structure (at least in its final form), the origin myth of the Tibetan race from a union of a monkey and a rock demoness, another cherished legend (gram sgmng) of great antiquity, even making out an entire chapter in CLR as elsewhere and later rather than simultaneously perhaps embedded into or closely bound up with the AvalokiteSvara-cult, may in fact have originated in the sngu-dar period too in some form. The king's Vita-tradition is replete with descriptions as to how many scenes from the king's life, also the above origin myth of the Tibetan people, were limned on frescoes in a number of temples associated with the king. l 3 The crucial question is: to which period can the (majority of) murals actually be ascribed? This pictorial dimension could have taken place, partially or fully, prior to the point when his biographical tradition assumed a more final literary form at the inception of the phyi-dar period, but plausibly already in the dynastic period. All along, it cannot be excluded, in fact it appears to be a more sensible solution altogether, that the so-called biography of the king served as Vorlage or model for the execution of the paintings, and that both are the literary and artistic product of the XIXIIth century, although we shall attempt to argue that a small part of the most ancient murals executed in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang in the VIIth century actually was the result of contemporary Newari artisans. The possible roots of at least parts of this Vita are consequently to be searched in a floating poetic and oral historical narration treasured by the common people or by bards, rather than being conceived, at least in the beginning, as the literary outcome produced by some Buddhist gTer-ston-s, possibly composed and revised over a long period, conceived orally in the late VIIth and VIIIth century, before being written down and thereby assuming a literary form. But as it may be gleaned from the numerous subjoined notes and the discussions offered in the present work, a number of data may produce more questions than answers, given the scantiness of convincing and telling testimonies. Unknown quantities still preclude us from gaining a full overview of the Vita text-tradition, especially in question of its very origin. One important clue conducive to the dating of these Vitas could in fact have been the language and diction employed in these texts, and relevant for the present study primarily the bKa'-chems Ka-khol-ma (abbr. KCHKKHM) and the Ma-ni bKa'-'bum (abbr. MNKB). But an investigation yields in my eyes disappointingly little ciarity, as the language in' many 12 Cf. note 704 infia. A central plot extracted from the Vita even turned into a most cherished dramaplay ( a Ice lha mo) named rGya-bza' Bal-bza'. Cf. chapter XI1 and XI11 infia. This fact also strengthens our assumption that the origins of the biography of the king are rooted in a popular narrative tradition. 13 Cf. foremost the Appendix, notes 84, 92, 329, 391, 874 infia. It is worth noting that Ral-pa-can, during the construction of his spiritual bond (i.e. thugs dam, tutelary) temple at 'U-shang-rdo, possibly erected around 823-824 A.D., paid respect to his mes po Srong-btsan sgam-po by providing Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang with a number of artistic or architectural refinements. He ordered frescoes of one hundred and eight silk-painted be'u bum be executed (dPa'-bo in his testimony of the same passage even appears to maintain that the frescoes (merely?) underwent restoration, thus implying that the original paintings predated 800 A.D., perhaps even being contemporary with the erection of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang around 640-645 A.D.). These frescoes or murals may well have included the above tales and riddles, but also glorifying scenes from the m a po's life. Cf. the notes 874, 1145, 1448 infia. versions appear fairly uniform, at least in the texts which have come down to us, being couched in a diction not radically different from traditional classical and medieval religious narrative Tibetan, l 4 a sure indication that they were or had been massively reworked, rather than being overall composed, at the beginning of this millennium. The latter mentioned text tradition does display some archaic traits, but the linguistic oddities seem to restrict themselves mainly in rendering stray names and a few cases of archaism or medieval dialecticism. A number of papers has attempted to encircle the religious ambience and cultural background of the gTer-ston-s ultimately responsible for the detection (or: compilation) of these Vita-s. While the very mechanism of treasury-finding, the very modus operandi of recovery (spyan 'dren) involved probably never shall be exhaustively clarified, remaining, as it does, in the misty borderland between inner motivation and divine revelation versus outer confirmation and acknowledgement, we are probably not much amiss if we allow ourselves to assume that the actual function of these treasury-finders not infrequently was that of writing down, compiling and reshaping, as indicated above, already existing Vorlage, be it bka'-ma or gter-ma, into final versions. On these points we shall currently only add little, while we lack conclusive information which may shed new light into the matter. As already shown by Blondeau and Kapstein in a number of papers15 and further documented here, the rDzogs-chen religious tinting or coating of parts of Srong-btsan sgampo's alleged writings and narratives as found embedded in MNKB, when not massively present, is nevertheless quite tangible. l6 14 This language is on one side heavily influenced by traditional and medieval chos skad known primarily from the canonical sotra literature, on the other side it shows a remarkable semblance to the language and diction known from historical sources from the XI-XIIth century, occasionally laced with contemporary vernacular and dialectical idioms. The linguistic testimony or language retained in KCHKKHM appears unrevised compared to the language of MNKB. It should be noted also that the language found in the first Tibetan lo rgyus, the bKol-mchid bf Khri-srong Ide-btsan (from ca. 780 A.D.) already contains elements pointing towards a classical diction that moves away from the unmistakable archaic diction found and documented in other coeval inscriptions and Dunhuang records. 15 Blondeau, 1979, 1984, 1985 and Kapstein, 1992. 16 In the Lo-rgyus chen-mo, the initial part of the Sotra-section of MNKB, the chapters XVII and XVIII introduce the legendary king DzaIJa, a cherished figure and iythical king important in the mythical transmission of Tantra in India according to the rNying-ma and the rDzogs-chen tradition. Of significant importance, we can now add, this royal figure was assigned a key role in the legend anent the first introduction of Buddhism to Tibet, the story about 'the Rain of Books that fell upon the Palace-Roof of king IHa Tho-tho-ri gnyan-btsan', a legend conserved already in the even older bKa'-chems Ka-khol-ma (abbr. KCHKKHM), and thus inserted into the king's writings. Arguably, one suspects here the redactional hands of the rNying-ma1rDzogs-chen gTer-ston-s. The paradoxical point is only that this Testament cannot be ascribed to these Treasury-finders, but must, without any doubt, be associated with AtiSa and his milieu, as seen below. In the last analysis, it remains to be clarified to what extent this version of the myth represents the earliest version or just a station en route the development of this legend. Cf. Appendix, note 409 for details. As adduced by Kapstein, 1992, op. cir. pp. 90-93, MNKB as a whole but particularly the sections E (D), E (E) and WAM (F) and (G), which are madeio constitute a sort of religious legacy or manifesto of the king, display a rich syncretism in terms of doctrinal tenets and religious viewpoints. Apparently incompatible doctrines nourished by different denominations are delineated or mixed: the nine successive stages (theg pa rim pa dgu), as propounded in the rNying-ma-pa While the central role o f the AvalokiteSvara-cult, in particular its s&!hanu tradition, among the gTer-ston-s responsible for the detection and initial dissemination o f MNKB is well known, the actual role played by AtiSa in the promotion o f this cult is initially sornewhat more nubilous, yet the material at our disposal now allows us to gain a fairer picture. The overall doctrinal concept in the religious literature o f the gTer-ston king par excellence in Tibet, Nyang-ral Nyi-ma 'od-zer (1 124- 1 192 A.D.)" is best epitomized by the triad- tradition. The pan-Mahiyina theory of the two truths (bden gnyis), Mabimfidra (WAM (F) 144b6145a1, 290a4-291bl) and rDzogs-pa chen-po (WAM (F) 144b2-3,291bl -292b6), the stages on the path (lam rim); the triad: ground, path and result (gzhi lam 'bras bu gswn); the fourfold scheme: view, meditation, action and fruit[ion] (Ira sgom spyod 'bras bzhi). In the exposition of MahikHrunika or MahSaruni as Reality itself (chos nyid don kyi thugs j c chcn po), cf. E (D) Ib3ff., the tenets are those of the yogic rNying-ma tradition. Cf. note 967. KCHKKHM-2 202.19 futhermore employs the expression thod [bJrgdba ('crossing o v a ' , for this untranslatable term, cf. most conveniently Ruegg, 1989, pp. 164-65; Ehrhard, 1990, pp. 66-70) as a qualifying epithet for a bodhisma. It is normally a specific technical term in yogic meditation, a term (although originally of Indian origin: Skt. vyutladnra etc. and known from different religious contexts) which was foremost cherished by the adherents of rDzogs-chen. Otherwise, we find in this gter-ma of AtiSa, traced some one hundred years before MNKB came into being, far fewer rDzogs-chen vestiges than in the MNKB compiled by g~er-ston-s'. The MNKB-section Gab-pa mngon-phyung (cf. note 961 h t a ) was e.g. written in a diction tinted by h e rNying-ma and rDzogs-chen tradition, ultimately pointing to the sectarian denomination of its gTer-ston-s. In fact the section is an original piece of rDzogs-chen literature. The underlying anchoring and inspiration of these cycles are thus clearly discernible. 17 For the biography of Nyang-ral, cf. most conveniently Dargyay, 1977, pp. 97- 119 translating the biographical excerpts from 'Jigs-bra1 Ye-shes rdo-rje's rNying-ma'i chos-'byung (cf. also Dorje & Kapstein, 1991, pp. 755-759), but see also the Nyang-ral biograpby in 'Jam-mgon Kong-sprul's gTer-brgya'i rnam-thar, vol. KA of Rin-chen gter-mdzod chen-rno and vol. KA of Nyang-gter bKa'-brgyad bDe-gshegs 'dus-pa'i chos-skor entitled sPrul-sku mNga'-bdag chen-po'i skyesrabs rnam-thar Dri-ma med-pa etc. His chronological data have long been disputed with vacillating dates between 1124-119211136-1204 A.D., cf. e.g. Meisezahl, 1985, Intro. Here we shall follow the rNying-ma tradition. Considered an emanational embodiment of king Khri-srong Ide-btsan (742-797 A.D.) and ranked as the first (out of five) noted gTer-ston kings in Tibet, he was born in gTam-shul of IHo-brag, Southern Tibet in a wood-dragon year (1 124 A.D). He there turned up in the prominent local clan-family of MyanglNyang which since long adhered to the rNying-ma-pa denomination, and a family which could boast of having fostered an unbroken line of total eighteen earlier grub-thob-s incl. also Myang Ting-nge-'&in (VIllth cent.), who together with the contemporary Vimalamitra have been ascribed the paternity of the rDzogschen tradition. His father was Myang-ston Chos kyi 'khor-lo (also called rDo-j e dBang-phyugs-rtsal) and his mother Jo-mo Ye-shes sgron (also Padma bDe-chen-rtsal). His early life is depicted as being replete with wonders: At the age of eight he had visions of s%kyamuni. Avalokitdvara and Guru Rin-poche. His father bestowed upon him the empowerment of Hayagriva. Padmasambhava manifested himself visionally to him and entrusted him with (i.e. gave him inspiration to wrnpose/wmpile?) a list of grer ma-s to reveal. Hence his many-sided activities as treasury-revealer: The most notable being the famous bKa'-brgyad bDe-gshegs 'dus-pa, a cycle of teachings focussing on the eight Heruka-sdhana-s and a biography of Padmasamhhava (i.e. KTHZGM) etc. He passed away at an age of sixty-nine ( = 1 192 A.D.). The now obsolete assumption advanced by Macdoanld, 1971, p. 203, n. 59, that Nyi-ma 'odzer and mNga'-hdag MyangINyang-ral should be two distinct individuals cannot under any circumstance be endorsed. Assessing the biographical data of his and the written material from his compound bla rdzogs thugs gsum, which alludes to blu mu sgrub pa, sddhunu-instruction aiming at the meditative identification or consubstantiation of the adept's person with the Guru, i.e. Padmasambhava. The element rdzogs indicates the teachings of the rDzogs-chen school and thugs i.e. thugs kyi sgrub pa alludes to the sddhana-s (i.e. sgmb rhabs) related to AvalokiteSvara (in form of Mah&irunika or Thugs-rje chen-po).I8 With this doctrinal backcloth it is small wonder to find, as explicated in MNKB E (dKar-chag) l la5-12b5, the tradition behind the cycle authorized and legitimizedsin the following Trikdya-based emanational or incarnational nexus listed prior to the transmissionline of the entire cycle: l9 Dharmak2ya: Amit2bha Sambhogaklya: AvalokiteSvara ~ i i m 2 n a k l ~king a : Srong-btsan sgam-polslob-dpon Padma 'byung-gnas The role assigned to dcdrya Padmasambhava in connection with the writings of Srongbtsan sgam-po is formally restricted to be the person showing the scrolls with the king's zhal gdams and sgrub thabs cycles,20 purportedly earlier hidden by king Srong-btsan sgam-po, to king Khri-srong lde-btsan, whereafter the writings were concealed again, to be found later by grub-[hob dNgos-grub, Nyang-ral and rJe-btsun Shlkya bzang-po, the original XIIthcentury triumvirate of gTer-ston-s behind the detection and protracted compilation of MNKB. To what extent this intermezzo with Padmasambhava and the king reflects,historical fadt, we have no way to tell. A sound guess would be that it is a historical reconstruction or idealization contrived by the gTer-ston-s in order to tinge the cycles successively found or compiled by them with historical and spiritual-royal legitimation. But it is nevertheless pen leaves us with no residual doubt on this point. Nyang-ral and Nyi-ma 'od-zer are one and the same person. Cf. also Kapstein, 1992, pp. 165-166. 18 Cf. Dargyay, 1977, pp. 67-70 and Ehrhard, 1990, pp. 3-4, 84-85. Cf. also MNKB E (dKar-chag) 9al-3. 19 Cf. also the Vth Dalai Lama, gSan-yig, 111, 150.6-151.3 (= 55b6-56al), for the abhiseko transmission line (dbang brgyud pa). Cf. also note 43 infra. In the proernical salutation to his Padma-Vita, KTHZCM 1.1-3, Nyang-ral provides the same emanational nexus: Amitabha, Avalokiteivara, Padrnasambhava, leaving out here naturally Srongbtsan sgam-po. This, more than anything, shows the direct religious and spiritual affiliation behind the cornposition/cornpilation of the two Vita-traditions. This is also confirmed by the lengthy exposition on Arya Avalokita's famous Six-syllabic formula, so intimately associated with king Srong-btsan sgarn-po, offered by Nyang-ral in his CHBYMTNYP and KTHZGM and in MNKB. The exposition is there delivered by Padmasarnbhava as a set of advices to the Tibetan king '@ere Mu-tig btsan-po) and his subjects, cf. Chap. IV, note 266ff. iny5-a. 20 0-rgyan gling-pa, KTHDNG (KHA) op. cir. Chap. XVIII, 161.13-162.8, adds that aside from these instruction- and sdhana-cycles (as shown above with a strong rDzogs-chen propensity) etc., the lha-sa'i lo-rgyus, i.e. 'the story (about the erection) of 1Ha-sa (i.e. Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang)' was also found by Padmasambhava (in Jo-khang). This can only refer to proto-KCHKKHM which is repeatedly (KCHKKHM-2 3.15-19,5.7,3 16.2-3) called /Ha-so bzhengs-pa'i lo-rgyus kyi yi-ge etc. These writings were then shown to king Khri-srong Ide-btsan and then again concealed in Jo-khang, later, as is known, to be found by AtiSa and the gTer-ston-s in the phyi-dar period. Cf. also HBCHBY (J A) 149a6-7. tempting to speculate that some scroll ([hung yig) or writings (yi describing the story about the erection of the first (at least major) religious building in Tibet, the Ra-sa 'Phrulsnang, was put to writing at the behest of king Khri-srong Ide-btsan, compiled in an act of commemorating his own mes and his founding enterprise for the promotion of Buddhism in Tibet. Speculating along this line, one could suggest that the composition or compilation of the history of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang, in other words the main bulk of the biography of king Srong-btsan sgam-po could be seen as a sort of pendant to the documented story anent the erection of bSam-yas (sBa-bzhed (abbr. BZH), Chin. ed. 82.16-17: bSam-yus bzhengs-pa'i gram-rgyud), in case of which it is tempting to conjecture that both respective stories of the erection went though the same hands. The Grand Histories of bSam-yas and Ha-sa In Tibetan Buddhist historiography we can observe a striking case of scriptural parallelism: Centered around the two most prominent royal figures in the dynastic period: king Srong-btsan sgam-po (569-649 A.D.) and Khri-srong Ide'u-btsan (742-797 A.D.), during whose reign the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang gtsug lag Wlang and the dPal bSam-yas gtsug lag Wurng were erected, two fundamental records grew forth: 21 As stated by BZH (Stein ed. 53.5-8, Chin. ed. 62.8-12) and Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP 422a2-6, during Khri-srong Ide-btsan's reign, many bka 'i thong yig, bka 'i gtsigs kyi yi ge and rgyal rubs (i .e. mi chos) texts were in circulation. Cf. also note 6 above for further details. The testimony of the king's famous bKal-mchid, also termed a lo drung (i.e. lo [rgyus dang] sgrung) gi yi ge) (cf. HBCHBY (JA) 110a3-4), the oldest documented religious Tibetan-written narrative (compiled ca. 779-780 A.D.) which has come down to us, suggests also that these traditions were alive in this period. 22 It is worthy of note to recall that sBa-bzhed in fact opens with a direct quote from a testamentary prophecy allegedly tendered by Srong-btsan sgam-po and foreseeing the advent, in the fifth generation from himself, of king Khri-lde gtsug-btsan, alias Mes-Ag-tshom(s), (704-754 A.D.) as a Buddhist champion and doyen. This opening is doubtlessly a simple act of legitimization. This piece of ex eventu prophecy has momver been conceived, at the earliest. during the time of the very same king or rather during his son, Khri-srong Ide-btsan (742-797 A.D.) during whose reign the sBa-bzhed was compiled. Cf. note 954 infra. The same king, in his famed bKa'-mchid, a narrative collateral to his bKal-gtsigs or edict (both dating from ca. 779-780 A.D.) and both conserved by dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 108bl-ll lb5, expresses not only this gratitude to the mes po Srong-btsan sgam-po, but corroborates also the prophecy of the span of five generations ktween these two previously mentioned kings and testifies thereby, in my eyes, to the antiquity and validity of the above textual segment in BZH. Parallel testaments and predictions (forecasting the advent of religious figures up to and incl. AtiSa) are moreover found in the Vita of Srong-btsan sgam-po (cf. the notes 954 and 1044 infra), an observation which naturally indicates that all these predictions are the fabrication of the phyidar period, added into the text in the wake of this master's sojourn in Central Tibet. 23 Cf. e.g. GLR itself, the notes 434-35, where Bla-ma dam-pa in a list of sources for Chap. VIII, mentions Ka-tshigs chen-mo and bKa'-cherns Ka-khol-ma as two distinct texts. But see also the notes 950 and 1379 in@ and Bla-ma darn-pa's own colophon. No doubt, during Bla-ma dam-pa's bSam-yas [b]Ka[']-gtsigs chen-mo. 24 They both purportedly constitute the written Testaments of the respective rulers, while at the same time they functioned as a sort of record or chronicle (bka' gtsigslka gtsigs = lo rgyu.s)25delineating the erection of the two royal key edifices of the dynastic period. In question of the Great Chronicle of bSam-yas or BZH in some early form ( = rGyal-bzhed?), its genuinity as a document hailing from the dynastic period should be outside the realm of doubt. As to the Great Chronicle of lHa-sa, while we cannot conclusively accord it the same age as the bSam-yas ditto, it is noteworthy that e.g. Nyang-ral, the first historian to employ the king's Vita extensively, coins king Srong-btsan sgam-po's Testament found in Jo-khang by AtiSa: bKa'-rtsis [= gtsigs] chen-mo, i.e. the 1Ha-sa ditto. As shown, this was arguably either a commonly used epithet or rather a secondary title for (the oldest?) of the numerous versions of KCHKKHM. Or all along a record or chronicle carrying this title and time these two works were thus in circulation as distinct works. Nyang-ral designates king Srongbtsan sgarn-po's Vita unearthed by Jo-bo-rje: bKa'-gtsi[g]s chen-mo and a brief passage cited by Nyang-ral indicates that this title refers to KCHKKHM, cf. note 38 infra, also corroborated by an entry in DTHMP 15b3-4, where a work titled IHa-sa'i Ka-tshigs Ka-khol-ma is cited. Given the meager data at our disposal, the upshot of our considerations in the sequel shall deplorably compel us to conclude that we cannot settle conclusively this most important question as to the origin of the Great Chronicle of lHa-sa and its affiliation or even identity with the king's Vita. 24 BZH (Chin. ed. 82.10-18); CHBYMTNYP 439b3-6, where Nyang-ral evidently cites a passage (or shares the passage in common) from the BZH-colophon also found in the Chin. ed. of BZH; Tucci, (TPS, I, p. 143 citing Rva Lo-tsi-ba's rNam-thar: mNgal-bdag Khri-srong kfe'u-btsan gyi zhalchem bSam-yas Ka-brtsigs chen-mo; cf. Ssrensen, 1986, pp. 264-65. As can be adduced from the notes 1202, 1240 and 1379 infra, this work was at additional points different from the BZHversions which have come down to us. It is perhaps an important observation to make that most (two? exceptions are Sa-skya Pandita, in Thub-pa'i dgongs Rab-tu gsal-ba and his sKyes-bu dampa la sprin-pa'i yi-ge, cf. ~ u e g g ,1989, p. 69) pre-XIVth century Tibetan historiographies, incl. the GLR, never use the title sBa-bzhed, but almost exclusively appellations such as bSam-yas Kagtsigs chen-mo or the like for what turns out to be BZH. See also the reflections on sBa-bzhed in the bibliographical section to the present work. It is also worth paying attention to the information proffered by 0-rgyan gling-pa, KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. 19, 227.18-21 (the colophon), how the noted lo tsLi ba IDan-ma rtse-mang, upon the request of Padmasambhava, king Mu-tig btsan-po (here = Sad-na-legs?) and consort, wrote down the rGyal-po 'i dkar-chug Thang-yig chen-mo (also called sNang-srid gtan- 'bebs thang-yig) possibly at the beginning of the IXth century and which supposedly served as Vorlage for 0-rgyan gling-pa's own homonymous grer-ma. The same text, op. cir., 215.7-10, chronicles the burial of this text and other sources such as the Slob-dpon rGyal-po 'i mom-thar chen-po (serving as model or source for 0-rgyan gling-pa's PMKTH?) and rGyal-po'i thugs-dam bSam-yas dkar-chug. It will be recalled that one of the (supplementary) titles of BZH is bSam-yus kyi dkar-chug chen-mo, cf. e.g. HBCHBY (JA) 89b6. Although 0-rgyan gling-pa's pentad is classified as a grer-ma text, it is brimming with material culled from very old sources. The relationship, however, of these deplorably lost works with the extant Padma-Vitas and BZH cannot be claritied. But the relationship between the figure Padmasambhava, bSam-yas and the king was, at least seen with later eyes, a close one, to the effect that 0-rgyan gling-pa even designated his PMKTH by the supplementary title Khri-srong lde-btsan bka'-chems, cf. id. 711.2-4. Cf. also note 500 i n t a . 25 Lit. 'edict', but doubtlessly it lost its original meaning or, at some early point, came to designate a common historical record = lo rgyus or bka' mchid, possibly while it contained edictal matters. delineating the erection of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang existed and at some early point, while largely covering the same ground as the Ka-khol-ma, it fused with the latter-mentioned to form a separate But this is sheer conjecture. Being on the safe side, the Vita itself came into existence at the beginning of the phyi-dur period, being compiled into a final form at least, during AtiSa's sojourn in 1Ha-sa and near-by sNye-thang sometime in the period between 1047 and 1052 A.D., when the anonymous compiler(s), being motivated by Jo-bo-j e , may have had access to local texts or records kept in the Jo-khang in order to produce this document. Or perhaps - a fascinating albeit hardly tenable conjecture - the Grea Chronicle of lHa-sa has, similar to the Grecu Chronicle of bSm-ym, its root in the late dynastic period as hinted at above. But, as said, with the meager material at our disposal our deliberations yield for the moment more moot questions than clarifying answers are found. But as it shall be seen from the discussion of KCHKKHM below, further conspicuous parallels between the two grand biographical Testaments can be wrung from the material at our disposal: They both were conceived or executed in three sizes (che (or: rgyas) 'bring bsdus) and, moreover, in three versions. They were both, it appears, centered around an Indian master and his sojourn in the respective sanctuaries: Bodhisattva ~Zmtaraksital~adrnasambhava and bSam-yas and Jo-bo-rje AtiSa and the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang temple. Bbth temples were patterned respective upon a Nepalese and an Indian model and the role played by these masters, which in case of bSam-yas consisted in performing the geomantic probe and the terrestrial rituals (sa dpyod, sa cho ga rndzad) prior to its erection and the subsequent consecration and abbatial responsibility after its erection and in case of Ra-sa consisted, for all we know, in the instigation to record the story of its erection (bzkngs pa'i lo rgyus), therefore seems to be that of adding glory and legitimation to the sanctuaries. The importance of these two parallel records throughout later Tibetan (Buddhist) historiographical tradition cannot in any way be overrated. It is tremendous. They are constantly and copiously quoted, a fact documented in the present study alone. If we restrict ourselves to the sections that deal with the period in the dynastic history covering these two rulers as found in almost any extant historical treatise of any note p r o d u d in Tibet such as Nyang-ral's monumental Chos-'byung chen-mo (abbr. CHBYMTNYP), the two LDe'u Chos-'byung-s (abbr. resp. GBCHBY and DCHBY), Bla-ma dam-pa's rCyal-rabs gsal-ba'i me-long (abbr. GLR), dPa'-bo gTsug-lag's IHo-brag chos-'byung (abbr. HBCHBY), the Vth Dalai Lama's Bod kyi rgyal-rabs deb-ther rdzogs-ldan gzbon-nu-ma (abbr. DTHZHG), etc. we shall find the textual correspondence and dependency striking. True, major works such as the one by Nyang-ral and the works by the 1De'u-s are basically chos 'byung-s which have a fairly well-defined t o p s focussing on the dissemination of Buddhism in India and Tibet and, in addition, by doing so present us with new dynastic material of greatest rarity and historicity drawn from hitherto unknown sources. It is nevertheless a fact 26 As may be deduced from note 435 infro, the (or one version of) IHa-sa [b]Ka[']-tshigs chen-mo, contrary to KCHKKHM, contained chronological calculations and historical comparative material. Attempts at dating the span of time elapsing between individual royal figures (originally collateral, no doubt, to the attempt at calculating the duration of the Doctrine (bstan rtsis)) are a unique trait of the phyidar period. This suggests that the IHa-sa Ib]Ka[']-gtsigs chen-mo is the product of the early phyi-dor period, say the Xlth century. That numerous versions or copies of the Ka-khol-ma moreover were in circulation is attested e.g. by dPal-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 6a7, where we are informed that the original Mss (phyi mo),at some point disappeared and that new copies of the (original?) had to be r ~ o p i e d ,probably in the late XIIIth or XIVth century, when the text in its transmission-line came in the custody of the Jo-khang caretakers (&on gnyer ba). Cf. note 55 40. that while rendering rhe general dynastic history, we find a clear thematic and textually sequential correspondence between Nyang-ral's and the two 1De'u-s historical opera and e.g. Bla-ma dam-pa's GLR and dPa'-bo's history. Restricting ourselves to the historical sections (and leaving out again historical passages such as those found in the chos 'byung of the two 1De'u-s, foremost in GBCHBY and to some extent rendered by dPal-bo also, and drawn from hitherto unknown or non-extant sources), they all basically draw from these two common sources, albeit they rely upon or quote these sources with diverging intensity. We of course also find exceptions to the above trend, to mention a few: Nel-pa's Me-tog phreng-ba (abbr. NGTMTPH), Yar-lung Jo-bo chos-'byung (abbr. YLJBCHBY, to a large extent a calque on DTHMP and GLR in the dynastic section) and dPal-'byor bzangpo's rGya-Bod yig-tshang (abbr. GBYTSH). But either their scope and emphasis or even topical speciality are different altogether, being either predominantly sectarian, doctrinal, cultural historical or purely genealogical oriented. Even then, in the pertinent textual and thematic passages and sections of these works the influence is tangible and obvious. A mere perusal of Tibetan historiographical writings shall even induce us to risk passing the verdict that neither originality nor scriptural or literary novelty highlight this genre of Tibetan literature. The cases of plagiarism with page-long quotations, most often uncritically and haphazardly rephrased, are well-nigh legion. Nor is a critical attitude a dominant feature among Tibetan monk-historians, though we, again, can enjoy a few refreshing exceptions to the rule, such as, in part, Nel-pa, dPa'-bo gTsug-lag, bSod-nams grags- a, Kah-thog Rig'dzin Tshe-dbang nor-bu and, approaching our time, Sum-pa mkhan-po. Returning again to the narrative Vita tradition of king Srong-btsan sgam-po and recognizing the paramount import of these traditions and teachings focussing on Avalokiteivara and on Padmasambhava for these gter-ma masters, it is small wonder thus to find not only Nyang-ral but also his teacher d ~ ~ o s - ~ r and ub~ later * Gu-ru Chos [kyi] ~ ~ to have rendered great service to Jo-khang, dbang[-phyug] (1 2 12-1270173 A. D . ) recorded the central temple in Lhasa raised by Srong-btsan sgam-po and by then housing the two 8 . 27 Within Buddhist religious historiography the unique concern for chronology was almost singularly and most impressively pursued by gZhon-nu-dpal. This approach was followed, taking his pursuit as a model, by numerous Tibetan sect-historians. Any careful reader of Deb-ther sngon-po (abbr. DTHNGP)will fully appreciate the invaluable efforts demonstrated by this monk-historian in his attempt to set the rich and complex sectarian and biographical history of Tibet annalistically right. Without his work (with due homage to G.N. Roerich and dGe-'dun chos-'phel for their almost flawless rendition), much of our knowledge of early and medieval Tibetan religious history would still be shrouded or floundering in darkness. 28 Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP (Meisezahl, Tafel 363.2.6) mentions that he employed the greryig found in Jo-khang by grub-thob dNgos-grub. This most probably refers to the cyclic sections which later found its way into F K B . The same writings were e.g. transmitted to Shes-rab 'od in 1184-85 A.D., cf. note 39 infra. Cf. also Aris, 1979, pp. 8-10; Blondeau, 1984, pp. 77-79. 29 Guru Chos-dbang is e.g. famous for having executed an important biography of Padmasambhava titled rNam-thar mdzad-pa bcu-gcig-pa. Unfortunately, this important chain in the history and dissemination of the biographical tradition of Padmasambhava has not come down to us. This makes it far from easy to attempt to sketch out the history of the mutual relationship between the numerous Padma-Vitas. Some good, preliminary attempts to gain an overview of the literature have already b e n conducted by Blondeau. famed Jo-bo statues, both directly associated with the king and his two consorts.30 Recent research has hinted at a possible hybrid Buddhist-Bon ambience behind the enterprise of some of the gTer-ston-s. It should be recalled that the texts went through many hands, but in the versions which have reached us, the elements of Bon influence seem being more, it transpires, accidental than consciously introduced. This would seem to disprove the testimonies of some later Bon-historians, who maintain that the Buddhist grub-thob dNgos-grub, a key figure behind the discovery (or: compilation) of MNKB, could be identified with a Bon sage named bZhod-ston grub-thob d ~ ~ o s - ~ r u b . ~ ~ It nevertheless remains a high-priority desiderutum and a rewarding task indeed for future research to attempt to trace and to sketch out not only the internal literary history, transmission-lineage(s) but also the general dissemination of MNKB from its beginning in the XIIth century until modem times. It is beyond the scope of the present study to conduct such a literary historical investigation, although the present book may constitute a good step in this direction. To conduct such an analysis, it shall require not only direct access to all available redactions of this bulky and heterogenous gter-ma cycle, but also a thorough study of the many scholarly comments glossing its transmission. Its journey through a number of redactions has decidedly altered its form, mainly by way of omissions and contractions. So had Lo-rgyus chen-mo, a key source for the AvalokiteSvara cult in the Smra-section of this gter-ma, originally forty-four, then forty-one and in more recent redactions of MNKB 30 Cf. TSLKHKCH 14a5, 18a3. F K B E dKar-chag 1lb4-5 adds how de-btsun Shikya bzang-po, who is recorded to be responsible for the detection of the Gab-pa mngon-phyung-cycle ( = WAM (G), cf. note 961 infia) and the important S0h.a-cycle (= E (A + C)), merited himself by restoring the embarkments and by securing that Jo-khang underwent restoration work (ra so 'i chu rags dang zhig gsos); cf. also Aris, 1979, p. 9. For the importance of constructing embarkments in order to protect the Jo-khang, cf. the notes 952 and 1023 infia. This tradition of installing bamcades and restoring the site of Jo-bang, a tradition which was initiated already in the later part of the dynastic period, continued throughout the first centuries of the phyidar period as recorded in numerous sources. For it importance, it can be noted that AtiSa too is recorded to have secured the erection of a water-barricade in one place against the gTsang-po river, cf. DTHNGP (1, 3 14.1 1- 12, Roerich, p. 256). 31 The mention of Bon and Bon-elements are found meagerly scattered in M?IKB, and there mostly reduced to themes also found in KCHKKHM, suggesting that the relevant biographical part (i.e. E (Ca) and (Cd)), contrary to other sections such as E (D) and WAM (F) (G) which are strongly laced with rDzogs-chen diction, relied heavily upon this text-tradition. In KCHKKHM, representing as such the biographical narrative of the king par ercellence and as a gter-ma of Atifa originating in a different religious milieu than the one surrounding the gTer-ston-s, the Bon presence is equally paltry, but, stray mention of the term g.yung drung Bon and bon in combination with the pregnant key concepts sgrung, Ide'u and bon (cf. note 874 infro for details) are met with along with a lengthy Bon origin-myth given in connection with the description of the progenitor gNya'-khri btsan-po, cf. e.g. KCKKKHM-2 6.3-7.3,78.14-82.16,254.8-256.8 and Appendix, note 357 in@. To what extent possible earlier (pro-)Bon elements have been censured away or rewritten by the successive (pro-)Buddhist redactors of these Vita-s, at least in the light of those which have come down to us, remains ultimately to be settled. 32 Cf. Blondeau, 1984. Is this identification in later Bon-writings due either to a syncretistic or eclectic attempt, foremost introduced by the Buddhist Kong-sprul, himself with a Bon-background as suggested by Blondeau, or is it originally due to a simple confusion of names, while both were active in approximately the same period, being occasionally active in the same region and finally both operative in the rDzogs-chen tradition albeit with different denominations? only thirty-six chapters.33 The bKa'-chems Ka-khol-ma is maintained once to be (or was intended to have been?) part of M N K B , ~ but~ all along it was simultaneously (? or perhaps exclusively) handed down separaiely in order, it appears, to avoid cases of literary or thematic tautology. Its transmission line is different and should be treated as an AtiSa gterma, being fairly older than MNKB. While Lo-rgyus chen-mo and the Kiirandavyiiha-siitra, the latter until approximately ihree hundred years ago part of all ~ ~ ~ ~ - r & a c tand i oboth ns part of the Siitra or 'Canonical' part of MNKB, thus are dedicated to the AvalokiteSvara-cult and contain all the myths and devotional n&ratives expounding the legends, feats and exploits of this pivotal ~ o d h i s a t t v a the , ~ ~text-tradition of immediate concern to us here is another part of the Sura-section, i.e. the Vita-cycle of king Srong-btsan sgam-po which constitutes another part of MNKB. The Mythographical-Biographical Tradition of King Srong-btsan sgam-po The chapters 2, 4-7, 9-17 of rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i me-long ( G L R ) , ~in~other words the lion share of our text, are devoted to a lengthy biographical narrative of king Srong-btsan sgampo (569-649 A.D.). In this sense, GLR is a Srong-btsan sgam-po Vita itself or rather represents a continuation of this biographical literature. Under this king the Tibetan royal Dynasty rose to pre-eminence as a mighty power in Central Asia and this king is by the posterity of Tibetan historians not only unanimously reckoned as the decisive unifier of the Tibetan state, but he is also ascribed the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet, a role which, to be true, was to be singularly promoted and furthered by the present cycles, albeit there set in a predominantly mythological and literary ambience. 33 Cf. MNKB E dKar-chag 6al-3; YLJBCHBY 53.17-54.12; Vth Dalai Lama's gSan-yig 111, 66b5-6 ( = 132.5-6). Macdonald, 1967, p. 481; 1968169, p. 528; Aris, 1979, p. 10; Blondeau, 1984, pp. 78-107; Kapstein, 1992. Prior to 1376 A.D., the year Yar-lung Jo-bo compiled his chronicle, the Lo-rgyus chen-mo had at least forty-four chapters (not twenty-four as maintained by Macdonald, 1967, p. 481), a number which was systematically reduced in the ensuing centuries, possibly for reasons of avoiding voluminosity and thematic tautology, parts of the content already being found in KCHKKHM. It is to be lamented that the larger text-witness of Lo-rgyus chen-mo has not (yet) come down to us. Although we shall generally assume a date for this text around the beginning of the phyi-dar period, a tentative tenninus a quo for the Lo-rgyus chen-mo may be had, while the text in a mythological narrative mentions the Indian P5la Dynasty and king Dharmapila (ca. 770-810 A.D.). Cf. note 122 infia. The same piece of narrative is also shared by the KCHKKHM versions, and assuming that it is not a later interpolation inserted into the Vita-tradition in general in the phyidar period, it give us a lower limit for the compilation or composition of (at least parts of) the Vitas. Large sections or chapters of Lo-rgyus chen-mo are similarly found in the KCHKKHM. 34 MNKB E dKar-chag 6a2 (interlinear gloss). What is meant by this gloss, is that KCHKKHM ought to have been included into the do-section of MNKB from the point of content. 35 Cf. formost, Appendix, notes 84, 92, 121 and 329 for text-segments from these traditions. 36 Not only these chapters in GLR pertain directly to the Srong-btsan sgam-po Vita, but also parts of Chaps. 1 and 8 contain narrative segments and passage sharing elements with the Vita-tradition of the king. This text-tradition and its literary outgrowth were and still are of immense popularity not only among the Tibetan people due to the pervasive AvalokiteSvara-cult, a popularity it cherishes within almost all religious denominations too, but it has also exerted its influence in the neighbouring Tibetan-speaking areas living under strong Tibetan cultural and religious domination. This Vita tradition consequently remains our point of focus when an attempt is made to evaluate the position and the tradition in which GLR itself stands. Thepoinr-d'a ui and the central grer-ma dedicatd to the Vita of this king is bKa9-chemsK a - k h o C m a , c h e formal discovery of which is attributed to Jo-bo- j e AtiSa, alias DipamkaraSrijfiiina, around 1048-50 A.D. from beneath the pillar with a bottle-shaped capital (ka b a bum b a can) in the Northern Chapel of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang in accordance with a j A d d a k i n f s lung bsran o r revelatory prophecy. 37 Rather than seeing in the etymology of Ka-khol-ma a meaning in the sense a 'boiling (Wlol ma) pillar (ka ba)' or the 'pillar with [an outlet for smoke (lit. window ( h l ma = skar Wlung) in] the roof or even a sensible distortion of +bKal bskul ma, the '(lung's) behest' (i.e. Testament), we should rather see in the contracted form Ka-khol-ma, in full ko ba khol mu, an allusion to a certain architectural feature akin to the term gdung [m]khol, cf. e.g. MNKB E (dKar-chag) 1la5 and HBCHBY (JA) 149a6, where khol ma designates a corner or the sibe (zur, logs) at the base of a pillar. As in almost all other fields, the Bon tradition can similarly boast of a Ka-khol-ma grer-ma, in full bSam-yas Ka-khol-ma, allegedly found in bSam-yas by one Yon-sgom thar-rno in 962 A.D. (which arguably may be altered to 102211082 A.D.?, in the light of the tendency of prochronism found in some Bon chronological works, cf. Kvaerne 1990). Its content, however, is mainly sdhana-s, cf. Karmay, 1972, pp. 122-123, 215-216. The crucial question is, if we here shall allow for a case of direct influence, which tradition took over from the other? Incidences of plagiarism and parallelism between the Buddhist and the post-dynastic Bon tradition are legion indeed, mainly with the Buddhist one being the donor. 38 Cf. GLR itself, the notes 960, 1057 infro. For an almost similar-worded account (lo r g y u ) , albeit of different length, of the text's Entsrehungsgeschichre (byung bungs) and its transmission-line: KCHKKHM-1 615.2-619.4; KCHKKHM-2 1.1 1-5.10, 265.5-10, 315.1-321.19; KCHKKHM-3 366.3-367.5. Cf. also CHBYMTNYP Tafel 363.2.2-5: hKa'-rtsi[g]s chen-mo; YLJBCHBY 53.8- 10; HBCHBY (JA) 154b6; gZhon-nu-dpal, DTHNGP (1, 3 16.9-15, Roerich, p. 258); Kun-dga' rgyalmtshan, bKa'-gdams chos-'byung gSal-ba'i sgron-me, 54b6-55b2; TSLKHKCH 4a1, 13a2, 14b56; bTsong-kha-pa's rNam-thar IV. 10a5 (ed. and tr. Kaschewsky); PSJZ 138.4, 138.22; gSangsngags rnying-ma'i chos-'byung legs-bshad by Gu-ru bKra-shis @p. 490-93 of the mod. Chin. ed., 1990); further Savitskij, 1967; Chattopadhyaya, 1967, App. A, sect. 2; Eimer, rNarn-thar rgyas-pa, sect. 328, 337 (pp. 261ff.); Eimer, 1983 (mainly translating the relevant testimony in KCHKKHM-1 above); Vostrikov, 1970, pp. 28-32. As foremost recorded in the king's Testament, it was on directions given to AtiSa by an old woman that the Indian master was able to find the texts two-and-a-half fathoms down below the ko ba bum pa can pillar. This sybilline lady is by contemporary literature depicted to assume protean garbs and identities while she was variously called Mu-'gram Se'o [sic], but also the mad femalebeggar or 'Mad Woman of IHa-sa' ([Ha sa'i s q o n ma) (who, gZhon-nu-dpal informs us. DTHNGP (11, 1 143.12-14, Roerich, pp. 984-985) was a gCod-practitioner and an elder contemporary of the Xlth century Ma-gcig Lab-sgron-ma (1055-?I 149 A.D.), famed inter olio for settling religious disputes in her time). In reality, as the Vita tells us, she turned out not only to lx AtiSa's yogini and a disguised jilcinudcikini, hut also a reincarnation of the king's Chinese queen Kong-jo. At the place in question inside Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang1Jo-khang, AtiSa allegedly extracted as the The Ka-khol-ma version is the oldest among the biographical narratives attributed to the king. Albeit the versions of this work that have reached us at first glance leave a compositionally heterogeneous impression behind, being made up of a variety of biographical, cosmographical, devotional and mythological narrative fragments which individually may claim separate provenience, the work altogether nevertheless appears homogenous. Turning to the Ma-ni bka'-'bum, the picture is, as already noted by Aris, op. i t . , 1979, p. 10, a muddle, a skte of affair obviously accounted for by the fact that the cycle is a conglomerate that has been through too many redactional hands. The major part of the Sotra-section of MNKB E (C) denoted Chos-skyong-ba 'i rgyal-po Srong-btsan sgampo'i mdzad-pa rnam-tha;, also coined mDzad-pa lo-rgyus kyi skor, the 'Cycle of the Biographical Narrative' (of the King) and a collateral cycle titled gSung-chos man-ngag gi skor, contain in their sub-sections two briefer biographical narratives, respectively: (Ca) Sangs-rgyas sdkyu thub-pa 'i bstan-pa lu mdzad-pa 'i lo-rgyus (16 skabs) and (Cd) rGyal-po 'i mdzad-pa nyi-shu rtsa gcig-pa (2 1 le 'u). These versions, though of varying length, comprise over a number of chapters an almost similar-worded narrative of the king's life. Both are in fact cognate redactions displaying a wording which is fairly close, albeit in no way so detailed, to the one conserved in KCHKKHM, although a scrutiny would unravel minor and possibly decisive discrepancies that more precisely shall account for the extent of textual affiliation between the individual versions. It would be a laudable task to undertake a thorough investigation of these cognate biographies, a task which to some extent has been explored in the annotations to the present study, but it is outside the scope of the present book to provide a minute collation of the textual evidences of these bulky biographies. It would, as already pointed out, require the inclusion of all relevant textual testimonies characterizing the various redactions of MNKB. This must consequently be reserved a serious philological analysis of the internal histdry of MNKB and KCHKKHM. A brief impression of the extenJ of congruity may nevertheless be 'acquired through the numerous references to corresponding and parallel passages listed in the notes attached to the present study. But the picture is more complex, all the while we have reason to assume that a number of textual links in the stemma is lacking or while, as first, a text-scroll (shog [djrio known as the [bKal-chems] Zla-ba'i 'dod-'jo composed by the king's ministers. He thereafter extracted the [bKa'-chems] Dar-dkar gsal-ba'i me-long written by the king's queens and finally he recovered the king's bKa'-chems Ka-khol-ma. They are all thus to be designated gter ma-s. The first two writings are deplorably no more extant, but probaby still existed in the XII-XIIlth cent. (they were at least, it appears, used by or known to Nyang-ral), whereafter they somehow disappeared, their content being superseded(?) or generally represented by the main Testament of the king: KCHKKHM. At least, they appear to be unknown to Bla-ma dam-pa, who, like dPa'-bo, definitely would have employed them when or if he and subsequent historians would have had access to them. The content of parts of these texts were incorporated or perhaps already found delineated in the larger version of KCHKKHM and through this also in CHBYMTNYP as indicated in Appendix, note 770. The final section of KCHKKHM-2 3 15.7-14 describes briefly the topic of these two now-lost testaments of the ministers and queens, maintaining that the Zla-ba'i 'dod-'jo and Dar-dkar gsal-ba inter alia gave details about how the (king's) queens competed with one another (on dowry and seniority) and how service was rendered by all the ministers and the king's dbon p o rnams (i.e. the king's successors in the royal line?) in the presence of the king and how they erected tombs etc. is the case with any kind of Tibetan scriptural material, a fair degree of carelessness in (re)copying and interpolation hastaken place. No doubt, the gTer-ston-s r e s p ~ n s i b l efor ~ ~the purely biographical part of MNKB must have taken recourse to the original KCHKKHM (= Ma-sa [b]Ka[']-tshigs chen-mo?) discovered or compiled during AtiSa's time for the compilation of these sections of their gter-ma rather than we shall assume that they both draw from a common proto-version. Where the final compilation of MNKB arguably took form around 1 170-1200 A.D., the KCHKKHM came into being some one hundred y w s wlier, say approximately 1055-1060 A.D. For instance, Nyang-ral shows, as already noted, in the appendix to his magnum opus, while briefly describing the king's Testament, which he, as discussed above, designated bKa'-rtsi[g]s chen-mo, that the work in reality is nothing but the K C H K K H M . ~ 39 Either grub-thob dNgos-grub or ShLkya 'odlbzang-po, the glosses commenting the transmission and dissemination of MNKB differ, cf. MNKB E dKar-chag, 6al-12al; Ratna gling-pa, gTer-'hyung chen-mo, KA, 54.5-56.5 ( = 27b5-28b5); 'Gos gZhon-nu-dpal DTHNCP (I1 1073.1-1 175.5, Roerich, 11, pp. 1006-08); dPa'-bo's HBCHBY (JA) 149a4-bl; The Vth Dalai Lama, gSan-yig, 111, 130.5-151.3 ( = 65b5-76a3); cf. Aris, 1979, pp. 8-12. but also Blondeau, 1984 and Kapstein, 1992 passim. The earliest testimonies or references to (parts ot) the MNKB being transmitted are e.g. chronicled in DTHNGP (11, 1095.12- 13, Roerich, pp. 941-42), where Shes-rab 'od (1 166-1244 A.D.) in 1184-85 A.D. received the three cycles of Avalokitdvara from dNgos-grub. Cf. also note 28 above. An almost comtemporary witness is provided by Pho-jo 'Brug-sgom Zhig-po (1 184-1251 A.D.), in whose youth (around 1190-95 A.D.?), according to Aris, 1979, op. cit., p. 11, the existence of MNKB can be adduced. Another part of MNKB, the section G a b p a mngon-phyung (cf. note 961) was, as recorded by dPa9-boand g~hon-n"-dpal(cf. HBCHBY (JA) 148b6-149al; DTHNCP (I, 165.17-166.12, 170.13-180.1, 180.13-188.10, Roerich, pp. 129-30, 133-141, 142148)), transmitted from the noted rDzogs-chen saint Zhig-po bDud-rtsi (1 149-1199 A.D.), a famous pupil of Nyang-ral Nyi-ma 'od-zer and a colleague of IHa-rje dGe-ba-'bum, himself a prominent MNKB text-transmitter, and a key figure in the dissemination of rDzogs-chen precepts in Tibet. W; can observe that the latter text along with collateral precepts, an exposition on its meditative procedure (man ngag sgom sdebs su bshodpa) were conferred upon one rTa-ston Jo-yes (1 163-1230 A.D.) by Zhig-po bDud-rtsi, between the years 1190-1199 A.D. Zhig-po bDud-rtsi, on his side, had listened to and received teachings from this text, along with other rDmgs-chen precepts, from dBus-pa sTon-shik, alias Dam-pa Se-Brag-pa (? - 1164-65 A.D.), when he was sixteen years of age in 1164-65 A.D. This may also add weight to our attempted identification of dBus-pa sTon-shPk with the MNKB gTer-ston de-btsun I= dBu-ruldBus sTon-pa?] ShLkya bzang-po, who is recorded to be the discoverer of this cycle in Jo-khang. Shikya bzang-po and Shiikya 'od must therefore be distinct personages. Cf. also Prats, 1984, pp. 199-200. Incidences where, on one side, local lords who were descendants and scions of the ancient Yarklung kings and thus ultimately boasting descent from king Srong-btsan sgam-po and, on the other side, spiritual text-holders transmitting the Vita-tradition of this king are reported to have met could possibly be cited at greater length. Suff~ceit to refer to one such incidence, where the abovementioned Shes-rab 'od, to whom parts of the MNKB were transmitted, in 1195-96 A.D. is reported to have attended teachings proffered by two text-holders of KCHKKHM. the Dharmasvamin 'Bri-gung-pa (1 143-1217 A.D.) and rGya-ma Rin-chen sgang-pa, alias dBon-ston (1 138-1210 A.D.) at the Yar-klung court of Jo-bo rNal-'byor, a scion of the old dynasty. Cf. note 1796 inpa. We need not confess any difficulty in envisaging how in such an environment with spiritual and ancestral interests coinciding, the cult and legacy of Srong-btsan sgam-po would find genial soil for its promotion. 40 CHBYMTNYP Tafel 363.2.2-5: de yang rgyal po b h ' chem kyi yi ge 'di ymg I mrhong ba dung I rhos pa dung I rnyed pa dka ' bas sfe I ji[ qtar dka ' no I sngon bsod nam~bsags pa 'i gang [zalg T h e extant versions o f bKa'-cherns Ka-khol-ma at our disposal are all later copied apographs (dpe chung bshus p a ) , differently sized, of the original text-scrolls @hyi mo shog dril) extracted by A t i h in Jo-khang. In the largest (rgyus shos) version of the three copies made from the original,41 the general transmission-line o f the king's Testament(s) is delineated t o comprise ten religious figures:42 From A t i h (982-1054 A.D.) the (set of three?) Vita-copy(ies) waslwere transmitted to Bang-ston, then t o sTod-lungs-pa, t o spyan-snga-pa, to sNe'u-zur-pa, t o 'Bri-gung-pa, then t o rGya-ma-pa, t o Rva-sgreng-pa, to dKon-bzang, from whom it was given to rDo-rje tshulkhrims, w h o finally handed it over to the final (anonymous) text-holder. Many o f these figures, as seen below, are predominantly illustrous and prominent bKa'-gdams-pa masters of their time, a fact which not only points to the general import accorded the Vita-tradition, but also signals the religious milieu that furthered and transmitted it. Attempting to identify the individual text-holders, we can observe that from A t i h , who, it is stipulated,43 was regarded as the very epitome of Arya AvalokjteSvara M a h W u n i k a m[a ]yin[ pals mi rhos O dad pa yang mi[ s]kye I skal pa dman pas mi go. The almost similar passage in KCHKKHM-2 320.1-5: bka' chems kyi yi ge 'di yang mfhong bar dka ' I rhos par dka ' ba I rnyed par dku ' ba yin re I de ji ltar dka ' zhe nu I ye shes mkha ' 'gro mas lung bstan las O gzhan gyis rnyed pa dung bsran par nus p a r dka' bas so; cf. also KCHKKHM-1 619.2-3; KCHKKHM-3 364.6-365.1. 41 Without access to additional versions and to further information beyond the data given in the colophons, it is hardly possible to declare satisfactorily the actual procedure behind the transmission of the text. KCHKKHM-2, op. cit. 319.14-320.6, 321.10-19, informs us that three sizes (rgym 'bring bsdus) of the matrix, the original Ms-scrolls @hyi mo shog dril gsum po) of the testament(s) were properly executed. This possibly refers to the three testaments found by AtiSa, cf. note 38 supra. Another line of transmission, retained in all three extant versions, contains three names, cf. note 53 infra. It is stated how four or even fivephyi mo-s were collected, then revised linguistically, and how dge-bshes rNal-'byor copied the text and handed it over to the two next text-holders. Cf. also note 960 infra. 42 Cf. the colophon to KCHKKHM-I 618.5-619.3; KCHKKHM-2 320.6-11, 321.9-19; cf. also KCHKKHM-3 367.4-5. 43 KCHKKHM-2 2.3-5, 315.14-316.1. This is doubtlessly a posthumous ascription produced in order to cement the spiritual anchoring and the emanational nexus alluded to ad note 19 above. On the importance of AvalokiteSvara for AtiSa and on gdams ngag, sdhana-s and related teachings on his cult within the bKa'-gdams-pa school transmitted to AtiSa from his contemporary Ftihulaguptavajra and then again from AtiSa to Nag-tsho and Lag-sor-pa etc., cf. Kun-dga' rgyalmtshan, bKa'-gdams chos-'byung gsal-ba'i sgron-me, 338b1-340bl. Cf. also AtiSa's biographical tradition, Eimer, rNam-thar rgyas-pa, sect. 376-377 (pp. 276-277). Kapstein, 1992, op. cir. p. 85ff., has recently supplied us with some material, much of which go back to the earliest post-dynastic period and which shed some light on the genesis as to how Tibet became this bodhisattva's buddhaksetra and how his Six-syllabic mantra was destined to become the country's lha sku1 etc., the scriptural authority of which was siitra-s like KLandavyiiha. As already noted by Kapstein, it is most revealing indeed to observe the missionary and appealing diction (retained aplenty in MNKB also) with which these literary pieces was couched in order to bolster this tradition. This proselytizing and devotional-apologetic tone found its way into Y K B (but reminiscences can also be traced in KCHKKHM), where these views were fully endorsed. The role of AtiSa in this formative phase, being the first great tigure in promoting the practice in Tibet of meditational techniques focussing on AvalokiteSvara, should therefore not be underestimated. Kapstein draws in this respect our attention to three major systems of khrid on the and an incarnation of king Srong-btsan sgam-po, the text-tradition then went to his disciple Bang-ston Shes-rab in- hen,^^ and from him in succession to kalyffFitra (dge bsher) sTod-lungs-pa [chen-pol, alias Rin-chen nnying-po (1032- 11 16 A.D.),~' sP an-snga[-pa], alias Tshul-khrims-'bar (birth L name sTag-tshabttshag-'bar) (1038-1 103 A.D.), k a l y d m i t r a sNe9u-zur-pa, alias Rin-po-che Ye-shes-'bar (1042-1118119 A. D . ) , ~ ~ '~ri-gun~-~ alias a , Chos- j e 'Jig-rten mgon-po (1 143- 1217 A. D . ) , ~ ~ 44 45 46 47 48 AvalokiteSvara-sahana-s originating from this Bengali master: bKa' g d a m h bzhi'i spyan rm gzigs, sKyer sgang (i.e. sKyer-gang-pa Dharma seng-ge) lugs kyi spyan rm gzigs and dPal mo (or Laksmi) lugs kyi spyan rar gzigs. In fact, in the Nth-NIth century the picture of the teachings pertaining to the Avalokitdvara cycle had already become fairly complex. Ba-ri Lo-tsi-ba (b. 1040 A.D.), for instance, is also recorded to have been a central figure in the dissemination of related teachings as delineated in the Blue AnnaLF (Roerich, pp. 1020-21) and the latter (identical? here called Ba-ri dBang-ba dPal-gyi yon-tan!) is also mentioned in an interlinear gloss in KCHKKHM-2 278.7, where he is prophesied once to have been an embodiment of a sngags pa extolled in retrospect for the assassination of the demonic anti-Buddhist king and ministers who caused the abolition of Buddhism around 841 A.D. The same work, op. cir. 286.19-287.1, in another interlinear gloss, mentions Bla-ma Zhang and Dvags-po sGom-tshul, the latter was a disciple of IHarje sGam-po-pa (1079-1153 A.D.). Noteworthy finally is, as also pointed out by Kapstein, the popularity and special approbation accorded F K B and the Avalokiteivara and Srong-btsan sgam-po cult in the bKa'-gdams-pa and later dGe-lugs-pa circles. Where in the first post-dynastic centuries AvalokiteSvara, by now already a symbol for Tibet as a national protector and palladium, was extolled as the central figure in the Tibetan Buddhist pantheon and lo-khang constantly held in undivided esteem by all denominations as a religious heritage of national import, the dGe-lugs-pa-s, and in particular the Vth Dalai Lama, seem to have stressed the religious aspects. While the latter is recorded to have studied these teachings with enthusiasm and approval, with all its concomitant religious or mythical implications, it certainly also camed political and historical significance, crucial for the notion and legitimation of divine kingship in Tibet, inasmuch as the Dalai-Lama institutionalization in form of his own person's emanational nexus or rapport with this divinity was to become decisively cemented precisely during his reign. Or Bang-ston Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan. A prominent pupil and benefactor of AtiSa, who e.g. invited him to sNye-thang, cf. Eimer, rNam-thar rgyas-pa, S.V. index; DTHNGP (1, 3 15.16- 18, Roerich, p. 256); bKa'-gdams chos-'byung, 79a3-b6. He established the temple of 'Or (the district in which sNye-thang is located) after AtiSa's death. No chronology of him has survived. Cf. YLJBCHBY 119.7-10; DTHNGP (1, 348.16-349.5, Roerich, p. 286); HBCHBY (Chin. ed. I, 718.19-20); see also among numerous bKa'-gdams-pa histories, Kun-dga' rgyal-mtshan, bKa'gdams chos-'byung, 166b2, 168b3-170b3; Eimer, ib., s.v. index. Cf. DTHMP 26al; YLJBCHBY 99.5-6, 118.15-119.6; DTHNGP (I, 322.5-9, 347.1-348.16, Roerich, pp. 263, 284-286); bKa'-gdams chos-'byung, 164bl- 168b3; HBCHBY (Chin. ed. I, 710.1 1-12); Eimer, ib., S.V.index. Famous pupil of AtiSa, in 1195 A.D. he built the temple of IA. Cf. DTHNGP (I, 377.2-380.15, Roerich, pp. 31 1-314); bKa'-gdams chos-'byung, 120a6ff.. 155a2-b5; HBCHBY (Chin. ed. I, 707.16-17); Eimer, ib., s.v. index. The lineage of sPyan-snga and sNelu-zur-pa within bKa'-gdams-pa is known as the so-called line of Precept-holders (gdum ngag pa). Cf. e.g. DTHNGP (11, 702.1-708.3, Roerich, pp. 596-601). It is tempting to assume here a corruption for 1Ha 'Bri-sgang-pa ( ? a . 1100/10-1190), cf. Eimer, 1991, pp. 164-165 and bKa'gdams chos-'byung, 227a6-b3. The royal house of IHa 'Bri-sgang could in fact boast descent from the ancient kings of Yar-lung and thereby to king Srong-btsan sgam-po, cf. the notes 1597 and 1811 rGya-ma-pa, alias dBon-ston Rin-po-che (1 138-12 10 A. D . ) , ~ then ~ to ~va-s~ren~-~a,'~ dKon[-mchog] b z a ~ ~ ~ [ - ~ oand ],'' rDo-rje tshul-khrims, alias? the 'Bri-gung mKhan-po Rin-po-che, (1 154-1221 A . D . ) . ~ ~ Simultanously, the colophons of the three differently sized extant versions lists3 another line of in total three figures copying and transmitting the text based upon the original found by AtiSa. While being present in all three versions, this may specifically allude to the transmission of the extant bKa'-chems Ka-khol-ma: From AtiSa to his pupil kalydnamitra rNal-'byor chen-po, alias A-mes [chen-pol Byang-chub 'byung-gnas or ~ ~ a n ~ - c hrin-chen ;b (1015- 1078 A.D.)'~to kalydnamitra spyan-snga[-pa], alias Tshul-khrims-'bar (1038- 1 103 A.D.), who then gave it to his p"pil kal dnamitra Bya-yul-pa, alias gZhon-nu-'od (birth-name 'Bum-stag) (1075-1138 A.D.). 1 ; . From the above material it is evident that the last bKa'-gdams-pa copyist and text-holder can be situated respectively in the middle of the XIIth and the XIIIth century. Aside from the above biographical material which hitherto has come down to us, further inffa . 49 Alias rGya-ma Rin-chen sgang-pa. Cf. e.g. DTHNGP (1, 380.5-382.11, Roerich, 315-316). 50 It is currently impossible unerringly to identify the person among the holders of the abbatial see of Ra-sgreng . 51 Currently unidentified. 52 This is most probably the 1st hierarch or the holder of the abbatial see (gdan sa) of 'Bri-gung, cf. DTHNGP (11. 715.17-716.2, Roerich, pp. 608-609), holding the chair from 1217-1221 A.D. Cf. also H. Sato, "The Lineage of the 'Bri-gung-pa in Tibet during the Ming Periodn, T6y6 Gakuhd 45, 1962163, pp. 434-452. 53 Cf. KCHKKHM-1615.2-619.4; KCHKKHM-2 321.14-20; KCHKKHM-3 366.3-367.5. Cf. also Eimer, rNarn-thar rgyas-pa, sect. 337, @. 264); Eimer, 1983. Cf. also note 55 infra. 54 Abbot of Rva-sgreng, cf. e.g. HBCHBY (Chin. ed. 1, 683.22-23); DTHNGP (1, 321.2-3, 324.1011, Roerich, pp. 262,265); bKa'-gdams chos-'byung, 107bl-108b2; Eimer, rNarn-thar rgyas-pa, S.V.index. A prominent pupil of AtiSa who also sponsored the master's sojourn in bSam-yas and sNye-thang. 55 Cf. e.g. YLJBCHBY 119.10-121.5; DTHNGP (I, 349.5-356.7, Roerich, pp. 286-292); bKa'gdarns chos-'hyung, 155a4, 171b2-177b3; HBCHBY (Chin. ed. I, 718.21-22). The list in rNarn-thar rgyas-pa, sect. 337, mentions two more generations of text-holder, aside from the above three, one Ri-sgom, who eventually handed it over to the custodian(s) of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snanglJo-khang, who, we may presume, from then on continued to be text-holders and guardians of the Vita, cf. ref. to dPal-bo ad note 26 supra. This is an important observation to make. Precisely, and hence perhaps not unsurprisingly, the Jo-khang custodians were the ones who motivated local rulers to have the edirio princeps of GLR printed in 1Ha-sa in 1478 A.D. What could have been a more natural milieu to promote the Srongbtsan sgam-po cult than in the temple raised by himself. confusion leaps to the fore while K C H K K H M - apparently ~~~ enumerates additional titles of testaments ascribable to the king: bKa '-cherns m ~ h o - r n t h o n ~ - m a , ~ ~ rNm-thar bKa'-cherns gSer gyi phreng-ba, rNam-thar phyi-ma bKa '-chem gSer gyi yang-zhun, bKa '-chems Me-tog 'phreng-ba. 56 Op. cit. 309.14-16, 313.17-314.5, 315.1-2. 57 This testament and the Ka-khol-ma are said to have been depicted (later?) (by way of muralilllustrations, obviously) on the walls of the tomb of the king in the Valley of Yar-klungs 'Phyongrgyas. Cf. note 1088 infia. This text is already mentioned in an interlinear scholium in the dKarchag of MNKB (6a2), where it, here titled bKa'-&ems mThon-mthong-ma, together with textcycles such as Me-tog rgyan-pa'i zhing-bkod and the present bKa'-chems Ka-khol-ma were declared with certainty to pertain to the writings ( b h ') of the king and suitable therefore to be included in the mDo section of MNKB, an inclusion which however never happened. Assuming the alliterative mThb-mthong to be a simple corruption for mTho-mthing, the most curious note in this matter is offered by Ratna gling-pa (1403-78 A.D.), gTer-'byung chen-mo, (KA) 54.4-5 (= 27b4-5), who presents us, while briefly delineating the Vita-traditions attributed to king Srong-btsan sgam-po, with the statement Pan chen Shdkya Shn-la sogs kyi b h ' c h m r n l h lding ma. With the proviso that the text referred to'is identical (which is far from certain), we can observe that it is here written mTho-lding-ma (? to be understood as a sort of mTho-lding Ms from the famous monastery in Guge, passed by Kha-che Pan-chen on his way from Kashmir to Central Tibet?) in lieu of mTho[n]-mthong-ma. We can moreover observe that mTho[n]-rnthing-ma eo ipso is a good reading while, akin to Ka-khol-ma, this fonn similarly alludes to an architectural or ornamental feature (associated with azure-blue or (indra)nila-coloured pillars) as indicated e.g. by Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP 323b3 (mfhon mrhing gser gyi &a ba &a gzhu, describing in caru bSamyas). The equation between mTho-ling and mThon-mthing is nevertheless warranted, while CLR has retained the latter form as name for this famous temple, cf. note 1668 infro. Now, the fact that a text known as bKa'-chems Tho-ling-ma is recorded to have existed containing a famous prophecy (allegedly ascribed to the king) and forecasting that Chos-rje g.Yam/g.Ya'-bzang (alias Chos sMon-lam, 1169-1233 A.D., who considered himself to be an incarnation of king Srong-btsan sgam-po), would turn up four hundred and twenty-five years after the passing of the king, would suggest that this text very well may be associated with Kha-che Panchen (1 127/?1140'es-1225 A.D.), cf. DTHNGP (11, 767.10-771.14, Roerich, pp. 653-56), Kahthog's DSYML 58.4-59.13. The Chos-rje acted as yon bdug or patron for the Kashmirian master when the latter came to Tibet in 1204 A.D. and Chos-rje $.Yam-bzang is recorded to have propounded narratives of the erection of Khra-'brug, the thugs dam or personal tutelary chapel of the king and other stories related to the king. No doubt, the bKa'-&ems [m]Tho-l[d]ing-ma originated in this milieu. The fact moreover that the bKa'-chems mTho-mthong-ma is mentioned in the part of KCHKKHM-2 dealing with the passing and the tomb of the king would suggest that either material from this text or reference to it was briefly made by one of the last text-holders of KCHKKHM. Beyond that, it is impossible to verify or reject altogether whether the renown Khache Pan-chen did have an active hand in the compilation of a biography of the king in the sense perhap;, analogous to the rapport between Ka-khol-ma itself and AtiSa and a local benefactor in 1Ha-sa, that a testament was 'found' by yet another noted Indian master, an attempt then possibly contrived in order to tinge a tradition with scriptural or spiritual authenticity and possibly made in deference to the expressed wish of Chos-rje g.Yam-bzang. In default of more substantial material or until new material surfaces, this interesting point cannot be pursued further. Another lead may point to the Kho-thing gi gter-ma, a text similarly containing prophecies also about the king and his temple, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 150alff. and note 1023 infio. The titles of some of these listed here most probably refer to additional or supplementary designations of one and the same work, the bKa'-chems Ka-khol-ma while these titles often appear in succession and thus indicate supplementary appellations.s8 Summing up, the upshot of our reflections allows us to reason that the compilation and dissemination of the king's Vita are to be found in the milieu around Atiba, possible also bolstered by the increasingly popular AvalokiteSvara-cult prevailing by then, the decisive initiative conceivably coming from a local ruler or ddnapati in 1Ha-sa responsible for the care of the temple.59 Yet in the final analysis, we shall not be able to clarify conclusively whether or not AtiSa was factually engaged in the discovery or recovery of the king's Vita or whether it was first discovered, i.e. finally compiled after the master's passing and posthumously connected with his name and universal repute. The parallels between the two royal biographies and the story of the erection of two temples of Ra-sa and bSam-yas are so numerous and evident that a certain measure of affinity can be inferred. The concrete incentive to execute the king's biography and his temple's Entstehungsgeschichte may have materialized in connection with a belated or reconfirmatory consecration of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang and bSam-yas conceivably conducted by AtiSa during his repeated sojourns at these sites, a direct testimony of which we do not possess, but which indirectly can be assumed from a note chronicled by dPa'-bo. This historian states6' that until AtiSa's time, the earlier attempts to consecrate 1Ha-sa and bSam-yas respectively, performed in the wake of their erection6' had been inchoate, while it restricted itself mainly to the expression of mangala etc. and the proper ritual procedure of consecration was first introduced with or from the period of AtiSa. 58 Cf. e.g. op. cit. 3 13.17-314.4: Bod kyi rgyal po chen po srong btsan sgam po 'i rnam rhar bka ' chems gser gyi 'phreng ba zhes kyang bya O jo bo thugs rje chen po 'phags pa spyan mas gzigs dbang phyug gi lo rgyus dung O rnam thar phyi ma bka' chems gser gyi yang zhun zhes kyang bya I rgyal po chen po srong btsan sgam po bod yul dbus su dam pa chos kyi srol gzhung btod nos I chos 'khor lha sa bzhengs pa 'i lo rgyus rgyal po 'i bka ' chems kha khol ma zhes bya ba. 59 A good parallel would be the role played by IHa-btsun sNgon-rno reigning in bSam-yas and who lived in the beginning and middle part of the XIlth century (cf. note 1595 inpa). He was a scion of Yum-brtan and himself recognized as a gTer-ston by being regarded as a key disseminator in the transmission or lineage of a number of biographical treasuries pertaining to the tradition of Padmasarnbhava. 60 Op. cit., HBCHBY (JA) 53a6-b2. 61 Cf. the notes 897 and 1319 infra. King Srong-btsan sgam-po's Role Reappraised: Historical Tailoring, Posthumous Apparel and Mythographical Trappings Neither contemporary data and records nor more recent Western research have always, and not without cogent reasons, supported the view massively endorsed by this autochthonous literature and its often stereotype historiographical tradition such as the one found in GLR, that king Khri Srong-b[r]tsan alias Srong-btsan sgam-po (569-649 A . D . ) ~ ~ was the ruler who set Buddhism on a firm footing in Tibet, at least on a larger scale.63 62 Throughout the later part of the dynastic period his name is recorded as 'Phnrl gyi Ula (i.e. sageking; for this metonym, cf. note 642 infra) Khri ( = Wlri pa, i.e. throne-holder, king) Srongbrtsanlbtsan. While the later soubriquet or hypocoristic complement sgam-po added to his name already ascribed to him (and other kings) in the Chronicle, op. cir. 118.6 et passim and later (a Buddhist predicate arguably reflecting Skt. gambhira and qualifying the king's (regarded on a par with Buddha) thought and intent (dgongs pa, thugs, samdhl), cf. e.g. note 961ff. in@) was prevalent from thephyi-dar period, the full form srong-btsan sgam-po is also attested from the last part of the dynastic period, cf. e.g. the Dunhuang Chronicle (date uncertain, possibly Xth century; Bacot er al., pp. 118.23-24, 161) and sBa-bzhed. Incidentally, the Chronicle has also retained the original form Khri Srong-brtsan, suggesting that this dossier is an uneven and concocted cetuo of differently dated narratives. If the king's full form nevertheless can be further substantiated in preXth century material, it is yet another viable element in underpinning our contention that the posthumous depiction and Buddhist transformation of the king as an embodiment of Avalokiteivara, so forcefully and uniformly propounded in the king's biographical writings, has its root in the later part of dynastic period. For a discussion of his dates, still conclusively unsettled, cf. the notes 449, 1046 infro. 63 Buddhist post-dynastic historians have attempted to classify the general (non-Tantric) introduction of Dharma in Tibet: One tradition speaks about the very early (mythic) introduction or beginning (dbu brnyes) of Buddhism in Tibet, invariably ascribed to IHa Tho-tho-ri snyan-shal (cf. note 356 infra). This ascription appears to be post-dynastic, while no pre-Xth cent. material seems to warrant this depiction. Another (or parallel) tradition, this time connected with king Srong-btsan sgam-po, speaks about the introduction or opening of the tradition of Saddharma (in Tibet) (dam pa'i chos st01 phye ba), its (subsequent) anchoring (srol btod pa) or establishment (rather than taking this phase to stand for the formative part) and its (final) full mastering (srol 'dzin pa). Cases of a combination (at least succession) of the phases i.e. dbu brnyes srol btod is e.g. found in Nyang-ral's CHBYMTNYP 175a6, 292a3. Albeit this phasic division in its final form was formulated in the XIIth century at the earliest (and parallels a well-known similar division describing the phyidor period, cf. e.g. Vitali, 1990, pp. 37, 62), the ascription to the king appears nevertheless to have originated in the dynastic period itself, while Khri-stong Ide-btsan in his bKa '-mchid (composed ca. 779-780 A.D.) ascribes the phase sangs rgyas kyi chos thog mar mdzad to Khri Srong-htsan [sgampol, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 110a5. The king's Vita itself (mid-Xlth century) repeatedly stipulates this glorifying aspect of king Srong-btsan sgam-po, cf. KCKHKHM-2 314.2-3, 315.6-7 and 318.3-4. There the king is merited for bod yul d b u su dam pa chos kyi srol gzhung brodpa. Signally, this phrase is similarly vouched by the Xth cent. Chronicle (Bacot, p. 1 18.21-23). Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP 188b6, 297a2,405al and 452a6, and the Sa-skya masters such as Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan's BCR 199b2 and 'Phags-pa Bla-ma in his Shes-bya rab-gsal, op. cit. 19a2-3 and later 0-rgyan gling-pa, KTHDNC (NGA) 402.5, among many others adopt this ascription and thus credit Srong-btsan sgam-po and his epoch with the phase of the anchoring or thethering (srol brodpa) of the Buddhist tradition in Tibet rather than perhaps being considered its original initiator. To note also is that 1De'u Jo-sm, DCHBY 115.12-1 3 in contrast speaks about the king's chos Wlrimv kyi sml bstod ( = blrlro4. Tibetan historical and literary sources that may be accorded some validity, while not entirely silent on this point either restrict themselves to confirm a modicum of Buddhist activity during the reign of this king, religious activity mainly practised by non-Tibetan persons and possibly restricted to the court, or these works tend to focus on the lung's legislative and civilizing feats altogether.64 But the majority of Tibetan historiographies, including not seldom a number of fairly reliable sources, instead have taken recourse to peddle (parts or) entire sections of the above legendary and mythologized biographical narrative of this king and his religious and national feats ascribed to him by posterity. In the light of the present study, although predominantly dealing with this bulk of mythographical material, this opinion may possibly be altered slightly. Browsing through the narratives of his Vita-s leaves us with the indelible impression of a king recast or redressed in an outfit manufactured by his posterity in order to create a mythic figure endued with supernatural endowments as it becomes for an august monarch of national stature. In respect to the picture of the king's politico-mythical creed that has been gleaned foremost from the Dunhuang material and which has been demonstrated in recent research, the mythological and legendary material filtered here in this study has only little or nothing to tell. Still, in these legend-tinted Vita traditions we have nevertheless traced new information and data that either were unknown to earlier research or were written off altogether as purely legendary and ahistorical. True, large parts when not entire accounts are steeped in narrative ornamentations and his person has by posterity always been clothed or shrouded in an abundance of speculation throughout all the strange permutations of his biography. Sifting fact from myths in this literature is a problematic and painstaking enterprise, occasionally a forlorn hope. Thanks to a systematic scrutiny of this material, some findings may nevertheless now equip us with supplementary verifiable information or the data found are themselves verified and paralleled by historically reliable sources. One such thing, in my eyes, yielded by this far too long ignored literature, is the information that the first temple or rather chapel in Tibet, being more or less vaguely associated with Buddhist vestige, was neither Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang nor Ra-mo-che, indubitably two of the very oldest temples in Tibet raised in the mid-VIIth century,65but arguably that of Khra-'brug situated in the heart of the Yar-klung[s] Valley, a sanctuary which was till now For a good survey of the mythic role, the creed and religious ambience of the king, not discussed here, see the epoch-making study by A . Macdonald, 1971 and for another readable summary, A . W. Macdonald, 1984. 64 A number of contemporary dynastic sources acknowledges that Buddhist activity flourished during king (Wlri) Srong-b[r]tsan. Khri-srong Ide-btsan, both in his bKa '-gtsigs and his bKa '-mehid (of 779780 A . D . ) , as well as the sKar-c[h]ung rdo-ring[s] dating, no doubt, from the inception of the IXth century (i.e. ca. 800-815 A . D . ) and the bKal-grsigs or reconfirmatory edict by Sad-na-legs, all record that the temples such as the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang or, as it was also known, Ra-sa Bi-hartha-ra ( = vihdra) and the rGya-btags (= rGya-stag, cf. note 831 inpa) Ra-mo-che etc. ( l a srsogs pa = la sogs pa) were erected during his reign. Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 109al-2, 1 10a4-5, 128b4-5 and Richardson, 1985, pp. 74-75. Cf. also the previous note and the opening passage in sBa-bzhed, where the occurence of dam pa'i lha chos is ascribed to the period of king Khri-lde gtsug-btsan according to a prophecy allegeclly found in king Srong-btsan sgam-pols bku' chems. Naturally, this ex evenru prophecy itself originated at the earliest from the period of king Khri-lde gtsug-btsan. It does however tell us that at that point Srong-btsan sgam-po was conceived as a Buddhist monarch. 65 Cf. Chap. XIV passim and note 831. barely more than customarily ascribed to this king.66 All sources which unanimously claim Khra-'brug the first chapel or temple erected in Tibet may ultimately go back to a common, single textual authority, a testimony, to be true, which we currently cannot trace beyond the threshold of the XIth century, yet a set of circumstances, in my eyes, underpins the assumption that this information reflects reality and that this pivotal spiritual bond (thugs dam) chapel of the king soon after his passing sunk into semi-oblivion, a fact which in part accounts for its relative anonymity in contemporary dynastic annals and records. Another significant information to be gleaned from the present material is the description of the presence of NepaleseINewari artists, craftsmen and religious teachers etc. in the earlier years of this king's court,67circumstances, of course, which have been known to scholars for long, but the overall picture now to be painted suggests that not only the Ra-sa 'Phrulsnang gtsug lag khang was Nepalese in artistic expression, concept and origin, but that the Nepalese cultural presence in other earlier constructions can be both assumed and documented too. This, more than anything else, adds further circumstantial arguments to the well-nigh endless discussion concerning the historicity and possible existence of the Nepalese princess ~hri-btsun.68 Already ~ u c c i in, ~order ~ to disprove the existence of Khri-btsun or in order perhaps to account for her overwhelming presence in later Tibetan historical works, has drawn attention to a possible symmetrical parallel and triad, which was allegedly contrived by later Tibetan historians in order to provide a link or analogy to the two wifes of Padmasambhava. Rather than attempting to supply further justification for this analogy, and with the intention to expand this scheme, without however clarifying to what extend it is a later fabrication, we might as well add the two Tibetan ministers whose feats during his reign were equal1 oriented towards cementing this alleged triad, as indirectly suggested in KCHKKHM-2: It has generally been argued that among those figures placsd circumjecently around the king, the ones given in the left column, i.e. queen Khri-btsun but also minister Thon-mi lack a historical foundation or rather indisputable proofs of their historicity are still largely absent, whereas the figures in the right column are well-founded historically: d 66 67 68 69 70 Cf. note 836 i n f i . Cf. most recently Vitali, 1990, p. 71ff. Cf. note 560 infra. Tucci, 1962 and Sorensen, 1986, pp. 84-85. This source, op. cir. 320.11-15 has a strange passage which may serve at least to expand the scheme: rgya gar dang rgya nag nas bod du dam pa 'i chos bsgyur pa 'i lo tstsha pa blon po chen po gnyis ni 1 chon mi ST bho to dang I 'gar stong btsan yul bzung gnyis yin cing rgyal po srong btsan sgam po 'i spyan sngar bsgyur pa 'i lo tsrsha chen por grogs so. Information that the famous Vllth century minister and general mGar, a popular protagonist in the Vita of Srong-btsan sgam-po, should have functioned as Sino-Tibetan Dharma translator is nowhere documented. This is a piece of post-dynastic fiction. On the other hand, there is no reason to doubt that the minister mastered the Chinese language, spending, as he did, most of his later years in the vast borderland and territories between Tibet and China. INDIAINEPAL (nubllho) [syarn2 Tag] Thon-mi Sambhota (minister) TIBET (dbm) CHINA (shar) Srong-btsan sgam-po (king) Kong-jo (Wenzheng) (queen) [Arya AvalokiteSvara] [Sita T a a ] mGar sTong-btsan yul-bzung (minister) While convincing contemporary evidence is generally lacking in the early historical records, documents and inscriptions as well in the earlier Tibetan Buddhist tradition embodying older strata of historical data to regard Srong-btsan sgam-po as an embodiment of an Indian ~odhisattva,~' other clues are not entirely absent. Albeit scriptural evidence of the AvalokiteSvara cult and teachin s connected with this divinity therefore may appear signally sparse in the earliest period? it is not necessarily indicative of the absence of any archaeological and artistic testimony as generally assumed. As alluded to above, the artistic representation of Buddhist vestige and idolatry, not unimportant in any missionary quest and campaign, appears to have supplemented, when not altogether eclipsing, the ditto scriptural and textual dissemination. Vestige of the cult's popularity therefore appears to have prevailed. Our earliest lead to this seems to be traced in BZH, the matrix of which was compiled ca. 800 A.D. On one hand the text records that Srong-btsan sgam-po was regarded as an incarnation of Arya Lo-ke-ta, i.e. LokeSvara, (cf. e.g. Chin. ed. 2.14-15). It remains to be settled whether this piece of information pertains to the original core of BZH or whether it was later interpolated into the text, while BZH underwent a number of redactional revisions in the phyi-dar period. Another solid piece of argument, also chronicled in B Z H , and ~ ~ this time unequivocally originating from the corepart of this ancient document, may be seen in the chapel (gling) dedicated to Arya-palo and raised in bSam-yas (763-775 A.D., inaugurated 779 A.D.) during king Khri-srong Ide-btsan (742-797 A.D.). In this chapel, the principal image of which was Khasarpana, a well-known form of AvalokiteSvara widely prevalent already from the dynastic peribd, murals were the executed with illustrative scenes gleaned e.g . from the Kgrandavylhasltra, .. 71 Later tradition as well as Tibetans themselves employ as the most authoritative and conclusive argument a 'story about two monks' from Li-yul or Khotan for the divine equation or incarnational nexus between the king and AvalokiteSvara, cf. note 920 infra. 72 The KBrandavylha was registered in the oldest Catalogue of 812 A.D., but another tradition claims tenaciously that the otherwise nebulous script-inventor Thon-mi translated a number of Avalokitdvara-related texts incl. the above sltra over a century before. Cf. note 490 and Appendix, note 92. In the light of the incontestable Nepalese presence during the king's reign and deeming the general popularity of the Avalokiteivara cult in the Licchavi period (ca. 300-879 A.D.) in Nepal and northern India, an earlier introduction to Tibet of his cult is altogether feasible. Cf. Slusser, 1972, pp. 272, 280-283. 73 Cf. note 1283 infro. mythological cult-text of Avaloluta par excellence. No doubt, it was foremost through these forms that his cult permeated Tibet. A set of trustworthy texts even adduces that an effigy of the king, i.e. Srong-btsan sgam-po, was installed in the chapel. There is no cogent reason to question neither the antiquity of this chapel nor the genuinity of this piece of information. In retrospect, Srong-btsan sgam-po, an able warrior-king and a ruler of a loosely knitted tribal and normadic state, was in essence hardly any devoted Buddhist, at least it was a religious tradition which he first came to know of, possibly only rudimentarily, towards the end of his life. His confession and beliefs, foremost demonstrated by Macdonald in her penetrating study from 1971 and further elucidated by R. Stein in a string of trenchant semantic analyses, were grounded in and around a complex cultic, most credibly institutionalized tradition based upon a set of magico-religious ideas (autochthonous as well as Tibetanized concepts of possible Chinese origin expressed via terms such as grsuglgaug lag, sku bla, 'phrul etc.), at the centre of which stood an elaborate emperor and ancestral cult having evident parallels with or bearings on the Chinese ditto. Moreover, as already alluded to and demonstrated elsewhere74and further corroborated in this study, the Newari cultural and religious influence in Tibet during king Srong-btsan sgam-po can be richly documented. King Narendradeva, with his Licchavi-court in exile in Lhasa until 641 A.D., i.e. until the end of the king's first term of rule, could in some seminal form arguably have introduced or transplanted the LokeSvara and the AvalokiteSvara (later fused with the MatsyendranZth) cult, enjoying extensive popularity in contemporary Nepal during the Licchavi period, to Tibet during these years of exile in Tibet. Or most evidently through his putative daughter, Khri-btsun, when or if we one day can provide irrefutable proofs of her historicity, the validity of which becomes, albeit still shadowy, increasingly evident in our historical reappraisal. Unfortunately, her name is utterly absent from the usual reliable contemporary sources and only indirectly verifiable through the artistic traces purportedly left behind by her in form of Ra-sa ' ~ h r u l - s n a n ~ . ~ ~ From Chinese side, ~ e c k w i t hhas ~ ~pointed out that king Srong-btsan sgam-po from the Tang-emperor Gao-zong (649-683 A.D.), in the wake of the emperor's enthronement in 649 A.D. was honoured with the title Bm-wang, i.e. 'Precious King' or 'King of Jewels', a special imperial prerogative of the 'King of the West' and in Chinese culture often employed to refer to Amiabha. Transmuting this imperial appellation to a Buddhist one could rather early, already perhaps in the later part of the VIIIth or the beginning of the IXth century, have contributed to pave the way for the recognition of this king as an incarnation of AvalokiteSvara, the spiritual emanation of Amiabha. This post-festum titularization or Buddhist incarnational deification of king Srong-btsan sgam-po therefore coincided with the period when, once the Indian-oriented Buddhist tradition had became the established religion in Tibet, the king in retrospect became regarded as the founder of Buddhism in Tibet. But while the nexus between the king and the tutelary bodhiserfva and its cult-building were soundly established already in the beginning of the phyi-dar period as shown above and henceforth both immensely and universally promoted, there are now sound reasons to assume that its imprint was already set in the later phase of the dynasty. Vitali, 1990, pp. 70-74 and more generally on Newar artistic influence in Tibet, cf. Lo Bue, 1989, "The Newir Artists of the Nepal Valley", Oriental A n 31, pp. 262-277, 356-384. It should also not go unmentioned that the celebrated six-syllabic dhdrani of Avalokita has k n traced in the Dunhuang material. 75 Cf. the discussion ad note 560 inpa and Chap. XIV and XV. 76 Beckwith, 1987, op. cit. p. 24, n. 71. This point however deserves further scrutiny. rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i me-long: Provenance and Conception Before we focus on rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i rne-1011~~~ and the ideological milieu in which it originated, seen on the background of its literary presuppositions debated at some length above, the key questions as to its authorship and dating must naturally be addressed first. Author and Date We shall here abstain from reiterating in full the now seemingly overdebated topic as to the authorship and date of GLR. For details on past research conducted on GLR or what may be called its Forschungsgeschichte, it may suffice therefore to refer to A. Vostrikov, 1970, pp. 67-78 and C. Vogel, 1981, pp. 3-9. The detailed solution to the relevant problems was made public by P.K. Srarensen, 1986, pp. 29-64 and independent thereof by 2. Yamaguchi, 1985(a), pp. 1043-1066 also. However, since scholars still draw wrong and now outdated conclusions from the material,78 it is deemed worthwhile to recap in a piecemeal fashion the background for the ambigious data that hitherto have blurred a proper identification of the authorship and the correlative question of its dating. From the author's colophon (byang) we are informed that Sa-skya-pa bSod-nams rgyalmtshan successfully compiled (legs par bsgrigs pa) his work at the mahdvihdra of bSam-yas in an earth-male-dragon year (sa pho 'brug). This year-indication has long remained a minor conundrum, while it can only refer to 1328 A.D. within the life-span of Sa-skya-pa Bla-ma dam-pa bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan who lived from 1312 until 1375 A.D. This has on one side prompted some scholars to assume that Bla-ma dam-pa started compiling his work in 1328 only to complete it towards the end of his life,79 in case of which it indeed could be considered a prolonged compilation of quite an uncommon length. As we shall see in the sequel this assumption is totally unfounded. Even allowing for a certain mental precocity among Tibetan monk-scholars, a young monk-novice aged sixteen would most certainly not initiate the compilation of such a mature work at this early point of his career. Alternatively, Vostrikov, supporting himself upon a number of strange scholia, has attempted to seek another solution to the chronological knot. He proposed that the real author 77 This is the most common title and the one we shall opt for while it is the title found referred to in numerous sources. In the author's colophon we also find Chos-'byung gsal-ba'i me-long and rGyal-rabs chos-'byung gsal-ba'i me-long. The front-page of the sDe-dge edition even reads rGyal-rabs rnams kyi byung-tshul gsal-ba'i me-long, which clearly is a late enlargement of the title. 78 Vogel, 1981, p. 5 and most recently 1991, p. 407, n . 42, where Vogel again falsely argues that Bla-ma dam-pa bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan started to compile GLR in 1328 A.D. Vogel has failed to understand the chronological figures and calculation given in GLR Chap. 1 (see below) even though it is the topic of his recent article. 79 Cf. e.g. Kuznetsov, 1966, Introduction and Vogel, 1981, p. 5; 1991, p. 407. The reflections of Kuznetsov on the proper understanding of legs par bsgrigs p a are totally unfounded. was Jo-bo'i dKon-gnyer-dpon Legs-pa'i shes-rab." These scholia have a l r d y been rendered in full by Vostrikov, Vogel and Ssrensen and need not be repeated here. They ultimately go back to the Vth Dalai Lama, the first to claim, for still unknown reason, that Legs-pa'i shesrab was the author (rtsom pa po) of CLR." This is absolutely unfounded and must be rejected from the very outset. As we can conclude from the printing colophon (par byang) of the 1Ha-sa edirio princeps of 1478 A.D., it is abundantly clear that the Jo-khang steward Legs-pa'i shes-rab was the printer or rather the editor of this xylographic print, ni plus ni moins. Legs-pa'i shes-rab in fact commences this colophon of his, a small metrical piece couched in elaborate medieval literary Tibetan quite unlike Bla-ma dam-pa's diction, by paying his respects to the actual author of GLR Bla-ma dam-pa by repeatedly alluding to his name and epithets in the usual eulogistic manner, a simple observation evidently or perhaps deliberately ignored by Vostrikov. The author of GLR is thus unequivocally Bla-ma dam-pa bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan. Before continuing the genesis of GLR, we shall briefly sketch out our author's vita.82 bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan, one of the true luminaries of the XIVth century, being on a par with Bu-ston Rin-chen-grub (1290-1364) and Klong-chen Rab-'byams-pa Tshul-khrims blogros (1308-1363), was known through a number of epithets and honorific appellations: Sa-skya dPal-ldan, 'Gro-ba'i bla-ma (or mgon-po, i.e. Jagadguru, -natha), Chos-j e (DharmasvBmin), 80 Vostrikov, 1970, pp. 73-75. The chronological assessment by Vostrikov of the genalogical expositions of the post-dynastic ruling houses of Central Tibet is also wrong. Regrettably, the same line of argumentation is pursued by Chab-spel in a draft-paper (delivered at Fagernes, 1992, as yet unpublished) discussing the author and date of GLR and entitled Bod kyi lo-rgyus deb-ther Ma-cig dong 'brel-yod g n a d h n zhig gleng-ba. Cf. op. cir. p. 5. Chab-spel even claims that Legs-pa'i shesrab was a contemporary of Bla-ma dam-pa and possibly one of his pupils. This is positively wrong. 81 The Vth Dalai Lama, if no deeper reason should be sought, has evidently confounded (due to a cursory misreading?) the statement given in the author's colophon that the work had been successfully compiled (legs par bsgrigs pa) (by Bla-ma dam-pa) with the statement in the editor's colophon that the work inter alia had been successfully executed (legs par sgrubs pa; i.e. successfully printed; legs par [[slpar du] sgrubs) (by Legs-pa'i shes-rab). 82 Sources consulted on his life include: YLJBCHBY 163.9- 170.1I; Bu-ston's rNam-thar 19a3,U)b5, 22a7, 22b6, 27a5, 30a6 (ed. and tr. Ruegg); GBYTSH, 11, 26b4-27a4; Lam-'bras slobbshad (Vol. KHA lbl-237a6); cf. 193b4-203b2 incl. the Bla-ma dam-pa biography written by Bla-ma dPal-ldan tshul-khrims; Sa-skyagdung-rabschen-mo written by A-m[y]es-zhabs (1597- 1659 A.D.) (of 1629 A.D.) (ed. Dolanji 1975) lbl-33416; cf. 161al-180bl, where A-myes-zhabs has based his biographical sketch upon partly extant (cf. note 87 infro) and partly non-extant rnam thar-s and gdung robs written by some of Bla-ma dam-pa's pupils such as lo-tsH-h Byang-chub rtse-mo (1 3031380 A.D.), Chos-rje Nyi-lde, gTsang Byams-pa r h - r j e rgyal-mtshan, Shes-rab rdo-rje, Karma Byams Chos-paByang-chub rgyal-mtshan; DTHZHG 100.11-16; rJe-btsun Thams-cadmkhyen-po ICang-skya Rol-pa'i rdo-rje'i 'khrung-rabs by 'Jam-dbyangs bzhad-pa'i rdo-rje (1648- 1722A.D.), vol. KHA of gSung-'bum, IXth section (yol-'dab) 33b3-45a3. Cf. also Tucci, 1949, 11, p. 627; cf. also mKhas-btsun bzang-po, Biographical Dictionary of Tibet, X, pp. 294-322; K.H. Everding, 1988, pp. 113-121; Ssrensen, 1986, pp. 33-37; Jackson, 1989, pp. 89, 173, 258; Petech, 1990, parsim. The reliquary or ossuary mchod rten containing the remnants of Bla-ma dam-pa was until 1959 found in sNye-thang close to IHa-sa. It did not survive the vandalism during the Cultural Revolution, cf. Dowman, 1988, p. 136. rDo-rje 'dzin(-pa) (Vajradhara) and often with the appellation -dPal-bzang-po, like with other members of the 'Khon clan, affixed to his name. The most commonly used epithet and one used throughout this work by us, was Bla-ma dam-pa (*Sadguru). Bla-ma dam-pa bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan dpal-bzang-po was born in the water-male-rat year of the Vth prabhava, corresponding to 1312 A.D., on the eighth day of the fourth month ( = 16.5.13 12) in the Bla brang gong ma pertaining to the Rin-chen-sgang branchs3 of the Sa-skya principality as the third (out of nine brothers and half-brothers in all) and last son of bDag-nyid chen-po dPal-bzang-po (1262-132211323 A.D.)" and one of his wifes Zhalu Ma-gcig gZhon-nu-'bum (b. 1285). He passed away at bSam-yas age sixty-three in the wood-female-hare year of the VIth prabhava, corresponding to 1375 A.D., on the twentyfifth day of the sixth month (= 23.7.1375). The particulars of his religious training and career follow almost costumarily the tenor of the standard hagiographical writings of his days. Early in his religious training as infant at Rin-chen-sgang, it is recorded that he listened to and received the initiations of Cakrasamvara ('Khor-lo bDe-mchog) according to the system of Ghqtiipl (Dril-bu-pl). Age three, m~has-grubchen-po Rong-pa Shes-rab seng-ge (125 1- 1315' A.D.) rendered him service while the infant boy received and listened to the initiation of Yamhtaka (gShin-rje'i gshed). He further received initiation, authorization and instructions from Bla-ma bSamsdings Zhang and Bla-ma bzang-po of sGro Mon-can. In the presence of Bla-ma Rin-chen dpal-bzang-po (1239-1319 A.D.), he listened to the malatantra of Hevajra (brTag gnyis). Aged eight, amidst a circle of learned pitakadhara-s at Rin-chen-sgang he demonstrated the skill of elucidating and reciting by h&t large portions of textual passages from the theoretical writings of the previous ancestral (yab mes) Sa-skya-pa Gong-ma-s. At the age of eleven, in 1322, he requested for and received the samvara of an Uplsaka in the presence of Bla-chen Kun-dga' blo-gros rgyal-mtshan (1299- 1327), and received consecutively various initiations in the cycles of Samvara, Hevajra and T2rP etc. along with their appropriate instruction (upadeia), authorization (lung) and khrid. At the age of seventeen, 1328 A.D., he formally renounced (the world) (pravrajyd), i.e. became ordained, and as a Sramanera he received his religious name bSod-nams rgyalmtshan, his birth-name having until then been Nyi-ma bde-ba'i blo-gros. At the age of twenty in 1331 A.D. he completed his upasampadd in the vihdra of Bodong E (of) Bya-rgod (in) gShangs together with his elder brother Don-yod rgyal-mtshan (1310-1344 A.D.), thus becoming a fully ordained bhiksu. During the following years he pursued his adult reljgious career becoming well-versed in the curriculum of both PPrarnitiiyiina and MantrayZna. Ultimately he proved full proficiency of the three intellectual endeavours of any monk-scholar: didactic exposition, doctrinal disputation and scriptural composition ('chad rtsod rtsom gsum). To quote the Vth Dalai Lama: "The glorious Bla-ma dam-pa bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan.. .distinguished himself *' 83 Sources such as YLJBCHBY and Sa-skya gdung-rahs chen-mo etc. claim that he was born at Zha lu khang gsar. 84 On the colourful career and changing fortunes of this figure, cf. Petech, 1990, pp. 7 1-78 (also for further ref.). 85 He himself had amved back in dBus for a short stint in 1322 in order to take his final ordination (cf. below), arriving from China where he held the position of imperial preceptor (1 3 14- 1327). by gaining eminence in all the vidydsthdna-s, assumed the lofty position of Vajradhara and thus became a true caddlamkara among all the Sa-skya bsTan-'dzin-s.. ..."86 By the age of twenty-six in 1338 A.D. he had already made himself a name near and far. He occupied the throne of the great see (abbatial seat) ( I p h so chen po) of the Sa-skya hierarchy (go sa), i.e. Sa-skya gZhi-thog Gong-ma from 1343-1344 until 1347, as the XIVth Abbot of Sa-skya, leaving the throne rather abruptly for reasons still unknown to us. The ensuing years were characterized by his numerous journeys, making halts all over Central Tibet such as at bSam-yas where he conferred endless instructions and expositions upon various disciples. Worthy of note is that he over a span of years acted as preceptor for the Gong-ma sDe-srid Phag-mo-gru-pa, alias Ta'i Si-tu Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan and at the end of his life, in 1373 A.D., he is even recorded to have acted as teacher for the young promising neophyte bTsong-kha-pa Blo-bzang-grags-pa (1 357- 1419 A. D.). Among his writings (mom pa), he is recorded to have left behind numerous commentaries, such as on PramPnavirttika, AbhhmayPlamkBra, Bodbi[sattva]caryiivaara as well as commentaries o n all the main treatises ascribed to NSgirjuna. He is also registered to have written chos-'byung-s. In the hagiographical literature and in the extant catalogues, it should be noted, there is no direct registration found alluding to his compilation of rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i m e - ~ o n ~ . * ~ 86 Bla-ma dam-pa adhered to the lineage upholding the esoteric Mantra-tradition of the Sa-skya-pas (sa skya 'i gsang sngags kyi bstan 'dzin) in contrast to the holders of the Stitra-tradition (so skya 'i mdo phyogs bsran 'dzin), cf. e.g. Grub-mtha' she1 gyi melong 7a6, 9alff. (ed. Ngawang Gel& Demo). 87 Sa-skya gdung-rabs chen-mo, 172b4 (= 344.4). This may allude to CLR, but more obviously to Lam-'bras chos-'byung ngo-mtshar snang-ba = Bla-ma brgyudpa'i ram-par thar-pa ngomtshar snang-ba (cf. Lam-'bras slob-bshad, Rajpur, 1983; Pod nag Vol. 17 (MA)) written by Blama dam-pa. Jackson, 1989, p. 258 mentions Lam-'bras khog-phub indited by our author. Bla-ma dam-pa is also registered to be the main sponsor for the first Sa-skya bka'-'bum compilation, cf. Jackson, ibid. p. 89. The relevant extant biographical material on Bla-ma dam-pa is silent on GLR. As it shall be discussed by L. W. van der Kuijp (Berliner Indologkche Studien, 7 & 8, forthcoming), who surveys some of the earlier biographies of Bla-ma dam-pa (cf. note 82 above), writteo by his foremost disciples as well as an incomplete collection of Bla-ma dam-pa's own miscellaneous writings kept in Beijing (Library of M i m wenhua gong), this silence has prompted van der Kuijp to question the ascription of the authorship or compilership of GLR to Bla-ma dam-pa. True, it is signally conspicuous that none of the currently extant biographies dedicated the life of Bla-ma dam-pa mentions GLR among his surviving writings. An obvious, albeit not conclusive, reason for its absence in the catalogues compiled by his disciples listing Bla-ma dam-pa's oeuvres and its absence in these biographies may in fact be that any recording of GLR, which may be classified as a piece of secular hktorical writing, possihly was deemed insignificant or unfit (albeit, admittedly, this is not always the case in other catalogues of the writings of holy saints) to be included or to be listed in a hagiographical Vita, however complete, devoted almost exclusively to the religious life of a highranking saint like bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan. This assumption of ours is also vouched by the fact that, to my knowledge, the selfsame biographies are, in accordance with the nature of such writings, blissfully silent about the more 'political' activities of Bla-ma dam-pa, such as, inter alia, his recorded role and function as peace-keeping arbitrator in the on-going military clashes in Central T i k t . However, without some groundbreaking or conclusive new information, the ascription to Blama dam-pa is othewise completely watertight: As it is documented by us, the colophon unerringly records the name of the compiler of the work; the 1Ha-sa editor unequivocrrlly ascribes the work Prosecuting our discussion of GLR's date after this biographical digression, it is evident that another reason for the odd and inaccurate indication sa pho 'brug therefore must be sought. Acknowledging the inadmissibility of 1328 A.D. and equally rejecting the assumption that it refers to 1388 A.D., i.e. thirteen years after the author's passing, an equally untenable theory much cherished among contemporary Chinese scholars, a closer scrutiny of GLR itself offers both irrefutable and conclusive information to solve the question of the dating. The key to the solution is found in the final part of the first Chapter of GLR which deals with the fixing of the dates of nirvdna of Buddha, a compulsory theme in almost any historiographical treatise. The articulars of the calculation and details on the favourite chronological system employedg have already been amply discussed elsewherea9and here we shall only draw the conclusions. After having quoted the well-known chronological systems of AtiSa and of the Sa-skya-pa masters, Bla-ma dam-pa actually computes, combining this 5000-years duration theory with the Sa-skya-pa calculation of Buddha's nirvdna and pursuing Bu-ston's own computation and procedure, the precise number of years elapsed from Buddha's nirvdna up to the current year of writing. As can be noted kom our translation of GLR, Bla-ma dam-pa first reckoned, citing here Bu-ston minutely, that until the year water-male-dog year (i.e. 1322 A.D., quoting Bu-ston), which marked the arrival of Bla-ma Ti-shri Kun-dga' blo-gros rgyal-mtshan dpal-bzang-po (1299- 1327 A.D.) in dBus for his final ordination (upasampadd), 3455 years had expired since Buddha's nirvana and our author states, faithful to BU-ston'stext, that one was now in the 3456th year (i.e. 1323 A.D. when Bu-ston wrote his treatise). In the next step Bla-ma dam-pa calculates, taking as point of departure his own year of writing, the number of years that already had passed, i.e. 3502 years of the decuple 5000-years system and how many years that still remain of Saddharma to last, i.e. 998 and 500 years, in all 1498 years that yet were to come. Thereby we can adduce the actual date of GLR's compilation in two ways: 3502 years minus 2134 (the Sa-skya-pa niwdna year) = 1368 or 1369 (both years included). Or indirectly by computing via Bu-ston's data, 3502 minus 3455 = 47 years; 1322 (Bu-ston's date) + 47 = 1368 (both years included) or 1369. Both procedures irrefutably establish that GLR was compiled in 1368 A.D. to Bla-ma dam-pa in the printer's colophon; the work was undebatably and incontestably compiled at bSam-yas in 1368 A.D. Bla-ma dam-pa had, as the leading authority there no doubt, over a span of years, and precisely in these years, been active at this holy site. In addition, the circumstances leading to its compilation finally bear out the conclusion reached by us. Speculating therefore that someone else could have compiled the work in the name (posthumous or as a sort of ghostwriter) of Bla-ma dam-pa is preposterous and at best utterly conjectural. In sum, devoid of substantial counterproof, the irrefutable facts proffered by us therefore compel us to conclude that Bla-ma dampa doubtlessly was the compiler of GLR. 88 Our author follows Bu-ston's exposition and the latter's preference for the 5000-years theory of the duration (gnus pa, avusthdna) of the Law before its disappearance (mum 'jig, vipralopa) (in recumng series of rises and declines), while this theory by this polyhistor is considered the only system which hermeneutically conveys the direct meaning (nges don, nitiirtha). The 5000-year theory in fact originated from Buddhaghosa and his school in Ceylon, being formulated in the Vth century of our era and adopted by Pili-chronicles. The source for the Tibetans was the commentary on the Three Prajfiipiramiti-s, alias ~rya-~atasiihasrik2-paiicavim~ati~~hasrik&tiiddas*asrikH-prajii2piiramit2-BrhattlkH in short Yum-gsum gnod-'joms wrihen by ~amstris'ena (or . ... mChe-ba'i sde) in the VIIth c k n t . ' ~ f .also now Vogel, 1992. 89 Macdonald, 1963, p. 118 sq.; Yamaguchi, 1985; Ssrensen, 1986, pp. 39-51. That the date is correct may be corroborated by other data. As we have demonstrated else~here,~' Bla-ma dam-pa is infer alia recorded to have been enthusiastically engaged (legs par lhur bzhes mdzad pa) in rendering religious service and in paying tribute to bSam-yas in form of large-scale renewals (gsur bskrun), restoration-work and repair (zhig #so, nyums gso, bgegs bsos) at the bSam-yas vihQra and the date for the completion and the collateral prarisrhd are recorded to have been 1368 A.D. Our author in fact spent, over the last twenty years'of his life, longer sojourns at b ~ a r n - ~ ato s ~fulfill ' not only the completion of these merit-accumulating activities but also, it can be assumed, to carry through the compilation of GLR, where he doubtlessly had the rare opportunity to avail himself of rare records and writings kept in the archives and library of bSam-yas. Our author even passed away there. Another solid clue is offered in Bla-ma dam-pa's own colophon where we see that he compiled his work in compliance with the behest (bskul ba'i ngor), or rather summons, of one 1Ha-b'tsun Rin-chen-dpal. We have argued that this prince-monk (lha brsun) is none other than Nam-mkha' bstan-pa'i (or brtan-pa'i) rgyal-mtshan dpal-bzang-po, alias (religious name) Rin-chen dpal-bzang-po. He apparently functioned in two terms as Sa-skya dPon-chen (from 1357 and until 1364 A.D., but most likely beyond this date also), at a point when, incidentally, the authority or mandatory fiat of this institution was more nominal than real. He adhered to the Byang-pa principality and myriarchy (situated in La-stod Byang in the western part of gTsang), whose ancestors claimed descent from the sixth emperor rGyal-rgod of Xi-xia or ~ i - n ~Petech, a ~ . 1990, ~ ~ op. cir. p. 132, n. 186, questions the identification of 1Ha-btsun Rin-chen-dpal with this Byang-pa ruler, maintaining that the title lha brsun normally was reserved to the monks descending from the old Tibetan kings and not, as here, from other or alien royal families. But this argument is not tenable. To quote one example employed in GLR and numerous parallel sources: The figure known in Tibet as sMan-rtse 1Ha-btsun, i.e. the last emperor of Nan Song (1 127-1279 A.D.), imperial name Bing-di (rl. 1278-1279 A.D) who was sent to Sa-skya for religious training and where he became universally known as the 'Prince-Monk of South China'.93 Closing the ring, the puzzle with the enigmatic su pho 'brug, which initially sparked off the whole misery, requires to be accounted for. In the new light, it appears to be a deplorable lapsus calami (bris nor) or lapsw xylographi (brkos nor) committed by some 90 Serensen, 1986, pp. 51-54. 91 Si-tu'i bKa'-cherns of Ta'i Si-tu Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan records inter olio a number of the prolonged stays at bSam-yas by Bla-ma dam-pa, especially in the period between 1350-1362 A.D. Cf. e.g. Ssrensen, 1986, pp. 61-62. 92 Cf. e.g. Bu-ston's rNam-thar (ed. and tr. Ruegg) 28b4-5, 35b1,40J-6; DTHMPSM 54b5,57b358b3, 73a4-b4; PSJZ 159.7, 160.10-13. Cf. Serensen, 1986, pp. 63-64; further details on him, cf. Petech, 1990, pp. 120-121, 132-136. For the Mi-nyag emperor, cf. also note 181. 93 Cf. note 172 inpa. Bla-ma dam-pa's use of this local lord's religious name Rin-chen-dpal in lieu of his secular name may either be explained by the fact that Nam-mkha' bstan-pa'i rgyal-mtshan in 1368 had retired from the office as Sa-skya dpon-chen and withdrawn from temporal life and at this point was engaged in religious pursuits. Or, if still holding the office at Sa-skya (which is likely cf. Petech, 1990, p. 136), it may simply reflect Bla-ma dam-pa's preference to address this personality by his religious name. This was also the case when Bla-ma dam-pa mentions the author of DTHMP,where he addresses him with his religious name dGe-ba'i blo-gms and not Kun-dga' rdo-rje. Although occasionally acting as mediator and arbiter between the conflicting parties during the numerous military and political clashes in the mid-XIVth century, Bla-ma dam-pa, one of the greatest religious personalities of his century, was exclusively occupied with religious matters. scribe. This arguably took place at the point when the Ms version (dpe, dpe yig), which was in circulation for some one hundred and ten years94and which served as Vorlage (gzhi ma), was copied by the woodcarvers in 1478 A.D. while making the blocks for the 1Ha-sa 'Phrulsnang print. Two explanations may be given for this most unfortunate blunder: Deeming the chronic carelessness displayed by the Tibetans in the process of text-copying, we shall anticipate that this graphic miswriting already, i.e. prior to 1478 A.D., may have crept into the Ms which came to constitute the copy-Vorlage for the 1Ha-sa editors. En revanche, the mistake may equally well have occured in form of a sort of a slip of the tongue or by way of simple misspelling or misreading of the original Ms, causing the lapsus during the dictation or reading of the text in the process of its copying (bshus) in 1478 A.D. Either way, the correct sa pho spre 'u (1368 A.D.) was falsely rendered as sa pho 'brug, the difference as seen only being minor.95 Motivation and Concept Without engaging ourselves here in any discussion as to the nature of the apparently strained relationship or even animosity which reigned between the local Byang-pa chief alias Rinchen-dpal, registered to have requested our author to compile his historical treatise and the real ruler of Tibet (dBus-gTsang) Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan (1302- 1364 A. D . ) , ~ there ~ can be only little doubt that the original, or at least, ideological primus motor behind the conception to write rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i me-long originated with the brilliant Phag-mo-grupa ruler. It must be recalled that Bla-ma dam-pa was the principal preceptor and guru (yongs 'dzin, mchog gi bla ma) of Ta'i ~ i - t uand , ~ that ~ Bla-ma dam-pa was the only figure in the Sa-skya camp who could boast of commanding Ta'i Si-tu's undivided respect. The rapport between these two figures, despite Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan's open political antagonism against the prevailing Sa-skya supremacy and even after his political and military foray had eventually spelt ruin to Sa-skya rulership in Central Tibet, remained amicable and hearty down to the latter's death in 1364. It is beyond the compass of this study to dilate on this sovereign ruler's patriotic policy of political and national renaissance with his outspoken ambition to restore and emulate the glorious heydays of the old dynasty. His realistic and pragmatic approach in his dealings with the Yuan court secured his own survival and in the long run his triumph, yet through his actions and writings the contour of a nationally and independently minded politician emerges. The testimonies of this are legion and his own and his clan's written records abound in allusions to this national quest.98His own provenance 94 According to Jackson, 1989, I, p. 89, in those days (XIII-XIVth century) hand-written book-copies were hard to get by anyway. Having moreover been hand-copied several times, they were, once acquired, almost costumarily vitiated by scribal errors (skyon chugs). 95 As may be deduced from the notes 242-243 infra, we cannot conclusively reject the possibility that Bla-ma dam-pa first finished his work in 1372-1373, but the main work incl. the colophon was finished in 1368. 96 Cf. Petech, ibid., pp. 120-121 and van der Kuijp, 1991. 97 Serensen, ibid., pp. 59-64; Petech, ibid., pp. 1 16-120. 98 Such as the FUangs-clan's etiological and ancestral chronicle Po-ti hSe-ru and his bulky Si-tu'i bKa'-chems. Cf. Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolk, I, pp. 110-115; Stein, 1962, passim; Serensen, 1986, pp. 61-64; Petech, 1990, p. 130. This most important theme on Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan's with roots back to the milieu around Padmasambhava in the dynastic period, his active patronage to bolster the recovery of gtcr-ma-s glorifying the most illustrious figures from these days, and as a unifier of Central Tibet his codification of a set of laws resembling the ditto code executed by king Srong-btsan sgam-po as well as the execution of a written testament, a literary pastiche or pendant resembling outwardly the same king's alleged KCHKKHM and MNKB, all speak their own clear language. The compilation of GLR dovetailed perfectly with these patriotic tones and sentiments. In 1353 A.D. the bSam-yas vihdra suffered one of its numerous devastating destructions and demolitions, a lot which was to haunt this monastery and symbol of national independence and pride down through the ensuing centuries. This time it happened in the wake of a final conserted (but as it should turn out abortive) attempt from the side of Sa-skya and 'Bri- ung to wrest from the hands of Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan the full power over Central Tibet.& It was to be the task, and obviously a gratifying and meritorious one, of Bla-ma dam-pa, by now already one of the most illustrious and celebrated scholars of the XIVth century, within a few years to engage himself in extensive restoration works at bSam-yas under the patronage and approval, no doubt, of Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan. What would be more natural, being active at this edifice, a vivid symbol of Tibetan dynastic history, to conceive and effectuate the compilation of a royal genealogy written along ideological lines and focussing on the national tutelary divinity of the Tibetan state? This work, albeit first materializing after the passing of the reviver Ta'i Si-tu, was clearly produced in deference to the national quest of his. The ideological and proselyting aspects are repeatedly expressed by our author, both at the inception of the work as well as in the colophon where the author details on his prayojana and enumerates the sources employed. His selection and use of sources reveals moreover the compilatory and compositional nature of his work. It is in no way an original work, but exactly what it is meant to be: A successfully accomplished compilation (legs par bsgrigs pa). His own words in the short summery given in the colophon as to his objectives and sources hardly require any comment. Bla-ma dam-pa's work is in fact a well-balanced compilation of sources used by the author, passages and themes being carefully chosen, quoted and again patched together by him so as to form a new consecutive unity. The author is telling a continuous story. In this respect dPa'-bo, albeit occasionally being more detailed and using another diction altogether, has in his royal genealogy (vol. JA) chosen a narrative sequence and procedure directly patterned upon Bla-ma dam-pa. Our author fulfills two objectives: By presenting and combining genuine historical data with popular and legendary material, his work secured a fair measure of respect among his fellow historians and simultaneously an overwhelming popularity among the general audience. This has doubtlessly been conducive to accomplish what has been the author's main goal, to spread and propagate the message of Buddha. The success of GLR as an historical chronicle and as an instrument in the service of Buddhist proselytism is best attested by its popularity in Mongolia into which language it was repeatedly t r a n ~ l a t e d . ' ~ intended reforms in fact commands the closest study. 99 Cf. Petwh, ibid., p. 116. 100 For the two Mongolian versions Gegen toli (Clear Mirror) from 1610-1630 A.D. and tbe western Oirat or Kalmuck version Cegen toli or (erroneously) Bodhi-miir of 1648, cf. Heissig, 1959, pp. 34-40; Ssrensen, 1986, 11. At least two modern Chinese translations are known to exist. In Japanese scholarship, finally, it should be noted that GLR usually is known as 0t6ky6. The Printed Editions A brief note on the two printed editions of CLR. A second volume, to be seen as a companion to the present translation, lo' is envisaged to be published in order to provide the reader and fellow scholar with a new reliable critical edition of the text. This will include a more detailed assessment of the textual constitution of the two extant editions. Neither the edition issued 1966 by Kuznetsov in Scripta Tibetana (I-eiden),lo2 nor the recent and slightly more reliable Chinese edition published in 13eijinglo3can constitute an adequate basis for serious research. Almost one hundred and ten years elapsed after the completion in 1368 A.D. before the manuscript version of rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i me-long was found mature to be printed or the financial basis for its printing was provided: GLR A: The 1Ha-sa 'Phrul-snang edition, lbl-lOla Printed ([slpar du brkos) in an earth-male-dog year (1478 A.D.) on the fourth day of the sixth month (= 3.7.1478) by the editor Jo-bo'i dKon-gnyer Legs-pa'i shesrab.lo4 The 1Ha-sa edition was mainly sponsored by Chos-rgyal dPal-'byor rgyalpo (of sNel-pa). '05 The only extant version of this xylograph: Formerly St. Petersburg inventory No. 25181 (569); subsequently, Institut Narodov Azii (Old Coll.) 438a, now in possession of the Library of East Asian Faculty of St. Petersburg University inventory No. 1931J173. dBu-can xyl. print claimed to be in an almost illegible state. lo6 101 Tadesu Mitsushima has published an English translation of GLR, but it is rather an incomplete paraphrase of our text, superficial, unannotated and hardly one sentence reflects the Tibetan original truthfully or even remotely adequate. 102 Kuznetsov's edition in transliteration is a collation of CLR A with GLR B. The result was devastatingly poor. It is an encyclopedia of errors. Kuznetsov failed to read his Tibetan original properly. As indicated in the long list of corrections and emendations published by J. KolmaS ("In the Margin of B.I. Kuznetsov's edition of the Clear Mirror of Royal Genealogies", Archiv Orienralni, 1967 (XXXV), pp. 467-476), this edition abounds in errors due to the editor's poor reading of the Tibetan texts. but even KolmaS has overlooked a large number of Kuznetsov's misreadings. They surpass over one thousand in number and makes his depreciated edition quite useless and unreliable. I n addition, Kuznetsov has repeatedly failed to identify metrical passages and text-segments and shows a very weak command and understanding of Tibetan, a fact also attested in his Russian rendition of large portions of the last chapter of GLR. 103 Modem book edition based upon the sDe-dge xyl. print published by Mi-rigs dPe-skrun-khang, 1981. 104 HisfIoruit is unknown, but must be situated in the second half of the XVth century. The key role played by the stewards of Jo-khang in the dissemination of the king's Vita has already been discussed above. 105 The nobleman dPal-'byor rgyal-po and his consort Bu-khrid dpal-'dzom of the sNel or sNe'u family were powerful local figures in the period 1460-1480 A.D. who rendered great service to Dharma, inter alia by sponsoring the printing of books. Cf. DTHMPSM 86b5, 101al-102b2 (Tucci, 1971, pp. 223, 241-242); PSJZ 11, 162.1-4; Tucci, TPS, 11, p. 646; D. Jackson, 1989, SCEAR (Vol. 2), pp. 9-10. 106 Cf. Kuznetsov, 1966, XIX-XX. GLR B: sDe-dge edition, 1b 1- 104a6 Printed (par du bsgrubs) in the XVIIIth century (ca. 1750-1760 A.D.). Editor Blama chen-po Kun-dga' 'phrin-las rgya-mtsho. '07 Numerous versions of the pre-modern sDe-dge edition may be consulted. F.ex. 1. British Museum 19999b.9 formerly belonging to H.A. J k h k e . 2. India Office Library, Teichmann Inv. I. dBu-can xyl. print. The present translation has been constituted on the basis of the sDe-dge edition with running reference to the 1Ha-sa edition. Although the former edition is characterized by a thorough standardization of the orthography, the archaic and occasionally corrupt spelling of the 1Ha-sa edition not to talk about its illegible constitution has been deemed inchoate to form the sound basis for a translation, albeit from a philological and stemmatic point of view an earlier witness in general must be accorded pride of place. Interlinear Annotation The glosses (mchan) or secunda manus found distributed throughout GLR cannot be ascribed to Bla-ma dam-pa himself. It could be the work of a single person and or, altogether more sensible, two (or more) glossarists who have been at work successively. One interlinear note (cf. note 243 infra) may have been added around 1372 A.D., judged from the nature of its content.lo8 It would be tempting and altogether feasible, at least for this single entry, to assume Bla-ma dam-pa's own pen behind this gloss. But generally it must be recognized that a running interlinear annotation most likely took place, being inserted into the Ms version of GLR while this was in circulation from 1369 A. D. to 1478 A. D. when the edirio princeps of the xylographic 1Ha-sa 'Phrul-snang version was executed and at this point all the glosses were then duly incorporated into the printed version. Two glosses in particular lend credence to this contention. In one gloss (cf. note 1177 infra) there is most likely reference to Yarlung Jo-bo's YIJBCHBY written 1376 A.D. and in another gloss (cf. note 820 inpa) there is a direct reference to flogs-ldan sNgo-nyal-ma Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan, who was a disciple of Bo-dong Phyogs-las rnam-rgyal (1306-1386 A.D.). This would all in all suggest that the majority(?) of glosses and scholia were intercalated into the Ms version in the early years after the passing of Bla-ma dam-pa in 1375 A.D. and most likely by some anonymous glossarist independent of the author. 107 The sDe-dge edition was executed on behest of Khams-gsum Chos kyi rgyal-po, E-wam-pa'i &npo dPal-ldan chos-skyong (1 702- 1758159 A.D.). Cf. Ngor mkhan-chen dPal-ldan chos-skyong zhabs kyi rnam-thar sna-tshogs Ijon-pa stug-po'i 'khri-shing, the autobiography of the 33th Abbot of Ngor dPal-ldan Chos-skyong, comp. and d.by Zhu-chen Tshul-khrims rin-cben of sDedge. The editor of the sDe-dge ed. of GLR is mentioned repeatedly in the autobiography. Cf. also KolmaS, sDe-dge 'i rgyal-rubs, p. 40. 108 This has possibly prompted Macdonald, 1967, p. 479 and 1971 pavsim to date GLR to 1373 A.D. Translation Initially not planned in that way, the present book has, by way of its detailed, even verbose annotations, developed into a sort of source-book and albeit being selective in that respect it is my hope that it may be useful beyond the point of offering handy cross-references for the reader and fellow researcher. Within rradirional Tibetan historiographical writings, sources that were written or compiled before GLR have duly been consulted and, while here hopefully proving exhaustive, all textual data and passages which parallel or prove themselves relevant for GLR have been registered. Yet more than a brief scrutiny of numerous biographical, sectarian and doctrinal histories, not consulted in this study, shall no doubt cast much new or supplementary light on a number of historical figures and incidences, especially in the last part of the book dealing with the post-dynastic history and its ramifications in West and Central Tibet.'09 Historical sources written or compiled after GLR have on the other hand only arbitrarily been consulted, and if so then quite unsystematically, partly to avoid that the present book grew out of proportions (this may admittedly already have taken place), partly because these sources only to a very limited degree shed new light on the points relevant for an understanding of Bla-ma dam-pa and his use of sources. In cases where a decidedly later source has been deemed of importance or offers a unique witness in the Buddhist historiographical tradition, an attempt has duly been made to incorporate the particular textual evidence. Nevertheless, in this study, which mainly filters historical material from the phyidar period, the Tibetan sources speak their own language. Needless to say, all the topics introduced by our text cannot here be addressed exhaustively and the few discussions in this study have been selected haphazardly. Any experienced reader in Tibetan historiography may, possibly with some justification, claim that the material and themes covered by rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i me-long have long been known to scholars and students alike. It covers well-trodden ground. This is partly true. All the same, numerous cases of citation and its use in many historical studies have long testified not only to GLR's popularity and its normative importance as a model of Tibetan Buddhist historiographical writings as aptly characterized by Petech and Tucci long ago, lo but equally to the fact that it verily contains material and data of unique value and witness. This shall hopefully be documented in this present translation. It wielded no small influence as a source internally in Tibet in the wake of its appearance in the later part of the XIVth century, where Me-long-ma was profusely cited and occasionally became an object of polemics, but clearly also in Mongolia, where its popularity paved the way for its repeated translation and where ' 109 In particular, when of if apparently lost genealogical sources (gdung rabs, rgyal rabs) that delinate the history and genealogy of the noble and royal houses of Western and Central Tibet in medieval times should surface, texts such as those written by Rin-chen rdo-rje, Byang-ji ston-pa and Tshulkhrims bzang-po, but also sources composed by Gung-ston dPal-mdzes, Gung-thang mNgal-bdag Nor-bu-lde, Blo-ldan Shes-rab-grub, Nam-mkha' chos-dbang and Dus-'khor-ba Mang-thos rdo-rje, the latter ones used by Kah-thog Rig-'dzin in his important works, cf. especially the notes 435, 1651, 1731-32 and 1836-38 infra. But also an utmost rare and long-lost text such as the Lo-rgyus chen-mo by dGe-bshes Khu-ston brTson-'grus g. yung-drung (101 1- 1075 A. D.) which was extensively employed e.g. by the IDe'u histories. 110 In the words of Petech, 1939, p. 89, GLR constitutes 'the history of Tibet p a r excellence'; Tucci, TPS, I, p. 142, 'the model of future historiography'. its Mongolian renditions became a cherished and oft-quoted source for Mongolian Buddhist historiography. In my translation, being rather literal than literary, an attempt has been made to remain as faithful as possible to the original. In the metrical segments, for instance, the line-order of the Tibetan text is followed slavishly, albeit the rhythm and sequence of our English rendition to the reader may appear somewhat unusual. [How] the Universe Came into Existence in the [very] Beginning; the Arrival of the Successive Indian Dharmariijas and the Diffusion of the Holy Law after the Appearance of the Teacher Sikya-muni in the World OM MAN1 PADME ~m- Respectful homage [we] pay to the Noble ~ o ; dof dompassion ~valokite~vara. The glorious Origin of [all] wishes and wants, fulfilling the hopes of the worldlings, The Principal among the Bipeds, the Treasury of all qualities, To the King of Sakya, the Teacher of God and Man, Respectful homage [we] pay with body (fur, kdya), speech (ngag, vbk) and mind wid, cirra). Out of [his] abundant compassion which stems from [his] boundless grace and wisdom, Through his [many protean] emanations converting each according to individual disposition, Guiding the living beings of the Tibetan country unto the Path of [mental] Maturation and Salvation, AvalokiteSvara, to him [we] pay homage. The Lords of Men who spontaneously produce innumerable merits, The precious lineage of Mahasammata (Mang-pos bkur-ba), The lineage of Iksv&u (Bu-rum shing-pa), etc. a l of India [we] pay [our] homage. To the pure ~ o ~Lineages Here in the obscure and dark barbarous borderland of Tibet, Lightening the great lamp of the Holy Law (Saddharma) Having guided the Tibetan subjects, the sentient beings to virtuousness, To the pibetan] Kings and Ministers incarnated, [we] pay homage. Being embellished by the three higher disciplines, the origin of prosperity, Translating and systematizing the books of [Buddha's] Word and the doctrinal treatises, Having propagated the Teaching of Buddha (buddhafa~and)in [all] ten directions, To the [Indian and Tibetan] Saint Savants and Translators, [we] pay homage. Endowed with endless and unfathomable endowments, Avalokita and [our] ancestral Dharmarajas, This abbreviated biographical narrative (mum rhor) [expounding] their feats, Although I am disqualified, indeed - due to [my] inferior intellect, still [For] those pious individuals who seek knowledge of the Teaching [of Buddha] For generating immense love and devotion [among them] I [shall venture to] write [this chronicle] for the [sole] purpose of bestowing a treat for the ear! So it [should] be said. Now, the fact that the precious Teaching of Buddha forms the basis from which all prosperity and happiness in this world spring and the fact that the conditions for its spread and propagation is [entirely] due to the grace of the Indian and Tibetan bodhisatrva Dharmarijas, [it has become imperative that] their history be made widely known. In particular, were I to present an epitomized biographical narrative of [how] the bodhisattva Arya Avalokiteivara, who, by [various] emanations converting each individual in a manner best suited to him, has guided all the sentient beings unto the Path of Enlightenment (bodhimdrga) and of Salvation (moksa) here in this Snow-capped, barbarous borderland, in accordance with a prophecy of the ~eacher,the most perfect Buddha, and [were I to delineate how] the Buddha's Teaching spread and propagated [there] through the successive royal Dharmarija ancestors, first and foremost the Patron of the Dharma (dhamapdla) king Srong-btsan sgam-po etc., the spiritual emanation of that Arya [i.e. Avalokiteivara], - [then such a pious exposition would certainly] outroot scepticism and arouse [true] faith [in the Law]. I [therefore] entreat [everyone] to bear this Chronicle of the Origin of Religion (Chos 'byung gi lo rgyus; i.e. GLR) in mind! [Q [Genesis of the Universe] Now, as to the first [theme],' [ab initio] this exterior, [inanimate] receptacle of an universe (snod kyi 'jig Hen gyi khams, bhdjanalokadhdt~)~ was endless empty aria1 space. The [cosmic] wind[s] moved from [all] ten directions, pushing hither and thither, whereby a so- l For a detailed, now somewhat superseded, discussion of this and the following sections of Chap. I and its relation to its sources, cf. Ssrensen, 1986, pp. 120ff. Basic sources for the cosmogonical or cosmographical sections in traditional Tibetan Buddhist historiography were foremost: Canonical (dgam, lung): AbhidharrnakoSa[-bhkya] [AK[-BH]], LokaprajiiiptiSSstra [LP]; extracanonical: Shes-bya rab-gsal [SHBRS]. Cf. aiso briefly Dietz, 1992. For a mainly non-Buddhist cosmographical exposition in Tibetan, cf. Schuh, 1973, p. 47ff. For the Western sources cf. mainly: L. de La VallQ Poussin, 1919 and 1923-31; W. Kirfel, 1920, pp. 178-207; E. Denis, 1977; R. Kloetzli, 1983. Bla-ma dam-pa's Genesis-exposition is an abbreviated expos6 evincing a well-nigh verbatim dependency on LP, AK[-BH], but foremost on SHBRS occasionally interspersed with a few yet untraced or personal phrases and passages. Further Tibetan Buddhist Genesis-material pursuing both traditional material as above or more 'mythological' material: F.ex. pre-GLR: KCHKKHM-1 655.2ff. ; KCHKKHM-2 59.17ff. ; KCHKKHM-3 387.4-388.3; CHBYMTNYP 8a3ff., 135alff.; MBNTH 3bff., 20b2ff.; DCHBY 91.14ff. ; KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. 1, 90.13-94.18; post-GLR: YLJBCHBY 4ff. (based mainly upon SHBRS and GLR); BGRSPH 153. Iff; PSJZ 1.24-2.13. 2 Bla-ma dam-pa here abstains from recording, as do his prime sources, the formative condition (rkyen, praryaya) behind the cyclic creation of the universe (during an Aeon ( h l p a ) of creation (chugs pa, vivarta) of all the world-systems, i.e. trichilio-megachiliocosm (srong gsum gyi stong chen po'i Ijig rten gyi h a m , stlhasramhdsdhasralokodhdtu)): It became manifested (GLR: chugs pa; AK-BH, SHBRS: mngon par grub, abhinirvrtta) perforce of the collective cumulative karmic acts (las kyi dbang gis, hm-dhipafya) of the sentient beings, cf. e.g. AK-BH ad IT1 45, 165b6; LP 66b3ff. ; SHBRS 3a2ff. called 'wind cross' (rlung rgya an atmosphere (lit. 'wind disk'; rlung gi dkyil 'War, vdyumandala) [gradually] took shape, being of a pale blue hue, very dense, towering 1.600.000 miles (dpag tshod, yojam) in height and [vinually] immeasurable in circ~mfence.~ Thereupon a great ocean [emerged] resting upon a [huge] mass of water, being 1.120.000 yojana-s in depth and 1.203.450 yojana-s in [total] extent.' Thereupon [by gradual evolution16 a terrafitmu of gold (gser gyi so zhi, katkanamuyf mahr) [emerged], flat like the palm of the hand, being 340.000 yojanu-s$ [in depth], in the , ~ King of Mountains, [towers], produced from various centre of which Mt. ~ e r u the precious metals manifesting [itselfJspontaneously resembling the hub of a water-wheel; the eastern [part] being made out of silver, the southern [part] out of lapis lazuli; the western [part] out of ruby and the northern [part] from gold. This [mountain] Meru reaches 80.000 yojana-s down into the ocean and towers [equally] 80.000 ojam-s above sea-level.9 The seven golden mountains (ri bdun, sapta parvwa)' fully encircling (yongs su bskor B 3 The designation 'wind-cross' appears unattested in the traditional cosmographical expositions upon which Bla-ma dam-pa has based his description. No doubt, it originally hails from MNKB and KCHKKHM, which embody in their Vita-cycles of AvalokiteSvara-cum-king srong-btsan'sgam-po a brief cosmography, here of the buda%aksena of AvalokiteAvata, resembling outwardly the Buddhist ditto, cf. MNKB E (A) Chap. 6, 18b5-20a5, in which it is stated that the cosmic winddisk was thick and &ad a) semi-circular (form) (rlung gi m i l 'khor zlo gum tshan po che); KCHKKHM-2 Chap. 2, 11.1-16.8, embodying the same cosmogonical exposition, only slightly more detailed, contains the following important description: the foundation of empty space was moved by a wind-disk, a vajra-cross (viiva-vajra) ( 'og nam mWla ' srong pa 'i gzhi rlung rdo rje rgya gram dkyil 'khor gcig gir 'debs pa). Bla-ma dam-pa's introduction of the wind designated a cross thus seems to hail from this exposition. CHBYMTNYP 13a2-4 similarly combines both traditions, stating that a wind-disk was created, being 1.600.000 yojana-s in extent, immeasurable in circumfence and assumed the form (rruun pa) of a double-vajra. 4 AK-BH ad 111 45, 165b6-166al; LP 66b3-4; SHBRS 3a2-3. 5 AK-BH ad I11 46-47; 166a1-4; LP 66b5-67al; SHBRS 3a3-4. The ocean took shape, these sources confirm, when clouds congested, causing immense rain to pour down which in turn created a 'water-circle' (chu 'i akyil ' h r , jalomandala). .. 6 By congelation or the churning of water by the cosmic winds the water solidified into a gold-moted rerrajirma, like the process of milk turning into butter (AKI-BH], 166a4: 'o ma bskol ba spris ma chugs pa'i tshul, pakvaksiri Sari bhdvayoga). 7 AK[-BH] 111 47-48, 166a4-6; LP 67a1-4; SHBRS 3al-4: The depth according to AK + GLR: 340.000 yojana-s; according to LP + SHBRS: 320.000 yojana-s; the diameter (thud kor): AK + SHBRS: 1.203.450 yojana-s, LP: 1.200.450 yojana-s. The circumfence (mtha ' skor) AK + SHBRS: 3.610.350 yojana-s; LP: 3.600.350. The simile (dpe) in GLR, i.e. flat like the palm of the hand is unattested in his prime sources. 8 Mt. Meru or Sumeru (ri rub lhun po): AK[-BH] I11 48-50, 166a6-167a2; LP 67a6-67b4; SHBRS 3bl-2. Again the dpe that Mt. Meru resembles the hub of a water-wheel (rang '(hog gi Ire ba) is unattestd in his prime sources, and appears thus to be added by Bla-ma dam-pa to enliven or popularise his description. 9 So 1.600.000 yojana-s in total length or measure and 3.200.000 yojana-s in total circumfence; cf. L P 67bl. 10 AKI-BH], 111 48-49, 165b5-166a2; LP 67b4-69aS; SHBRS 3b2-4. All these golden satellite mountains are of an equal height, i.e. 80.000 yojana-s, and situated in the middle of the ocean, only a progressively and proportionally smaller part of them towers above sea-level (chu far gyen du ba, pariksipta) it: yugamdhara (gNyal-shing- jdzin) [measuring] 40.000 yojuna-s [in height]; TsHdhara (gShol-mdal-'dzin) [measuring] 20.000 yojanu-s [in height]; Khadiraka (Scng-ldcng-'dzin) [measuring] 10.000 yojana-s [in height]; SudarSana (blTa-nu-sdug) [measuring] 5.000 yojana-s [in height]; ASvakarqa (rTa-ma[-can]) [measuring] 2.500 yojunu-s [in height]; Vinataka (rNam-bdud) [measuring] 1.250 yojuna-s [in height] [and finally] Nemindhara (Mu-khyud- 'dzin) [measuring] 625 yojana-s [in height]. Between these [mountains] seven enchanting lakes (rol [pa'i] mtsho, STtd) are situated. In the inner caverns of Mt. Meru are the cities of the ~ s u r a s located. l~ Above Mt. Meru is located the divine abode (lha 'i gnus, devaloka) of the Triyastrimh-s (swn-cu ma-gswn-pa). l 3 In the centre of this [abode] is located the palace of ~akra',the 'Most Victorious Mansion' (rnam-par rgyal-ba 'i khang-bzangs, vdijayantaprdsdda),produced out of sundry costly metals. Elevated above this, at a distance of 80.000 yojana-s, is the devaloka of [Yima, i.e.1 AyodhyH ('thab brao. l 4 Elevated above that [again], at a distance of 160.000yojana-s, is the devaloka of Tusita (dga '-ldan) . l5 Towering above that, at a distance of 320.000 yojana-s, the devaloka of NirmHnarati ('phrul-dga ')I6 is found, and elevated [another] 640.000 yojana-s above that [again], is the devaloka of Paranirmitavaiavartin (gzhan- 'phrul dbang-byed). l7 From there downwards is the Region of Passion ('dod pa 'i khams, kdmadhdtu). l 8 From there upwards are located all the devaloka-s of the Region of Form (gzugs khams, rapadhdtu)'9 and the Region of Formlessness (gzugs med khams, drfipyadhdtu)20 etc., situated, moreover, like the steps (bang rim, parisanda) of a caitya. The [actual] size of these regions, the [length in] yojana-s, the duration of the longevity [of the living beings there], the size of their bodies and the size of their [material] wealth are all elucidated [in great detail] in the ~ b h i d h a r m a . ~ ~ 'phags), cf. LP. 11 AK[-BH] I11 Sled, 167a5-167b5; SHBRS 4al-2. 12 The different terraces (bang rim, parisanda) on Mt. Meru, cf. AK-BH ad 111 63-64 corn., 171a6171b5, LP 27bl-33a2; SHBRS 7a2-4;'12a5-13b4. 13 On TriyastrirnSa, the city SudarSana and the palace Viijayanta etc., cf. AK-BH I11 65-68 + corn., 171b5-172b7f LP 34b8-46b6; SHBRS 7a4-8a3, 13a6-14b4. 14 On Ayodhyi, cf. AK-BH ad 111 69a-b, 172b7; SHBRS 8a3-4, 14b5-6. 15 Tusita, cf. AK-BH ad 111 69ab, 172b7; SHBRS 8a4, 15al-2. 16 On Nirrnanarati, cf. AK[-BH] 111 69ab, 127b2; SHBRS 8a4, 15a2. 17 On Paranirmitavaiavartin, AK[-BH] 111 69, 172b7-7; SHBRS 8a4-5, 15a3-4. 18 On Kirnadhatu, cf. AK[-BH] I11 70-71ab + corn., 173a2-173b5, SHBRS 8a4-5. 19 On Riipadhitu, cf. AKI-BH] 111 71cd + corn., 173b5-173b7, SHBRS 15a5-16a4. 20 On ~ r u ~ ~ a d h icf. t uAK[-BH] , I11 72-77 + corn., 173b7-175a1, SHBRS 15aS-16a4. + 21 Cf. AK[-BH] 111 71-77 + corn., 173b5-180b7: size ( w h o dmun) in yojana, I11 72-74, 173b7-174b8; longevity (rshe'i rshad, ciyuspramu-nu) of the inhabitants, 111 78-85 + corn., 111 89d-93c, 175al178al, 178a7-180b7; the size of their bodies (lus, bong rshad), 111 75-77 + corn., 174b8-175al; SHBRS 8a6-8b6, 15a4-17al. To the east of Mt. Meru is the Continent of Plrvavideha (lus- 'phugs),22together with two satellite continents (gling phran, antaradvlpa), having a crescent (zla gum,ardhacundra) shape. To the south of Mt. Meru is the Continent of Jambudvipa ( ' d m - b u gling),t3 together with two satellite continents, having the shape of a cart/scapula (sog Wla, S h r a ) . To the west of Mt. Meru is the Continent of [AparaIgodZmiya ( b u - ~ g ] l a ~ ~ - s p y o d ) , ~ together with two satellite continents, having a circular shape (zlwn po, mandala). To the north of Mt. Meru is the Continent of [Uttanlkuru (sgra rni-~ny=n),~' together with two satellite continents, all square (gmbzhi, carurarra) in shape. In space, elevated 40.000 yojana-s above Mt. Vinataka, is the transparent (d[v]angs) and very coherent (rub tu brtan pa) atmosphere (rlung gi dkyil 'khor, vdywnandala) .. upon which the sun, the moon and the lunar constellations are upheld.26 The size in yojana-s of the sun and the moon, the extent of the lunar constellations, the number of yojana-s of the four [major] continents and of the [minor] satellite continents, the size of their [material] wealth and the duration of the human longevity of the beings living there, the size of their physical bodies, etc. are all elucidated [in greater detail] in the ~bhidharma.~~ The most excellent among these continents is Jambudvipa. The minor peripheral (zur pa) continents [such as] Oddiy2na ( ~ - r ~ ~ a nSuvanadvipa ),~* (g~er-gling),29 Simhaladvipa (singga-la? gling),30 ~ k d r a d v i ~(zla-ba'i a gling)31 etc. also pertain to southern ~ambudvi~a.~~ + com., 167b6-8; LP 69b5-7, 89a2-5; SHBRS 5b3-5. 111 53cd-54a + com., 167b3-167b6; LP 695-69b2, 89a5-89bl: 22 AB[-BH] 111 54bd 23 AB[-BH] a cart (shing rta, Sakatcikrtl); SHBRS 4a6-5b3. Contrary to the imagery retained in the AbhidharmakoSa, Bla-ma damipa'has here repeated an old, cherished Tibetan notion which depicts this continent as having the form of a shoulder-blade. Already Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP 386a1, has it but also PlMKTH (Chap. 97, 608.4-5), drawing from a common source, and lastly BGRSPH loc. cit. 159.18. This continent is usually depicted in the form of a handle of a scapula? (sog kfi]a 'i yu ba) or better of a chariot (Sakota), suggesting that scapula was an attempt atHyperkorrektur, while sog(s) kha is a faulty renditiod of Sabra. 24 AK[-BH] I11 55ab, 167b8-168a3; LP 69b7-70a4, 89b1-4; SHBRS 6al-3. 25 AK[-BH] 111 55d, 168a2-3; LP 70a4-70a8, 89b4-6; SHBRS 5 5 - 6 a l . 26 AK[-BH] 111 60-62 + corn., 170a8-171a6; LP 46b6-49al; SHBRS 6a4-7al. 27 For the uranograhical description, i.e. the extent of the sun, moon and of the lunar constellations, cf. AK[-BH] I11 60-62 + com., 170bl-171a6; LP 49a2-53a2; SHBRS 6aS-7al. The extent of the four continents and sattelite continents, the longevity and the bodily size of the inhabitants living com., 167b3-168a6, 175al-178a7, 174b8-175al: there: AK[-BH] 111 53cd-66, 78-85a, 75-77, SHBRS 1lb6-12a3, 12al-2, 12a3-5. 28 U-rgyan or 0-rgyan etc., i.e. Oddiyina, variously identified with the Swat Valley in present-day Pakistan or the area around presknt-day Kabul, cf. recently L. Chandra, 1980 and for a possible etymological explanation, cf. Eimer & Tsering, Documenfa Barbarorurn, pp. 59-60. 29 Probably Sumatra. 30 1.e. Ceylon. + 31 Candradvipa, an island somewhere in the Bengal delta. 32 SHBRS 6a3-4. Further, [to this continent belongs] the kingdom of India, MadhyadeSa (yul d b ~ s ) , ~ ~ having the shape of a brocade canopy (za 'og gi blu bre phub pa). The Continent of Jewels (rin po che'i gling, *ratnadvpa i.e. the countries) Sogdiana (sog po) and Khotan (li'i yul) have the shape of a cart (shing rta). The Continent of the Origin of All Wishes ('dod dgu 'byung ba'i gling, i.e. the countries) Mongolia (hor) and China (rgya nag gi yul) have the shape of a lotus in bloom. The Continent of Great Marvel (ngo mtshar che'i gling, i.e.) the Kingdom of Snow-clad Tibet, has the shape of a raksasr (srin mo) lying on her back (gun rkyal du 'gyel ba)" and it is a [country] with deep ravines (ngam grog the),)' being densely populated by demons and spirits ('dre srin), [covered with] rough black mountains, [a country] dark and obscure. Moreover, there are sixteen major provinces [in Jambudvipa], each living in prosperity and enjoying great wealth.36 [II] [Evolution of God and Man] Further, the country of India, in the [very] beginning,37the human beings descended from the gods of Abh~svara('od gsal attaining an immeasurable age and nourished on the 33 Cf. Lamotte, 1958, q.v. 34 The famous metonym for Tibet, being compared with a supine or prostrate rock-riiksasi, cf. GLR chap. XIV, its locus classicus apparently being the Vita of Srong-btsan sgam-po, fbremost being found in MNKB E (Ca) 129b5, 132b2-3; KCHKKHM-1: 754.2-3, 762.1-2; KCI-IKKHM-2 200.17-201.i7, 212.8-215.3, 233.17-18; KCHKKHM-3 435.7-436.1; CHBYMTNYP 247a2248a1,251b3-253al; MBNTH 55a5-6; NGTMTPH 8a2; DCHBY 115.15; CHBY 139b2-5 (Szerb, pp. 10-12), etc. cf. note 726 infra and for a general discussion, cf. Aris, 1979, pp. 8-33; Gyatso, 1987. 35 Cf. Stein, 1988, p. 1410. 36 Cf. verbatim, SHBRS 5b2-3. 37 This part of the Genesis, a theogonical and anthropogonical exposi, forms an integral part of the overall Buddhist cosmographical description and usually continues with the ensuing section, a rajavamia. Such a combination is also quite usual from Indian sources, cf. R. Tsuchida, 1991, "Die ~ e n e r a l o ~des i e Buddha under seiner Vorfahren" , pp. 124-5. The sources (khungs) for the evolution of god and man are almost the same as the first section: AK[-BH] 111 98 + corn., 185b5-186b3; L P 70a8-77al; VV (GA) 385a6-393a5 [cf. also VV (CA) 149al-156b51; SHBRS 17al-17b4. Further sources: pre-GLR: MBNTH 2lalff.; GBCHBY 197.16ff.; DCHBY 92.1 l ff. ; post-GLR: BGRSPH 154.2ff. 38 The sentient beings occur in the world (Jambudvipa) during an aeon (kalpa) of creation (chags pa, vivarta) of all the world-systems (i.e. 1000' = trichilio-megachiliocosm, stong gsum stong chen po 'i 'jig rten gyi khams, trisiihasramahfisdhasralokadhcStu)ensuing from an aeon of destruction ('jig pa, samvarta), occuring in long series of ever-occuring and interchanging cycles of periodical creations and destructions. In the wake of evolution after an aeon of destruction, respectively through fire, water and wind, the transmigrating beings are descending (through gradual punarbhava-s or cyuti-s qua the various devaloka-s of Brahmaloka) from the gods of ~ b h i s v a r a(i.e. the 3. devaloka of the 2. DhyPna-realm of the Brahmaloka pertaining to Riipadhitu) and are eventually reborn in Jambudvipa, cf. e.g. the complete expos6 in LP 54bl-82a6. Man of the first aeon (bskal pa dung po pa, prathamkalpa) descends from the ~ b h i s v a r a .Cf. VV 385a6-386b2; SHBRS 17a13; CHBYMTNYP 135blff, KCHKKHM-2 61.1 Iff. ; for a unique pleasures of dhydna (bsm grun)-contemplation [only]. They were miraculously born (&us re skye ba, upapnduk.), [self-]Iuminous ([rung gi] 'od[-can] , [svaym]prahhu) and by magical faculty (rdzu 'phrul, rddhi) [capable ofl walking in space (&m m&hu' 10 'gro bu, vihdyasamgama) and possessed [thus] countless bodily endowments (yon tun, gum). At that time [they] partook of [the food] called 'ambrosial-terrestrial essence"(hdud nsi sa bcud, amrfa-bhlimira~a),~~ being of a white colour and having the taste of honey, and thereby they' lost their spacewalking ability and the dhydna-contemplation as nourishment [only] ceased to exist. [Gradually this nourishment was consumed] whereupon [the nutriment] called 'terrestrial grease' (sa'i zhag, bh&niparpa@-a)" emerged, being of a reddish-yellow colour and tasting . This abated too, and the nourishment called 'forest-reed' (myu gu'i rshal, :z,"ak;;'l emerged. When this was consumed too, the [so-called] '[unsown and] uncultivated rice' (ma nnos pa'i 'bras sd lu, a k r s t a ~ d l i appeared )~~ [as nourishment]. These [various] types of nourishment were'[normally] taken m y the people] whenever needed and then eaten, but some slothful people took today the ration [intended for] the following day and ate it. Others did likewise and so [this wonderful] rice which [need] not be sown ceased to exist too.43 Subsequently, they commenced taking up agriculture, but the fields that were tilled by one were harvested and partaken by others, and being at variance with one another, [they] quarreled. At that time the most outstanding among them [decided to] allot to each person the control over a piece of land which thereby brought the fightings to an end. The people rejoiced over that and in order to honour [him] they unanimously appointed him as [their] leader. So he was called King Mahlsammata (rgyal po Mang-pos bkur-ba). He was the first Indian king.44 treatment of this material, cf. GBCHBY 197.21.ff.; BGRSPH 154.3ff. 39 AK[-BH] 185b6: here called sa 'i ro; LP 70b8-7217; VV 385b2-387a3; SHBRS 17a.5-6; KCHKKHM-2 62.63.10; Further sources: pre-GLR: GBCHBY 198.5-199.6; CHBYMTNYP 136a4-136bl. post-GLR: BGRSPH 157.15-158.4. 40 LP 72a7-72b7; VV 387a3-387b4; SHBRS 17bl; pre-GLR: MBNTH 21 a3; GBCHBY 198.4-199.6; CHBYMTNYP 135b5-136al. post-GLR: BGRSPH 158.5-10. 41 AK[-BH] 186a3; LP 72b7-73a7 here denoted ldum bu 'i tshal instead of myu gu'i tshal as usually translated; W 387bS-388bl; pre-GLR: GBCHBY 199.7-10; CHBYMTNYP 136bl-136th; postGLR: BGRSPH 158.10-14. 42 In full 'the wild rice not needed to be sown or cultivated' (ma rmos ma btab pa'i ' b r a s6 lu. akrstoptuftili), cf. AK[-BH] 186a4-186bl; LP 73a7-74a2: this wonderful rice, moreover, was chkacterized as being without ear ([glzegsma, kanti), chaff and huskless @hub ma, shun pa, t w a ; sbun ma, busa) and pure (dag, gtsang, Suddhi) and when harvested in the evening, it had forth again the following morning. Sources: VV 388b1-389b3; SHBRS 17b2; KCHKKHM-2 63.10-18; further sources: pre-GLR: GBCHBY 199.1 1-16; CHBYMTNYP 136b6-137a5; post-GLR: BCRSPH 158.15-163.12, the latter text maintaining, inter alia, that it occured perforce of the cumulative wholesome and compassionate deeds of the Buddha(s). 43 AKI-BH] 186aS-186bl; LP 74a2-7Sa8; VV 389b3-391b3; SHBRS 17b2-3. 44 AKI-BH] 186bl-3; L P 75a8-77al; VV 391b3-393aS and SHBRS 17a2-4; further sources: preGLR: KCHKKHM-I 59.14,63.15-84.4; KCHKKHM-3 388.3-393.5; CHBYMTNYP 137a5138b6; MBNTH 21bl-2; GBCHBY 200.5-13; post-GLR: BGRSPH 163.3-171.9. [III] [Royal Genealogies of India] s ] ~was ~ Roca ('Od-mdzes); his son was Kaly4a (dGe-ba); His [i.e. king ~ a h l s a n ~ r n a t a ' son his son VarakalyZina (dGe-mchog) and his son Uposadha (gSo-sbyong- 'phags). [These] are known as the of five early kings (sngon gyi rgyal po sde lnga). The son of Uposadha was the infant MSndhPtr (Nga-las-nu); his son was CPru (mDzespa); his son upac& (Nye-mdzes); his son CPruka (mDzes-can) and his son CHrumant (mDzes-ldan). These are called the five Wheel-Revolving ('khor 10s sgyur ba, cakravanin) Kings. The [latter's] son was king Varada (mChog-sbyin). During his time the life span of a living being was 40.000 years. During the time of that king and his son, the two, Buddha Krakucchandra ('Khor-ba 'jig) appeared in India and preached the Holy Law ( ~ a d d h a m z a ) . ~ ~ The son of king Varada was king *Mani ( ~ o r - b u )Then . ~ ~ after him, at the end of three hundred royal generations, the king ~alled'samanta~rabha (Kun-nos ' o d [ - z e r ~ )appeared. ~~ His son was king Candra (Tsandha), during whose time the life span of the inhabitants of Jambudvipa lasted 30.000 years, wherefore during the time of these two [kings], father and son, Buddha Kanakamuni (gSer-thub) appeared in India and preached the Holy Law. 45 This section of the royal genealogies of the Mah5sammata-lineage, the roi mythique or the mythical progenitor of h y a , the lineage of s2kyamuni, is appended to the Genesis-expos6 in the canonical scriptures of L P and VV, but reminiscences of such royal v a d a - s may be found scattered throughout various scriptures. Bla-ma dam-pa has, as explicitly stated, based his very condensed list of kings upon the hyberbolic and astronomic list of kings delineated in VV and DTHMP. Prime sources: L P 77a3-79a3, 79a3-82a6; VV 393a6-407b6; SHBRS 17b4-18b3; DTHMP 2a6-3b9. Cf. also MahSvastu (d. Senart), 1, 338.13-355. Further sources: pre-GLR: KCHKKHM-1 656.2669.2; KCHKKHM-2 64.13-83.19; KCHKKHM-3 388.3-393.6; CHBYMTNYP 139b6ff.; MBNTH 21b3ff. ; GBCHBY 20.6-221.6; DCHBY 92.14-97.11 ; post-GLR: BGRSPH 164.2171.9. 46 This passage with king mChog-sbyin is untraced in his prime sources, where the son of Carumant (mDzes-Man) variously is identified with either the lineage of the king Muci (bTang-ba) and his son Mucilinda (bTang-bzung) or with Bhadra (bang-po) and Subhadra (Legs-bzang) etc. ruling in the city of MiSrakapura ('dres pa'i grong 'khyer) etc, as minutely delineated in L P 78aSW; W 395al ff. ; SHBRS 17b6ff. ; DTHMP 2b4-6. A possible clue may be offered by KTHDNG (KHA), Chap. 111, 103.9-12, where the riija mChog-sbyin, here followed by king Candra (see note 48), is mentioned. Another, less plausible, solution may be supplied by CHBYMTNYP 140b4-6, which mentions the king named Brahmadatta (Tshangs-sbyin) in the genealogical list, whereby the names mChog-sbyin and Tshangs-sbyin may have been confounded, or, more convincingly, ibid., 24a524b1, quoting an unknown source, where a legend is detailed, mentioning a king denoted mChodsbyin (? Kratu, father of Kracchuchandra?). Could we assume that Bla-ma dam-pa is quoting this or a similar source and then confounded mChod-sbyin with mChog-sbyin? This passage and the following passages from GLR are quoted in DTHMPSM, op. cir. 4a4-5a3, where bsod-nams gragspa subjected them to criticism. 47 As adduced in previous note, king Nor-bu does not figure in the traditional lists and may, together with king mChog-sbyin, be names or personages originating from a source, as yet untraced. 48 The king Kun-nas 'od[-zer] (and, incidentally, likewise his son Candra, see note 46), is not enumerated as kings in the lists (but see VV 395a4), but Kun-nas 'od-zer is, as stated e.g. in DTHMP 2b4-3a1, the common name of a lineage [of kings], counting hundred crown-heads, which occured in the city of Potala (gru-'dzin), where, at the end of another plethora of dynasties, Buddha Kanakamuni made his appearance. Then, at the end of [further] 300 royal generations, king +Mah&atna (Rwna ~ h e n - ~ o ) ~ and his son king Krkin (Kri-kn] made [their] appearance, and at that time the inhabitants of Jambudvipa had a iife span of 20.000 years and so in the time of these two [kings], father and son, Buddha KaSyapa ('Od-snmgs) appeared in the world to preach the Holy Law. Then in the country of Potala (gru-'dzin), after two hundred royal generations had passed, a king called Karnika (r~a-ba-can)" appeared. He had two sons, the elder one call4 Gautama, the younger named Bharadvaja (Bha-ra dhva-dm). Gautama was ordained [as monk], [while] Bharadvaja was made king. But as no son was born to him, Bharadvaja gave way to heretical thoughts and killed his elder brother by impaling [him] on top of a pointed stake (gsal shing gi rtse la skyon). Perforce of the prayers of the common people, ~ a u t a m a * ' ejaculated ~ [two drops of) semen on a bolster which turned into two eggs. These two eggs were placed among the [protecting] foliages of a sugar-cane grove and in due course they turned into two infant [boys]: one was called SUryavamSa (Nyi-ma'i gnyen), the other IksvTiku (Bu-ram shing-pa). slryavamh too had no son [born to him], whereas I k s v h was made king and begot many sons. i'hey multiplied [greatly] and became unive;sally known as the lineage of Iksv3.k~. In the hundredth generation in [direct] successive line from the eldest line among these, king Viriidhaka ('Phags ~ k ~ e s - ~appeared. o ) ' ~ He had three sons and three daughters. [Once] the brothers and sisters were sojourning together at the bank of the river of Bhiigirathi (sKa1ldan shing-na), they had intercourse whereby their progeny multiplied. They became known , increased [greatly]. as the lineage of ~ i k y a which In the fiftieth generation in [direct] successive line from the eldest line among these, a king called Daiaratha (Shing-rta bcu-pa) appeared. He had three sons: [established the ~ a chen-po), [the second son the lineaee of] S2kya Licchavi lineage] ~ a h l - ~ Z k(Sh6kya (Shd a Li-tsd-byi) and [the youngest son the lineage of] Mountain-S&ya (Shdkya ri-bragpa) In the twenty-fifth generation in [direct] consecutive line of the eldest line, ~ a h a - ~ i k ~ a , a king called Arqemi (rTsibs kyi r n u - ~ l ~ u appeared. d)~~ His son was king Anantapda B 49 L i e in case of the last few kings, also king Nor-bu chen-po seems untraced in the traditional lists. whereas 'his son', king Kri-kri, during whose time Buddha Ksyapa made his appearance, is well documented, cf. e.g. DTHMP 3a2. 50 For this story of the origin of the Iksviku-lineage eventually leading to the celebrated s%kya-lineage, cf. VV 397b6ff. and DTHMP 3a2ff. upon which Bla-ma dam-pa has based his brief expod. Further sources: pre-GLR: KCHKKHM-1 558.1-559.7; KCHKKHM-2 67.17-77.1 ; CHBYMTNYP 144a3; MBNTH 22b6ff.; GBCHBY 208.10-16; DCHBY 95.5-96.2; post-GLR: BGRSPH 167.4168.11. 5 1 *gloss (mchan): Petj4orce of kannic consequence accruing from previous existences Cmutama was accused of a crime of which he was innocent. By [hearing] the true w o r k of the Brahmin cicdrya Asita, Gautama ejaculated [drops of] semen which turned into t w ~eggs. By the true ~ w r d sof Gautama [the skin of]the dcdrya turned a golden colour. 52 For the sikya-lineage or clan, cf. VV 401h7ff.; DTHMP 3a8; DCHBY 96.3ff.; BGRSPH 168.10ff. For the most recent discussion of this clan and its possible connection to the Iksvdcu dynasty, cf. Ryotaro Tsuchida, 1991, pp. 123ff. 53 Cf. previous note. Further sources for the trifold ramification of sikya: pre-GLR: Y K B E (Ca) 100a2-3; KCHKKHM-1 660.6ff. ; KCHKKHM-2 75.14-16ff. ; CHBYMTNYP 147a6-14% 148hl2; MBNTH 24a3-4; GBCHBY 238.14-243.4; pst-GLR: SKGPDR, p. 18. (m7%ap-yas skyongs); his son was king Dhanuhsthira (g~hu-bnan);55his son was king Simhahanu (Seng-ge 'gram). The latter had four sons: king ~uddhodana(Zur gtsang-ma), ~ujdodana(Zas-dkar), Dronodana (Bre-bo zas) and Amcodana (bDud-rtsi zas) and four i Tsang-ma), Sukli (dKar-mo), Droni (Bre-bo-ma) and Amrt2 (bDud-nsidaughters: ~ u d d h(g ma). The son of ~ u d d h was i Suprabuddha (Legs-par rab-sad), the son of S u k i ~was Mdika (Phreng-ba-can), the son of Droni was Sulabha (bZang-len) and A r n e ' s son was VaiSilya (dGe- 'phel) . The two sons of king ~uddhodanawere Bhagavat (bCom-ldan-'dm) and his younger brother Nanda (dGaP-bo).The two sons of ~uklodanawere Tisya (rGyal) and Bhadrika (bZang-ldan). The two sons of Dronodana were Mahiinima (Ming-chen) and Aniruddha (Ma'gag-pa). The two sons of ~ m c o d a n awere Ananda (Kun dga9-bo)and Devadatta (1Hasby in). Rihula (sGra-gcan- 'dzin) was born as son to Bhagavat. From king MahPsammata until Rihula there were 1.110.500 royal generations [in total in India] as explained in the ~ina~a.'~ [IVJ [Brief Vita of Buddha] ~ h a ~ a v a t : "In the first place he generated a mental orientation towards the supreme enlightenment (byang chub thugs bskyed)." Secondly, he accomplished the [two] 54 Again we encounter two royal figures, king rTsibs kyi mu-khyud and king mTha'-yas skyongs, who remain untracable from Bla-ma dam-pa's prime sources, cf. W 406b6; DTHMP 3b5-6. 55 The lineage of the grand-father, king Seng-ge 'gram, and father, king Zas gtsang-ma, of the Venerable One is well-established in almost all texts: W 407alff.; L P 82a2ff; DTHMP 3b6ff. Another genealogical list, known as the Abhidharma-list, also contained in L P and followed by texts such as SHBRS 18alff., links Seng-ge 'gram more directly with the Iksvh-lineage and king Vinidhaka mentioned above; cf. LP 78b6-79a3. 56 From this conspectus it is evident that Bla-ma darn-pa is basing his genealogical enumeration from king MahHsammata until M u l a , closing the lineage of the Venerable One, upon the genealogy incorporated in the Vinaya and possibly DTHMP. For a fuller discussion of these genealogical calculations, see Appendix, note 56. Now, Bla-ma dam-pa, as said, bases his figures upon the Vinaya-figures, but GLR discloses a major discrepancy, already noted by bSod-nams grags-pa, DTHMPSM 5a2-3. The figures in GLR: 1.1 10.500 deviate markedly from the Vinaya-figures generally accepted: 1.121.514 royal generations. But the figures of GLR may arguably accure from a lapsus perpetrated, somehow, by the copyist or the scribe. The Vinaya-figures in GLR in letters: sa-ya gcig 'bum gnyis khri (chig) stong Inga-brgya dung bcu bzhi - by deleting the figures in italics the remaining figures amount to 1.110.500, the figures of GLR! 57 A brief Vita of the Venerable One is quite often an integral part of the initial part in any Tibetan Buddhist historiographical treatise. Bla-ma dam-pa, no doubt, inspired by Si-tu dGe-ba'i blo-gros' DTHMP, has incorporated such a Vita in his work. His prime sources for this section are, from the first faint reference to the threefold religious steps of the Venerable One, Bu-ston's CHBY. For the twelve deeds of Buddha, the sources are, canonically, hya-~alitavistara-sltra[LALI, Abhiniskramana-sltra [ABHINIS], and extracanonically further CHBY and DTHMP. Cf. also T K B E 2lalff. Cf. also at greaier length, mKhas-pa IDe'u's GBCHBY 40.15-76.13. accumulations [of merit and gnosis ( unya-jAdnaIsambh4ra) during three 'immeasurable' [on diffeient l e v e ~ s he ] ~attained the status of (grangs med, armkhyeya) aeons.'' F!~dly, a Buddha [in the devaloka of] Akanistha ('og-min) in an absolute sense (nges pa 'i don du, nrtdnhatah) and in a relative sense'idrang ba'i don la, ~yffnharah)[he displayed the ) ~ his ' mundane life]: following 'twelve acts (mdzad pa bcu gnyis, dvMaEo ~ ~ adepicting [I] He became the holy devaputra Svetaketu (Tog dkar-po) [abiding] in the divine land of ~ u s i t a At . ~ ~that time, at the end of the Kaliyuga (nsod Idon) [period], when the inhabibnts of Jambudvipa had attained the age of one hundred years, he realized that the time for converting the sentient beings had come. He therefore installed the venerable Maitreya-nPtha ( j e btsun Byams-pa mgon-po) as his holy successor in Tusita and, having beheld the city [where he intended to be born] and the caste of his [prosp&tive] father and mother, he made his descent (babs, = 'pho ba, cyuti) from the gods [of Tusita] in the shape of an elephant, [2] entering the womb (lhums su zhugs, garbha-a~akrdnti)~~ of his mother MHyP (ym 58 This initial step in any bodhisattva's career is in fact graded: The mental intention or resolution (smon pa'i s e m , pranidhicina) for aspiring for bodhi and the actual engagement ('jug pa'i s m , prasthdnacina), i.e. training for acquiring bodhi; cf. e.g. sGam-po-pa's Thar-rgyan, Chap. VIII-I, 58b-96b; GBCHBY 26.14-29.21; CHBY 40b2-41a2, 41b7-44al and here Bla-ma dam-pa's source DTHMP 3b9. 59 The accumulation of merit and gnosis comprises the acquisition of the two quipments involving the accomplishment of the six transendental perfections @ha rol tuphyin pa drug, s u t p d r d d ) , cf. via five paths Thar-rgyan XI-XVII, 94a-150a; CHBY 44a3-47b5. This is acquired by (lam lnga, paifcam-rga), cf. e. g. here BodhicaryHvatira, 1, 15-16, Thar-rgyan, XVIII, 150e153b; CHBY 46b4-47b5, to be applied, in due course, to the ten bodhisattva-stages (sa bcu, daiabham), Thar-rgyan, XIX, 153b-167a; CHBY 44b4-46b4. This process is usually considered to be accomplished, according to the most prevalent theory, during three immeasurable (grangs mad pa, asamkhyeya) aeons or kalpa-s; cf. GBCHBY 30.1-33.2; CHBY 47b5-50al. Here, laconically, Bla-ma dampa merely follows DTHMP 4b9. 60 In later MahHyHna Buddhist scholastic writings, so also in the Tibetan, the attainment of perfect Enlightenment (mngon par sangs rgym pa, abhisambuddh) is conceived to be experienced on different levels. Founded upon the niEya-doctrine, the Buddha was conceived to manifest his Absolute or Dharma Medium (dharmukdya) for his own sake (rang don, svdrrha) and for the sake of others (gzhan don, pardrtha) he attained his bodhi (in his Bliss or Rapture Medium (sambhogakiya)) in the pure realm of Akanistha; cf. Lankivatiira-siitra, ed. Nanjio, p. 269.4-7, 361.56, verse 774; GBCHBY 37.16-38.10. This should be conceived to be (understood or to have taken place) in an absolute sense (nges pa'i don, nitdrtha), cf. CHBY 54a7-55a6. But in realizing his dynamic nirvdna (mi gnas pa'i mya ngan l a 'dm pa, apratethiranindv), he displays, out of compassion and &om his capability of manifesting protean bodies, his Buddha activity by demonstrating the twelve acts (mdzad pa bcu gnyis, dvddaia-hirya) of his mundane life, incl. the Enlightenment under the fig-tree, having assumed a Mundane or Emanational Medium (nirm-nakiya). This is conceived to (be understood or to have taken place) in a relative (or propadeutic) sense (drang banidon, neydrtha), cf. CHBY 53a6-79a2. 61 Cf. Appendix, note 61. 62 Cf. LAL Ill 1la3-22a1, IV 22al-28a2, V 28a2-37a6; ABHMIS 6al-8; CHBY 55b5-56b6 and DTHMP 4al-2. Further sources: pre-GLR: GBCHBY 40.15-42.4; post-GLR: GBYTSH 19al-6. 63 LAL VI 37a6-49bl; ABHINIS 7alW, CHBY 56h6-57a4; pre-CLR: GBCHBY 42.5-44.12; postGLR: GBYTSH 20a4-6; ~ a h ~ v a s 1.8-9. t u The mention of the royal residence (rgyal po'i M ) usually would suggest the location RHjagrha, but this would in this context be an anachronism and thus makes no sense here, where the place in question is Lumbini. sGyu-'phrul-ma), [the spouse of his] father king ~uddhodana at the royal residence accompanied by numerous propitious omens. [3] Then, as ten months had expired, at the time when the mother was observing the posdha (gso sbyong) fast near the trunk of the fig-tree (byang chub kyi shing, bodhivrksa; ficus religiosa) in the Lurnbini Park, his birth ('khrungs, j ~ n m a [took ) ~ ~place] from between the ribs below her right arm-pit without being defiled by the impurities of the womb, on the eighth day of the last month of spring (i.e. vaiidkha) under the purya (rgyal) star. At that time Brahma and Sakra took hold of him with a piece'of kdSika [i.e. Benares] silk and Nanda (dGa'-bo) and Upananda (Nye-dga'), the two, offered to wash his body. At that time the son took seven steps [in each direction] which subsequently turned into seven lotuses, wherefore the first eulogy (bstod pa, ~ t o t r a ) ~[extolling ' him, uttered by his father, king ~uddhodana]sounded: "You, 0 Principal among the Bipeds (dvipaddndm agra), who at the time [you] were born Made seven steps on this great earth, Uttering: 'I am the most excellent in this world', To you, 0 Sage, [I] pay [my] homage." He was then brought up by being entrusted to thirty-two nurses (ma ma) such as his aunt Mahiprajapati (sm sKye-dgu 'i bdag-mo) [GautamiJ etc. [4] Growing older the prince became learned in the five sciences (rig pa'i gnus lnga, pafica ~ i d ~ d r t h d n such a ) ~ ~as writing (yi ge, lipi) and mathematics (rtsis pa, ganand) and outmatched all the arrogant personages [headed by] Devadatta etc. in strength Ad sports (sgyu rtsal, Silpa), making himself nonpareil ( 'gran zla dung bra1 bar). [S] Subsequently he mamed [in total] 84.000 queens such as Gopi (Sa-'tsho-ma) and YaSodhari (Grags- 'dzin-ma) etc. [thus being wedded to an enjoyable life (dgyes rol pa, ratik~dd)~'amidst a harem of spouses ('khor, antahpura) and] conducting the affairs of a ruler fbr twenty-nine years. [6] [However, gradually] he realized that the [worldly] affairs pertaining to the 64 LAL VII 49al-72b7; ABHINIS 7alff.; CHBY 56b6-57a4; DTHMP 4a3-7. pre-GLR: GBCHBY 44.13-47.21 ; post-GLR: G B Y ~ H 20a4-21a2; BGRSPH 170.2-9; Mahivast", 11. 18-30. 65 The verse has been traced as part of a so-called shcikya mu ne'i bstod pa found in the Vita-cycle of Srong-btsan sgam-po, a text-tradition of paramount importance throughout GLR and the ode is found embodied in the chapter dedicated the invitation of princess Kong-jo (GLR Chap. XIII), cf. e.g. MNKB E (Ca) 125a4-bl (the stanza quoted 125a4-5); KCHKKHM-2 184.10-185.14 (quoted 184.10:12), MBNTH 53bl-2. This bsrod pa does not appear to be canonical. From an identical passage in GBYTSH 21a5-21b1, dPal-'byor bzang-po informs us that it is part of an ode to S%kyarnuni and that it was proclaimed by his father ~uddhodana,resembling the parallel verses found in LAL 53b3-54a5. From PSJZ 32.25-36, however, the verse has been identified to originate from a versified stoma or stava dedicated Buddha's twelve deeds by icarya h a , but the exact work has as of yet not been traced among any of this famous Indian poet's traditional works. Cf. parallel GBCHBY 45.1-11. 66 LAL X 76al-79b3, XI1 82b5-95a5; ABHINlS 17aff.; CHBY 58b6-60b3; pre-GLR: GBCHBY 48.1-16; post-GLR: GBYTSH 22b3-236. 67 LAL XIII 95a5-110a3, XIV 110a3-115b7; ABHINIS 22a2ff.; CHBY 60b6-61bl; DTHMP 4a7; pre-GLR: GBCHBY 48.18-53.5; post-GLR: G B ~ S H 23a5-23b4; Mahavastu 11. 72-77. transmigratory nature [of existence] (samsdra) were [utterly] devoid of [any] essence [i.e. meaning] by observing the unbearable m~series(sdug bsngal, duhliho) of mirth (skye, j a o , ] old age (rga, jard), illness (nu,vyddhi) and death ('chi, mrana)'[etc.] in the four directions around the city Kapilavastu (ser-sky). phis resulted in his world-renunciation (nges 'byung, niskramana) and,]68 wishing to enter an ascetic life (rub ru byung ba, pravrajyd), he was, without the consent of his father and his mother, [clandestinely] guided from the air by the Four Great Guardian Kings [of the World] and brought before a perfectly pure sanctuary (caitya), where he tonsured himself and thus left [his] worldly life. [7J Subsequently he practised asceticism ( d h ' ba spyad, d u r k a r a - ~ a ~ for d ) ~six ~ or seven years at the bank of the river NairaiijanP etc., thus becoming fully perfect in dhydnacontemplation. [However, having realized that the practice of austere extremities entailed no salvation] [8] He went (gshegs pa, uparamkrdnri) to Bodhimanda (byang chub snying ," and on the fifteenth the day of the fullmkn of the vaiSdkha (sa ga), [9] At dusk he subdued Mira [and his host] (bdud btul, i.e bdud sde 'joms, mdradharsana). At midnight [his mind] rested in meditative equipoise (mnyam par bzhag, samdpati) and [lo] At dawn he attained the com lete and manifest Enlightenment (mngon par rdzogs par sangs rgyas te, abhisambudhyate).7 2 [ l l ] Thereafter he revolved the Wheel of the Law (chos kyi 'khor lo bskor, dhanna~akra~ravartana)'~of the Four [Noble] Truths (['phags pa] bden pa bzhi, cmdri [dryalsatydni) for the sake of trainees (gdul bya, v[a]ineya) adhering to Hinayaa, such as the group 'of five happy [peregrinating] disciples (Ikhor lnga sde bzang po, puff02 bhadravdrgvd) [preached] at Viraasi [i.e. Benares] and MrgadPva (n-dvags kyi khrod) [also known as] Rsipatana (drang-srong lhung-ba). ~herea'ftkrhe made his [second] revolving of the wheel of the Law of the unusual (thm mong ma yin pa, *asadhdrana) vehicle (i.e. MahPyina) for the sake of the noble arhats and for the sake of a multitude of myriads of Bodhisattva [candidates] at Mt. ( p a w a ) Grdhr&ta (Bya-rgod phung-po) and other places. The [third] revolving of the Wheel of the Law [dealing with teachings] completely ' 68 LAL XV 116al-135a7; CHBY 61bl-64a5; DTHMP 4a8; pre-GLR: GBCHBY 53.6-64.21 ; postGLR: GBYTSH 23b4-28a2. 69 LAL XVII 136bl-147b5, XVIII 147b5-153a5; CHBY 64a.5-65b2; pre-GLR: GBCHBY 65.1-67.3; post-GLR: GBYTSH 28a128b2; Perforce of a scribal error or a lopsus qlographi (brkos nor) after Act 7 follows here in GLR 5bl-2 Act 11: dharmacalaapravarrano (sic!). The proper order has tacitly bwn restored. 70 Bodhimandagamana, byang chub snying por bzhud pa, cf. LAL XIX 153a6-163a2, XX 163a2167b5; CHBY 65b2-67al; pre-GLR: GBCHBY 67.4-68.17. 71 LAL XXI 167b5-186b8; CHBY 65b2-67al; DTHMP4a9. pre-GLR: GBCHBY 68.18-7 1.12. From here Bla-ma dam-pa almost verbatim follows DTHMP for the rest of the acts. 72 LAL XXII 187al- 194a8, XXIII 194a8-200a8, XXIV 200a8-2 1 1a7; CHBY 67a l-67b7; DTHMP 4a9; pre-GLR: GBCHBY 71.13-72.20; post-GLR: GBYTSH 28h3-30a6. 73 LAL XXV 2 11a7-2 17b7, XXVl 2 17b7-24211; MNKB E 24a6-25a6; CHBY 67b7-72b7; DTHMP 4a9-4b4; pre-GLR: GBCHBY 72.2 1-73.16, 87.j- 147.8; KTHDNG (KHA) 106ff.; post-GLR: GBYTSH 30a6-34aS. The group of five (paiicalargih): ~ j f i ~ tKaundinya, a Vaspa, Bhadrika, Mahiniman, ASvajit. discerning [the essential of] Absolute Truth (don dam par mum par nges pa, *parmdnhaviniScaya) for the sake of those Bodhisattva [candidates] who had fully entered (yang dug par zhugs pa, samprasthita) [all] the vehicles, took place [primarily] there [i.e. Grdhrakijta], VaiSali ( ~ a n ~ s i ~ a - cand a n )Venuvana ('Od-ma T tshal). ~ a v i completed n~ his twelve acts,74 [12] he [finally] demonstrated the mode of departing [(gshegs pa, adhigama)] into ~irvea~ as' octogenarian at KuSinagari (rts[v]a-mchog). After the Teacher's entrance into Nirvka there were three stages [in form of councils] in the compilation of Buddha's ~romul~atibns (bka', v a ~ a n a )conducted ~~ by the Arhats [concerning the HinayMic Code]. In four kingdoms77 the [following] four kings appeared simultaneous with the birth of Bhagavat : In the town of SrHvasti (mnyan-yod) [the king of KoSala] Prasenajit (gSal-rgyal), the son of king Brahmadatta (Tshangs-byin); In the town of RHjagrha (rgyal-po'i khab), [the king of Magadha] BimbisSra (gZugs-can snying-po), the son of king MahHpadma (Padma chen-po). In the town of KauSHmbi (KO-shvambi),[the king of Vatsa] Udayana (Shar-pa, 'Charbyed), the son of king ~HtSnika(dMag-brgya). In the town of Ujjayini ('Phags-rgyal), [the king of Avanti] Canda-Pradyota .. (gTum-po rub-snang) , the son of Anantanemi (Mu-khyud mtha '-yas). [v [The Date of Buddha] As to [the date ofJ ~ h a ~ a v a t : ~ ~ According to the [calculation-]system of ~ t i ~ a : ~ ~ Bhagavat entered the womb in the wood-male-rat year, [he] was born in the woodfemale-ox year, attained Buddhahood in the earth-female-pig year and [he] passed into 74 In conformity with his prime source DTHMP 4b4, Bla-ma dam-pa here erringly maintains that Buddha had accomplished all his twelve acts, in contradiction with the tradition which includes the departure into nirvana as Buddha's last act. Also followed by YLJBCHBY 14.15-16. 75 Cf. MahPparinirvha-sltra, passim; CHBY 72b7-79a4. pre-GLR: GBCHBY 73.16-21 ; postGLR: GBYTSH 35a6-39a4. 76 CHBY 79a5-90b7; DTHMP 4b6-5a6; further pre-GLR: GBCHBY 153.7-171.16; post-GLR: YLJBCHBY 15. l ff. ; GBYTSH 47a5-50al. 77 Cf. Lamotte, 1958, pp. 11-13. The four kingdoms and kings: Vinaya-ksudraka, 418b3-419al; ABHLNIS 1la6-1 lb2; DTHMP 4a5-7; pre-GLR: KCHKKHM-1 662.3-4; KCHKKHM-2 76.13.77:l; KCHKKHM-3 393.6-394.1 ; post-GLR: YLJBCHBY 13.7-13; GBYTSH 21bl-3; BGRSPH 170.9-12. Cf. also Rahtu 'byung-ba'i gzhi, 11, p. 5, 20-26 (Eimer, 1983) slightly different. TO be added is only that according to Lamotte, op.cit., p. 11, UdHyana (Shar-pa, 'Charbyed) is son of king Parantapa, not of king ~ a t i n ~ k a . 78 For a detailed discussion of this section, crucial for the dating of GLR, see the introduction. 79 The chronological calculation of Jo-bo-rje or AtiSa was allegedly made by him in 1051 A.D. while sojourning in Tibet. The system became widely known, however, through a calculation by mChims Nam-mkha'-grags, who, in 1257 A.D. (me nw sbrul) computed that 3393 years had elapsed since the nirvana of Buddha; cf. CHBY 91b6-7. Cf. Appendix, note 79. Nirv2na in the wood-male-monkey year. According to the [calculation-]system of the Dharmasv8min-s ~a-skya-pa:w Bhagavat entered the womb in the fire-female-hare year, [he] was born in the earthmale-dragon year, attained Buddhahood in the water-male-tiger year and passed into Nirvin the fire-female-pig year. [Now,] according to the Sa-skya-pa system, fixing the birth of Bhagavat to the [earthmale-]dragon year, [we can calculate that] from [the Buddha's departure into NirvSna] until the water-male-dog year [i.e. 1322 A.D.] when Bla-ma Ti-shri Kun[-dga'] b~o[-~r;srgyalmtshan dpal-bzang-pol came to dBus in order to pass his final ordination (bsnyen rdwgs, upasampadd) 3455 year have passed and we are [according to Bu-ston Rin-chen-grub] currently in the 3456th year.81 [According to the 5000 years theory concerning the duration of the Law consisting] of the ten periods each lasting five hundred years, the period of Abhidharma[-pitaka] of the three periods of the Scriptural Tradition (lung, dgam) has passed, two years of the period Siitra[-pitaka] have [also] passed, 498 years thus remaining of that period and, in addition, 500 yea.& of the period of Vinaya[-pitaka] - making thus 998 years of the philosophical tradition (rntshan nyid pa) of the Law 'still to pass. [Finally,] 500 years of the period [of sanctimony] merely wearing the [outward] marks [of the Law] remain, thus making 1498 years [in total] yet to come pefore the Buddhist Law d i ~ a ~ ~ e a . r ] . ~ ~ * ~ ~ The above [narrative] is [only] an abridged outline (zur tsum bsdur pa). However, in case [you should] want a more exhaustive [treatment of the subject, you may find it] elucidated in the Vinaya and the SMra-s. Those unable to read that much may consult the detailed [exposition in the] History (Chos-'byung) of Bu-ston Rin-po-che, and the Supreme Elucidation of [All] Knowable [Topics] (Shes-bya rab-gsal) composed by ['Phags-pa] Blama Chos kyi rgyal-po, who concurs in opinion with the Dharmasvimin Bu-ston [Rin-po-che]. 80 The chronological system of the Sa-skya-pas became generally known when the noted Sa-skya Pandita Kun-dga' rgyal-mtshan (1 182-1251 A.D.) included it in his biography of Chos-j e Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan (1 147-1216 A.D.); cf. Bla-ma rJe-btsun chen-po'i rnam-thar, SSKB, vol. X , 288b1299b4, op. cit. 298b1-2; it was composed in A.D. 1216 (me pho byi ba), where he calculated that 3350 years (however 3349 years according to Bu-ston, CHBY 92b7) had passed since the date of nirvcina, thus computing that the parinindna of Buddha be fixed to 21 34 B.C. Cf. Appendix, note 80 fo; this system. 81 For this paragraph Bla-ma dam-pa follows verbatim CHBY 92b7-93a2, like IYTHMP 5a6-9, cf. the introduction. Bu-ston employs an incidence which took place in 1322 A.D., the year he was active writing his CHBY, as a chronological fixing-point, viz. the amval in dBus of Bla-ma Ti-shri Kundga' blo-gros rgyal-mtshan dpal-bzang-po (1 299- 1327 A.D.] (from China) for his final ordination (bsnyen rdzogs, upmampdd). This religious figure acted temporarily as preceptor for Bu-ston. An additional reason for la-ma dam-pa to cite this incident may accrue for the fact that Bla-ma Ti-shri was his half-brother. Anyway, this incidence is cited well-nigh by all subsequent Buddhist historiographers, such as YLJBCHBY 17.12-18.14; GBYTSH 57a3-57b5, etc. Bla-ma Dishi Kundga' returned already 1324 A.D. to China. cf. Van der Kuijp, 1991, pp. 280-81. 82 Cf. the Introduction to this book for a full expos6 and Appendix, note 82. 83 *gloss: I n the Supreme E l u c ~ o ofn [All] Knowable [Topics] (Shcs-by rab-gs@ it is maintained that one hundred years a j e r Buddha's departure into nirvdm the D h a m r d j a ASoka appeared in India. He wcls the patron of the second religious council. Cf. SHBRS 18b4-5. [How] the Universe came into fiistence in the [very] beginning; the Arrival of the Successive Indian Dhannardjas and the D i m i o n of the Holy Law afrer the Appearance of the Teacher ~ d k ~ a m u nini the World. The Erection of the Three Bodies of Buddha !hkya-muni and their Consecration m [Trikiya-Legend] NOW,^^ once when the Venerable One (Bhagavat) was residing in the Grove of Jeta (rgyul byed kyi tshal, jetavana) surrounded by the four classes of retinue, Arya MaiijuSri preferred the [following] request: "0Venerable One, the world of the living beings of the present age both serve you and worship you. Further,] they accumulate [karmic] merits by way of this receptacle [i.e. body of yours]; but when you have passed into Nirviina, the sentient beings shall have no receptacle from which they shall be able to accumulate bulks [of merits], so [I] solicit [you most earnestly] to show [us] a sanctuary where all sentient beings may accumulate bulks [of merits]! "" [Being] requested [thus], the Venerable One let four [separate] rays of lighte6emanate from [his] smiling countenance: one ray of light struck Mahadeva ~ r a h m a ; *one ~ struck Mahagraha Visnu (@a' chen po Khyab 'ju );" one struck ~ a l u a(brGya byin), the Lord of the Gods (lha;i'dbong po, devonh indra) and one ray of light [finally] hit the Artificer (bzo bo) ~iivakarman,~'whereby [a sense of volunteering] willingness (spobs pa, pratibhdna) arose in them. C 84 This legend, tinged with the flavour of dgama-authenticity by introducing an interlocutor to Buddha and by setting the scene in a siitric ambience of Jetavana, is, due, in the main, to its many distinct Indian elements, quite probably of Indian provenience, but is as yet untraced. In fact, we have divided GLR Chap. I1 into three sections for conveniency, but as section I and 111 obviously belong together and as these sections in GLR's sources more likely are treated, both consecutively as well as thematically, as a coherent whole, they should not be treated separately. GLR's overall direct or related sources for Chap. 11: MNKB E (A) 45a4-55a5; KCHKKHM-1 632.1-645.3 ; KCHKKHM-2 21.1-44.9; KCHKKHM-3 370.6-380.1 ; CHBYMTNYP 35b6-50a5; MBNTH 7a4- 16b5. For a full discussion and survey of sources, see Appendix, note 84. 85 Cf. for parallel MNKB E (A) 45a6-45b2; KCHKKHM-I 632.2-4; KCHKKHM-2 21.3-10; KCHKKHM-3 374:l-3; CHBYMTNYP 36a2-5; MBNTH 7a4ff.; GBYTSH 35b4; HBCHBY (NGA) 60.23-61.3. 86 CHBYMTNYP 37al; MBNTH 7b5; whereas F K B E (A) 45M, KCHKKHM-I 633.1, KCHKKHM-2 22.7, KCHKKHM-3 374.3, GBYTSH 35b5, HBCHBY (NGA) 61.4: Three rays of light. 87 MNKB E (A) 45b4; KCHKKHM-1 633.2; KCHKKHM-2 22.9; KCHKKHM-3 374.4-375.3; CI-~YMTNYP 37al-2; MBNTH 7b5, 8a2-8bl; GBYTSH 35b4; HBCHBY (NGA) 61.7. 88 MNKB E (A) 45b5; KCHKKHM-1 633.1 ; KCHKKHM-2 22.10-1 1 ; KCHKKHM-3 374.4, 375.3-4; CHBYMTNYP 37a2; MBNTH 7b6, 9al-9b6 here has sGra-gcan-'dzin chen-po Khyab'jug Rii-hu-la; HBCHBY (NGA) 61.11 here have M u l a alias sGra-[glean-'dzin; GLR, GBYTSH 35b4 and Vita have Visnu. 89 MNKB E (A) 45b5; CHBYMNYF' 37a2; MBNTH gal, 10al-I 1b2; GBYTSH 35M; HBCHBY (NGA) 61.25. In contrast, KCHKKHM-1 633.2 and KCHKKHM-2 22.9, KCHKKHM-3 374.3, 375.4-5 have Maitreya. 90 CHBYMTNYP 37a2-3, MBNTH 7b5-6, gal, GLR and Vita have a fourth ray striking ViSvakarman, the Hindu god-sculptor. In fact, this passage, if we replace Visnu with m u l a , is almost similarly worded in CHBYMTNYP and MBNTH, which clearly demonstrates that these two draw directly upon a common source. Mahiideva Brahma, joining the palms of his hands, [solemnly] proclaimed:91 "Endowed with endless, inconceivable qualities, The Victorious One (Jina), the Lokaniitha-muni, [A statue representing] the Dharmak2ya, produced out of the five precious jewels, With the aim of propagating prosperity in all directions, I shall erect [such an idol]! " Mahiigraha Visnu, . . too, joining the palms of his hands, [solemnly] declared: "The Principal among Bipeds (rkang gnyis gtso bo, dvipaddndm agra), the perfectly pure body produced from precious [A statue representing] the Sambhog*ya jewels, a lTreasury , ~ ~ of the Origin of all Wishes, The Gangs-chen m t ~ h o - r ~ ~the With the aim of outrooting the poverty for all sentient beings, I shall erect [such an idol]!" ~ a k r a the , Lord of the Gods (lha'i dbang po, devandndm indra), joining the palms of his hands, [solemnly] proclaimed: "The Highest among Gods, the Munendra, A mass of gold, adorned with the characteristic features and marks [of a Mah3purusa1, [A statue redresentingl the Nirmiinakiiya, produced from the five [kinds] of precious jewels, In order [to provide a sanctuary where] all the worldlings can accumulate merits, I shall erect [such an idol]! " [Finally,] the godframer ViSvakarman, joining the palms of his hands, proclaimed: "The Teacher of God and Man, the King of s2kya, 91 These four versified pranidhcina-s or resolutions to act as yon bdag, respectively by Brahma, Visnu and ~ a k r aand by ~ i ~ v a k a r m aasn artificer, are not found in any of the other sources, although CHBYMTNYP 37a3-37bl, MBNTH 8a2 again, seem to retain, in utmost brief prose, a reminiscence of it. The question remains whether these verses quoted in GLR reflect the words of the original version of this legend, which by far is most likely, or whether it may reflect Bla-ma dam-pa's own versified paraphrase. 92 This form of Buddha, i.e. rNam-par snang-mdzad, or Vairocana, denoted Gangs-chen-mtsho[rgyal], appears to be a form reflecting a true mixture of the Indo-Tibetan or perhaps rather Central Asian tradition (although, Dorji & Kapstein, perhaps doubtfully, try to construe it as *~Adna]mahdhimascigara),and moreover comparatively old. It further seems to owe its provenience to ancient [Indo-]Tibetan and Central Asian Buddhist theories and notions of cosmogony and ubiquity originally based upon BuddhHvata?lsaka-sfitra etc., which deviate markedly from the traditional Buddhist cosmogony, cf. previous chapter. For a full discussion on Vairocana Gangschen mtsho-rgyal, cf. Appendix, note 92. With the purpose of securing for the future sentient beings [a receptacle where they] can accumulate merits, [Statues] most marvellously produced from the five precious metals, I [readily accept to] act as the godframer erecting [these statues ofj the Trikiiya! " Then the Mahldeva Brahma amassed in front of the framer ViSvakarman a large heap of the precious stone idranila [i.e. sapphire], a large mass of melted moon-stone (chu shel, candrddntamani) and gold etc. as material for erecting [a statue of] the DharmaMya [medium] of the Venerable The framer ViSvakarman, then, pulverized and melted these precious metals and from the process of casting a receptacle of the DharmakZiya [medium] of the Venerable One was erected, [outwardly assuming] the form of a cairya with a size measuring one full arm-span of Brahma himself and a colour resembling smoke.94 This sanctuary was consecrated, flower-strewn and blessed by Buddha personally. Subsequently, this cairya, a receptacle of D h a r m ~ y a[of the Venerable One] was brought to the abode of the Gods and [there] installed. [Hence] the j ~ ~ i n fcarried - s it westward to the country of UddiyHna, .. where it, without touching the ground, was installed in space assuming the name: "the glorious, untouchable cairya (dpal reg pa med po 'i mchod nen)." Due to the fact that it had come from the land of the gods it was also named: "the cairya descending from the gods (lha la[s] babs pa'i mchod nen)" and owing to its smoky colour, it was called: "the cairya resembling smoke (du ba Ira bu'i mchod nen). "95 Next, Visnu piled up in front of the artificer ViSvakarman as building material for the erection of the statue of the SambhogakZiya [aspect of the Venerable One] a great mass of the costly stone idranila, a great mass of melted emerald (mar gad, marakara) and a great mass of melted moon-stone.96 93 MNKB E (A) 45b6-46al; KCHKKHM-1 633.6-634.1; KCHKKHM-2 23.2-5; KCHKKHM-3 374.6-375.2; CHBYMTNYP 37b5-6, MBNTH 8bl-9al. 94 MNKB E (A) 46al-4; KCHKKHM-1633.7-634.2; KCHKKHM-2 23.5-1 1; CHBYMTNYP 38al38b4; MBNTH 8b3; GBYTSH 37a1-2; HBCHBY (NGA) 61.7-1 1. These texts add that the shape of this dharmukiya receptacle was like a circular bottle (bum pa zlum po) as it had no (resp. ten) sides. If circulating it uninterruptedly for seven days (resp. times), one would achieve the highest siddhi. It was known under the name (mtshan): The 'Glorious smoke-coloured caitya' (dpal d u [ d p a Ira bu 'i rnchod rten). They further add that it was full of relics of past-time Tathfgata-s. 95 MNKB E (A) 46a3-4; KCHKKHM-1 634.2-4; KCHKKHM-2 23.1 1-15; CHBYMTNYP 38a438b4, MBNTH 8b5-6. Here again CHBYMTNYP, MBNTH and GLR show a close cognation, only the epithet 'the cairya descending from the gods' is untraced in any other version. Cf. also previous note. 96 MNKB E (A) 46a4-5; KCHKKHM-1634.4-6; KCKKKHM3 23.15-17; KCHKKHM-3 375.3-4; CHBYMTNYP 38b4-6; MBNTH 9al-3; GBYTSH 36a4. As is seen supra the yon bdag of this Sambhogakaya receptacle is respectively given as Rihula, respectively Visnu and Brahma. A clue to this discrepancy is found in W K B , MBNTH followed by GBYTSH, which state that the yon hdag is Khyab-'jug Ri-hu-la and an another (older ?) version of MNKB (ed. Ra[-mo-]che s v i khyab-khang, E (A) 35b3) here gives Khyab-'jug dang R3-hu-la, which may suggest that the original had these two figures as yon Mag. This is corroborated by MBNTH which also has sGragcan-'&in then-po Khyab-'jug Ri-hu-la. Here as elsewhere the transmission of these legends displays not infrequently a considerable muddle. ViSvakarman subsequently pulverized and melted these and from the process of casting a receptacle of the Sambhogakiiya [aspect] of Buddha [took form], covering eighty yojana-s in surface extent, its intrinsic nature (ngo bo) being [Vairocana denoted] Gangs-chen mtshorgya1,97 with both hands [in the mudrd-gesture] of mental equipoise (mnyam bzAag, samdhita), its complexion being azure-blue and embellished with a [huge] moon-stone about the size of a bottle in the headcrown. Its site was in the outer great ocean, the statue from the navel and downwards remaining beneath the water, working [there] for the welfare of the sentient beings living underwater. The part of the statue which remained above the water promoted the welfare of the sentient beings living in dry places. The birds sitting on the head and shoulders [of the statue] spread their excrements and so, although the body-complexion of this erect statue was asure-blue it turned all white. On the evening of the fifteenth of the month the moon-stone on its head is struck by the [moonllight, whereby the statue is washed by the markless (mtshan ma med pa) water [emitting from this stone]. The caravan-captain (ded dpon, sdrthavdha) who is searching for precious jewels in the outer ocean steers his vessel into the inner hollow of the elbow of the receptacle, where he presents offerings and thus receives jewels ad libitum. The front and back of the receptacle were each equipped with a staircase (gru ~ k a s ) . ~ * This [statue too] was consecrated, flower-strewn and blessed by Buddha personally. Next, ~ a k r aas building material for the erection of the receptacle of the NirmFtna[Mya] [aspect of the Venerable One] gathered together the five different precious jewels of the gods: indranila, indragopa, nila (mthon ka), mahdnila, [the stone called] 'beautiful array' (bkod mdzes) and the five kinds of precious metals of man: gold, silver, pearl (mu tig), vairdta-rdjavarta (mu men) and coral (byi ru), and still other costly jewels. [He amassed it all in' front of the artificer ~ i i v a k a r m a n . 1 ~ ~ 97 Cf. note 92 supra. MNKB E (A) 46a5-6; CHBYTNYP 38b6-39al; MBNTH 9a3-4; GBYTSH 36a4-5; HBCHBY (NGA) 61.1 1-18. It is conspicuous that all versions of KCHKKHM here lack any direct reference to this special form of Buddha Vairocana, although some of the other details do correspond neatly. So KCHKKHM-2, CHBYMTNYP, MBNTH (emngly has brgya cu for brgyad bcu), GLR and HBCHBY state that its size amounts to eighty yojana-s, whereas KCHKKHM-1+3 adduce it to be sixty yojana-s and MNKB and CBYTSH both hold its size to be twelve yojana-s on1y . 98 MNKBE(A) 46a5-46b5; KCHKKHM-1634.6-635.2; KCHKKHM-2 23.15-24.6; KCHKKHM-3 375.3-5; CHBYMTNYP 38b6-39b5; MBNTH 9a6-9b6; GBYTSH 36a5-36b2; HBCHBY (NGA) 61.1 1-20. Again CHBYNTNYP, MBNTH and GLR, but also MNKB, show a close cognation in these details. The curious detail with the bird's dirt (bya that), inte; alia, is only found, aside from GLR, in CHBYMTNYP, MBNTH and HBCHBY, a clear indication that they both draw from a common source. A staircase (gru s h : GLR: gro skad, HBCHBY: dro skad, or = 'gro skm?). 99 T K B E (A) 46b3-4; KCHKKHM-1 635.2-4; KCHKKHM-2 24.6-10; KCHKKHM-3 375.3-5; CHBYMTNYP 40a2-6; MBNTH 10al-2; HBCHBY (NGA) 61.24-63.1 1. Here, too, the versions differ on the identification of the yon bdag of the erection of the Nirmanakiya idols of the Venerable One: MNKB, CHBYMTNYP, MBNTH, CLR, GBYTSH and Vita have ~ a k r a , whereas all versions bf KCHKKHM have Maitreya, despite the fact that the versions embodied in Y K B , KCHKKHM-1, CHBYMTNYP and MBNTH display a close, occasionally verbatim congruence. A clue may be had, perhaps, from the detailed version in KCHKKHM-2 26-28, where it is delineated that the eight-years statue had sakya as yon kyi sbyin bdag, but Maitreya acted as the collector of the material for erecting the receptacle. Noteworthy is also the otherwise unknown Wishing to build a statue of the Teacher [i.e. Buddha ~ilk~amuni] at the age of twelve years, [the aunt] Mahaprajapati gave the following estimation:100 'At the time when [Bhagavat] reached the age of eight [he had assumed the same size as] the height of the throne in the park of Lumbini and henceforth the ring-finger (srin lug) of the right hand bent inward. At the age of twelve, when he touched the treshold of the great town-gate of Sravasti with his feet, his head touched the lintel (of the great town-gate)." Accordingly, the framer ViSvakarman founded the different precious metals and from this process [a statue took form being] the Nirmkak2ya [aspect of the Teacher S2kya-muni] at the age of twelve, lo' being of a refined golden colour (sku mdog gser brso ma) and with the hands [in the mudrd-gesture of] mental equipoise (mnyam gzhag, samdhira) and earthwitness (sa mnon, bhfimisparia), embellished with the characteristic features and marks [of a Mahapurusa], possessing numerous qualifications of being beheld, recollected and of being touched, creating unfeigned devotion and reverence: Just by being beheld, it relieves the illness caused by the three poisons (dug, visa) [etc.]; after having secured the erection of this receptacle, not differing from the actual body of the Teacher, it became the glory of both god and man. It was consecrated, flower-strewn and blessed by the Teacher, the Venerable One personally. ~ -- stone denoted 'beautiful array' (bkod mdzes). Aside from GLR and HBCHBY it is only listed as a stone in the KCHKKHM versions, but here as a stone or material to be used when erecting the Sambhogakiya receptacle. 100 This extract on the size of the two NirmHnakHya statues, Buddha's mundane aspect, capturing him, i.e. Siddhirtha at different ages of his life all prior to his renunciation, - i.e. resp. the eight-years, the twelve-years statue and the statue representing Bhagavat at the age of twenty-five - forms part of a prolonged expos6 concerning the size of the three statues of the Venerable One delineated in MNKB (A) 45a5-47bl; KCHKKHM-1635.2-638.4; KCHKKHM-2 24.1 1-27.18; KCHKKHM-3 375.4-379.1; CHBYTNYP 40a6-42b5; MBNTH 10a3-lla6; HBCHBY (NGA) 62.17-22. In his laconic notes, Bla-ma dam-pa only retells a small reminiscence of this part of the legend. To provide an example in atenso, MNKB E (A) 47a5-47bl e.g. states: de mu lhu'i dbang po brgya byin gyis I bcom ldan 'das la sku tshad gswn bzhengs pa'i zhu ba phul nas I bcom ldan 'das kyi sku dgung lo brgyad pa 'i sku tshad ni I pang du 'tsho ba 'i ma ma lo spyan zur cig gzigs pas 0 ma mos smras pa I dgung lo brgyad pa 'i sku tshad ni lwnbi 'i rshal gyi rin po che 'i khri sreng dang mnyam mo zhes smras so II dgung lo bcu gnyis pa 'i tshad ni rgyan 'dogspa 'i ma ma lo spyan zur cig gzigs pas ma mos smras pa I bus dgung lo bcu gnyis lon pa 'i dus nu I ngas Ib]rtse ba 'i don du ded pas grong khyer ser skya 'i bsil khang gi sgo 'i skyed bu dang mnyam mo II dgung lo nyi shu rtsa Inga pa'i rshad ni bcom ldan 'das nyid dung sku tshad m y a m mo zhes srnras so. I01 MNKB E (A) 47bl-48aS; KCHKKHM-1 638.5-640.1 ; KCHKKHM-2 27.18-29.13; c I ~ Y M T N Y P 41b2-6, 50a3-51a3; MBNTH 15a6. Among the three NimHnakiya images of Bhagavat, of which GLR here only provides some details of tbe twelve-years statue, two statues, according to a prophecy by Buddha, cf. MNKB 48a4-5, CHBYMTNYP 42b5, GBYTSH 36b6, were predestined to come to Tibet and togeiher with AvalokiteSvara prophesized to be conducive to convert the Snow-capped kingdom of Tibet, a fact that perhaps accounts for the popularity of this legend: The eight-years statue was the image allegedly brought to Tibet by the Nepalese princess as dowry (rdzongs),cf. GLR Chap. XI1 and note 879, identified as Jo-bo chung-ba alias Mi-bskyod rdo-rje, cf. e.g. KCHKKHM-2 30.10-3 1.4. The twelve-years statue of Bhagavat, respectively, is the image allegedly brought to Tibet by the Chinese princess, cf. GLR Chap. XIII, identified as Jo-bo che-ba alias Jo-bo Shikya, cf. KCHKKHM-2 3 1.15-32.8. These statues or national palladia play an immensely significant role in Tibetan history and the installation of Jo-bo Shikya alone in Ra-sa 'Phnrl-snang in Lhasa eventually led to the re-naming of this sanctum sancrorum to JO-kbang, cf. also Macdonald, Annuaire 1965166, pp. 433-36. Subsequently, this receptacle was by the gods brought [lit. invited] to their abode and installed there for five hundred years. Then the jfldnaddkinr-s escorted it westward to the land of Uddiyra where it was established for [another] hve hundred years. Thereupon, again, it wak'carried through the air by magical means and established in Vajrasana in India for [another] five hundred years.lo2 Thus, the Teacher attained the most perfect and complete Enlightenment, and [after] these three statueslo3 [of him] had been erected, and [he] had accomplished [all] his deeds, he passed into Nirvra. [IQ [Mahibodhi-Legend] Not long after Buddha had passed into Nirvina there lived in ~ a ~ a d h aa" brahmin ~ householder called Mahapda, lo' who as mistress had a jifdnaddkini. They had three sons,lo6 of whom the two eldest took'an interest in Brahmanism, whereas the youngest greatly revered Buddhism. As no conformity is possible between the Brahmanic and the Buddhist systems, the three brothers began quarreling. This made the mother intervene, asking: "What are you three fightin about? If you feel cold then put on clothes! If you are hungry then eat your boiled rice! "lO'The youngest son replied: "We three brothers disagree about the theories of Brahmanism and Buddhism. Which of the two is the better?" The mother responded: "[I] shall send you from here to the snow-mountain Kailasa (gangs ri Ti-se), where the god Mahadeva [i.e. h a ] resides, in order to inquire which religious system (chos lugs) is the better, Brahmanism or Buddhism." So she shot the three 102 MNKB E (A) 48a6, 52b3-53a2; KCHKKHM-1 639.3-641.3; KCHKKHM-2 31.15-32.7; KCHKKHM-3 379.1-380.1; CHBYMTNYP 50a2-4; MBNTH 13b5-14a2; HBCHBY (NGA) 63.13-24. 103 Cf. notes 84 and 101. 104 This legend of Indian origin, forming part I1 of the present chapter, paints mainly the story of the erection of a famous Mahibodhi image or idol of Buddha which supposedly depicts him at the age of thirty, a statue which allegedly was installed in a gandhola-chapel or dri gtsang khang cairya in Vajrisana. It has been integrated into GLR by Bla-ma dam-pa, partly because of its popularity, cf. below, partly because of its thematic affinity with the other sections of this chapter dealing with blessing or punya-bestowing receptacles and partly because, following his prime sources, the account there similarly is interwoven into a coherent whole. Like there, the so-called 'TrikHyalegend', cf. note 84 supra, and - par excellence - the destiny of the twelve-years idol, also denoted the Jo-bo ShHkya statue, continues in the so-called 'India-China legend' which forms section 111 of our chapter. For a full discussion of this legend and its sources, see Appendix, note 104. 105 Cf. MNKB E (A) 49a2; KCHKKHM-2 37.18-19; CHBYMTNYP 43a6; GBYTSH 40b6. 106 Cf. MNKB E (A) 49a2-3; KCHKKHM-2 37.19-38.1 ; CHBYMTNYP 43a6; MBNTH 1lb3; GBYTSH 40b6-41al: The three sons: Makambhe, Bimasambhe and Tsakrasambhe [sic]. The proper reconstruction of these enigmatic names iemains to be done. GGCHBY, PSJZ: rGyal-ba, Legs-rgyal and dGe-ba; cf. also note 104. 107 MNKB E (A) 49a3; KCHKKHM-2 38.2; CHBYMTNYP 43a6-43bl; GBYTSH 41al-2; tNamthar 15.17-22. sons with shoes, which were smeared with an ointment of swiftfootedntss and send them off. '08 In a trice the three sons reached the summit of Mt. Kail-. There [they found] a beautiful girl collecting flowers in ajeweled vessel. They inquired: 'Who are you? For what purpose are you collecting flowers?" The young maiden replied: 'I am the maid-servant of goddess Umadeva [i.e. UmadevrJ and on the fifteenth [of the month] the noble Arhants will arrive coming through the air by way of their magical faculties (rduc 'phrul, rddh~]and attend a religious feast in our palace and these flowers are to be strewn before them." They accompanied the young maiden and anived at the palace of the god Mahiideva and as the time [happened to] coincide with the fifteenth day, they witnessed the arrival of the noble Arhants through the air by way of their magical faculties and [how they took their] seats prepared for them made from costly jewels. Then the god Mahiideva and the goddess Umadeva [i.e. UmiidevrJ, the two, strewed flowers, served the religious feast and offered up prayers. A ain, the noble Arhants went off through the air by way of their magical faculties. When the three brothers inquired the god MahAeva as to the superiority of either Brahmanism or Buddhism, the God MahMeva replied: "The Buddhist system is superior. I myself adhere also to Buddhism and aim at Buddhahood. Aside from the state of temporal happiness, the Brahmanic religious system does not possess [the means to attain] the essential [state] of ultimate perfection." Thus [replying] the three sons were convinced and returned to their [own] country. They next adressed their mother: 'All three of us will adhere to Buddhism." The mother responded: "It is well[, indeed,] that the three of you have decided to embrace Buddhism, but in doing so, you will each have to build a temple: The eldest son[, named] Maha-ma-se [sic] shall erect a temple in Vajd~ana!"~;the middle son[, named] Si-ba-sa-me '% '' 108 MNKB E (A) 9a3-6; KCHKKHM-2 38.3-14; CHBYMTNYP 43bl-44al; rNam-thar 15.22-26; HBcHBY (NGA) 65.3-4. 109 MNKB E (A) 49a6-49b2; KCHKKHM-2 38.14-18: Three girls collecting flowers; CHBYMTNYP 44a2-44a5: Many girls; HBCHBY (NGA) 65.5: A group of girls. 110 MNKB E (A) 49b2-5; KCHKKHM-2 38.18-39.4; CHBYMTNYP 44a6-44b6; HBCHBY (NGA) 65:7-8. In this passage, one GLR has the element: fifteenth day, the day of the fullmoon. All versions, aside from Chag Lo-tsH-ba, who has MaheSvara, have Mahideva. 11 1 MNKB E (A) 49b5-50al; KCHKKHM-2 39.4- 15; CHBYMTNYP 45b6-45a5; rNam-thar 15.3016.~3.In this passage, the version embodied in CHBYMTNYP seems to stand closest to the wording of GLR. 112 MNKB E (A) 50al-4; KCHKKHM-2 39.14-40.3; 43.18-19; CHBYMTNYP 45aS-46al; MBNTH 1 l b3-5; rNam-that 16.7-8; HBCHBY (NGA) 65.18-20: The statue of ~ i i k ~ a m ushould ni be made out of precious stones, being immensely huge, and depict the Lord with the d r d of 'turning the wheel of the Law', wherefore the idol was called 'Dharmacakra'. It is now installed in Nalandi, these sources maintain. It was erected in Varanasi. Only rNam-thar and HBCHBY corroborate the information that there was also erected a vihdri. HBCHBY further asserts that tbe statue erected was called (or represented) slob dpon mTho-btsun grub-rje! On the latter figure Udbhatasiddhasvimin, the putative author, infer olio, of ViSeastava, cf. M. Hahn, 1977, p. 214 and ~dhneider, 1991. By this hint dPa'-bo indirectly refers to ViSeastava and in particular ViSqiistavatika by Pra.jiiZvarman where a legend displaying a similar theme is given. There the story relates about two brothers, being Udbhaviddhasvhin and his brother ~ a ~ k a r a s v i m i who n, similarly adhered to different systems. They too sought advice by consulting MaheSvara on Mount Kailasa. Cf. Schneider, 1991, pp. 6, 34-36. [sic] shall erect a temple in Jetavana!' l3 and [you, my] youngest son [named] Va-spra-ta-same [sic] shall raise a temple in Vajrgsana!"'14 So, the two eldest sons raised the[ir] temples in accordance with the behest of their mother and completed [their work] first. The youngest son raised [his] temple in Vajrssana making it outwardly as a gandhola and internally as a temp1e.Ifi While peing engaged in] moulding a huge mass of clay and rasping sandal-wood as material intending to erect a statue of the Venerable One at the age of thirty years inside [this] temple, his mother addressed him: "The godframer and you, my son along with ample provision and water, three [in all], must remain inside the temple and the door must be nailed with ironnails! And you must finish [erecting] the statue within three month and three days!n 116 When three months and two days had expired the mother turned up, demanding: "Open the door!" [But] the son replied: "Only three months and two days have passed; there is still one day left!" The mother [nevertheless] replied: "Although one day is wanting, I cannot help it! I shall die tomorrow and at present nobody except myself has ever beheld the countenance of Buddha. If I do not examine the likeness or disparity [compared with the real Buddha] nobody else shall ever be able to distinguish [properly], so open the door, I must see the statue!" So the door was opened and the godframer, being a emanational creation (sprul pa), disappeared like a vanishing rainbow.'I7 This statue of Buddha [representing him] at the age of thirty,"' was embellished with the characteristic features and marks [of a Mahiipurusa] and wonderous like as follows: 113 MNKB E (A) 50a4-5; KCHKKHM-2 40.4-7, 44.1-2; CHBYMTNYP 46a1-5; MBNTH 12al12b1; rNam-thar 16.6-7; HBCHBY (NGA) 65.20-23. Here the idol of Bhagavat, an isradevard, was erected by the second brother, known by the name 'Byi-lu-'ban' [sic] or hi-hu-luyvin' [sic] and made from material acquired from the eight great holy places of India. The place where it was made was Rajagrha, i.e. Venuvana [GLR: Jetavana]. Along with the construction of a statue, a gandhola was erected measuring twenty fathoms. The idol is later installed, the sources adduce, in Odantapuri . 114 MNKB E (A) 50aS-50bl; KCHKKHM-2 40.7-17,43.17-18; CHBYMTNYP 46a6-46b6; MBNTH 12bl-5; rNarn-thar 16.11-12; HBCHBY (NGA) 65.23-66.8. The statue of Buddha denoted Mahabodhi; the idol was self-manifested (rang byon), as the godframer ViSvakarman vanished when the door was opened on the mother's behest. It was erected in VajrHsana, the location where Bhagavat acquired bodhi. The curious form Va-spra-ta-sa-me is obviously a further corruption of the already unclear Sanskrit name Tsa-kra sam-bhe, cf. Appendix, note 104. 115 MNKB E (A) 50bl-5 1a4; KCHKKHM-2 40.15-17; CHBYMTNYP 46a5-47a4. 116 MNKB E (A) 50bl-51a5; KCHKKHM-2 40.15-41.18; CHBYMTNYP 46b2-47a4; MBNTH 12th13a4; rNarn-thar 16.15-26; HBCHBY (NGA) 66.9-1 1. The versions deviate on the duration of time necessary for erecting the Mahabodhi statue, cf. Appendix, note 104. 117 MNKB E (A) 51a4-51b2; KCHKKHM-2 41.17-42.9; CHBYMTNYP 47a4-48a3; MBNTH 13a4; r ~ a m - t h a r16.24-30; HBCHBY (NGA) 66.13- 15. 118 Only F K B E (A) 51 b2 and GLR maintain that it represents Bhagavat captured at the age of thirty (but CHBYMTNYP 48a4 gives thirty-two, etc. cf. note 104 supra and Appendix). 119 MT!fKBE (A) 51b2-52a3; KCHKKHM-2 42.9-43.16; CHBYMTNYP 48a5-49al; MBNTH 13a56. These sources also discuss the distinguishing discrepancies (mi 'dra ba 'i khyad par) by which this idol was at variance with the actual Bhagavat. Without being listed by GLR, the points of difference amount, according to the above sources, to seven resp. eight points, whereas CGCHBY When people were paying respect to this statue, they forgot hunger and thirst, [to such an extent that] others had to give them food and drink. Having paid their respect to this statue, people were unable to show their back when withdrawing so they retreated with their back foremost. If people suddenly were taken ill, they were restored to health merely by beholding the countenance of this statue. If passionate fighting and dispute rose among people, the very beholding of its countenance entirely allayed the anger and people [spontaneously turned] compassionate, obtaining a mind oriented towards Enlightenment. Then the mother, according to her prophecy, passed away into Nirvana the following day and when inspecting what defect there had been due to the deficiency of one day, the little toe of the right foot was found to be 1 a ~ k i n g . l ~ ~ [mJ [India-China Legend] In this way this statue [i.e. the Mah2bodhi, the thiy-years idol] and the two statues of lo-bo ShZkya [i.e. eight-years and twelve-years idols]' were installed in Vajfisana in India, called where, after several generations had passed, there lived in India a Dharm-ja Dharmapaa. 122 ' and rNam-thar enumerate four resp. three points. The points mentioned here in GLR, i.e. that when people paid the statue their respect, etc. are part of the eight g u y - s with which this idol later was prophesied by the mother to possess, cf. MNKB E (A) 51b5-5212, KCHKKHM-2 43.6-16; CHBYMTNYP 48b6-49a6; MBNTH 13a5-13bl'. 120 MNKB E (A) 52a3; CHBYMTNYP 49a1-2. 121 This last section, which, in fact, is a direct continuation of the so-called TrikZya legend, cf. note 84 supra and Appendix, provides, in the main, the story of the continuous destiny of the twelveyears statue, the Jo-bo Shakya, according to the indigenous Tibetan notions, an idol of paramount importance for the Tibetans, the prospective sanctum sanctorum and one of the key national palladia and shrines of Tibet, the bless-bestowing dowry of the Chinese princess Kong-jo, the future queen of the founder of the Tibetan empire, king Srong-btsan sgam-po. Closing chapter I1 with this legend, Bla-ma dam-pa has facilitated the transition to the ensuing chapter dealing with the genealogy of Chinese mlers. Hence, we shall provisionally call this account the 'India-China legend', as it describes one Tibetan version of the introduction of Buddhism in China. For a fuller discussion and survey, see Appendix, note 121. 122 DharmapHla (ca. 770-810 A.D.), a pious Buddhist and the grandson of the founder of the Pila Dynasty, Gopila (750-770 A.D.). In fact, all these sources provide, prior to the present legend, a lengthy almost identical, mythological expos6 on the origin of the Kla Dynasty, from Gopila, RamapHla, DevapHla through Dharmaplla: MNKB E (A) 53a3-53b6; KCHKKHM-I 641.3-642.6; KCHKKHM-2 33.9-34.13; CHBYMTNYP 68b5-70a5, the latter being the most detailed. In KCHKKHM-2, loc. cit. 34.13, finally, the founder is called, not Gopila, but king Dag-pa. On these figures, cf. GGCHBY Chap. XXVIII-XXX, 156.14-171.17 and rNam-thar rgyas-pa (Eimer, 1979, I, p. 206, 11, p. 126ff.) and the notes 82 and 85 in Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 200-203. The mention of these raja-s in the Vita-tradition of king Srong-btsan sgam-po is important while it provide us with a fair terminus a quo of these parts of these narratives. Contemporary with him lived in China an emperor called sPn-sti-ma dza-ja [sic].123 These two entered into a friendship with one another, without ever having seen or met. On one occasion124the Indian king received from the Chinese emperor as the last present of three sent to him a seamless (srub med pa) brocade gown (za 'og gi gos) embellished with four Srfvatsa (dpal gyi be 'u bzhi)-emblemson the breast. 12' The Indian king thought: "The Chinese emperor must indeed have a great wish, what does he want?" He subsequently received a letter and when opening it, it read accordingly:12' 123 Emperor sPri-sti-ma dza-ja [sic], the latter element being raja, cf. HBCHBY (NGA) 64.17-19; (MA) p. 781, emperor [s]Pri-ti[l] and PSJZ 168.14-16: emperor Bri-ti, both here probably follow GLR. Cf. also note 155 in the next chapter. Cf. also MNKB E (A) 53b5, followed by GBYTSH 73a4-5: Emperor Deva ridza (i.e. DevarHja), and KCHK~HM-235.8 mentions the emperor of Keshi'i khri-sgo, the latter reflecting the emperor's palace (khri sgo, 'portal to the throne', i.e. the palacial residence of ke shi or keng shi (i.e. Ch. jingshi, 'capital city', i.e. Ch'ang-an) cf. e.g. Dunhuang Chronicle (Bacot et al., 1940, pp. 114.29, 153) and Lhasa Zhol-Inscriptions (South 1.56, 59, 62-63; Richardson, 1985, p. 13-14); Uebach, 1991, pp. 507, 513. The other cryptic or ahistorical names and places are probably all Tibetan inventions. 124 MNKB E (A) 53b6-54a5; KCHKKHM-1 643.1-644.3; KCHKKHM-2 34.14-35.7; CHBYMTNYP 73a4-74a3, MBNTH 15bl-4. Cf. also rNam-thar rgyas-pa 39a5ff. (Eimer, 1979, 11, p. 126ff.). GLR here abstains from mentioning, as do his prime sources, the background, mythological to be true, for the initial contact between the king and the emperor: During the reign of king DharmapHla, the Buddhist religion, represented by the emblems of Triratna such as the Ntilandi vihdra was thoroughly destroyed by the rirthika-s, the heretics, also called the Du-ru-ka or Tu-ru-ka, i.e. the Turks, a general term often used by the Tibetans for the Mahomendans. Magadha being desolated, king Dharmapila allegedly turned to the Chinese emperor for help and in a letter requested for military aid against the Buddhist subverters. However, being unable to dispatch a mighty army (due to geographical distance, obviously), the Chinese emperor repeatedly forwarded a great amount of riches and costly jewels as subvension in order to provide the financial conditions (cha rkyen byas) to ensure military assistance from neighbouring proBuddhist Indian kingdoms. Having thus summoned and outfitted a huge army, the tirthika-s were overthrown and the Buddhist religion blossomed again. 125 MNKB E (A) 53b5; KCHKKHM-1 643.5; KCHKKHM-2 35.15-17; CHBYMTNYP 73b5-6; MBNTH 15a3-4. One of the costly gifts, cf. previous note, forwarded by the Chinese emperor was this wonderous brocade gown, which was embellished with the Srivatsa on the breast visible, these sources adduce, in whatever way one wore it, i.e. inside out or reverse. 126 In this versified piece, GLR has abbreviated its version slightly: GLR has thirteen lines, where F K B , Bla-ma dam-pa's prime source and CHBYMTNYP (aside from a few words, identical with MNKB, citing it?) have eighteen lines, cf. MNKB E (A) 54a6-55a4; CHBYMTNYP 74a4-75a2. ~ h last k six verse-lines in GLR, moreover, dkviate from its source, evidently here being Bla-ma dam-pa's own formulation. MNKB reads: U kye rgyal po chen po chos skyong bstan pa'i bdag I sngon bsags bsod nams dam pa'i phul [or: dpal] gyur pas I I rigs brsun w h o la bzang ba rgyal po'i brgyud du 'khrungs I I gnas bzang khyad du 'phags pa rgya gar yul dbus su I I l a bzang sngon gyi 'phro mrhud chos skyong rnnga ' bdag mdzad I I bsod nams khyad du 'phags pas dge tshogs spel la brtson I I sku khams bzang zhing dge tshogs spel bar bdag gis khums I I gnay dang yul gyis bskal pas zhal yang ma mjal yang I I las dang smon lam mfhun pas thos pa 'i phrin la bnen I "Protector of the Law (dhannapdla), Indian king, Lord of the Doctrine, Perforce of the strength secured by the fruits of previously accumulated merits, The treasure of the Law of endless might and glory, [You] protect your subjects with happiness and welfare, enjoying all [that can be] wished for. [You] who reside in the distinguished and noble country of India, Are not depraved by lacking receptacles from where you can accumulate merits, I, [on the contrary,] emperor of China, a barbarous borderland, Neither possess a statue of the Teacher, nor do I possess the word (bka ', vacana) of Jina; [Further,] in my country there has been no period of the [Buddhist] Law, A statue of the Venerable One, from you With the size of being twelve years of age,I2' Five satra-sI2' and a group of bhihu-s, 1 beg to be granted me out of sympathy (brrse bar)!" The Indian king thought: "In my country we possess the doctrine[s] of MahPyba, the bodily] relics of Buddha and also sr~vakasand Arhants [of the HinaySna creed] are found here. In his country, [truly,] these things are not available and since the [Buddhist] Law certainly will spread in his country and [likewise] shall not decline in my country, I shall dispatch [these items] [but first] consult the Jo-bo statue itself by prefemng a petition [to it]." When he amved in front of the Jo-bo in the royal palace, he observed that the Jo-bo statue, which previously was installed facing south, now faced east. To this the king thought: "It appears that the Jo-bo statue itself is also rejoicing at going to China."129 I I I I I I I phan tshun brtse serns grogs su byas nas skyes kyis 'grul I khyod ni yul dbus sangs rgyas byon pa'i gnas 'khrungs pas I bsod n a m sog pa 'i rten gyis khyod la phongs pa rned I bdag ni sangs rgyas zhabs hyis ma bcogs mtha' ' b o b shycr I sngon gyi bsod n m dman pas tshogs bas mchod gnas rned I longs spyod [nor] @is ni phongs par ma gyur hyang I bsod n a m bsag pa 'i rten gyis Phongs lags pas I I khyod kyi mchod g m sangs rgyas zhal skyin de I I dge slong dung bcas nas gnang bar zhu I 127 GBYTSH 73b6, rendering this legend, has misplaced the eight-years idol, cf. note 84, with the twelve-years statue, despite the fact that ~nibhiitibhadraexplicitly uses KCHKKHM as source and that both versions of this text have the twelve-years statue. This was even taken over by A-myeszhabs in his Sa-skya gdung-rabs &en-mo, cf. Wylie, 1988, pp. 1559-1565. HBCHBY (NGA) 63.23-24 introduces also both statues, the eight- and the twelve-years statues, but has an additional brief narrative on the origin of (another ?) eight-years statue, cf. ibid. 64.4-9 identifying also this with the prospective Jo-bo Mi-bskyod rdo-rje, later arriving in Tibet as the dowry from Nepal. 128 KCHKKHM-1644.5-644.6; KCHKKHM-2 36.14- 15; GBYTSH 73b5-7411,followed by Sa-skya gdung-rabs chen-mo, cf. Wylie, 1988. This latter text shows how Tibetan mythographers, here the Sa-skya-pas, took over an old textual tradition and combined it with their own sacred idol, in order to tinge the holy object, the Dhama-conch of Sa-skya, with historical authenticity. 129 This passage is untraced in any of his possible sources, F K B and KCHKKHM, so if it does not reflect Bla-ma dam-pa's own formulation, which is most likely, it reflects an earlier, more detailed. Consequently, he fitted out a great vessel, upon which he placed the Jo-bo Shdcya [statue] and [the emblems representing] the Triratna. On the deck he pitched a silk and jewelmounted tent[-pavillion] and it was equipped with numerous requisites such as [colourful] banners and music-accompaniment. The vessel was then dispatched on the great river flowing from India to China. The Indian king replied accordingly: l 3 "Alas Emperor of China pay attention! This my sanctuary, the countenance of the Teacher , Lord of Gods, Was patronized by ~ a k r a the The material from which it was produced was the ten different precious metals , Its creation was brought about by ViSvakarman and it was consecrated by Buddha himself. Thus, this peerless statue of Jinendra, Whenever paying it respect [either by] beholding it, hearing it, recollecting it [or] touching it, It shall secure immediate Buddhahood, [so it has been] enounced by the Victor [himselfl; This Jo-bo [ S h w a statue] endowed with such [excellent] qualities, Though it is as dear to me as my own heart, indeed, In consequence of your substantial (lci ba) presents and requests, And in order to guide the sentient beings of that country [of yours] unto [the path of] virtuousness, I shall, nevertheless, bestow this sanctuary upon you. May you pay it [due] respect and revere it devoutly!" The Chinese emperor rejoiced greatly and had a feast of welcome prepared beyond imagination accompanied by music [etc.]. The Jo-bo [statue and the [three emblems of] Triratna arrived at the palace of the Chinese ernperor D ~ a - ~13'a . [From that period,] the Holy Law diffused and the barbarous borderland of China was converted bringing all of its sentient beings happiness and prosperity. version of these texts, no more extant. 130 Again, there seems to be no parallel for this passage in GLR's prime sources, though KCHKKHM2 37.5-9 writes: gsung rub ba tsha chu klung I rgyan sdug po I 'dul ba I za ma tog dge slong mdo 'dzin p a bzhi dang 0 shdkya mu ne gdan khri dang bcas pa rgyab yo1 med par gzings kyi nang du bzhugs nus chu bo chen po'i kha la gdan drangs te rgya nag tu brdzangs so. 13 1 The stanza-passage is a parallel to MNKB E (A) 54b6-55a4, cf. identically CHBYMTNYP 75a375b3, but the wording in GLR, aside from having fifteen tshig rkang versus MNKB's fourteen ditto, deviates nevertheless markedly, while not contextually, in the formulatior;, that we may conclude that we are here dealing with a free paraphrase. F.ex. Bla-ma dam-pa uses the nickname of the statue, i.e. Jo-bo [ShHkya], while his prime source[s], MNKB has the neutral mchod gnus. This reveals, inter alia, the author's prayojana behind the compiiation of the work: Bla-ma dam-pa is not just compiling a historical work, but is telling a consecutive story. 132 Cf. the notes 123 and 129-30 supra. The Erection of the Three Bodies of Buddha Sdkyamuni and their Consecration. The Dissemination of the Holy Law (Saddharma) in the Countries of China and Mongolia and an Enumeration of their Emperors [Q [Genealogy of China] Now,I3' after the arrival of the two statues, the Jo-bo S h P y a and the Jo-bo Sandal-wood statue,134 we [may] consider how the Holy Law spread in China, [about which w e read] in The Genealogical History of the Great Chronicle of China (rGya-nag gi deb-ther chenpo'i rgyal-rabs kyi ~ o - r g ~ u s T) h:e~ first ~ ~ emperor of China was called Ci'u [i.e. 133 In this chapter Bla-ma dam-pa offers an enumeration of the leading royal figures of the dynasties of China, TangutIXixia and Yuan-Mongolia according to the genealogical lists and expositions embodied in Kun-dga' rdo-rje's DTHMP as explicitly stated at the end of the chapter. Kun-dga' rdo-rje's genealogical expos6 of these dynasties became, in the wake of its publication in Tibet in the middle of the XIVth century, sans pareil the key source for the Tibetan conception of the pre-Ming genealogical history in China and Mongolia. This was a fact not only for almost all subsequent Buddhist histories, such as GLR, YLJBCHBY 19.1-37.15, 79.1-87.3; GBYTSH 70a3-86b4; DTHNCP (1,73.1-84.2, Roerich, pp. 47-60); DTHMPSM 42b5-48aS (Tucci, pp. 175180); HBCHBY (MA) 775-792; PSJZ 111 91ff. etc. all quoting DTHMP extensively or merely presenting a verbatim rechauffk of DTHMP, but also for traditional Mongolian historiographers, (DTHMP = Ulayan debter) such as Sayang SeEen in his Erdeni-yin tobti. Cf. also here 5 . Bira, 1964, pp. 69-81. The reason is obvious. Kun-dga' rdo-rje was the first historian in Tibet to incorporate genuinely nowTibetan material concerning the dynasties from contemporaneous and otherwise unknown historical sources, partly also from oral communication extended him by Tangut and Mongolian scholars. For reason of avoiding here, therefore, cases of trite repetition, parallel references to the above post-GLR sources will not be given in the appended notes. An exception is YLJBCHBY, while its author, like Bla-ma dam-pa, evidently had direct access to one of the basic sources employed by Kun-dga' rdo-rje, namely rGya'i deb-ther. For details on Kun-dga' rdo-rje's sources, see Appendix, note 133. 134 Bla-ma dam-pa initiates the China-chapter by mentioning the amval of the twelve-year Jo-bo Shlkya statue and the Jo-bo Tsandan or Sandal-wood statue in China. Here our author apparently follows his prime source, DTHMP and a common source, the rGya'i debther also called rGya'i yigtshang (cf. next note) and the Jo-bo Sandal-wood Statue Account (cf. note 140). Based upon this information, - deliberately or out of ignorance - our author combines the legendary twelve-years statue of the TrikHya-legend, cf. GLR Chap. I1 by identifying this with the above-mentioned identical-named Jo-bo ShHkya statue. This combination or identification seems to have been taken over by a large number of Tibetan historians, such as e.g. the otherwise attentive bSod-nams gragspa, DTHMPSM 43b5-6 and, more suprisingly, by dPa'-bo gTsug-lag in HBCHBY (NGA) 64.1718; (MA) 781.5, etc. apparently amusing some confusion. But it is without historical foundation. As adduced in GLR Chap. 11, note 84, the legendary Jo-bo Shlkya of the TrikPya-legend was raised by ViSvakarman etc., whereas the Jo-bo Shikya, also of twelve-year SiddhPrtha size, allegedly was raised while Bhagavat was visiting the devaloka of TriyastrimSa (like the Jo-bo Tsandan statue, are these two statues hereby confused?, cf. NGTSH 51.3-6) and, moreover placed in a probable historical context. At least it accounts for the fact that Bla-ma dam-pa naturally attempts to identify (cf. nn. 153-55 inpa) the enigmatic Chinese king sPri-ti-ma (from the India-China legend, cf. GLR Chap. 11, nn. 123, 132 supra) with the emperor of Si-chen, where the historical Jo-bo Shikya eventually turned up, cf. note 155 infro. 135 The long title rGya-nag gi deb-ther chen-po'i rgyal-rabs kyi lo-rgyus refers to a well-known, yet deplorably no more extant work variously titled: rCya'i debther, rGya-nag gi debther [chenpol, rGya Inag-pol'i yig-tshang, i.e. the 'Annals of China' or the 'Chronicle of China' employed as source, cf. note 133 supra and Appendix, by DTHMP's author Kun-dga' rdo-rje, the first Tibetan scholar who had the opportunity to use it. This work is otherwise known under the Zhou]. 136*'37Then, after four royal generations had passed, an emperor called Ci'u dBangrgyal [Zhao-wang [of] ~ h o u ] ' ~rose * to the throne and twenty-four years having elapsed, in the wwd-male-tiger year, on the eighth day of the fourth month,*139there appeared in the western direction many marvellous signs [and omens] such as lightening and thunder, which were recognized to be the birth of the Venerable One when the Chinese astrologers made their calculations. After the Venerable One most manifestly had become a Buddha at the age of thirty, he went to the abode of Tusita in order to preach the Law to his mother. In his absence king Utrayana [i.e. Udriiyqa] had an image in sandal-wood made of him.140 When the Venerable One descended from the abode of the gods, he consecrated this statue of sandal-wood and prophesied: "One thousand years after my Nirvha, these two statues [i.e. the Jo-bo S h w a statue and this Jo-bo Sandal-wood statue] will work for the welfare of all supplementary title: Thang-shu thu-han (or Thang-zhu thu-hven, Thang-zhu thu-hvan-tshvan) evidently being the Tangshu Tufan, the section concerning Tibet (Tufan) in Tangshu (on the Tufansection of the two redactions of Tangshu: the Chap. 196A-B of Jiu Tangshu and Chap. 216A-B of Xin Tangshu, cf. Petech, 1939, pp. 39-40 and the translation, Pelliot, 1961, passim). From the reference in casu we cannot exclude the possibility that this work may have incorporated in its Tibetan redaction a short introductory outline of the general narrative of China as may be deduced from this reference to the Zhou dynasty, before focussing extensively on the Tibet-China relationship during the Tang period: Bod dang rgya 'i 'brel tshul dang dbon zhang gi lo rgyus thang zhu thu hvan tshvan - A history on the relationship between uncle and nephew. For a full discussion on this most important source, cf. Appendix, note 135. 136 The first emperor of China [sic] Ci'u or Ce'u, i.e. Zhou [dynasty] 1050-249 B.C. The first emperor of Zhou was Wu-wang Fa 1050-1044 B.C. Cf. also Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 21 3-14. For this initial passage of the first emperor of China, it is unclear, while collating the sources, whether DTHMP, and hence GLR, followed the 'Record of China', cf. note 135, or whether they follow the Sandalwood Account, cf. note 140, directly. The latter is probably the case, as DTHMP and this Account are almost verbatim congruous. 137 *gloss: This emperor and the Indian king Dhanuhsthira were contemporaries. Cf. also HBCHBY (NGA) 64.1 1. 138 DTHMP 6a4; YLJBCHBY 19.4-5. The fourth emperor of Zhou, Zhao-wang Xia (981-962 B.C.). The reading in GLR Ci'u dbangrgyal, contrary to DTHMP Ci'u dbang, may be explained as a simple misreading of DTHMP or of the Sandalwood Account (cf. note 140), where is is written: Ci'u dbang [zhes] bya-ba rgyal sar bton.. .. 139 *gloss:Besides the [common] ident@cadon of the annual celebration [of the birth] of Buddha, there is disagreement as to the chronological element in the year-cycle [between the various traditions]. This is truly the case in the work 'Records of China' (ffiya'i deb-ther). In this interlinear gloss, Bla-ma dam-pa (or a later scribe) refers to the existence of divergent opinions as to the dating and chronological calculations of the birth of Buddha. In this respect, he includes rGya'i deb-ther, which here is quoted via DTHMP. 'The various chronological calculations among the Tibetan authors are well-known. The present opinion, assigning Buddha's birth to the wood-male-tiger year, is a calculation originally based upon a well-known Chinese tradition fixed by a monk in the VIth century (520 A.D.) during a dispute between Buddhists and Daoists at the Tuo-pa (Toba) Wei court and this theory became known to the Tibetans through the Sandalwood Statue Account, cf. next note. This work incorporates this calculation-system and following this source, DTHMP and GLR (via DTHMP) have reproduced it in their brief genealogical rCsumC. 140 For a full discussion of this text (incl. an edition and translation) and a general assessment of it, see Appendix, note 140. living beings in China. " 14' There appeared thirty-six emperors in direct succession [from the first] Ci'u [i.e. Zhou emperor],142who [all together] held the throne for [a period of] one hundred years. An emperor called Tshan Hri Hang [i.e. Qin Shi-Huangdi [Zheng] [of Qin]], 143 father and son, appeared and they held the throne for seventy years. Then the emperor called Han Ka'o-dzung [i.e. Gao-zu [of] [Xi an]]'^^ appeared and his lineage occupied the imperial throne for twelve generations. Thereupon, a minister Am Mam [i.e. Wang Mang [ofj in]'^^ usurped the throne and held it for eighteen years. Then one named Sle'u Blong [i.e. Liu Xiu, Guang Wudi [ofj Dong an]^^^ appeared belonging to the same lineage as Han Ka'o-dzung of the former dynasty. Am Mam was executed and sle'u-blong seized the imperial seat. He had five sons, of whom the kldest called Han Mi[ng]-ti [i.e. Mingdi [ofj Dong an] 147 became emperor. His son was emperor 141 Cf. similarly DTHMP 6a5-9 = YLJBCHBY 19.21. As seen in Appendix, note 140, the origiaal prophecy only mentions one statue, the Jo-bo Tsandan. Here Bla-ma dam-pa, as adduced in note 133 supra, manipulates with his sources (i.e. the rGya'i debther?) and the Sandal-wood Statue Account and introduces two statues, in order to account for the introduction of the (legendary) China-bound Jo-bo ShHkya statue (GLR chap. 11) and the present Jo-bo Tsandan statue. 142 Cf. DTHMP 6b5; YLJBCHBY 20.15-16. The figure thirty-six emperors are taken over by all subsequent historical works, but in fact the Zhou dynasty, consisting of a Western (xi, thirteen emperors, 1050-771 B.C.) and an Eastern (dong, twenty-six emperors, 771-249 B.C.) branch, counts thirty-nine emperors. Moreover, the figure one hundred years for the duration of this dynasty is grossly underestimated. It ruled for 801 years. See the discussion in Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 219-223. 143 DTHMP 6b5: Chin Hri-hang; YLJBCHBY 20.16-17. The famous emperor and first unifier (gcig gyur byed &an) of China, Qin Shi-Huangdi (255210 B.C.) of the Qin dynasty ruled from 221-210 B.C. followed by his son Er Shi-Huangdi, who ruled 210-207 B.C. The fact that GLR mentions that this emperor and his son ruled for seventy years (in fact fifteen years), while this is not mentioned in DTHMP, suggests here that Bla-ma dampa did have access to rGya'i debther, cf. note 135 supra. Cf. also Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 223-231. 144 DTHMP 6b5-6; YLJBCHBY 17-18. This emperor named Liu-Bang, imperial title Gao-zu of Former (qian, sngon mu) or Western (xi, nub ma) Han (206 B.C. - 9 A.D.) Han. He was born in 247 B.C., was entroned 24.2.202 B.C. and ruled until 29.5.195 B.C. Former or Western Han had fourteen emperors (not twelve), cf. also Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 23 1-235. 145 DTHMP 6b5: Ang Mang; YLJBCHBY 21.1. The usurper Wang Mang, a minister of the eleventh emperor of Former Han named Chengdi (32-17 B.C.). He installed himself as emperor of the new dynasty named Xin (9-23 A.D.). He was born 45 B.C., k a m e emperor 10.1.9 A.D., was put to death 6.10.23 A.D. at the age of 68. He thus held the throne for fifteen years, not eighteen; cf. also Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 235-37. 146 GLR: sle'u-blong. DTHMP 6b6; YLJBCHBY 21.2: gLe'u Gong-hu. The emperor Guang Wudi, real name Liu Xiu. He belonged to the Liu clan (rus),the founder of the the Western Han Dynasty. This emperor re-established the Han dyansty again, this time named Eastern (dong, shar mu) Han (23-220 A.D.). He was born 13.1.5 B.C., enthroned 5.8.25 A. D. and died 29.3.57. In fact, he was not the first emperor of Dong Han, this was Huai-Yang Wang (23-24 A.D.). Eastern Han had sixteen emperors in total. But see here Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 237-40. 147 DTHMP 6b7-7al; YLJBCHBY 21.4-13. The famous emperor Mingdi of Dong Han, the fifth son of Guang Wudi. He was born 28 A.D., enthroned 29.3.58 and died 5.9.75 A.D. The Chinese tradition connects him with the first Han Hao-ti [i.e. Xiandi of ~ a n 1 . l ~ ~ From his hands his own minister called Tsha-bo-Tsha [i.e. Cao Cao [of] ~ e i ] ' ~ ~ usurped the imperial seat. The lineage of this minister held the throne for five successive generations. From the[ir] hand the imperial seat was seized by their minister called U Ma-ti [i.e. Wudi Si-ma Zhao [ofJ Xi in].'^^ Thereupon, the emperor [of] Hi'u Tsing [i.e. Hou in]^^' occupied the imperial throne; appearance of Buddhism in China, the legend about the 'dream of Mingdi', cf. e.g. H. Maspero, "Le songe et I'ambassade de I'empereur Ming. ~ t u d ecritique des sources", BEFEO X, 1910, pp. 95-130; Ziircher, 1959, p. 22. A legend which first came to the knowledge of the Tibetans through dPa'-bo gtsug-lag's quotation of a work translated from Chinese by a bhihu named PunyaSnihadra (Mod-nams dpal bzang-po) at Sa-skya dealing, inter alia, with ~ i n ~ d inni ' s lam, cf. HBCHBY (MA) 777-79. Cf. also Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 240-41. 148 DTHMP 7al-2: Han Hen-ti; YLJBCHBY 21.13-14: Han Hao-ti. Xiandi of Han, the last emperor of Dong Han is in GLR falsely made the son of Mingdi. Equally wrong, DTHMP (slavishly followed by YLJBCHBY) maintains that he is the twenty-fourth emperor of Han (a number obviously reached by putting together the emperors of Xi and Dong Han (actually twenty-six figures), cf. Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 244-45. He was born in 181, enthroned 28.9.190 A.D., deposed 25.1 1.220 and died 24.4.234. 149 DTHMP 7a2; YLJBCHBY 15-16: Tsha'o Tsha'o. The famous general Cao Cao of Former (qian) Wei (220-265 A.D.), one of the San-guo (Wu 222-280 A.D., Wei 220-265 A.D., Shu 261-265 A.D.) empires. He was born 155 A.D. and after a rebellion in 190 A.D. he gained complete control over the country in year 220 A.D., being the strongest among the disputing generals. Prior to his death in 13.3.220, he founded the Former Wei, enthroning his son Cao Bi, i.e. emperor Wendi. Five emperors of the Qian Wei dynasty. Cf. also Dung-dkar, 1981 , pp. 245-48. 150 GLR: U-ma ti : DTHMP 7a2 (= YLJBCHBY 21.15-16): U-mas, Dung-dkar, op. cir., p. 13.13, 248: 'Ums [sic]. A mixing of Wudi, his imperial name, and Si-ma, his clan name (rus ming). Originally minister to the third Wei emperor Shaodi (254-260 A.D.), later he became Si-ma Zhao, prince of Jin (cf. Giles 1746); born 236, enthroned 8.6.266, died 16.5.290 A.D. He became the first emperor of Western or Xi Jin (265-317 A.D.). Cf. also Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 248-252. 151 DTHMP 7a2ff.; YLJBCHBY 21.16. The Tibetan Buddhist historiographers are here clearly bewildered, partly due to the puzzling names of these Chinese dynasties, partly on account of the general confusion that prevailed with the scenario of legitimate and illegitimate dynasties during this period known as the period of the Southern Dynasties (Nan Chao) and the sixteen kingdoms (shiliu guo) between 300-589 A.D. The Tibetan form rsing may namely reflect Jin as well as Qin. The eldest son [descending from the lineage or from the ethnic Tibetan dynasty] of Hou or Later Qin (383-417 A.D.), Bla-ma dam-pa adduces, took over the imperial seat; the eldest brother established the lineage or dynasty [called] Dong Jin or Eastern Jin (317-420 A.D.) [sic] and the younger brother of [the lineage or dynasty of] Dong Jin, named Si chen, i.e. Xi Jin or Western Jin (266-317 A.D.) or Xi Qin or Western Qin (385-431 A.D.) [sic] took over the imperial seat. DTHMP 7al-2 is more specific: The Hou Qin split into two branches (tshanpa gnyis): Dung Tsing, i.e. Dong Jin and Ga'i Tsing, i.e. Xi JinIQin ? Now, to let Dong and Xi Jin issue from Hou Qin is absurd. A clue, however, may tentatively be proffered: In northern China a 'Tibetan' petty family-clan named Pu (later Fu) rose to power. It eventually gained eminence of power and gathered together other minor clans and nomadic tribes and established the Qian or Former Qin (349-394 A.D.). The main figure consolidating this 'Tibetan' border kingdom was the famous Fu Jian (356-384 A.D.), who gradually succeeded in bringing the whole of North China under his the eldest son [of the lineage and dynasty ofJ Hi'u-tsing [called] Dung Tsing [i.e. Dong in]''^ held the throne. The ounger brother of Dung Tsing, Si Chen 1i.e. Xi ~ m then ] held the imperial throne.*" During this time it is raid in the Archive of Chins (rGya'i yig-tshang) that the Jo-bo ShZkya statue and the Jo-bo Sandal-wood statue, the two, lS5 were 2 sway. Due to a fatal military expedition against the Jin in South China in 383 A.D., his mighty army was split up into various branches and out of this dismemberment a state came into existence called Hou or Later Qin (383-417 A.D.) established by the 'Tibetan' general Yao Xiang (ruled 383393 A.D.), cf. also note 155 inpa. From the remnants of the Fu Jian-ruled 'dynastic kingdom' yet another petty dynasty rose: The Xi or Western Qin (385-431 A.D.) founded by an ethnic Xian-bi clan named Qi-fu. The reference to a scism, most clearly delineated in M H M P ,of the Hou Qin may possibly allude to the scenario outlined here. Or should we, with lnaba and Sat6, Chibeno Nendaiki, p. 62, n. 48, rearrange the data and identify Hi'u Tsing with Fu Jian and Qian Qin, whereby, however, Dung Tsing must correspond to Hou Qin and Ga'i Tsing with Xi Qin? But this is obviously in contradiction with the ensuing passage in DTHMP (omitted in CLR) where Ga'i Tsing refers to Qian Qin, as already observed by Macdonald, 1963, p. 133, n. 127. Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 252-260, who at greater length discusses the complex picture of the sixteen kingdoms (rgyal khab bcu drug), maintains, pursuing a chronological approach mainly, that Hi'u Tsing must be the legitimate Chinese dynasty Xi or Western Jin (265-317 A.D.) from which, eventually, Dong Jin and Hou Qin emanated! 152 Cf. previous note. 153 Cf. note 151 supra. 154 *gloss: In the History-book (Chos-'byung) of Bu-ston [ t h i ~emperor ] is called sPri-sri-ma, and it is maintained that [he should] be identical (don tnfhun) [with thir emperor, Si-chen, i. e. Xi Jin or Qin]. This enigmatic emperor is, as we have already seen in the previous chapter, note 132, the Chinese emperor made contemporaneous with the lndian rija DharrnapPla in the Tibetan-invented Triklya-legend. The reason for Bla-ma dam-pa I?] to make this gloss is found in the ensuing passage found in DTHMP, cf. next note, [curiously or perhaps deliberately ignored by Bla-ma dampa], where the arrival of a statue of Buddha, denoted Jo-bo Shikya of a twelve-years size, not identical as Bla-ma dam-pa (and with him many later historians) would make us believe, with the identical-named statue Jo-bo Shakya of the Triklya-legend, cf. previous chapter and note 135 supra, is described, a narrative possibly originating from the deplorably non-extant rGya'i debther. In fact, Bla-ma dam-pa indirectly attempts to identify these statues, here by identifying anachronistically - the ahistorical and legendary emperor sPri-sti-ma (allegedly of the 8th century) with the historical emperor Si-chen, i.e. the emperor of Xi Qin (of the fifth century). To undermine Bla-ma dam-pa's trustworthiness, moreover, we may note that Bu-ston, contrary to what Bla-ma dam-pa asserts in the above gloss, does not mention neither sPri-sti-ma nor Si-chen (at least according to the CHBY at our disposal), though Bu-ston, in a gloss, briefly mentions the Jo-bo Tsandan statue account, cf. CHBY 57a6-7. This gloss is incidentally misrendered (and hence misconceived) by JLchke, cf. his Dict., pp. 258-59, a rare phenomenon in his excellent book. 155 Here Bla-ma dam-pa allegedly follows the work Archives of China, by stating that two statues amved in China, as already mentioned by our author in this chapter, cf. note 135 supra. Bereft of the original rGya'i deb-ther or rGya'i yig-tshang compiled by Bla-ma Rin-chen grags, cf. note 135 supra, it is difficult to assess Bla-ma dam-pa's trustworthiness. We already have seen above, cf. note 141, where, in connection with the Jo-bo Sandal-wood Account, Bla-ma dam-pa similarly asserts that two statues anived in China, in spite of the fact that only one statue is recorded to have arrived. DTHMP, see below, following the Record of China too and a historical expos6 on the Chinese history tendered Kun-dga' rdo-rje by one Dzam-bha-la, cf. source nos. 2 and 3A described in note 133 supra, mentions in this connection only one statue arriving during this emperor. For ~ brought to China whereafter the Holy Law spread. Thereupon, one of his governors (mi dpon) called [or entitled] Ching Sang [i.e. Cheng ~ i a n ~ usurped ] ' ~ ~ the imperial seat, and, his lineage coming to an end, the emperor called Su g.Yang-ti [i.e. Yangdi [of] ~ u i ] , " father ~ and son, took hold of the imperial throne. Then the emperor[s] of Thang [i.e. an^]''' emer ed. In this respect the Chronicle of China (rGya-nag gi deb-ther) records that 1566 years1 after the NirvZina of the Venerable One, the Chinese emperor [i.e. Dynasty] Thang appeared, who entered into communication with Tibet, being a contemporary of the Tibetan king gNam-ri srong-btsan. T h e son of this emperor [of] Thang was Thang Ka'o-zung [i.e. Gao-zu [of] ~ a n ~ 1 . l ~ In the time of his son, Tha'i-dzung [i.e. ~ a i - z o n ~ ] , ' who ~ ' was a contemporary of the Tibetan king Srong-btsan sgam-po,16* his daughter 'On-shing Kong-jo [i.e. Wencheng f a full discussion of these sources see note 155 in Appendix. 156 DTHMP 7a6;-7b9; YLJBCHBY 22.6-24.3. Cf. previous note. The Provincial Governor or Chancellor (zhing gi ching sang, cheng-xiang), i.e. Yao Xing (393-415 A.D.), an etnic 'Tibetan', ruling the Later Qin dynasty (383-417). But see alternatively Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 261-64. The idea of a throne-usurpation (rgyal sa phrogs) is not expressed in DTHMP, and thus dovetails with our historical reading in the previous note, and suggests, again, that GLR did have direct access to the rGya'i deb-ther. 157 DTHMP 8a7; YLJBCHBY 25.3. A lacuna in the chronology, the second emperor of Sui dynasty (581-618 A.D.) called Yangdi (604-618 A.D.), surname Yang. He was born 569, enthroned 13.8.604, deposed 17.12.617 and died 11.4.618. His son Gongdi was born 605, ascended the throne 18.12.617 and was already deposed 30.5.61 8, and died 619, paving the way for the Tang dynasty. 158 DTHMP 8a7; YLJBCHBY 25.4. Tang dynasty (618-907 A.D), its first emperor was Gaozu (618-626 A.D.): he was born 566, enthroned 18.6.618, abdicted 3.9.626 and died 25.6.635. Cf. note 160. 159 GLR here reads 2566 year, but this figure must be rectified according to GLR itself, cf. note 1460 infra. The source is the rGya'i deb-ther chen-po, the Tibetan redaction of the Tang-shu Tu-fan. This figure is not found in DTHMP, but occurs in DTHNGP (1, 74.10-12, Roerich, p. 48; gZhonnu dpal usually follows DTHMP, but in casu GLR), HBCHBY (MA) p. 783, both usually basing their information upon DTHMP. The figures 1566 years are based upon the Buddhist calculationsystem founded upon ancient Chinese sources, which maintain that Buddha was born in the woodmale-tiger year. Contrary to the Jo-bo Tsandan Account, cf. note 140 supra, which fixed Buddha's nirvana to 749150 B.C., this figure appears to reproduce the most prevalent chronology in China concerning Buddha's dates, namely 1027-947 B.C., thereby fixing Buddha's nirvdna to 947 B.C. and calculating the appearance of the first emperor of Tang to have taken place in 618 A. D. (1566 947 = 618/9), cf. most recently H. Francke, 1991, pp. 446-447. 160 DTHMP 8a7; YLJBCHBY 25.4. The first emperor of the Tang Dynasty (618-907 A.D). He was born 566, enthroned 18.6.618 abdicted 3.9.626 and died 25.6.635. GLR, via DTHMP, here follows rGya'i deb-ther for the expos6 of the Tang dynasty. Cf. also Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 265ff. 161 DTHMP 8a8; YLJBCHBY 25.6-7. The second emperor of Tang, he was born 23.1.599 A.D., was enthroned 4.9.626 and died 10.7.649. For a detailed exposition cf. DTHMP 8b7-9bl; Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 268-69. 162 The founder of the Tibetan Yar-klungs-based Dynasty, he was probably born 569 A.D. and passed away 649 A.D. Cf. the notes 448-449 and 1046 infra. ~ o n ~ z h ucame ]'~~ to Tibet. He had seven sons.164who successively occupied the throne. The lineage of the eldest ~ ] ' ~ ~the throne. He was the fifth generation of son, Dzung-dzung [i.e. ~ h o n ~ - l o nmounted the Thang [Dynasty]. This emperor and the Tibetan king ~ e s - ~ ~ - t s h o m [were s]'~~ contemporaries. The princess of the emperor, Gyam-shing Kong-jo [i.e. Jincheng ~ o n ~ z h ucame ] ' ~ to ~ Tibet. His son Thang Zan-zung [i.e. Xuan-zong [of] an^]'^' occupied the throne. ' ~ ~ Thereafter one of his ministers, called Hang Cha'o [i.e. Huang-chao [of] ~ i ]made revolt and ursuped the imperial seat. Then followed the five kinds [of Dynasties pu-dai]] of five imperial lineages such as Long [i.e. [Hou] ~ i a n ~occupying ] ' ~ ~ the throne for fifty years. Thereafter an emperor called Ci'u Tha'i-zu [i.e. Tai-zu [of the] Zhao [clan] of [the Bei 163 DTHMP 8b7-8. Cf. GLR chap. XI11 infra. Actually she was the emperor's grand-daughter ( t s h m). 164 Actually nine sons, and his eldest son, ignored by GLR, Gao-zong took over the throne 649-683 A.D. He died Dec. 27, 683 A.D. 165 YLJBCHBY 28.9-11. The fourth and at the same time the seventh emperor of Tang. He was the seventh son, not the oldest as maintained here, of the third emperor Gao-zong (649-683), ignored by CLR, and was born 26.1 1.656, enthroned 3.1.684, deposed already 26.2.684, restored 23.2.705 and died 3.7.710 A.D. 166 1.e. Khri-lde gtsug-b[r]tsan, born 704, ruled 712-754 A.D. Cf. note 11 15 infia. Cf. also HBCHBY 10b6-7. 167 DTHMP 10b4-5; YLJBCHBY 30.1 1-13. Cf. the notes 1137 and 1474 infra. According to DTHMP (Gangtok ed.: ffiyal po nu bo Vi; Dung-dkar ed. 21 3-7: Vi-dbang) and YLJBCHBY, the pricess was the daughter of the brother of the emperor, called Vi-dbang (i.e. Rui-wang; rl. 710-12 A.D.). 168 DTHMP 10b7-9. This is probably Xuan-zong, commonly known as Ming Huangdi, the third son of Rui-wng (himself rl. 684, 710-12 A.D., the father of Jincheng Gongzhu, cf. previous note), born 8.9.685, enthroned 8.9.712, abdicted 16.9.755 and died on the 3.5.762. Here Bla-ma dam-pa cuts off the enumeration of the Tang emperors although DTHMP 10b6-12a7 provides a detailed expos6 of the following emperors. 169 DTHMP 12a7 and YIJBCHBY 33.3-4: Hvang Ma'o. GLR correctly has Hvang Cha'o, indicative of the fact that Bla-ma dam-pa has consulted rGya'i deb-ther directly. This is the famous rebel, who became leader of a revolting farmermovement. Having plotted rebellion in 875 A.D., he gradually succeeded in consolidating his power. He founded his own petty state in 880 A.D., the Da Qi, but already 88314 its end was spell, when he was put to death by the Turkish Sha Tuo. 170 DTHMP 12a8-9; YL,JBCHBY 33.7-9. More specifically fifteen emperors (during fifty-three years) of Five Dynasties (Wu-dai): Hou or Later Liang (907-921 A.D.) three emperors. Hou or Later Tang (923-936 A.D.) ruled by the old Li clan, five emperors. Hou or Later Jin (936-946 A.D.) ruled by the Shi clan, two emperors. Hou or Later Han (947-950 A.D.) of the Liu clan, two emperors and Hou or Later Zhou (951-960 A.D.) of the Guo clan, three emperors. Cf. also Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 297-301. Song [ ~ ~ n a s t ~emerged ] ] ~ ~ 'and from him the imperial seat was lost to Mi-nyag [i.e. Xixia, Tangut]. The descendants of the latter [i.e. Tai-zu Zhao Kuang-yin of Bei Song] remained for eight successive generations in sBen-long [i.e. Bian-liang]; [from him there were eight successive generations of the Nan Song Dynasty] in sMan-rtse [i.e. Manzi, South China] until sMan-rtse 1Ha-btsun.17* [IQ [Genealogy of Tangut] Further, as to the history of how the imperial throne of China was lost to Mi-nyag [i.e. Xi~ialTangut]'~~ [it should be known that previously] the whole state of Mi-nyag was under the sway of China. Between Byang-ngos [i.e. ~ i a n ~ z h o uand ~ ~a mountain ] ' ~ 'Gas ~ [i.e. ~ i a z h o u ] , 'on called s ~ o n - ~ h r ia ,venomous '~~ spirit (klu bdud gdug pa can) called Se-hii [i.e. ~ e - h u ~ ] ' ~ 171 DTHMP 12a9; YLJBCHBY 33.9. Tai-zu, the first emperor of the Zhou clan of Bei or Northern Song (Sung byang ma) (960-1127 A.D.), called Kuang-yin: He was born 21.3.927, enthroned 3.2.960, died 14.11.976. Stein, however, identifies this emperor with Tai-zu of Hou Zhou (951-960), basing himself here on a note in PSJZ, 111, 290b, inasmuch as it is here stated that thirty years after the Tai-zu of Zhou, the emperor of Bod Mi-nyag appeared (951 + 30 = 980 A.D.). This would tally with the rebellion of Li Jiquan, who became the founder of the XixiaITangut state, cf. R. Stein, "Mi-iiag et Si-hia", BEFEO, XLIV, 1951, pp. 225-26. 172 DTHMP 12a9-b2; YLJBCHBY 33. 9-16. Bian-liang, i.e. Kai-feng in East Henan. In this last passage dealing with the Chinese dynasties Bla-ma dam-pa has made a misleading quotation of his source, DTHMP. GLR merely states that the descendants of Tai-zu stayed for eight generations (actually nine) in Bian-liang until sMan-rtse IHa-btsun. This, however, is a grossly contracted rendering of DTHMP. Cf. Appendix, note 172 for a full rendition and evaluation of DTHMP. 173 GLR's exposition of the history and genealogy of the Tangut empire is, as explicitly stated at the end of the chapter, based upon DTHMP 12a7-12b6. The exposition by dGe-ba'i blo-gros in the Red Annals then constituted the basic reference work for subsequent histories such as YLJBCHBY 34.837.14; DTHMPSM 44b6-45a6 (Tucci, pp. 177-178) etc. On its side DTHMF' is founded upon an oral narrative provided Kun-dga' rdo-rje by a certain Mi-nyag rTsen-rtse Shes-rab ye-shes, cf. note 133 supra. This empire, also denoted Xixia, in Tibeto-Burman Mi-nyag, existed officially 1038-1227 A.D. and was situated in present-day Ningxia Hui Autonomous Province. Unofficially the state may have emerged on the historical scene with the rebellion in 981 A.D. by Li Jiqian (rl. 982- 1004). R. Stein has already dealt with most of the issues presented in this section in his "Mi-iiag et Si-hia. Ghgraphie historique et ltgendes ancestrales", BEFEO, XLIV, pp. 223-265 and his "Nouveaux Documents tibktains sur le Mi-iiag1Si-hia", MClanges de Sinologie oferrs d Mr. P. DemiCville, 1966, pp. 281-89. 174 For a discussion of the identity of Byang-ngos, cf. Stein, 1951, pp. 226ff: Ganzhou, but most probably Liangzhou, cf. most recently Petech, 1983, p. 197; cf. also Dung-dkar, ibid., pp. 313-14. 175 Also Gha, Ch. Xia; cf. the discussion in Stein, ibid., p. 226. Mi-nyag Gha does it refer to presentday Ningxia in the sense that it indicates the Tangut [state of] Xia? 176 DTHMP 12b6: sMon-shi or Mon-sha. Cf. Stein, ibid., pp. 226, 238, to be identified with Alashan. DTHMF' 12b6 actually states that existed: This dangerous (thu ba) klu Mud spirit was, whenever worshipped, incapable of securing anything but temporal happiness ('phml gyi phan Me) and whenever displeased it was capable in a flash of sending down instantaneously leprosy and insanity (smyo 'bog). This [spirit once] transformed itself miraculously into seven horse-men, who subsequently headed for the town of Byang-ngos, where the leader had carnal connexion with a female of carnivorous (sha za, piS&a) extraction. When the months [of pregnancy] were complete, a child was born to this female, an event which was accompanied by the emergence in heaven of an ominous star never seen before. From the calculation made by the Chinese astrologers they came to know that a man had come into existence, who [eventually] would usurp the throne. When [this] was reported to the emperor, an order was issued: 'Search well!", but although they sought they did not find the child. When the child grew in age, he gathered other young men of his same age (no mnyam gyi byis pa) and [they] took up residence in a dense forest. While [being engaged] in preparations for plotting rebellion [against the emperor], an old woman of mura-extraction [arrived and] demonstrated [for them] the means my which they could be successful in the plot]: 'On the fifteenth day of this month [you] must take up arms and come! [Be sure to] throw man horse-whips and large [quantities ofJ horse-dung in the river of rMa-chu [i.e. Huang He]!' 1; I shall then device the means which will hand over to you the seal [i.e. insignium of power] of the Chinese emperor!" Then, on the fourteenth day of the month the old woman [sat] crying on the [town-]wall (lcags ri) [of Byang-ngos] beating her breast. The emperor dispatched [someone] to inquire what the reason was. The old woman replied: 'By behest of Sakra (brGya-byin), the Lord of the G ~ d s , ' ' a~ king of Mi-nyag has been elected and if we do not submit ourselves [to him] there shall not even remain one single Chinese left. Tomorrow an army [of a size] beyond imagination will approach!" When being asked for proof, she said: 'Go and look for yourselves down into the river rMa-chu tomorrow and you will see that the colour of the river has changed due to [large quantities of his army's] horse-whips and horse-dung!" Early the following day, when they arrived to inspect the rMa-chu [river], it turned out to be true. Greatly appalled [at the sight] they uttered: 'Now what shall we do?" The old woman proposed: "It is better to submit oneself!" [Accordingly,] when the emperor and a retinue of seven attendants travelled [ahead] to hand over the seal[s], they encountered the son of the klu bdud spirit and his many horse-men. The seal was taken whereafter the Chinese emperor was killed and, gradually, his ministers executed too. [Thus] the empire of China came under the rule of Mi-nyag, and the son of the klu bdud, the emperor of Mi-nyag even drew the name from his father and became known as * it is a terrestrial spirit (gzhi bdog) called dGilu, i.e. a mountain called Mon-sha ( o r sMon-shi). In an interesting Chos 'byung cited in PSJZ fol. 2Wb-291a (reproduced and discussed Stein, 1951, op. cir. 238ff., 264) it is stated: Se phu'i ri nu gnus pa 'i smon shri zhcs pa 'i gzhi bdag klu bdud. Here it is the demonic terrestrial spirit which is called sMon-sbri and the mountain is named Sephu. 177 DTHMP 12b6: dGi'u or Ga'i-hu; YLJBCHBY 34.10: Ga'i-hu. Also rendered as Se'u, Si'u. Se-hC or Se-hu, and called Bod rgyal-po Se-hu: The legendary ancestor of the Tangut empire (called Bod Mi-nyag). For a etymological discussion of this name, cf. Stein, 1951, pp. 238-60; Nevskii, Tangutskayo Filologiya, I , pp. 75-80. 178 DTHMP, CLR etc. rMa-chu or the Yellow River. PSJZ 291a rMa-chu or Nag-chu, the Black River, i.e. Etsingol. 179 Cf. Stein, 1951, p. 240, n. 2. In a Mongol context, Indra represents tengri, the Heaven. emperor Se-hB [i.e. Se-huq]. la' Then, in the sixth imperial generation in direct line from him the Mi-nyag emperor o d ' ~ ~ From the Mi-nyag emperor Se-hB until [emperor] rGyal-rgod called r ~ ~ a l - r ~appeared. the rule of the Mi-nyag [royal genealogy] lasted for 260 years. lS2 [a[Genealogy of Mongolia] The first king of Mongolia [i.e. or]'^^ was the Son of Heaven sBor-tha-che [i.e. Bijrte Cino]. 84 His son was Ba-[dal-chi-kan [i.e. BataCiqan] . His son Tham-cha [i.e. ~amata]. His son was Khri-che-mer-khan [i.e. QoriEar-mergen]. 186*187 ' 180 DTHMP 13b2-3: Ga'i dzu [Gangtok ed. Dzu] rgyal po; YLJBCHBY 36.9- 10: Ga'i dzu rgyal po. As already adduced by Stein, loc. cit., 240, n. 3, the patronymic name of the son, Se-hu, was not drawn or derived (dras = gras) from the name of the father, but actually repeated. I81 DTHMP 13b3-8 = YLJBCHBY 36.11-37.6. The Sixth emperor of Tangut. For his hapless fate and subsequent veneration cf. the above sources. The name connected with the mythical bird of beast, the vulture bya rgyal rgod (or read rGya-rgod?), cf. Stein, ibid., p. 25 1sq. From this king descends the myriarchy (Wlri skor) of g. Yasru Byang-pa/Byang La-stod, cf. sDe-pa g.Yas-ru Byang-pa'i rgyal-rabs rin-po-che bstar-pa compiled by dPal-ldan Chos kyi bzang-po (fl. XVth Cent.) Cf. in particular, Stein, pp. 236-38; on this branch cf. DTHMPSM 57a3-58a3. Cf. also rNam-sras, 1990, pp. 31-43; Reb-gong, 1986, pp. 3-12. 182 Officially the Tangut state existed for 188 years during which time twelve emperors ruled. Unofficially for ca. 245 years. 183 Cf. note 133 above for details on the sources. The enumeration of the legendary ancestors of the Mongols embodied in DTHMP does not differ substantially from the genealogical list found in the Secret History of the Mongols and in RaShid-ad-Din's list, cf. Bira, 1964, pp. 76-81. Equally, the enumeration of the throne-succession of the Yuan dyansty (1279-1368 A.D.) bears strong resemblance to the genealogy commonly accepted, cf. e.g. J.A. Boyle, 7he History of the World Conqueror, I, pp. 180-83; J.A. Boyle, 7he Successors of Genghis Khan, 1971 and L. Hambis, Le chapitre CVII du Yuan che, Leiden 1945. Cf. also Poucha, 1954, passim and for the ideological implications of the Mongols, Franke, 1978, pp. 52ff. The most important source for the origin and legendary history of the Mongols is the celebrated epic chronicle of the XIIIth Century: 7he Secret History of the Mongols (Mongqol-un niufa t o b ' a n , Yuan-chao bi-shi). Numerous translations exist of the chronicle, we shall consult here E. Haenisch, Die Geheime Geschichte der Mongolen, 1948 and Igor de Rachewiltz in Papers on Far Eastern History in Vols. VI, V, X, XIII, XVI, XXI, XXIII, XXVI, XXX, 1971-1984. 184 gNam gyi bu sBor-tha-che. The mythical ancestor of the Mongols, the progenitor of cinggis Qan. Wrte tino, the 'blue-gray wolf, glorified by the epithet 'the son of heaven' (gnam gyi bu), known from the Secret History (abbr. SH) also: SH, Chap. I, paragraph 1: de'ere tenggeri-ec'e jaya'atu tbreken . 185 DTHMP 14al: Tham-cha and Thams-cad chag; YLJBCHBY 79.9. 186 DTHMP 14al: Khyi (Gangtok: Byi)-ji mer-khan; YLJBCHBY 79.9. M. mergen, the 'skillful'. 187 *gloss: 7his Vgure] is said to be an emanation of Gu-ru [Rin-po-che]. DTHMP 14al-2; YLJBCHBY 79.9-10: This [mythical] figure is [until] presently famed for His son A'u-jom-sbo-ro-'01 [i.e. AvuJam-b~ro'ul].'~~ His son was E-ka-de-'un [i.e. eke-nidun]. Ia9 His son Sems-za'o-ji [i.e. Sem-soti]. His son Dab-chu [i.e. Qartu]. lg0 His son Dor-bun-cher-khan [i.e. Dobun-mergen]. 191 Thereafter, Nag-mo A-Ian [i.e. Alan[- ~ ' a ] ] . ' ~ ~ [His son] Kho-las [i.e. [Alan-Iqo'a] . 199 His son Bo-don-char-mu-khag [i.e. Bodontar-mungqaq]. His son Gi-bi-chi [i.e. Qabiti]. 194 His son Bi-kher [i.e. Biker]. '95 His son Ma-nan tho-don [i.e. Menen-tudun]. 19' His son was Ga'i-thu-gan [i.e. Qaidu Qan].19' His son Ba'i-shing-thor-dog-shing[i.e. Bai-Singqor-doqSin]. 19' his suppression of the r h a s a - s , wherefore he is said to be Padmasambhava. 188 DTHMP 14a2: La'u[r]-jang [or byang] sbo-ro-'01; YLJBCHBY 79.12: A'u-jam sbo-re-'01. 189 DTHMP 14b2: Pas-ka ni-dun; nJBCHBY 79.12: Yeg Nye-dun. Ye-ke nidtin, 'Big Eye'. 190 DTHMP 14a2: Kha-chu; YLJBCHBY 79.13: Kha-ju. The next two generations in the ancestral lineage of the Mongols are omitted in DTHMP, i.e. Bordigidai-mergen and his his son Toroqoljin-bayan, cf. SH, I, Paragr. 3. Further, the two sons of the latter: Duwa-soqor and Dobun-mergen. 191 DTHMP 14a2; YLJBCHBY 79.13. Cf. previous note. 192 DTHMP 14a2-3; YLJBCHBY 79.13-15: Dobun-mergen having passed away, Alanqo'a (A-Ian kvo-la) [i.e. his wife Alan-qo'a 'Alan the fair'] gave birth from the light of the sun and moon to BodonEar-mungqaq; cf. SH, I Paragr. 7-22. Bla-ma dam-pa has distorted the name by splitting the name Alan-qo'a into two parts: de'i tjes la nag mo A lan I de'i sras kho las. 193 Cf. previous note. 194 DTHMP 14a3: Ga'i chi1Ga'am-chi; YLJBCHBY 79.15: Ge-be-chi. 1.e. Barim-Si'iratu-Qabichi (or QabiZi-ba'atur), cf. SH, I, Paragr. 43. 195 DTHMP 14a4: sBe-khir; YLJBCHBY 79.15. The name appears to be absent in the list of SH and by Ridhid-ad-Din. He hardly corresponds to Jewiiredei, the illegitimate son of QabiEi and the ancestor of the Jewiireyit clan, cf. SH, I, Paragr. 43-44. 196 DTHMP 14a4; YLJBCHBY 79.15. The next ancestral generation of the Mongols after this Menen-tudun is omitted in DTHMP and GLR. Menen-tudun had seven sons among whom QaEi-ktiliik with his wife Nomolun fathered Qaidu Qan. 197 DTHMP 14a4; YLJBCHBY 80.1 . Cf. previous note. 198 It is noteworthy that DTHMP 14a3-4 and YIJBCHBY 80.1-2 have split this name into two: Ba'i shing I de'i sras khor-thog-shing. This lapsus is present not only in all available redactions of DTHMP, but it has also crept into DTHNGP, still GLR has the correct form, indicating either that the versions of DTHMP show varying degrees of contamination, but since the same discrepancy is already to be observed in YLJBCHBY of 1376 A.D., a text which in this section is nothing but a calque on DTHMP, another explanation may be that Bla-ma dam-pa might have had direct ac-s to the material offered Kun-dga' rdo-rje, cf. note 133 supra, source 5. His son [Bul-dum-bi-ni'i-khan [i.e. Tumbinai Qan]. His son Gal-bu-khan [i.e. Qabul Qan]. His son Bar-than-ba-dur [i.e. Bartan-ba'atur]. His son Ye-bun ka-ba-dur [i.e. Yisijgei-ba'at~r1.l~~ His son Tha'i-dzung Dzing-khi [i.e. Tai-zu tinggis]. 200*201 Then on account of meing endowed with] longevity and the glorious power of heaven (gnam kyi she mang), when 3250 years202 had expired after the Nirv&Ia of Buddha, the Mongolian emperor Jing-gin-gan [i.e. tinggis Qan], a strong and mighty emperor, emerged, whereupon all of China and Tangut came under [his] sway. He held the throne for twentythree years,203 having the entire empire under [his] dominion. The younger brother of emperor Ji[n]-gin was emperor ~ - r u - k a ' i . ~ ~ ~ Emperor Ji[ng]-gin-gan had four sons: Emperor mDo-'chi [i.e. jo~i]. Emperor 'A-cha-rta'i [i.e. Cayatail. i ]and ~ ~ ~ Emperor Go'u-ta'i [i. e. ~ ~ o d e*206 199 DTHMP 14a4; YLJBCHBY 80.2-3. He and his wife Ho'eliin-ujin (DTHMP: btsun mo Hu-lun) had four sons, among whom Temiijin. 200 DTHMP 14a5-6; YLJBCHBY 4-7. Tha'i dzung Dzing-gi: Tai-zu Cinggis Qan (?l162-1227 A.D.). in retrospect considered the first emperor of the dynasty established by him. The date proposed in DTHMP anent his birth, chu po stag, i.e. 1182 A.D., must be rectified to chu po rta, 1162 A.D. Similarly, the date of his death, me pho stag, 1206 or 1266 A.D., should be altered to me pho phag, i.e. 1227 as confirmed by YLJBCHBY. 201 *gloss: Until this [emperor] [Mongolia] was held by China and Tangut, and in Mongolia there was no [Buddhist] Law. 202 The figures 3250 years after the Nirvana of Buddha, the birth of Cinggis Qan took place, are based upon 'Phags-pa Bla-ma's calculation found incorporated in his SHBRS 19bl-2 from which Bla-ma dam-pa quotes. The computation of 'Phags-pa made in 1277 A.D., cf. note 223 infra, is based upon the chronological system of the Sa-skya-pas fixing Buddha's Nirvana to 2134 B.C. (for which, see note 80 supra and the introduction), thereby computing the birth of Cinggis to 11 1617 A.D. These figures and this calculation are followed by most Mongolian historians of the seventeenth century, such as e.g. Altan tobEi (Sastina, 1973, p. 52; Franke, 1978, p. 57, following here the then newly translated SHBRS (i.e. tiqula kereglegli, cf. Heissig, 1959, pp. 28-84) into Mongolian (not quite identical with the Tibetan version, cf. Bareda, 1991); cf. also Rbhrborn, 1991, p. 425. For the different systems computing einggisl dates, cf. Macdonald, 1963, pp. 139-42, nn. 172-3. 203 He ruled for twenty-one years, 1206-1227 A.D.. According to DTHMP he passed away in Mi-nyag [']Ga['], i.e. The Tangut State of Xia. 204 This figure is untraced in DTHMP and other texts. Bla-ma dam-pa adduces that he is a brother of Cinggis. U-ru-ka'i, however, hardly seems to correspond with any of Temiijin's three brothers: Qasar, Qaci'un and Temiige, cf. SH, I, Paragr. 60, or to any of his half-brothers, for that matter, Begter and Belgiitei. Finally, we should also exclude Jamuqa, the anda, or 'oath-brother' of einggis. 205 DTHMP 14a6; YLJBCHBY 80.8. ogbdei, the 111th emperor of the Yuan dynasty. Imperial name Tai-zong, born 1186, enthroned 13.9.1229, regency until 11.12.1241 when he passed away. 206 *gloss: He held the throne for six years. Actually, as noted in previous note, he held the throne for twelve years. The six years Emperor Tho-lo-no-yan [i .e. Tolui-Noyan]. Emperor mDo-'chi [i .e. k i ] had eight sons.207 Emperor Cha-ga-ta'i [i.e. eayatai] had nine sons.208 T h e eldest son o f emperor O-gu-ta'i [i.e. ~ g i j d e i was ] emperor Go-yug [i.e. Gii u ~ ] . ~ @ ' His younger brother was Go-dan Kha-si-khan [i.e. Qadan [and] QaSi Qan]. 2 1 6 Emperor ~ o - ~ u g had * ~five ' ~ sons,2i2 of whom the eldest son was Mon-kha-gan [i.e. Mongke an] .213*2'4 Then [came] emperor Gu-be-lha Se-chen-gan (i.e. Qubilai Qan ~ h i - z o n ~ ] , ~ ' ~ * ~ ' ~ HG-la-hi [i.e. ~ u l e ~ u ] , ~ ' ~ * ~ ' * mentioned in the gloss may arguably refer to the regency (1241-46 A.D.) of his second wife T6regene ruling for her son Giiyiig, alias Ding-zong (1246-48). 207 DTHMP vacat. j o ~ i ' seight sons were in fact fourteen sons: Orda, Batu, Berke, BerkeEer, Siban Tangqut, Bo'al, eilaqalun, Singqur, eimtai, Muhammad, Udur, Toqa-Temir and S i n g ~ m . 208 DTHMP 14a6; YLJBCHBY 80.8-9 (names not listed). The nine sons: MoEi, Yebe, Mii'etiiken, BelgeSi, Sarban, Yesi Mcngke, Baidar, Qadaqai, Baiju. Cf. e.g. Boyle, m e Successors of Genghis Khan, 1971 , pp. 136-144. 209 DTHMP 14a7; YLJBCHBY 80.9-10. The Vth emperor of Yuan named Giyiig, imperial name Ding-zong, born 1206, reign from 12.8.1246, until the fourth month of 1248 A.D. DTHMP, followed by GLR in a gloss, cf. note 21 1 inpa, states that he ruled for six months. 210 Bla-ma dam-pa has not distinguished the names of Giyig's brothers, as explicitly stated in DTHMP 14a8; YLJBCBHY 80.14: He [i.e. Giiyiig] had seven brothers such as Go-tan w6ten], Ga-shi [Qdi] and Go-dan [Qadan]. 21 1 *gloss: He held the throne for sir months. DTHMP 14a8; YLJBCHBY 80.13-14: Six months. Actually, from 1246-1248 A.D. 212 This passage has been somewhat distorted in GLR: The five sons are not related to Giyiig, but to Tolui-noyan, the fourth son of einggis Qan, and then not five sons but eleven as detailed by DTHMP 14a9-b1, YLJBCHBY 80.15-81.1: Tolui-noyan had eleven sons with Za-yin E-ka Zo-rogta'i (i.e. Sayin Eke Sorqaqtani, i.e. his spouse (beki)). In actual fact he is recorded to have had ten sons only: M6ngke Qan, Jiirike, Qutuqtu, Qubilai Qan, Hilegii, Ariq Mke, Wchek, M6ke, Siigetei, Siibiigetei. Cf. Boyle, ibid., pp. 159-162. 21 3 DTHMP 14a9; YLJBCHBY 80.15. The VIIth emperor of Yuan, Mongke Qan, imperial name Xian-zong, born 10.1.1U)9, reign from 1.7.1251 until 11.8.1259 A.D. For this important ruler and his policy, cf. T.T. Allsen, Mongol Imperialism, 1987, pp. 45-76. 2 14 *gloss: He held the throne for ten years. 215 DTHMP 14a9; YLJBCHBY 80.16, 81.2-83.12. The VIIIth emperor of Yuan, Qubilai Qan, imperial name Shi-zong, born 23.9.1215, ruled from 5.5.1260 until 18.2.1294 A.D. For this important figure, cf. M. Rossabi, Khubilui Khan, His Life and Times, 1988. 21 6 7his is the emperor Si-chen [i.e. Shi-zong]. 217 DTHMP 14a9; YLJBCHBY 80.16: The sixth son [of Tolui-noyan]. Actually the fifth son of Toluinoyan. 218 *gloss: He was the emperor of Upper Hor, the great [Buddhist] converter. Za-yin-e-ka [i .e. ~ a ~ i n - ~ k a[and] ]"~ Ba-ri-bo-kha-che [i.e. ~ r i ~ - ~ o.220 ke] From the Nirv%a of the Teacher up to the time when em ror Se-chen [i.e. Shi-zong The Chronicle of China Qubilai Qan] ascended the throne 3258 years*221have passed.' (rGya'i deb-ther) and the Supreme Elucidation of [All] Knowable [Topics] (Shes-bya rabgsal) [by 'Phags-pa] Bla-ma Chos kyi rgyal-po are in conformity when stating that 3500 years have elapsed since the erection of the Jo-bo Sandalwood statue.223 Emperor Se-chen occupied the imperial throne [of Yuan] for thirty-five years and he had four sons: rDo-rje [i.e. DorJi], Jim-gin [i.e. jim-gim], M ~ g a - l a[i.e. Manggala] and Na-mo-gan [i.e. Nomoghan]. Emperor Jim-gin had three sons: Emperor Ka-ma-la [i.e. Kamala], Dharma pha-la [i.e. Darmabala] and Emperor Ol-bya-thul [i.e. [Temur] ~ljeitu]. 224*225 The two sons of emperor Dharma pha-la and empress Hong Tha'i-zung [i.e. Dahong 219 As noted supra, note 212, Za-yin E-ka (Soryaqtani, Beki) is taken by Bla-ma dam-pa to be a son of Guyiig, when she in fact is, as corroborated by DTHMP etc. the wife of Tolui-noyan. 220 DTHMP 14bl; YLJBCHBY 81.1: The seventh son. Generally considered the sixth son of Toluinoyan. 221 *gloss: Further, the eight sons born to the junior queen of Emperor Se-chen were: Hu-gar-che [i.e. Hilgec'i], A-rog-che [i.e. A 'uruyZi1, Go-lod de-mur [i.e. Qutluq Temilr], E-sen ba-kha [i.e. EsenBuqa], 7ho-gun [i. e. Toghan], Go-go-chu [i.e. Kokotil] and rDo-j e [i.e. Doqq. 7he son of A-rogche was emperor 7hi-mur bo-ha [i.e. Temilr-Buqa]. Cf. also YLJBCHBY 83.18-20: In addition to the above this text adds one A-ya-che. Besides the four sons Qubilai had with his senior wife (kabui Qatun, died 1281 A.D.) mentioned in the texts, DTHMP 14b2 adduces that Qubilai had six additional sons (not listed) with his junior consort (Zva Gon-ma, i.e. prob. DijrbeJin Qatun), but the eight sons mentioned in the above gloss are more in conformity with the generally accepted tradition. In the above enumeration it should be mentioned that Esen Boqa is not a son of Qubilai, but is the thirteenth successor of the Cayatai Khanate line (1227-1338), ruling himself from 1310 to 1318. Further, the gloss repeats the name Dorji, son of the senior queen and excludes two sons: Qoridai and, one of unknown origin. For the proper enumeration, cf. Boyle, ibid., pp. 241-245. 222 This calculation, numbering the time elapsed since the Buddha's nirvana until Qubilai's ascension to the imperial throne in 1260 A.D., seems to deviate slightly from the ~ a - s k y acalculation generally accepted, fixing the Buddha's nirvana to 2134 B.C.: 3258 - 2134 = 1124125 A.D. Cf. also Kampfe, 1983, p. 88. 223 This calculation, numbering the time elapsed since the erection of the Jo-bo Tsandan or Sandalwood statue and until Qubilai's ascension, similarly, cf. previous note, seems to be distorted and moreover wrong, as it should be corrected to 3300 years. For a brief discussion of this calculation, see Appendix, note 223. 224 DTHMP 14b4; YLJBCHBY 83.18-84.1. 0l~eituwas the lXth emperor of the Yuan dynasty, imperial name Cheng-zong, born 15.10.1265, regency 10.5.1294 to 10.2.1307 A.D. 225 *gloss: He held the throne for thirteen years. Cf. previous note. Tai-hou] were emperor Go-lug [i.e. and A-SU-ta-bu-yan[i.e. Ayur Paribhadm ~ u ~ a n t u228*229 ]. The two sons of emperor A-su-ta-bu-yan were emperor Ge-gan [i.e. Gegen] and emperor Siddhi pha-la [i .e. ~iddhi~ala]. 230 The son of emperor Ge-gan was emperor Ka-ma-la [i .e. ~ a m a l a ] . ~ ~ His son was Ye-sun the-mur tsi[ng]-dbang [i.e. Yesun Temur ~ i n - w a n ~ ] . ~ ~ ~ * ~ ~ ' His son was emperor Ra-khyi-phag [i.e. Arjiba .234*235 The three sons of emperor Go-lug [i.e. Kiilug12 were emperor Ku-sha-la [i.e. Kubla 2374238 Qutuqtul, Emperor Go-lug and Emperor Tho-gan thi-mur lja-du-ta [i.e. Toy-Temur jayayatu].239 1 226 DTHMP 14b5; YLJBCHBY 84.3-6. Kfilfig was the Xth emperor of Yuan dynasty, imperial name Wu-zong. Born 4.8.1281, regency from 21.6.1307 to 27.1.1311 A.D. 227 *gloss: He held the throne for four years. Cf. previous note. 228 DTHMP 14b5-6; YLJBCHBY 84.7-9. Ayur Barbada (or Barwada), i.e. Buyantu Qan, the XIth emperor of the Yuan dynasty, imperial name Ren-zong, born 9.4.1285, regency 7.4.1311 to 1.3.1320 A.D. 229 *gloss: He held the throne for nine years. Cf. previous note. 230 DTHMP 14b6; YLJBCHBY 84.9-10. Gegen Siddhibala (or ~idibala),the XIlth emperor of the Yuan dynasty, imperial name Yingzong. Regency 1320-23. Bla-ma dam-pa has made this figure into two personages contrary to the explicit rendering in DTHMP. 231 DTHMP 14b6; YLJBCHBY 84.11. Bla-ma dam-pa, again, has a cormpt rendering of his source by stating that Kamala or Garnala was son of Gegen, Kamala was son of jingim. 232 DTHMP 146-7; n J B c m y 84.1 1. Yesfin (or YislrIEsen) Temiir, the XIIIth emperor of the Yuan dynasty, imperial name Tai Dingdi. Born 28.11.1293, regency 4.10.1323 to 15.8.1328 A.D. 233 *gloss: He held the throne forfive years. Cf. previous note. 234 DTHMP 14b7; YLJBCHBY 84.12-13. ArJiba. He only ruled for forty days, from the tenth month 1328 until 14.11.1328 A.D. 235 *gloss: He held the throne for forty days. Cf. previous note. 236 In fact, as explicitly stated by DTHMP Go-lug only had two sons. 237 DTHMP 14b8; YLJBCHBY 84.14-15. KuSala Qutuqtu, the XIVth emperor of Yuan dynasty, imperial name Ming-zong. Born 22.10.1300, he ruled from 27.2.1329 to 30.8.1329, having deposed his younger brother. 238 *gloss: He held the throne for one month. Cf. previous note. 239 DTHMP 14a6; YLJBCHBY 84.17-18. Toy Temiir, the XV.emperor of the Yuan dynasty, imperial name Wen-zong. Born 16.2.1304, ruled from 16.10.1328, but was deposed by his own brother KuSala on 26.2.1329, who reigned until 30.8.1329 (DTHMP and GLR: one month). Nine days after Toy Ternfir was restored oa the The son of Ku-sha-la was emperor Ratna-shri [i.e. ~rinfinbal].~"*"' The brother of the latter, emperor Tho-gan thi-mur [i.e. Toyan ~ e m i i r held ] ~ ~the ~ throne for forty-eight years ruling the whole empire. Thus it it said.*243 Since this [above exposition] is [only] an abbreviated outline, [extracted] from the compilation in the Chronicle (deb ther; i.e. DTHMP) [made] by the omniscient mTshal-pa Si-tu dGe-ba'i blo-gros, a man of excellence in family, lineage and accomplishment, the ruler (bdagpo) of his district (sde)and Main-Temple (gtsug lag khang) [of [m]Tshal Gung-thang], [a Chronicle] based upon [a work] translated in Gung-thang by the rTsen-tse Slob-dpon Shesrab ye-shes,244a scholar well-versed in the [historical] writings and chronicles (yig tshang deb ther) of China and Mongolia, then if [anyone] should want to know in detail the [historical] records (yig tshang) of China and Mongolia, they may consult that very Chronicle [i.e. DTHMP]! throne, 8.9.1329 and he ruled until 2.9.1332. GLR has inserted the name Go-lug as a third son between these two sons of Go-lug. A redublication either due to the author's unfamilarity with the terms, or due to editorial or scribal carelessness. 240 DTHMP 14b9; YLJBCHBY 85.1-2. IrinEibal, the Yuan emperor, imperial name Nan-zong. Born 1.5.1326, enthroned 23.10.1332, but died already 14.12.1332. The corrupt rendering in the gloss, cf. next note, of eleven years (lo [blcu [glcig) appears to stem from a replacement of DTHMP's zla ba gcig, confounding zla ba for lo bcu. 241 *gloss: He held the throne for eleven years. Cf. previous note. 242 DTHMP 14b9-15a9; YLJBCHBY 85.3-86.1. Toyan Temiir, the XVIth emperor of Yuan, imperial name Shun-di. Born 25.5.1320, regency from 19.7.1333 until the collapse of Yuan 10.9.1368, when he fled Tai-du or Ta-tu (the winter capital, to be distinguished from Shang-rdo = Shang-tu, summer capital), Beijing. He died 23.5.1370. Both versions of DTHMP contain glosses which have been added after 1376 A.D. since both embody (DTHMP 15a3-9; Dung-dkar ed. pp. 31.17-32.13) a lengthy verbatim gloss culled from Jo-bo-ba'i chos-'byung = YLJBCHBY 85.3-86.1, dealing with the collapse of the Yuan Dynasty during the reign of Toyan Temirr. The statement in GLR that he ruled for forty-eight years is conspicuous, inasmuch as we assume that Bla-ma dam-pa compiled and completed his work during the very same months and year (or shortly after) the collapse of Yuan actually took place, i.e. 136811369. While this statement on the extent of his rulership is part (or has later been made part) of the main-text, we may assume that Bla-ma dam-pa either has managed to include the data on the last emperors of Yuan, before he finished his work or we must assume that this information, initially a gloss in the original dbu med Ms of 1368-1369 A.D., has been written into the main-text when this Ms was converted into print in 1478 A.D. That Bla-ma dam-pa could have no definite knowledge of the situation is perhaps corroborated by the gloss, cf. next note, where the emergence of Ming is just heard of. Again, we may presume that this gloss most likely, assuming that it originates from the pen of Bla-ma dam-pa himself, is added a few years after 1368, say 1372-73 A.D., before Bla-ma dam-pa passed away in 1375. 243 *gloss: From him the throne is said to have passed over to the Chinese e v e r o r Tha'i Ming. An allusion to the Great Ming Dynasty, cf. previous note. 244 DTHMP 13b8; YLJBCHBY 37.6-8. Cf. note 133 supra. He was a Sa-skya mkhan po of the Byang-ngos dgon-pa in Liangzhou and hisfloruit must be situated in the middle of the XIVth century. The Dissemination of rhe Holy h w (Scrddhunna) in rhe Countries of China und Mongolia and an Enumeration of their Emperors. The Birth of the Noble [AvalokiteSvara] from a Lotus and a Demonstration of the Benefit of the Six-syllable [Formula] [TJ [The Aspiration-Prayer and AvalokiteSvara's Field of Conversion] ~ e x t , ' ~ regarding ' the propagation of the teaching of Buddha in the Snow-capped Country of Tibet: Once[, when] the Blessed One was sojourning in the Grove of Venu ('Od-ma'i tshal, ~enuvana)'~'surrounded by a retinue ('khor, panvdm) of Arhants, a of light ('od x r , r a h i ) , having the five colours complete, radiated from the hair-curl between his eye-brows (smin mrshams kyi mdzod spu, ~ i r n a k o ~ a )like ~ ~ 'a mass of rainbows. As it went in the northern direction to the Snow-clad kingdom [of Tibet], [the Buddha] observed it and smiled. This made Bodhisatma ~arvanivaranaviskarnbhin*~~ ask to have the reason [for this incidence] explained and therefore*"' the Blessed One spoke: 'Son of good family! In the Snow-clad Kingdom, a barbarous borderland teeming with many [sorts ofJ demons, an area which has yet not become a place of conversion by any of the Buddhas of the Three Times, the True Law (dam pa'i chos, saddham), at one point in the future, will spread and diffuse like the rising sun and the sentient beings too will be brought onto the Path of Enlightenment (bodhi) and Freedom (moha). The Adjuvant (gnyen po, mirra) converting this barbarous borderland is Arya ~valokite~vara. Why? Once when Arya-~valokite~vara was practising his Bodhisatma-deeds, he delivered the [following] aspiration-prayer (smon lam, pranidhdna)250 in the presence of a thousand Buddhas: "May these sentient beings (sem can, serrva) who are so difficult to convert and who live in [this] Snow-clad Kingdom, a barbarous borderland, a place untrodden by the feet of any Buddha of the Three Times, be brought onto the Path of Enlightenment and Freedom by me! May this barbarous borderland, moreover, become the field (zhing, kserra) of conversion [done] by me! May I [further] be regarded as the parents of all these sentient beings [living there] such as demons etc. ! May I become like a caravan leader (sdrthavdda) rescuing mankind ('gro ba, jaguf)! May I become like a lamp (sgron me, dpa) dispelling the[ir mental and physical] ray 245 From this chapter and henceforth Bla-ma dam-pa offers a continuous presentation of various lengthy extracts from the bulk of legendary and quasi-historical tales and narratives pertaining to the Vitacycle and rnythographies of AvalokiteSvara and King Srong-btsan sgam-po which constitute the lion share of our text. Chap. IV provides a narrative describing the circumstances motivating Buddha Amit5bha to predict that Tibet was going to be ~ r y a - ~ v a l o k i t e ~ v a rfield a ' s of conversion or buddhaksetra and unfolds the story of his birth and finally details on the benefit of this divinity's six-syllabic mantric formula. As it is common in this kind of legend, the narrative is embedded in a siitric ambience in order to tinge or bolster the story with canonical authenticity. The main source for a large part of this chapter is Wan$avyiiha and F K B . 246 The Bamboowood Grove (Skt. Venuvana, P. Veluvana). On this place cf. DNNP 11, s.v. Veluvana. . . 247 Skt. iirnclkoirit raSmimlprabhh prrimuficat, cf. MVT no. 239, one of the thirty-two lahano charactdri~in~ a ~ahipuru~a. 248 sGrib-pa mam-sel, *NTvaranaviskamhhin = Sarvanivaranaviskambhin is, as here, the interlocutor of the Blessed One in KV, where he e.g. beheld the miracle (vikun*and)of the multi-coloured rays of light emitted from Avalokitdvara in the Avici Hell, etc., cf. part. 1, chap. 11. 249 *gloss: From [Saddharma]pun&riko-stitm. In fact, I have failed to l&te this passage in this sctra! 250 For a discussion of the nature of pranidhdna, cf. Schwieger, 1978, pp. 15-17. ' ' darkness!25 May all the teachings (chos, dhanna) preached by all the Tathagatas such as the Buddhas of the Three Times etc. and which are being spread and diffused in that barbarous border-country remain [there] for a long time! May the sentient beings live in enjoyment of the True Law (Saddharma) and attain bodies of heavenly bliss (bde 'gro mtho ris), after having taken refuge (skyabs, Sarana) by hearing the [mere] name[s] of Triratna! May even this barbarous borderland become like a jewel-continent (rin po che'i gling) after the sentient beings have been liberated and [mentally] matured in accordance with my individual conversion (gang la gang 'dul gyis)! May it come true just like that!" Thus he vowed and it was the power of this [solemn] aspiration-vow (smon lam, pranidhdna) that accounted for the reason why [the Snow-clad Kingdom of Tibet] became ~ v i o k i t a ' sfield of conversion (Lhing khams), [a place] [hitherto] unconverted by any of the Buddhas of the Three Times." Thus [the Blessed One] spoke and from [his] heart a ray of white light emanated resembling a pundarika-flower, which lit up the entire universe, after which it went westward in the direction'of Sukhiivati before it was [finally] absorbed into the heart of Buddha AmiEibha. [11] [AvalokiteSvara's Birth] [Then] again, a ray of light radiated from the heart of Buddha AmiEibha only to disappear into a lotus-covered lake, [an incidence] which was to prophesy the advent of an emanational body (nimdnakdya) of a Buddha who [was going to] convert the Snow-clad barbarous borderland [of ~ i b e t:]252 In the heavenly realm of Sukhavati, On its fundament of gold and precious jewels: Aside from being patterned in a chequered fashion, Not even the name for the elements earth and stone are to be found; Aside from the flashing fire [stemming from] clear Gnosis URdna), 251 Cf. e.g. similarly KV 236b1 urging AvalokiteSvara to "become a lamp for those existing in the darkness of the three lower existences (ngan song gsum gyi m n pa la ni sgron ma mdzod cig)!" 252 The following versified description of Sukhavati, located at the very beginning of the LO-rgyus chen-rno Chap. I , a text dedicated to the myth and cult of Arya-~valokiteivaraand to king Srongbtsan sgam-po found embodied in the MNKB, is the source for GLR. The MNKB-text is rendered in full in Appendix, note 252, q.v., a; it is slightly at variance, also methcally, from CLR's version. It is also found embodied with a slightly more detailed wording and longer metrum, in the first chapter of PMKTH (4.14-6.15), a Vita dedicated Padmasambhava. In the latter text Sukhivati is also called Padmo bkod. This is a striking observation and as such another element common to the two Vita-biographies dedicated Srong-btsan sgam-po and Padmasambhava, explained by the fact that it went through the hands of the same gTer-ston-s. Cf. also Blondeau, 1984, p. 78, n. 6 (further ref.). Not even the name for the element fire is to be found; Aside from the descent of the water endowed with the eight attributes @an lag brgyad ldan, asrdtigusamanvdgcuu) Not even the name for the element water is to be found; Aside from the beauty of the fig tree (byang chub kyi shing, bndhivrksu) . . Not even the names for the tree and the wood are to be found; Aside from the subsistence on the nourishment of Absorbtion (bsomg tan, dhydna) Not even the names for hunger and thirst are to be found; Aside from being attired in the dress of the fully pure Morality (rshul khrims, Siksd) Not even the name for knitted garment is found to exist; Aside from possessing self-luminosity Not even the names sun and moon exist; Aside from possessing the strength of enduring everything Not even the names for fighting and disputing are to be found; Discounting Great Bliss (MahBsukha) Not even the name for suffering (sdug bsngal, duhkha) is to be found; Discounting Extinction (mya ngan 'das pa, nirvdna) Not even the name for the round of migration ( ' k h r , s m d r a ) is found to exist; Aside from the Three Media (sku gswn, trikdya) of Buddha, Not even the names for the sentient beings are to be found; Aside from attaining an adamantine life Not even the names for old age and death wramarano) are to be found; While never assuming [there] a body made of the four elements, Even the names for illness are absent; Aside from the miraculous birth (rdzus skyes, upapdduka) from a lotusstalk Not even the names for the four kinds of birth are to be found. In this heavenly realm of ~ u k h ~ v a t ia, dhanardja ~'~ named b ~ a n ~ - p o - r n c [once] ho~~~~ 253 On Sukhavati, cf. F. Max Miiller, Description of Sukhdvm-, the Land of Bliss, and Schwieger, Ein tibetisches Wunvchgebet urn Wiedergeburt in der Sukhdrati. sojourned. At one time when he had dispatched his retinueZSSto the shore of the lotuscovered lake2s6 in order to collect flowers that were meant to be offered to the Buddha, the observed in the lake a huge lotus-stalk carrying branches as big as a yoke (gnya' shing)2 K and leaves as thick as shields @hug) and right in the middle of its thousand petals, from its anther as big as a clay-made pot various kinds of light-rays were [seen being] emanated. Having observed it, they reported [the matter] to the king, who was [initially] taken by surprise, but [soon] outfitted a great vessel and, bringing along sundry kinds of offerings, he and his court retinue arrived at the foot of the l o t u s - ~ t a l kwhere , ~ ~ ~ they paid homa e and delivered their prayers. As [a result] the anther split into four parts (tshal pa b ~ h i ) ~ and from its interior the Adjuvant [Avalokita] [destined] to convert the Snow-clad barbarous borderland [of Tibet] came forth, an emanational body (nirmdnakdya) of miraculous birth, poised with his two feet in the crossed-legged posture (rdo rje'i skyil knmg, vajraparyarika), [in the form ofJ One Head and Four Arms (ekamukha c a t ~ r b h u j a ) ~of~ 'which the first two are joining together the palm of the hands @ragrhitdRjali, afljalim kpam) in front of the breast, the lower right hand holding a rosary (mdid) of white cryskl, the lower left hand a white lotus Wundarika) blossoming in the direction of the ear, [a body] being ornamented with the [thirtyit&o minor] features and [eighty major] marks [of a Mahdpurusa], decorated with sundry precious ornamentations and donned in a garment made of various [sorts of] silk, with a body-complexion resembling in colour the rising sun shining upon a Massif of glacier- f 254 The following piece of prose is apparently borrowed from F K B E (A) 13a6-14a3, which is slightly more detailed than GLR, albeit GLR does contain some telling differences. Another version, standing close to the rendition of F K B , is found in Chap. I1 of PMKTH, 9.1-13.7. It is retained in metrical form throughout and evinces an almost identical wording, albeit being slightly more detailed. The birth in this text is not that of AvalokiteSvsara but that of Padmasambhava. King bZang-po mchog is, MNKB 13a6-13bl and PMKTH mention, denoted a cakravartin, being an emanation of AmitSbha and he rules over the four d~ipa-s(= the world). He is fully accomplished in material prosperity and power, wedded to one thousand spouses and yet issueless, and finally highly pious. Cf. also KTHDNG (CA) 430.14ff. 255 In MNKB E (A) 13b2-3 it is an envoy @ho nya) endowed with swiftfootedness who collects floweis. 256 MNKB: mTsho Padrna-can. PMKTH 9.8, KTHDNG (CA) 430.18: 'O-ma-can gyi rgya-mtsho. 257 F K B 13b3 and PMKTH 10.1: about the size of the wings of a vulture (yal ga rgod kyi gshog pa tsam). 258 MNKB E (A) 13b4-6. 259 The description of the figure emerging out of the lotus differs from the testimony in MNKB, e.g. the splitting into four parts, the mentioning of the cross-legged posture and the details of the ekamukha caturbhuja, etc. are lacking from MNKB. Further, the mention, already at this point of the narrative, of Avalokita being the Adjuvant 'converting Tibet is similarly lacking from lWlJKB and clearly reflects Bla-ma dam-pa's conscious attempt to render his consecutive story into a coherent whole. PMKTH 10.9, 11.4-5 mentions the birth of five brother infants (khye'u mched lnga) . 260 On the form of Caturbhuja [Sadaksaril LokeSvara, cf. U . Toyka-Fuong, vol. 2 (A.F. 78), B 43 1VIII, pp. 121-22. F K B adduces that the figure emerging was a young boy of sixteen years of age (khye'u lo bcu drug lon pa'i nu [shod), who was subsequently called Padma-las skyes and Padma'i snying-po. For this birth-scene, being identical both in the Srong-Vita and the Padma-Vita, cf. also Blondeau, 1985, p. 1 18. On the concept of sixteen years of age, cf. Sagaster, 1989-91, p. 293, n. 23. mountains; the hide of an eneya antelope261covered his left shoulder until his breast; his hair was endued with five knots @aAcacfrako) and decorated with precious jewels accompanied by the smiling and palatable countenance [of his], radiating light and rays of light in all tm directions. The king and his retinue rejoiced and cheered [at this marvellous and spectacular sight and [immediately] escorted [the figure] to the royal palace accompained by much music.% Subsequently, the king addressed Buddha Amitiibha in the following words? 1 "Out of the anther of a lotus[-flower] amid a lotus-covered [lake] Miraculously born [as] a hair-knotted (cfrin) transformational body, Embellished by precious ornaments, endued with the colour of glacial mountains Captivating completely [one's] mind by beholding its attractive and beautiful body-form , This emanational body (ninndnakdya) most marvellously decorated with the characteristic features and'marks [of a Mdhqpuma] [Is] it a heir-apparent (rgyal bu) [destined to] uphold my [royal] lineage or [Is] it a emanational1 body [destined to] work for the welfare of sentient beings[?] " So Buddha Amitiibha responded:264 "A lake with lotuses wide and with [water] attributed with the eight qualities, This emanational body, a Jinaputra [truly], born out of a lotus, Is M a h W n i k a Arya-~valokita: Being adorned with precious ornaments, with a hue like the W a flower, This supreme body [of his] wondedully endued with the characteristic features and marks [of a Mahdpunqa] 261 Eneya or ena, a kind of black antelope, P K B 14al merely says ri dvags kyi lpags pa. 262 This statue was brought to the palace of king bZang-po mchog and installed as his mchud gnus according to MNKB 14a2-3. 263 This versified seven-lined nine-syllabic passage is lacking from V K B , the only reminiscence is the following laconic passage, loc. cir. 14a3-4: de nas chos skyong ba 'i rgyal po des sron pa sangs rgyas snang ba mtha' yas la I sprul pa 'di gang gi spml pa lags I 'di'i ming ci yin zhes gsol As this brief passage shows, the versified passage in GLR must be conceived as a rhetoric question addressed to AmitSbha. If this and similar passages thus do not reflect Bla-ma dam-pa's own formulation, the original may possibly be traced to an earlier version of P K B or awaits being traced in another cognate Vita-cycle ascribed to the cult of Avalokita and to king Srong-btsan sgam-po. 264 Similarly, cf. previous note, this versified response by Amitibha, is also lacking in MNKB, where the only reminiscence is the following laconic passage, k.cif., 14a4-5: smgs r g y k snang ba mtha' yas kyi zhal nus 1 rgyal po chen po sprul pa 'di ni sangs rgyar thomr cad Qi 'phrin las sans can tham cad kyi don byed pa I drrs gsum gyi bde bar gshegs pa tham cad hyi thugs las spnd las sprul pa I 'phags pa spyan ras gzigs dbang phyug ces bya ba yin no. v. Unworthy [certainly] it would be for him to be upholding your royal lineage, In that Snow-clad Kingdom, a barbarous borderland Promoting by means of [his] great compassion (mahdkanma) the welfare of sentient beings [instead], Indeed he is the very emanational body that converts each individual in a manner best suited to him." At that [very] moment, the earth trembled in six directions265and the gods sent down a rain of flowers. [m[The Benefit of the Six-Syllabic Formula] Buddha Amitiibha then placed his hand on the head of that emanational body [representing Arya-~valokita]and [solemnly] announced: " 0 Son of good family! The sentient beings living in the Snow-capped barbarous borderland [of Tibet] have neither been converted by the Buddhas of the Past, nor will they [likely] be converted by the Buddhas of the Future and even for the Buddhas of the Present Period it [would] be a [most] difficult task [to undertake], but due to the strength of your earlier aspiration-vows @ranidhdna] they shall [now] be converted. Excellent! Excellent! May the sentient beings living in the Snow-clad [Country of Tibet] immediately obtain a blissful body in a happier state avoiding the fate of the three lower damned states (durgati), [merely] by hearing the sound of the Six-syllabic (sadaksart) . . [formula ( ~ i d ~ d ) [recited] ] * ~ ~ and by beholding your body, 0 Noble One! May the [wicked creatures] being rampant in the Snow-capped [Country of Tibet], who inflict harm on the life [of living beings], and who snatch off the healthy complexion of [fellow] living beings, [creatures] such as carnivorous beings (sha za, pijdca), gdon (graha)creatures, bgegs (vighna)-demons, raksasa-ogresses etc., may they all come to have a mind directed towards Enlightenment (bodhicitta), being benevolent and compassionate, after their harmful dispositions have been fully allayed, merely by hearing the sound of the six-syllabic [formula] [recited], and by beholding your body, 0 Noble One! May the animated beasts living in the Snow-capped [Country of Tibet] such as the beast of prey (gcan gzan, SvdpadQ), the dred, the bear (dom), the leopard, the tiger [all] endued with a pernicious and wicked disposition (ma rungs pa gdug pa 'i sems) and who cause fear 265 A narrative phenomenon of trite occurence in numerous MahHyina-siitras and Tibetan narrations, and usually accompanying an unusual event. Cf. e.g. KV 108.2.2. 266 The Six-syllabic (sadaksari) formula dhdrani: Om manipadme hum, cf. K V passim. It is also called the 'great magical spell; (mahdvidyd), the 'king'of thk magical spell' (vidydrfija), 'the great queen of the six-syllabic formula' Cyi ge drug pa'i rig sngags kyi rgyal m chen mo), the 'quintessence or paramahrdaya of Avalokiteivara', 'the highest maxim' (gsung mchog), cf. KV passim; and the 'sovereig'n of all kings (sarvardjendra)'. Textual parallels are profusely provided by the key-figure behind the detection of the cycle of the Six-syllabic formula and its dissemination in Tibet, Nyangral Nyi-ma 'od-zer. Relevant for the present section on the benefit of the Six-syllable formula are found, with slightly different wordings, in numerous places in the zhal-gdam skor (F) section of IWI(KB and in his CHBYMTNYP 406b3-414b4 and KTHZGM Chap. 37-39, 171.3-184.15, which offer a similar-worded expos6 dedicated this teaching. by letting their roar be heard and who drink the blood and devour the flesh [of their victims] after having deprived them off their lives, may they [all] come to live in mutual affectionate love [regarding one another] like parents after their wicked thoughts have become fully allayed, merely by hearing the six-syllabic [formula] [recited] and by beholding your body, 0 Noble One! May all those sentient beings living in the Snowcapped [Country of Tibet] who are bodily tormented by hunger and thirst and exhausted in misery, may they become thoroughly relieved of this misery of hunger and thirst and have whatever wish they [can] think of met with, after a nectar-rain of food and drink have fallen, merely by hearing the sound of the six-sylabic [formula] [recited] and by beholding your body, 0 Noble One! May all those sentient beings living in the Snow-capped [Country of Tibet], the miserable ones, the blind ones, the sick ones and those with their senses incomplete, who [all] have been unprotected and unguided, may they all become [bodily] strong, regain their senses complete, become relieved from all diseases, merely by hearing the sound of the sixsyllabic [formula] [recited] and by beholding your body, 0 Noble One! May the sentient beings living in the Snow-capped [Country of Tibet] have the mortal term for their existence postponed, when they behold your body, 0 Noble One! May [they] be relieved from [all] diseases, after [you] have become the great Physician! May [you] become a leader (ndtha) for those without protector! May [you] become a refuge (Sarana) for those without a haven! The lot of being the chosen, tutelary deity Cyi d m lha, istcidevard) in the Snow-capped borderland [of Tibet] rests with [you,] MahdGrunika [Arya-~valokita].Depending on you [as] the tutelary deity, countless Buddhas and Bodhisattvas will make their arrival in that barbarous borderland in the future, whereafter the Teaching of Buddha will spread and propagate. The religious lot (chos kyi sku1 pa, *dhanabhuga) [of Tibet] is the Six-syllabic [formula]267and relying upon this quintessence (sfling po, hrdaya) all the teachings (chos, dhanna) preached by the Buddhas will spread and diffuse in the future in that barbarous borderland, [which thus] will be enjoying Saddharma. OM MAN1 PADME HW This six-syllabic [formula] is the very nature which unifies in one the Intent (dgongs pa, s e h i ) of all the Buddhas, is the Essence (sfling po, hrdaya) which unifies in one the basis of the 84.000 dharmaskandha-~,~~~ is the Mystic Formula (gzungs sngags, dhdranl, mantra) which synthesizes letter by letter (jig 'bru re re nas) the Essence (snying po, garbha) of the Five [Dhyini] Buddha 267 For a parallel cf. KV 255b5ff. Cf. Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP 405h3-4: Avalokitdvara ...bodkha ba can kyi rgyal Wlamr spyi mthun ip)li h a skol.. . ; KTHZCM 170.1 1 - 12: bod kyi lha skal thugs j e chen po. 268 The articles or items of the doctrine (chos kyi phung po, dhrmaskandha, P . d-), usually amounting to 84.000 (dhamkandhar'ena carurSirisahmrovidluun), var. 80.000, cf. E. Lamotte, Histoire, pp. 163-64. These items are conceived as doctrinal antidotes (gnycn po, pratipaksa); for a note on its spread and division in parts of Tibetan literature, cf. Ehrhard, 1m. p. 238. Families (rigs lnga, paAcakula) and the Lord of the Secret (gSang-ba'i bdag-po, Guhyapati), is the Origin of all Qualities (yon tan thams cad kyi 'byung gnus, sarvagudara) and of Prosperity (dge legs, kalydna), is the [very] Root of all ~bpernaturalAccomplishments (dngos grub, siddhi) [bringing] happiness and benefit and is the Main Path [leading] to Heaven and Liberation. [Solely] by seeing just once this six-syllabic [formula], the highest maxim (gsung mchog) and the essence of all teachings, [one] will even attain the irreversible stage (phyir mi ldog pa 'i sa, avaivanika-bhrimi),269and thereby become a caravan leader (ded dpon, sdrthav&hu) rescuing the worldlings; [Solely] by hearing [it just once] one will even attain a body of heavenly bliss, and thereby become a captain rescuing the living beings; If it is heard by an animal or an ant in the process of dying ('chi kha ma), [the creature] will be released from [its present] body and [immediately] be reborn in Sukhiivati; [Solely] by recalling [it just once] one will even be purified from all defilements of sin accruing from negative activities and accumulated from beginningless existences, [becoming as pure] as the [rays of] the sun [when] striking the glacier-snow, and one will subsequently become reborn in Sukhavati; When touching [it just once,] one will [instantly] secure empowerment (dbang bskur, abhiseka) from an immeasurable number of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas; By meditating just once upon it, the three [stages of] studying (thos, Smta), reflecting (bsam, cintd) and meditating (bsgom, bhd~and)'~' will successfully be accomplished (go chod) and the entire span of vision (snang tshad, i.e. the world of phenomena) would appear in form of the Absolute Body (chos sku, dharmakdya) and the trove (nidhi) promoting the welfare of the worldlings will be opened. If carried upon your body, 0 Son of good family, this body will become [like] the bodily relics (ring bsrel, SarZra) of Buddha, and thus remain unaffected [not only] by the four hundred and four diseases, but also remain unharmed by [the elements] fire and water, by poison, weapon or [by attacks from] demons pertaining to the upper and lower regions, et~.'~l Whenever this six-syllabic [formula] was written on costly jewels, on cotton cloth, paper, on bark, or, merely, on the ground or on a stone etc., it would [in merit be tantamount to] be causing to write [all] the 84.000 dharma~kandha-s,~~~ so one would in this 269 Of bodhisanva-s not liable to turn back, i.e. firmly set on the road to Enlightenment. 270 The three stages resemble the well-known stages relative to prajAd: cintdmoyi prajfla, Srutamayi prajira and bhdvandmoyi prajfid. 271 Cf. similarly, rNam-dag bde-chen zhing gi smon-lam, 13r, tr. Schwieger, 1978, pp. 69, 84-85. 272 For d h a m k a n d h a , cf. note 268 supra. Cf. similarly K V , where the first passage quoted replaces the Six-syllabic formula with the king of the Mahayana-sutra [i.e. KV] KV 243a7-8: s e m can theg pa chen po 'i mdo dkon mchog gi rgyal po za ma tog bkod pa 'di 'bri ba de dag bsod n a m kyi phung po ji Ira bu lags I rigs kyi bu de dug gi bsod nams kyi phung po ni dpag tu med par 'gyur ro II gang theg pa chen po'i mdo dkon mchog gi rgyal po za ma tog bkod pa 'brir 'jug pa de dog ni chos kyi phung po brgyad khri bzhi stong 'brir 'jug par 'gyur ro. The s m n d passage worth very life enjoy happiness, attain the fruit of Buddhahood within this existence and within this very body - be sure not to entertain any doubts (the [shorn, vicikirsd) or misgivings (yid gnyis, vimari) about this! Furthermore, whereas one may be able to weight the King of Mountains, Sumeru on a pair of scales, no one shall [ever] be capable of measuring the [quantitative] amount of merits [acquired] by the recitation (bzlaspa, japa) just once of the Six-syllabic [formula]!273 Whereas one should [ultimately] be able to do away with a adamantine rock [merely] by rubbing it with a [piece of fine] Mika-silk just once every one hundredth year, no one shall ever be capable of calculating the [quantitative] amount of merits [acquired] by reciting just once the Six-syllabic [formula].274 Whereas one should [ultimately] be able to [measure] the water in the huge ocean by counting each single drop of water, no one shall ever be capable of calculating the [quantitative] amount of merits [acquired] by reciting just once the Six-syllabic [formula].275 Whereas one should [ultimately] be able [to measure] the minute atoms (rdul kyi phra rub, p a r d n u ) of [everything growing in] the Snowy [Country of Tibet] by counting each single piece 'of wood and green plant [etc.], no one shall ever be able to calculate the [quantitative] amount of merits [acquired] from the recitation of the Six-syllabic [formula] just once.276 Likewise, whereas one should [ultimately] be capable of emptying a huge house measuring a hundred miles (dpag rshad, yojam) [in extent] filled up with sesamum [seedgrains] (ti1 ('bru))merely by removing (phyir bskyur) one grain (rdog po) daily, no one shall ever be able to calculate the [ uantitative] amount of merits [accrued] from reciting the Sixsyllabic [formula] just once.277 Whereas one should be capable of counting each single water-drop stemming from the uninterrupted flow of rain which has poured down continuously (lit. without [distinction 273 274 275 276 277 quoting is more pertinent, KV 259a7: rigs kyi bu gang yi ge drug pa 'i rig sngags chen mo 'di 'bri 'jug pa des chos kyi phung po brgyad khri bzhi stong 'brir )ug par 'gyur ro. The passages in the sequel, using a hyperbolic analogy, find a parallel in the Chap. 111 (Part 2) of KV, 255b5ff. and esp. 257a5, corresponding to the chapter aptly denotsd the Description of the Magnanimity of the Great Six-syllabic Formula ( s a f i b a f i - d d v i d y d - & m ~ y a - v a r ~ l l ~ l ) in the Skt. ed. Cf. also MNKB E (A) Lo-rgyus chen-rno, chap. XI 3 1b4-42th quoting KV. It is also K B additional times, with slightly deviating rendered in the Zhal-gdmu skor (F + G) section of Y wordings. It shall be recalled that this cycle of F K B was detected by Nyang-ral, wherefore it shall come as no surprise for us to find a similar, though slightly more detailed version delineating the phan yon of the Six-syllabic formula retained in Nyang-d's CHBYMTNYP 41 1a5-414b4 = KTHZGM Chap. 39, 180.9-184.15 (with slight differences) too. For the first simile, replacing the Six-syllabic formula with Avalokitehara, cf. KV 269th270a 1; CHBYMTNYP 4 11a2-b2 = KTHZGM 181.14-182.1: In the latter version, the present and the following simile (cf. next note) are combined. For this simile, cf. KV 258b2-4 = MNKB E (A) 34a6-34b2 and WAM (G) 21b2-3. Cf. also previous note. For this simile, cf. KV 257b7, MNKB E (A) 33b2-3, but also WAM (G) 21b5-6; KTHZGM 181.9-11. Cf. parallel but differently KV 258a2-5 = MNKB E (A) 33b5-34a2, but also WAM (G) 21b45; in GLR Tibet is introduced, whereas the abovk sources relate the story about grains cultivated by people in the four continents (= the world). KV 257b7-258a2 = MNKB E (A) 33b3-5. between] day and night; nyin mtshan med par) throughout twelve [whole] months, no one shall [alternatively] be able to measure the [quantitative] amount of merits [accruing] from the recitation of the Six-syllabic [formula] just once.278 Verily, 0 Son of good family, it should not be necessary to relate so much [about this], [suffice it to say], that whereas one should be capable of calculating the amount of merits [acquired] from pleasing [up to] ten millions of Tathagatas like myself by paying one's respect and by showing one's reverence, no one m y contrast] shall ever be able to calculate the [quantitative] size of the pile of merits @unyard.fi)[gained] from reciting the Six-syllabic [formula] just once.279 OM MA NI PADME a By OM the suffering of [having pre-knowledge ofJ birth and death among'the gods (deva) will be eliminated. By MA the suffering [stemming] from fighting among the demigods (asura) is eliminated. By NI the suffering of birth, ageing, illness and death for the human beings (manusya) are eliminated. By PAD the suffering [stemming] from the exploitation of animals (tiryak) is eliminated. By ME the suffering [stemming] from hunger and thirst for the hungry ghosts @reta) is eliminated. By the suffering of warmth and coldth for the hell-inhabitants (naraka)' is eliminated.280 Lauded by all Buddhas alike, The Essence embodying the True Law (Saddharma) entirely Emerging to become the glory of all worldlings, Pray grant the empowerment (abhiseka) [of] [this] Six-syllabic (sadaksarf) . . . [formula]! The Empowerment [embodying] the quintessence (hrdaya) of all Buddhas May it today be bestowed upon you: All the Buddhas having gathered [here], Bestow the empowerment of the King of Magical Spells (rig sngags 278 KV 258b8-259a2 = MNKB E (A) 34b6-35a2. CHBYMTNYP 41 1b5-412a2 = KTHZGM Chap. 39, 181.4-7: instead of twelve months these texts have one year resp. twelve years. 279 Slightly abbreviated, otherwise verbatim quoted from MNKB E (A) 35a2-3, but see also CHBYMTNYP 413a3-bl = KTHZGM 182.12-183.1. 280 The same pattern employed here finds numerous parallels in MNKB WAM (F) where thephan yon of the Six-syllable formula is rendered numerous times. The key'-figure, as'noted earlier, behind this cycle is Nyang-ral, wherefore we find, not unsurprisingly, the above passage almost identically paralleled in CHBYMTNYP 407a2-5 = KTHZGM Chap. 38, 174.2-9, but see also CHBYMTNYP 410b5-411a5 = KTHZGM Chap. 38, 179.13-180.3. The following metrical exposition, however, on the individual syllables combined e.g. with the six pdramitd-s remains untraced in the material available. rgyul po, vidydrdja)! OM, the Transcendence of Benevolence (ddmpdrmird), [~d~resented qua] the Blessd One, the non-avaricious (*am&sarya), The Absolute Medium (chos sku, dhannokdya) embodying all Buddhas, .. [him with] the empowerment! Pray, bless (byin gyis brlab, adhisrhdna) MA, the Transcendence of Endurance (ksanti-pdramird), [Represented qua] the Blessed One, the wrathless (*a&rodhu), The Enjoymen t Medium (longs spyod rdzogs, sambho;qu[kdya]) of Great Bliss (MahBsukha), Pray, bless [him with] the empowerment! NI, the Transcendence of Morality (Stla-pdramird), (Represented qua] the Blessed One, bereft of the vices of passions (*kleSadosaksaya), The ~mhational Medium (sprul pa'i sku, ninncZnakc2yu) [of] the spontaneously manifested Three Media (sku gsurn, rn'kdya), Pray, bless [him with] the empowerment! PAD, the Transcendence of Contemplation (dhydm-pdramird), [Represented qua] the Blessed One, the unwavering (*avihipra), The BODY (sku, kdya) comprehending all knowable objects (sarvajReya), Pray, bless [him with] the empowerment! ME, the Transcendence of Dilligence (vfrya-pdramitd), [Represented qua] the Blessed One, the slothless (*akaurldya), The SPEECH (gsung, vdk) pervading the world [with] omniscience and love, Pray, bless [him with] the empowerment! ~ mthe ,Transcendence of Analytic Insight @rujAd-pdramird), [~ep;esented qua] the Blesssd One, the encornpasser of all deeds (sarvakannan), The MIND (thugs, cirra) unifying in one [all] prowess and strength, Pray, bless [him with] the empowerment! The Six-syllabic Maxim, the adamantine sound, [Graciously] blessed by all Buddhas alike, The non-plus-ultra (anurrara) Essence of the Law, Pray, [grant him with] the blessing of the empowerment!" Granting the empowerment, [all] defilements were purified and [the statue] was overflowed o a r lud pa) my] the remaining water and so [it, i.e. the extra water turned into] AmiGbha, who became an ornament on the head [of the statue of AvalokiteSvara]. A prophecy (vydkarana) m y Amiabha] stated accordingly:281 "[By] OM [one is] endowed with the Five [kinds ofJ Gnosis (ye shes lnga, p a f l ~ a j ~ n o ) , [By] MA Compassion (thugs q e , karund) pervades everything, By NI the six forms of existence are guided, BY PAD all sufferings are allayed, By ME [all] sinful defilements are consumed, By all qualities are united: Qua theeblessingof the six-syllabic [formula] The sentient beings of the Snow-clad [Country of Tibet] May [they] be brought onto the Path of Liberation! Blessed by all Victors (Jina) This [maxim-]quintessence uniting [in one] the innermost nature (yang snying) [of all teachings], Is the Origin (akara) of all benefit and happiness, Is the Root (mala) of all siddhi-s Is the Ladder (niSrenT) leading to heaven, Is the Portal (dhdra) blocking [the way] to the lower stages of existence (durgati), Is the Vessel (ndva) rescuing [the worldlings] from samsdra, Is the Lamp (dpa) eliminating [all] obscurations, Is the Hero (vira) overcoming the five poisons @aRcavisa) [of passions]282 Is the Heap of Fire consuming [all] sin-defilements, Is the Hammer (tho ba, mudgara) beating asunder [all] sufferings, Is the Adjuvant (mitra) taming the barbarous borderland and Is the Religious Lot (chos skal) of the Snow-clad [Country of Tibet]. Of the numerous satra-s, tantra-s and Sdstra-s, Of all [the stages of realization qua] studying, reflection and meditation, the three, The Essence (bcud) uniting in one [its] nature, The all-sufficient (gcig chog) Precious King, Pray, recite this six-syllabic [magical formula]! Qua the menevolent] blessing of this dhdrani In that barbarous borderland, the snow-clad [Country of Tibet] The sentient beings shall be brought onto the path of Maturity and Liberation And The True Law (Saddharma) will spread and diffuse." The Birth of the Noble [AvalokiteSvara] from a Lotus and a Demonstration of the Benefit of the Six-syllabic [Formula]. 281 The following metrical segment is untraced from Bla-ma dam-pa's assumed prime sources. 282 On the five poisons of affliction (nyon mongs dug lnga), different texts hold different numbers, but usually: pride (nga rgyal, abhim-na), envy @brag dog, irsyd) and the three usual root vices desire ( 'dad chags, raga), hatred (zhe sdang, dvesa) and folly (gti mug, moha). [How] Arya-~valokite~vara for the first Time Brought the Sentient Beings of the Snow-Clad Country [of Tibet] unto the Path of Maturation and Salvation Thereupon i \ r y a - ~ v a l o k i t a concerned ,~~~ with the welfare of the sentient beings of the Snowclad [Country of ~ i b e t ] , ~ and ' ~ having generated his mind [towards] Enlightenment in the presence of Buddha Amiabha kneeled down on the earth with his right knee,joined together the palm of his hands (afljalim kmtd) and uttered the [following] aspiration-vow (pranidhdna): 'May all the sentient behgs pertaining to the six classes of beings (rigs drug) and ihe thrce spheres ( k h m gswn, rridhdru) be brought to Bliss by me! In particular. may the entire number of sentient beings [living] in the Snow-clad [Country ofl Tibet be put on ~ ' may I refrain from producing any thoughts of tranquillity and the road to ~ l i s s ! ~Pray, comfort (rhi bde'i bsum pa)286even for a moment (sknd cig) or remain at ease until [all] the sentient beings, [so] difficult to convert, have been brought [safely] onto the Path of Enlightenment and Liberation by me! In case [such a thought] should be produced b y me], then may my head split into ten pieces just like a capsule (dog pa, srarnbhaku) of cotton (arjuka) and may [my] body even disintegrate into thousand fragments like the leaves of a lotus!"287 Thereafter [he] went to the place of hell (dmyal ba, ~ r a k a )where , ~ ~[he] ~ preached the teaching of the Six-syllabic [formula], [thus] establishing [the hell-inhabitants firmly] in prosperity and happiness having annulled the cold and warm sufferings (tsha grang gi sdug bsngal, usna-Srraduhkha) of hell.289 ~ h e r e u ~ ohe n 'went to the abode of the hungry ghosts (yi dvags, prera), where he [likewise] preached the message of the Six-syllabic [formula], establishing them in prosperity and happiness, having allayed the[ir] suffering of hunger and thirst (bkres skom gyi sdug bsngal, jighatsd-pipdsdduhkha) . 290 Thereupon, he went to place of the animals (dud 'gro, riryuk), where [he] preached the message of the Six-syllabic [formula], [thus] securing [these creatures] prosperity and 283 In Chap. V Bla-ma dam-pa prosecutes the theme on the myth and legendary vita of AryaAvalokiteivara, already introduced in the previous chapter. His source is also here in part MNKB, partly reminiscences of a mythographical and biographical narrative dedicated the ~valokitdvaracult found in other sources. Cf. Appendix note 283 for a fuller discussion. 284 Cf. MNKB E (A) Lo-rgyus chen-mo, Chap. 4: Slur sems bskyed brtan-par mdzad-pa 16al-17b2. ~ g a i n , ' t h ementioning of Tibet here is Bla-ma dam-pa's addition, as it is lacking in Y K B . 285 Cf. MNKB 16a2-3, differing slightly in wording, again the mentioning of Tibet is lacking from MNKB. 286 M?IKB has rang zhi 'dod pa'i blo. 287 The mention of the disintegration of the body into thousand pieces is lacking from F K B . This legend is found in numerous sources and is a common theme, cf. Wayman, 1983, p. 625. 288 In the description of the six gati-s, F K B E (A) 16a4-17a2 differs again from GLR, as it is not Avalokita who visits theses places, but six rays of light emitted ('odzer drug spros) from his body that bring about an elimination of suffering; further, there is no mention of any teaching of the Sixsyllabic formula and finally F K B has the order reverted, by starting with the abode of the gods. Finally, the bulky Z h a l - g d m skor (F) of F K B WAM contains numerous textual parallels to the present section. In the slightly lengthier exposition of the same t o p s offered by Nyang-ral. the exposition deals with the story as to how Mahikfirunika heheld the six gari-s by way of three modes of karund (i.e. scms can la dmigs pa 'i snying j e , chos la dmigs pa 'i snying j e , dmigs pa med pa 'i snying j e ) , cf. more detailed and parallel CHBYMTNYP 407a5-410b3 = KTHZGM Chap. 38, 174.9-178.9. 289 MNKB E (A) 16b6-17a2. Cf. also CHBYMTNYP 409bl-410b3 = KTHZGM 177.15-178.9. 290 V K B E (A) 16b7-8. Cf. also CHBYMTNYP 409a5-bl = KTHZGM 177.5-15. happiness, having annulled [for them] the suffering of exploitation (bkol spyod kyi sdug bsngal) .291 Thereupon he reached the realm of man (mi, manusya), where [he likewise] preached the message of the Six-syllabic [formula] establishing them in prosperity and happiness, having appeased the[ir] sufferings of birth, a ing, sickness and death (skye rgas nu 'chi'i $92 sdug bsngal, jdti-jard-vyddhi-maranaduhkha). Next, he arrived at the region of the demi-gods (lha ma yin, asura), preaching the message of the Six-syllabic [formula] and [thus] established them in prosperity and happiness, after he had appeased [for them] the sufferings [accruing] from disputes and fightings ('thab rtsod kyi sdug b ~ n ~ a l ) . ~ ~ ~ [He] then [finally] arrived at the abode of the gods (lha, deva), where [he likewise] preached the message of the Six-syllabic [formula] establishing [them] in prosperity and happiness [too] after [he] had quenched [for them] the god's sufferings [consisting in acquirin any pre-knowledge] of falling [from their abode] and dying (lha 'chi ltung gi sdug bsngaf).f9.4 He next arrived in the Snow-capped Realm [of ~ i b e t ] , ~the ~ barbarous ' borderland, and looking [around], he [realized] the Upper (stod) [Tibet], i.e. the three regions (skor gsum) of Upper (stod) mNga'-ris (i.e. West Tibet) to be [like] [dthe] Continent of the Antelope (ri d[v]ags gling, *mrgadvrpa),296resembling [in shape] a vessel (rdzing) and to those [living there] he taught 'the teachings of the Six-syllabic [formula], [firmly] bringing [them] prosperity and happiness. The Lower (smad) [Tibet], i.e. the] three [districts] of mDo-Khams-sGang (i.e. East Tibet) [he recognized] to be [like] [dthe] Continent of the Birds (bya'i gling),297resembling [in shape] a field (zhing) and to those [living there] he demonstrated the teachings of the Sixsyllabic [formula], establishing [them too] in prosperity and happiness. The Four Horns (ru bzhi) of the Central (bar) [part of Tibet, i.e. the provinces] dBus [and] gTsang, [he recognized] to be [like a] Continent of the beast of prey (gcan gzan gyi gling),298resembling [in shape] an irrigation-canal (yur ba), and to those [living there] he taught the teachings of the Six-syllabic [formula] which thereby secured [for them] prosperity and happiness. Then [he] went to the summit of the Red Hill (dMar-po-ri) [in] Lhasa and looking upwards, [he] [immediately] observed that the lake of '0-thang [located there]299[in fact] (A) 16b4-5. Cf. also CHBYMTNYP 409a1-5 = KTHZGM 176.14-177.5. (A) 16b2-3. Cf. also CHBYMTNYP 408al-409al = KTHZGM 175.6-176.14. (A) 16bl-2. Cf. also CHBYMTNYP 407b3-408al = KTHZGM 174.17-176.6. (A) 16a8-16bl. Cf. also CHBYMTNYP 407a5-b3 = KTHZGM 174.9-17. The following passages remain untraced. Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 2a5-6: mnga' ris skor gsum sha rkyang ri dvags gling; Tibet is usually divided into stod or West[ern] Tibet, .mad or East[ern] Tibet and dbus or Central Tibet. 297 Cf. similarly HBCHBY (JA) 2a6; mDo-Khams sGang-drug, i.e. A-mdo, Khams and sGang-drug, the six ridges: Zal-mo-sgang, Tsha-ba-sgang, sMar-khams-sgang, sPo-'bor-sgang, dMar-rtsa-sgang, and Mi-nyag Rab-sgang. 298 Cf. similarly, HBCHBY (JA) 2a6; cf. foremost G. Uray. "The Four Horns according to the Royal Annals", AOH, vol. X, no. 1, pp. 31-57. 291 292 293 294 295 296 MNKB E MNKB E MNKB E MNKB E 299 'O-thang, i.e. the lake 'Plain of Milk' ('O-ma'i thang), cf. Chap. XIV infia and esp. note 726 and for the Red Hill, cf. note 455. was [nothing but] the [lowest, i.e. hottest] place of Hell, [i.e.] Avici (mNar-med), [inhabited] by many myriads (Wtri phrag du ma) of living beings, who were [there] being subjected to unbearable (bzod glags med pa) sufferings of hunger and thirst and of being cooked and burned, thereby uttering various cries of agony and dispair, [a sight so tragic] that [he could not help] shedding tears. And so, from his right eye a tear fell on the plain [adjacent to the lake of 'O-thang], which [immediately] turned into the Lady T M Brhkuti (Jo-mo sGrol-ma Khro-gnyer-can[e not to inflict sufferings in [your] ma]), who uttered: "0 Son of good family! ~ a k sure promotion of the welfare of the sentient beings of the Snowclad [Country of Tibet]! I, too, will assist [you] in working for the welfare of the sentient beingsw, [and immediately thereafter she] was [again] absorbed into his right eye. This [goddess] was [to become] the future Nepalese Princess (bal rno bza 7 Khri-btsun. Again, from the left eye a tear fell on the ground, [this time] transforming [itselfj into the Lady TSrZi (Jo-mo sGrol-ma), who [similarly] declared: "0Son of good family! Make sure that no suffering is inflicted when you [are] working for the welfare of the sentient beings of the Snow-clad [Country of Tibet]! I, too, shall assist [you] in promoting the welfare of the sentient beings! ", after which she [likewise] was [immediately] absorbed into his left eye. This [goddess] was [to become] the future Chinese Princess (rgya mo [bto 7) Kongjo. 300 Thereupon the Arya[-~valokite4varalarrived at the bank of this lake, where he taught the law of the Six-syllabic [formula], whereupon he uttered the [following] points of truth mom] out of [his] boundless compassion:301 Due to [their] accumulation of bad karman from beginningless time (anadikala), [Living in] this great Hell of fathomless depth Those meings], who are inflicted (btses) with sundry [kinds ofJ sufferings so difficult to endure May [they] be brought unto the island [securing the] full and complete Liberation (mokra)! Being cooked in [this] lake [full] of boiling poison, Being perpetually burned by the fire of Hell Those beings without shelter wailing and lamenting in dispair, May [they] always be cooled by a shower of prosperity and happiness! Tormented (gzir) by various [kinds of sufferings] such as heat, cold, hunger and thirst [etc.] The many myriads of beings living in this lake [of 'O-thang], After they have departed from this [miserable] body [of theirs], in my paradise 300 Cf. analogously, MNKB E (A) 14b2-4: de la spyan chab g.yas pa las h a mo sgrol ma dang I spyan chab g. yon pa'lm lha mo khro gnyer can byon no II sgrol ma 'i zhal nas rigs kyi bu s e m can gyi don byed pa la byang chub kyi sems sbyongs shig gsung ngo II Ulo mo khro gnyer ma 'i zhal nas rigs kyi bu s e m can gyi don byed pa la thugs g.yel bar ma mdzad cig 1 kho mo cog gnyis @is kyang rigs kyi bu khyod kyi grogs bya 'o gsungs nas 1 slar spyan g. yas g. yon du thim par gyur ro. 301 The following versified paragraph is verbatim reproduced in HBCHBY (JA) 211-4. May [they] be born [there] as pious beings of good family! So the Hell-inhabitants, the sentient beings, were [firmly] established on the Path to Enlightenment and Freedom, after [they] had the[ir] sufferings of cold[ness] and hot[ness] allayed and had attained a prosperous body, being disassociated with mental frustration [of any kind]. Having thus by various means established the sentient beings [pertaining to] the six classes and the three spheres and the sentient beings of the Snow-clad [Country of Tibet], so difficult to tame, in happiness, [Arya AvalokiteSvara] was very exhausted and he set his mind in the mental equanimity (samdpatti) of restful contemplation (ngal gso'i ting nge ~ d z i n ) . ~ ~ ~ Then again he [later] looked around from the summit of Mt. ~ o t a [ l a and ] ~ ~he~[could] not [even] think that [up till now] only about a hundredth part of [all] sentient beings of the Snow-clad [Country of Tibet] had been established [firmly] in happiness, [so] he felt very dispaired and in an instant he generated a thought of personal tranquility and ease (zhi bde'i bsam pa) and, perforce of his previous aspiration-vow his head split into ten pieces and his body decomposed into thousand fragments.304 Then Buddha Amiabha was addressed [by him] with a prayer and in a trice Buddha Amit2bha turned up. Taking hold of a bundle [consisting] of [the various] fragmented pieces of the Noble One's head and body, he proclaimed as follows:305 "All norms of existence are conditioned, And at the base of [it1306 is [the act of] craving ('dun pa); Whatever aspiration you [may] swear It will come true just like that. Since the power of your [previous] aspiration-vow proved efficient, [You shall be] lauded highly by all Buddhas [alike], It is the truth and this in a trice assuredly Makes it come into existence." 302 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 2a7. 303 MNKB E (A) 17a3-6, not Mt. Potala, but Mt. Meru: thugs j e chen pos ri rub kyi rtser phyin re ye shes kyi spyan gyis gzigs pa dang I yang snga ma de tsam du 'dug nas I lan gsum du rhabs dung snying j e s bton pas kyang sems can gyi khams la skye 'bri mi 'dug nus thugs mug yi chad nas 1 kye ma bde bar gshegs pa 'i dgongs pas 'dul ba 'i zhing khams bsam gyis mi khyab 1 nam mkha 'i khams bsam gyis mi khyab I sems can gyi khams bsam gyis mi khyab bya ba bden par 'dug I ngas de tsam pa 'i sems can bton yang nyung du ma song bas 'khor ba 'di mi stongs par 'dug 0 s e m can gyi don mi 'grub par 'dug 0 rang zhi bde thob par byas n m mya ngan las 'das pa sangs rgyas kyi sa la gnus par bya 'o snyam pa dang I sngar gyi sems bskyed dam bca ' nyams nus I dbu tshal pa bcur gas so. 304 Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 2a7-2b2 and note 287 supra. 305 The following two stanzas are also conserved in HBCHBY (JA) 2b3-4 and thus suggests that they both draw from a common source, rather than assuming that dPa'-bo quotes GLR, which often is the case. 306 1.e. fundamentally; GLR rrsa la, but HBCHBY reads rtse la, i.e. 'on top [of it]', i.e. in addition, which perhaps is a better reading altogether. "0Son of good family! Do not inflict sorrow! This splitting of your head into ten pieces shall be blessed as ten heads.307 The ten countenances are the ten transcendences (ddapdramitd) On top of them, it is having [the face ofl A-mi de-ba (i.e. AmiGbha) so [the statue shall] be blessed as the Eleven-headed One (zhal bcu gcig pa, ekaddamukha) .308 [Having the countenance ofJ AmitZibha seated as the eleventh head, [You, the Eleven-headed One] practicing the [four] kind of [ritual] acts: appeasing, expanding, dominating and violence; Homage to the reverend (btsun pa, bhadanta) Avalokita. This body of yours being divided into thousand [fragments] like the leaves of a lotus-flower [shall] be blessed as [i.e. become] thousand hands and the thousand hands [shall] be thousand Wheel-revolving Kings (Cakravartinrdja); the palm of these thousand hands [shall be] blessed with a thousand eyes [of wisdom] (Lye shes kyi] spyun, [ j ~ n u l n i d r a ) . ~ ~ ~ 307 Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 2b4-5 also. 308 For these prose-intervowen stanzas in GLR, compare HBCHBY (JA) 2b4-6: rigs kyi bu khyod sdug bsngal ma byed cig I khyod kyi dbu ni tshal pa bcur gas pa I I 'di ni zhal ras bcu ru byin gyis brlab I I khyod lus rnum pa stong du bye ba ni I I phyag stong spyan stong ldan par byin gyis brlab I I slur yang 'gro don snying stobs skyed cig gsung I I de tshe phyogs bcu 'i rgyal sras kun 'dw nas I I zhal mas bcu po phu rol phyin pa bcu I I bcu gcig dbu la 'od dpag med pa bzhugs I I zhi rgyar dbang rgyaci las rruuns kun mdzad pa I I btsun pa spyan ras gzigs la phyag 'tshal lo I 309 As corroborated by dPa'-bo the entire passage dealt with here may originally have been composed metrically. In the light of his text, it may be assumed that the following seven-lined ten-syllabic metrical passage in GLR is somewhat faulty preserved. dPa'-bo has two nine-syllabic stanzas, 2b63al: I I I I phyag stong 'khor 10s bsgyur ba 'i rgyal po stong I spyan stong bskal pa bzang po ' i sangs rgym stong I gang la gang 'dul de la der ston pa 'i I btsun pa spyan rar gzigs la phyag 'tshal lo I I dus gsum sangs rgyav kun gyis rob tu bsngags I I [m]tha[' 'Ikhob 'dul bar rgyal bas lung bstan nas I I gang la gang 'dul 'gro ba 'i don mdzad pa I [Endowed with] one thousand eyes [representing] the thousand Buddhas of the Prosperous Aeon (bhadrakalpa), [He] has demonstrated [himselq [here and] there [in protean forms] converting each individual according to personal disposition, To [that] reverend Avalokita [we] pay homage. [Unanimously and] highly lauded by a thousand Buddhas, Having been prophesized by the Victor (Jina) to convert the barbarous borderland [of Tibet], [He] promoted the welfare of the sentient beings my] converting each according to individual disposition, To [him] the reverend Avalokita [we] pay homage." Having [thus] demonstrated many bodily emananational forms for the sake of converting the sentient beings of the Snow-clad [Country of Tibet], he brought all sentient beings to Maturation and Liberation. [How] krya-~valokiteSvarafor the First [Time] Brought the Sentient Beings of the Snow-clad [Country of Tibet] onto [the Path ofl Maturation and Liberation. I brsun pa spyan ras gzigs la phyag 'rshal lo I [How Arya-~valokite~vara,] having Transformed [Himself] into the King of Horses, Worked for the Welfare of the Sentient Beings ~ h e r e u ~ o nArya-~valokiteivara ,~'~ worked for the sake of sentient beings of the world by various means and in order to give a[n edifying] parable of [how] the wholesome [should] be accepted and [how] the unwholesome [should] be rejected (dge sdig gi blang[ bya dang] dor[ bya] gyi dpe, *kuSala-papa-heyop&deya-upam&),it is told in the Sfitra [of the Array] of The Basket (mDo Za-ma-tog [bkod-pa], ~ r a n d a [ v ~ f i h a ] - s ~ r a[how ) ~ AryaAvalokiteSvara] worked for the sake of the sentient being's after [he once] had transformed himself into the King of Horses (rta'i rgyal po, dvardja), the noble (cang (: spyang) shes, djdneya) Balaha (i .e. Balaa[ka]): In this [story it is told how] merchants (rshong pa) from South India, [all] with low merits, [once] set out on the outer [great] ocean in order to acquire [precious]jewels. Having embarked upon a great vessel equipped with plenty of provisions necessary for themselves, [they departed, but only] after seven days had passed, [sailing] was [to be fatally] hampered by a [most] adverse wind (mi 'dod pa'i to wit:313 [At] noon black clouds gathered like thick mist, Obscuring the rays of the sun, [causing] darkness to prevail, A terrifying gale [raged] as if the earth trembled, The forest and all the trees fell about; The waves of the ocean resembled a leaping lion; Whirlpool of waves almost made earth and heaven meet; The menchants embraced one another, Weeping, each [and everyone] cried out the names of their kindred (r7e du), Taken by fear and temfied, they cried for help ('0 dod 'bod byed), Leaderless, despondent, tears poured forth as blood, In that very moment too the vessel wrecked. Next, the merchants clinged as best [they could] to the [drift]wood from the wrecked ship, and again an adverse tempest led [them all] in one direction, until it brought [them] to the shore of the Island of Singgala [i.e. Singhala-dvipa = Tftmradvipa; Ceylon or Sri Lanka] inhabited by ogresses (rdhasi-s), where the merchants calling upon one another by name gained dry land. They were observed by the rdksasi-ogresses, who [immediately] transformed themselves into very beautiful young women Ad carrying along ample food and drink they arrived at the place where the merchants rested. They deluded them by giving consolance inquiring them: "Are [you possibly] exhausted?" or "Are [you possibly] suffering?" and they satisfied [them] with food and drink. The merchants rejoiced greatly at the sight of the extraordinarily beautiful women without recognizing that they were [in fact] reasl-ogresses and they 310 This chapter offers the celebrated legend of how the mythological King of Horses, Baliha[ka] (known, e.g. from MahBvastu, 111, 67-90), an emanation of Avalokiteivara, rescues a group of merchants from rciksasi-captivity on the Ceylon island. For further discussion, cf. Appendix note 310. 31 1 KV 248a5-251a3. It is part of the section entitled ASr1arci.a-varnnna, the Description of the King of Horses. 3 12 KV has here an unseasonable wind (dm ma yin pa 'i rlung, &-lavdyu). 31 3 This following versified passage is lacking altogether from KV and Y K B . conversed one another in an amicable way. The rdksasi-ogresses [however] declared unanimously (kha 'cham par): "Ye merchants must not approach the upper part of the valley!" Each woman then took along one of the merchants and went to her own home, where they married (bza' mi byas), cohabited and lived an enjoyable life. A voice314 [from above] appeared: "Merchants suffering from ill-fated karman, When they were carried along by an adverse and unwelcome storm, Like [an animal] when going astray is caught in a hunting-net (ri dvags rgya), [They] fell into the hands of the Lord of Death (Yama) with no means of escape. Those [merchants], infatuated by the idea (bsam brlag tsho) of taking a spouse (chung mar 'dzin; marrying) Imbued [moreover] with the emng view holding these rdksasr-ogresses as goddesses (devi-s) [Thus] are deluded and while greatly satiated with food, They forget [all] previous sufferings like [in] a dream And even their minds were satisfied with joy."315 Then the great caravan-leader (ded dpon chen po, mahdsdnhavdha) recognized [the place] to be the Island of the Ogresses (rdksasidvpa) and [immedaitely he] became unhappy and disparaged, pondering that [if] the present [situation] promised happiness, what kind of future would [then] be in store for them, [a thought] which made him extremely uneasy. Pondering [moreover] what could be meant by the order that forbid them to approach the upper part of the valley, the caravan-leader in the evening set out, when his own spouse had fallen asleep, and went in order to inspect [for himself] the upper part of the valley. [There he] found an iron house316 without any door, within which murmuring (di ri ri) clamours (skad log) [were to be heard]. Wondering what it was [he heard] he listened [carefully] and [soon] recognized [it as] the language of [other] merchants coming from India. He [then] climbed a tree that stood next to that [house] and inquired: "Who is inside that [house]?" The people inside that [house] responded: "We inside here are merchants who have lost our way. " Asking: "For how long have you been locked up in there?", they answered: "Like you we landed here when our ship got carried away by an unwelcome storm. We were [then] led away by these women and without recognizing them as rdkrasi-ogresses, we married, begot children and lived happily, but when you [fellow merchants] amved at this island we were locked up here in this iron house without [any] exit. Now we shall gradually be devoured. 314 In KV 248b8 it is not a voice sounding from above, but a laughing lamp (gad no snyan par dgod pa, hasana-ratikara) which here is at play; cf. also RCgamey, "Le pseudo-hapax ratikara et le lamp qui rit", Asiatische Srudien, vol. 18/19, pp. 175-205, who incidentally points out that the Tibetan translators did not comprehend this meaning of the 'laughing lamp'. It functioned as an adjuvant playing a role akin to Aladdin's lamp in Arabian Nights. Cf. also S. Lienhard, 1993. 3 15 Lacking from KV and MNKB. 3 16 KV 249a2 has an iron town (lcags kyi grong khyer, ayas-nagara). Please consider our sufferings in this terrifying and appalling [situation] which [eventually] shall deprive [us our] life and escape right now! Now is the time for fleeing. Once you are locked up in this iron house, there is neither any room for fleeing nor any means of liberation." Again, the caravan-leader (sdnhavdha) spoke: 'Well, certainly we shall escape, only we have no means of doing it." he^^^^ said: 'There is a means for escape. We too gave thoughts to the need of escaping, but [this present fate of ours] is the retaliation (fan) for being attached to sensual pleasures ('dod yon, kdmagunu), but you should escape without getting [too] attached to anything or anyone at all! As to the method of escape, [you will] find a turquoise[-coloured] fountain (chu mig)3'8standing in the middle of a plain of golden sand [situated] on the northern side after you from this [place] have crossed a little pass. At the outskirts of this [well] you will find it surrounded by lapis (baidG a)[-coloured] green sprouts. On the evening of the fifteenth [day of the month, at f ~ l l m & n $ ~from out of space the King of Horses called BalBha, capable of carrying (zhon chog pa) on its back (sgal pa) about one hundred persons, being outmost beautiful and hanging on to a moon-beam (zla ba'i zer la 'grogs),320 is going to make its appearance at that place. It will drink from this turquoise[-coloured] well, partake of the lapis[-coloured] green sprouts321and roll itself trice ('gre ldog gsum byas) in the golden sand, whereafter it will shake itself off [its dusty sand] and its horse-language will sound in human language: "All [ye] Indian merchants imprisoned on the Island of the Ogresses, who[ever] you are, where[ever] you are, ride on my back and I shall bring you [all] back to your native country!"322It is said that a miraculously transformed Supreme Horse will come saying thus. Having mounted it, keep your eyes closed without feeling attached whatsoever to enjoyable pleasures or towards your [own] begotten children. If you escape [accordingly], you will be free." The caravan-leader thought that he had to act accordingly and went back. When he went to bed beside his sleeping rdksasi-spouse, it was perceived by his wife, who spoke as follows: "An inquisitive (blo Ayes) merchant might risk his own life; if one ponders differently, one may be at a loss @hung). Whither has the merchant-leader gone, since his body is so cold?". The merchant-leader answered untruthfully: 'I [only] went to let the water! " Next, the caravan-leader clandestinely (lkog ru) gathered [all] his junior-merchants (tshong phrug) and related in details to them [all] the events [which had taken place] and all agreed to flee. Then on the evening of the fifteenth day, they gave the rdkrasi-ogresses a soporiferious drug (smyo byed kyi which made them fall asleep. &ding his junior-merchants, the caravan-leader crossed the little pass on the northern side, onto the plain of golden sand, where they went near to the turquoise[-coloured] well, close to [the meadow ofl lapis[317 318 319 320 In KV it is the laughing lamp that speaks. Lacking in KV and MNKB. Lacking in KV and MNKB. Lacking from KV and MNKB. 321 KV 249b2 has the herb (sman, osadhi) called 'all white' (sbed tham cod, *sarvaCveta); F K B E (A) 19a8-19bl has similarly sbed tali nsva. 322 In KV 249b3 the horse merely says: "Who are passing over ? Who are passing over ?" @ha rol du su 'gro II pha rol du su 'gro zhes smra'o). 323 Lacking in KV and MNKB. coloured] green sprouts, in order to await [the arrival of] the King of Horses Bal2ha. And within long the King of Horses made its arrival from out of the sky, being attached onto a moon-beam accompanied by a light of rainbow. There the Best of Horses drank from the turquoise[-coloured] fountain, partook of the lapis[-green] sprouts, made three turns in the golden sand, shook off [the dust] from its body and uttered the following in human language: "All [ye] merchants who have been caught up on the Island of the Ogresses, ride on my back! Keep your eyes [completely] shut and remain completely unattached to the youthful appearance of the rdkrasf-s, your offspring and [all] enjoyable pleasures! I shall bring you to your native country! " The caravan-leader [then] spoke: "0 emanational embodiment (nirmdnakdya), Supreme Horse, guiding mankind, We, [these] merchants, Sailed onto the ocean in order to acquire jewels But as our merit was exhausted, our vessel wrecked. By an adverse storm we were driven towards the Island of the Ogresses, Being caught up on the Island of the Ogresses, [like] the ill-fated ones are [caught by] the Lord of the Death, We have no [other] means of escaping from there, w e ] [therefore] beg [you] to protect [us], 0 compassionate Best of Horses. n324 The caravan-leader [then] mounted the horse's neck ('jing pa) taking a [good] hold on its ear, while the junior-merchants rode on the horse's back. He admonished [them]: "Do not in any way cling to the home of [your respective] ogress, [your] offspring or to enjoyable pleasures [of life]! Do not show even the slightest vacillation in your mind! Keep our eyes closed until you have reached the extreme end [i.e. opposite side] of the ocean! When the Best of Horses carried them through the sky, it was [finally] perceived by the rdksasr-ogresses, who [now all] turned up bringing [with them] their children. They spoke accordingly: .J~s "Are you [really] able to renounce [your] castle (sa mkhar) piled up high? Are you [really] able to forsake your wife (bza' mi) to whom you are harmoniously wedded? Are you [really] able to reject your [own] offspring procured from [your own] flesh (sha nus chad pa)? Are you [really] able to give up [our] food and drink tasting palatably?326 324 Lacking from KV and MNKB. 325 KV 248b8 merely has: rta 'i rgyal po ba la ha des khyed las sus kyang sing ga la 'i gling la mi blra bar bya II sus kyang rnig gis mi blta bar bya 'o II zhes de skad smras;MNKB 19b3: srin tm rnams lo ma chugs shig phyi mig ma Ira zhig ces smras so. 326 This part of the speech by the siren women is lacking from KV and Y K B . [If so,] you are [all] [truly] shameless wicked men!" Some [rdksarl-s] lified their children up in the air and some beckoned by waving with their clothes. [AIIthis] did not go unnotictd by the junior-merchants striking them as if hit by an arrow in the middle of the heart, and thinking it was quite true [what the disguised rdksusl-ogresses said], they [consequently] opened their eyes. Everyone except the caravan-leader became attached and looking back @hyimig bltas pa) they all fell down. When they fell down they were seized by the ogresses, but [now] the ogresses had assumed their own form without their previous beautiful bodily forms, their faces were rugged (gzing), their breasts were placed upon their shoulders (nu ma phrag pa la bkat'), their teeth protuded (mche ba gtsigs) and without being able to wait even for a moment (dar cig) they devoured [the poor merchants~.~~' When thereafter the Best of Horses (nu mchog, dvarafnu) arrived at the shore of the ocean, it spoke: "Guild-leader (tshong dpon, fresthin) open your eyes and dismount!" When he opened [his] eyes he found that his assistants 'were [all] lacking. Grieved, he weepingly asked: "0King, Best of Horses, where are my junior-merchants?" The Best of Horses too threw its feet to the ground and weeping [bitterly], it spoke accordingly:328 "These junior-merchants lacking [all] the merits [which] you possess, Instead of thinking about their native country [in] Jgmbudvipa, Being [karmically] ill-fated, they got attached to the Island Ogresses, so lost @hung) [they are]; Instead of thinking of their parents, their beloved friends, They got attached to the countenance of a youthful rdkrusl-ogress, so lost [they are]; Instead of thinking of [begetting] children beneficient to one's relatives, They got attached to the offspring of a deceitful rakFasl-ogress, so lost [they are]; Alas! Alas! Indeed the sentient beings are to be pitied (sRing re rje)! The disciple (slob ma, Sikrya) who has killed [his] Tantric teacher (vajrdcdrya) When he [becomes] imprisoned in the hellish place of Avici, Even though the gum's compassion is great [then] what can he do [to help]? Having developed false views about procuring children And being carried away by an unwelcome adverse wind, Even though the parents' affection is great, what can they do [to help]? When the junior-merchants fell because they looked back, Ignoring [altogether] the instruction of benevolent words, Then what can the Best of Horses do, although highly skillful in flying? Guild-leader don't weep, listen more to me! The happiness and sorrow of this life is like a dream (svapna) and an illusion (mdyd), Like the water [falling] from a precipitous mountain (ri gzar chu) and the thunder-cloud of space, 327 Analogously KV 25 la1 -2; @KB 19b4-5. 328 The following metrical piece is lacking from KV and W K B . Therefore do never get attached to the [fleeting] happiness [offered] by the [ephemeral] cycle of transmigration (samsdra)!" The Best of Horses [then] gave a religious discourse (chos bshad) on the Four [Noble] Truths (carvary (drya)satydni). The guild-leader wiped away his tears and was brought to a place in sight of his own home. Again the Best of Horses departed into space like a vanishing rainbow. Thereupon the guild-leader went to his own home, and all [his] relatives and [his] parents [soon] gathered there, [where they] grabbed hold of the guild-leader and wept. He then gave [them] a joyous account [of his experiences]. Later again, the parents and close relatives of the junior-merchants turned up, and weepingly, [they] cried out the names of each men, "Where is my father? Where is my elder brother? Where is my uncle? Where is my grandchild?" The guild-leader then gathered the parents and the close relatives of the junior-merchants and explained in great detail [to them] [how they] in the beginning set out on the [great] ocean, [how] the vessel wrecked due to a devastating storm and moved by an adverse wind they were carried to the Island of the Ogresses; [how they], without identifying them as ogresses, married [these creatures], begot children and [how they,] upon recognizing them as ogresses, sought for a means to escape and being shown a means to flee by the people [imprisoned] in the iron-house [he further explained how] the [poor] junior-merchants fell [from the horse-back] because they looked back failing [thus] to observe the instruction given by the King of Horses, etc. Everybody [listening to this explanation] developed a dCgout (skyo ba, udvega) against the circle of transmigration ( 'khor ba, samsdra), gained confidence in the cause and effect of karmic causation (las rgyu 'bras) and [thus] became [well] established in the True Law. Analogously to this parable (dpe), [all] those who have perpetrated a sin after having become addicted to this [ephemeral] life will, similar to the junior-merchants who fell [to the ground] because they looked back [and got attached], find no time for escaping from the damned states (ngan song, durgati) [of existence] after they have roamed around in the cycle of transmigration. [Alternatively,] those who take [serious] practice in the True Law, without getting addicted to this [ephemeral] life, will, similar to the caravan-leader, become enlightened (sangs rgyas par byed, i.e. become a Buddha) after having attained the bliss of heaven (mtho ris, svarga) [and] liberation (tharpa, moksa). [How krya-~valokites'vara]having Tramfonned [Himsem into the King of Horses, Worked for the Welfare of the Sentient Beings. VII The Descent of the Tibetan Race from the Union of a Monkey and a Female Rock-ogress ~ h e r e u ~ o Arya n , ~ Avaloldta ~~ conferred upon an ape who [could] display miracles (rdru 'phrul, rddhi) the vow (sdom pa, samvara) of a lay-devotee (dge bsnyen, ~ ~ d r a kand a ) ~ ~ ~ [subsequently] sent him off to the snow-clad Ralm of Tibet in order to meditate (sgom pa, bhdvand). There, while the ape [sat] meditating on a black (rog po) rock, that is while meditating on the thought [ofJ enlightenment (byang chub kyi sems, bodhicirra), on compassion (snying j e , karund) and on benevolence ( b y m , muirrl) and while showing affection (mos par byed, bhaktim. kr-) . towards the profound doctrine (chos wb mo, gambhrradharma) of emptiness (stong pa nyid, ~ l i n ~ a f d )a, female ~ ~ ' rock-ogress (rdkrasr), tormented by [the retributory consequences of bad] kannan, made its appearance there, [where she] displayed many signs of passion and libido [towards the ape] whereafter [she] disappeared [again].332 Later, the rock-ogress assumed the shape (chas su byas) of a woman[, approached again] and addressed the ape: "You and 1, the two, should cohabit."333But the ape responded: '1 am a lay-devotee of Arya-~valokita,so if I became your husband, I would lose my vow. "334 The rock-ogress then intervened: "If you do not become my husband, my time is done (tshe'i dm byed, kdlam kr-)",335 upon which she took a rest close to the ape. Again, the r&k-ogress rose, and spoke to the ape in the following words:336 329 Prosecuting the overall topos of the various aspscts of the grer mo Vita-cycles pertaining to the cult of Arya-~valokitdvaraand king Srong-btsan sgam-p, Bla-ma dam-pa renders in this chapter the celebrated mythological narrative of the genesis of the Tibetan race descending from the union of a Bodhisattva-ape (byang chub s e m dpa'i spre'u), (later conceived as) an emanation of Ar-yaAvalokitdvara and a rock-ogress (brag srin mo), (conceived as) an emanation of T i r i . As explicitly stated MNKB E (A) 72a3-4,95b2-3; KCHKKHM-1647.6-648. I; KCHKKHM2 48.2-5, 80.13-14 etc. the'idea of an ape-gestalt in this myth is directly associated with or inspired by the ape-king (spre'u rgyal po) and champion (gyad) Ha-lu ma-da = Haniimin, the resourceful figure and protagonist known from Vilmiki's Rimiyana, a tale of considerable popularity already in the dynastic period in Tibet, cf. most recently J. W: de Jong, 1989. In cclsu this ape-champion is made an emanational pupil (sprul pa'i slob ma) of Avalokitedvara and then introduced into the present myth. For further discussions and a survey of the sources for this chapter, cf. Appendix, note 329. 330 KCHKKHM-2 48.9-10, KCHKKHM-3 381.1-3, whereas MNKB E 72a5 and CHBYMTNYF' 154a5 and MBNTH 17b2-3 have gtan Wlrims lnga, and K C H K K ~ - 1648.3-4 combines by saying dge bsnyen gyi gtan Wlrims lnga. 331 This narrative element which delineates the topics of his meditation is lacking from all versions, aside from a reminiscence found in dPa-bo's rendition, HBCHBY (JA) 3b7. 332 MNKB E (A) 72b2-4; KCHKKHM-1648.5-6; KCHKKHM-2 48.16-49.7; KCHKKHM-3 38 1.34; CHBYMTNYP 154b1-5 and MBNTH 17b3-6 where it is narrated that the female rock-ogress domed herself in the cloth of a female ape, approached the bodhisamn-ape, where she bared her breast and genitals and signalled interest in sexual indulgence for seven full days. 333 MNKB 72b3-4; KCHKKHM-1 648.6649.2; KCHKKHM-2 49.1-7; CHBYMTNYP 154b6155aI ; M ~ T H 1 ~ 6 . 334 MNKB 72b4-5; KCHKKHM-1 649.2-3; KCHKKHM-2 49.8-10; KCHKKHM-3 381.7; C ~ Y M T N Y P155a1-2, the latter adding that the bodhisoma-ape then fled to Zo-thang Gong-po-ri (cf. note 349 in@) being pursued by the rock-ogress. 335 KCHKKHM-1 649.3; KCHKKHM-2 49.1 1-12; MBNTH 18al. 336 This versified cri-de-coeur exclaimed by the ogress is taken over almost verhatim from F K B E (A) 72b5-73a3, but see also similarly CHBYMTNYP 155a5-155M. Where CLR holds twelve lines, lWlJKB has seventeen lines and CHBYMTNYP offers sixteen lines. The five additional lines, to "Alas, You great King of the Apes, Pray, show some concern for me and listen: Perforce of [previous] karmic acts I have been born into the race of the female ogresses (rdksusr-s), As my passion ('dod chugs, rdga) for you is so great, I am attached to you and long for you, And perforce of [this] passion I besiege and beseech you: If I do not become your wife (khyim thabs), I shall eventually join not only a [male] ogress (srin po, rdksusa), . . But also each and every day kill ten thousand sentient beings, And moreover every evening devour about one thousand living beings; And after unmeasurably [many] ogress-infants have been born This very Snow-clad Realm [of Tibet] Shall be transformed into a town of ogresses Whereafter sentient beings, wherever they are, will be devoured by ogresses; Therefore - have [some] consideration for me and embrace [me] with your compassion!" Thus she [lamented] in a doleful voice and shed tears, which made the bodhisattva-ape ponder: "Suppose I became this [ogress'] husband, then I should violate my vow, and [alternatively] if I do not do it, it will cause very much sin. n337 So in a trice, he went to Mt. Potala [in South India], into the presence of Arya [Avalokita] [whom he] addressed [with] the following request:338 "Alas compassionate Lord of The World ('gro ba'i mgon po, jaganndtha) , I have safeguard [my] vow as a lay-devotee as if [it is my own] life, be inserted in a penultimate position prior to the last line, reads, MNKB 73a1-3: I des na bdag ni 'di ru 'chi bar 'gyur I I shi nas bdag cag las kyi dbang gis kyang I I bdag ni mi [blzad drnyal ba 'i gnas su lhung I I sdom pa bsrungs pas mi phan khyod la sdig 'ong I I khyod kyi byang s e m sdom pa'ang nyams nas 'gro I Cf. also Y K B E (Ca) 98a6-98b3; KTHDNG CA 431.19-432.5; HBCHBY (JA) 3b-4; absent from all KCHKKHM versions. 337 IW!4KB 73a3-4; KCHKKHM-2 49.13-17; KCHKKHM-3 382.1-3; CHBYMTNYP 155b5-156a2. 338 MNKB E (A) 73a4-6, E (Ca) 98b5-6; KCHKKHM-1 649.4; KCHKKHM-2 49.19-50.2; KCHKKHM-3 382.4-5; CHBYMTNYP 156a2-6. This versified cry of despair consisting of seven nine-syllabled lines is evidently taken over from Y K B 73x56, similarly retained in CHBYMTNYP, but both versions here only hold six lines, lacking the fourth line in GLR reading: gdung pa'i smre sngags sna tshogs bton gyur nas, which either reflects that Bla-ma dam-pa has quoted an earlier, more complete version of V K B or it may represent his own addition; again all KCHKKHM versions lack this versified segment altogether and merely give us an utmost brief piece of prose; cf. also KTKDNG (CA) 432.19433.1; HBCHBY (JA) 3b4-5 here only renders three lines. But a [female] ogress (rdksasl) of the bdud-race is beset with passionate feelings [towards me]; Uttering various kinds of lament and wailing, She besieges me and tries to deprive me of my [precious] vow; How shall I behave towards her in order to safeguard my vow? [0] compassionate Lord of Benevolence (byam mgon, rnaitrln&ha), I entreat you to [show] concern!" Arya responded: 'Become the husband of this rock-ogress!" and from the sky above, the Jo-mo Bhrku? and the Jo-mo Tag, the two, also declared [in unison]: 'This is truly excellent!97339 ' Then Arya[-~valokite~vara] blessed the ape and the rock-ogress as a married couple whereafter he blessed [by way of prediction] the Snow-clad [Country of Tibet] so that it would be endowed with three [lasting] properties [in the future]:340 [I] That in a future time the Teaching of Buddha will spread and diffuse to last [there] for a long time; [2] That [in the wake of the introduction of Buddhism] spiritual-virtuous friends (dge ba'i bshes gnyen, kalydnumitra) will arrive [there] uninterruptedly, and [finally] [3] That with the disclosure of mines (gter Wla) [teeming with] precious metals [etc.] happiness and prosperity will spread in all ten directions [thus securing the posterity of Tibet] etc. Thereupon the ape and rock-ogress, the two, cohabited as husband and wife (bzo' mi byas), and thereby six ape-infants were born, each with distinct behaviour (spyod lam) [relative to the fact that] they each had changed existence (tshe 'phos, janmdruaram gafa, cyuta) from one of the six states of existence ('gro ba rigs drug, sadgari) [in samdra], viz. the ape-infant who had transferred existence from the sentient beings of heli (dmyal ba, naraka) had a black countenance and was highly fit to endure hardship (sdug sran che ba); the ape-infant that had transferred existence [directly] from the place of the hungry ghosts (yi dvags, preta) presented an ugly face and was [perpetually] longing for food; the ape-infant who had Ijust] transferred existence from the place of the animals (dud 'gro, tiryak) was dull and with a cruel appearance (rod ngan pa); the ape-infant who had transferred existence from the place of man (mi, munusya) was 339 MNKB 73a5-73b 1 ; KCHKKHM-1 649.5-6; KCHKKHM-2 50.2-1 1 ; KCHKKHM-3 382.5-6; C ~ ~ Y M T N Y156b P 1-5; MBNTH 18a4-5; HBCHBY (JA) 3b5-6. Whereas all the other versions only mention one TP6, GLR (and HBCKBY) have two, which thereby retain the symmetry of ~ ~ i i m i i - ~ i and i r i Sita-Tiri around Avalokitdvara, later to be replaced by the triad: king Srong-btsan sgam-po and the two Tiis-embodiments of Khri-btsun and Kong-jo respectively. 340 This passage with the predictions and blessings are lacking altogether from Bla-ma dam-pa's prime sources, but see KCHKKHM-3 385.6-386.2. Fortunately, dPa'-bo, in his metrical narrative has preserved a striking parallel, HBCHBY (JA) 3b6-7: I bod khams kha b a can gyi yul 'di ru I I thub bsran dar r g y u yun ring g n u p a dang I I dge b a 'i bshes gnyen rgyun mi chad p a dang I I rin chen grer kha du ma bye ba sre I I yon tan gsum dang ldan par byin gyis brlabs I very knowledgeable (shes rig rgyas), but faint-hearted (sems chung ba); the ape-infant who had transferred existence from the place of the semi-gods (lha ma yin, asura) was malicious (thu) and very envious; and [finally] the ape-infant who had shifted existence from the abode of the gods had a forbearing disposition (ngang rgyud ring) and was virtuous.341 The six ape-infants were brought by the father, the bodhisattva-ape, to the forest-grove (nags ma) [in southern Tibet] called the "Colony of Birds" ( ~ ~ a - t s h o ~ s [ - c a n ][a) ,forest] ~~* teeming with fruit-trees, where he installed [them] for three years. When three years had passed, the bodhisattva-ape came to inspect [the place] and observed that the ape-infants [by now] had increased to five hundred ape-infants due to the power of karman (las kyi dbang gis, kamavddt, karmddhipatya). Subsequently, the fruit-trees ceased to exist, and having nothing else to eat, and although their parents did not eat anything at all, they asked: "Father, what shall we eat? Mother, what shall we eat?", raising [their] arms [in dispair], [feeling] exhausted and miserable. The bodhisattva-ape thought: "It can not be because I have been subjected to emotional affliction, but must be ascribed [m ] fulfillment of the Arya9s behest, that it has come to this [situation] with the ape-infants",r43and in a trice he went to 341 MNKB E (A) 73b3-74a2; KCHKKHM-1 649.6-650.2; KCHKKHM-2 50.11-19; KCHKKHM-3 382.7-383.2; CHBYMTNYP 156b6-157b3; MBNTH 18a6-18b1,19a2-6; HBCHBY (JA) 3b7-4a2. GLR (prose) and HBCHBY (verse) are here in full agreement, also in the order of succession; more conspicuously, the KCHKKHM versions, textually being here fairly congruous, do not mention anything about six ape-infants, an element in the myth reserved the versions found in W K B and CHBYMTNYP (also MBNTH), both of which are closely cognate, the latter (following Y K B ? , hardly possible, as it is more detailed than MNKB and thus suggests that these two texts draw from a common original) being, as usual, the most detailed while it generally attempts to combine or bridge the gap between the distinct Vita-versions found in W K B and KCHKKHM. For a fuller discussion, see note Appendix, note 341. 342 MNKB E (A) 74a2-3; KCHKKHM-I 650.2-3, 653.5; KCHKKHM-2 50.17-19; KCHKKHM-3 383.2, 386.2; CHBYMTNYP l57b3-4, 160b5; MBNTH 18b1, 19b6; further sources: pre-GLR: GBCHBY 236.4: Nags ma Bya tshang-can (different context!); post-GLR: hShad-mdzod (Haarh, 1969, p. 41 1): Nags-pa Bya-tshogs-can; HBCHBY (JA) 4a2; cf. also KTHDNG (CA) 432.11-12. This place, the first 'historical' place of the Tibetan race is rendered slightly differently in the texts: GLR has nags ma bya tshogs; KCHKKHM-2 & CHBYMTNYP and MBNTH: nags ma bya tshogs-can; V K B reads nags rMa-bya tshogs-can, and interestingly, KCHKKHM-1+3 & CHBYMTNYP: [Yar-lung] rTsan[g]-thang gi nags ma Bya tshogs[-can], the latter texts thus evidently locate it in the modern-day rTse[d]-thang (lit. 'Play-ground' for the monkeys) area of the Yar-klung Valley close to the bank of the gTsang-po river. Cf. also Reb-gong, 1987, pp. 1-2, who erringly locates this place in rDza-yul. It remains to be settled whether the name should be construed as the forest (nags), named the Peacock-Colony (so according to MNKB) or as the forest (nags ma) named the Bird-Colony, where the latter construction clearly is to'be preferred. These texts further mention that the place was teeming with colonies of apes (spre'u'i khyu) and the reason for the bodhisa~va-apeto bring his simian off-spring there allegedly was to avoid that the 'mother' rock-ogress should devour them and in order to have them mate (zla la) the fellow pithecoid apes sojouring there. 343 W K B E (A) 74a3-b2; KCHKKHM-1 650.2-651.2; KCHKKHM-2 51.1-13; KCHKKHM-3 383.3-384.1 ; CHBYMTNYP 157b4-158a3; MBNTH 18b2; HBCHBY (JA) 4a2-3. F K B , IWW"IW and GLR have the figure five hundred apes, whereas the rest mentions four hundred apes. ~ t Potala, . [where] he addressed Arya [with] the following "Alas - without realizing that marriage implied the prison of the circle of transmigration, And not knowing that I would be deluded by a female bdud, I have been caught up in the mire ('dam,poriko) surrounded by [begotten] offspring; Unaware that passion is [like] a poisonous leaf, [I] have been deluded by becoming passionate out of compassion; Chained [now] by affection [I and my offspring are] suppressed by a mountain of suffering, w e have] partaken of the poison of emotional affliction and been striken by the plaque of bad karmun; As I am personally tormented by a heap of suffering, Alas [I entreat you] Oh compassionate Lord of Benevolence, [Tell me] now what shall I do to rear my offspring? By the [behest] sanctioned by the Arya, I have ended up like this: Now [the country of Tibet] resembles a town of hungry ghosts, And doubtlessly [we] shall [all] be [relborn in hell in [our] subsequent existence, Therefore, I beg you to protect [us] out of compassion." Arya responded to [this request]: "I shall protect your progenies! whereafter Arya u ~ ~ ~wheat, pease, rose, grasped from the inner caverns (khong [glseng) of Mt. ~ u m e r barley, buck-wheat and unhusked grain347and scattered it upon the ground. Thus the country became filled with the [fabulous] crops (lo thog) which [do] not [need] to be [sown or] ploughed (ma rmos pa, ~ k r s t a )Subsequently, .~~~ the bodhisatrva-ape led the ape-infants to that [place] and handed ovei'ihe [wonderful] unploughed crops to them, saying: "Now eat (da zo dung)!", 344 This fourteen-lined versified cri-de-coeur exclaimed by the bodhkaftvu-ape is taken over from MNKB E (A) 74b3-74b6, but see similarly KCHKKHM-2 51.15-52.8 (sixteen lines) and C ~ Y M T N Y P158a3-158b4 (twelve lines). This versified passage is almost verbally congruous in all versions, but two lines differ between MNKB and GLR, i.e. line nine and line twelve in GLR are absent in MNKB, the latter line bein;: found retained almost similarly worded in the version of KCHKKHM-2, which thus suggests that the original may have hold at least seventeen lines. HBCHBY (JA) 4a5-7, preserving a reading identical with GLR, has thirteen lines, by making line nine and ten into one. 345 This is a compressed rendition of MNKB 75al-75bl; KCHKKHM-I 652.3-4; KCHKKHM-2 53.15- 17; KCHKKHM-3 384.2-385.3; CHBYMTNYP 159a2-160al; MBNTH 18b6; HBCHBY (JA) 4a7-4b3. 346 This element with Mt. Meru or Sumeru is absent from all current versions of his prime sources, but retained in HBCHBY (JA) 4bl. 347 MNKB 75b 1-2; KCHKKHM-1 652.4-5; KCHKKHM-2 54.4-6; KCHKKHM-3 385.5; CHBYMTNYP 160a2-3; MBNTH 19a6-19bl; KTHDNG (CA) 433.1-4; HBCHBY (JA) 4b2-3. 348 This element is lacking from GLR's prime sources, but retained in the parallel metrical narrative in HBCHBY (JA) 4b3-4; for a reminiscence, cf. KCHKKHM-2 55.15-16. On this kind of crop, cf. Chap. I , note 42 supra. whence [the place] is called Zo[-thang] ~ o n ~ - ~ o - r i . ' ~ ~ When the ape-infants partook of the crop, [their hunger] was satisfied and [gradually] their mody-]hair and their tails shortened, they gained the knowledge of speaking and [finally] turned human. As nourishment [they] sustained on the [wonderful] unploughed crop and leaves from the trees made it for their clothing. Thus, these people of the Snow-clad Tibet descended from a father-ape and a mother rock-ogress, the two, wherefore they could [rightfully] be divided into two distinct races, viz.: [those] adhering to the line of the father,350the bodhisatma-ape, were tolerant (ngang rgyud ring ba), trustful, compassionate, labourious, and keen on a virtuous behaviour, softworded and able to talk; they constitute the father's lineage; [those] adhering to the mother," the rock-ogress' line, were lustful, wrathful, mindful of merchandizing and profit, covetous and with a highly competitative spirit ('gran sems che ba), laughing soundingly, physically strong and curageous, with a behaviour not even for a moment at rest, replete with whims (blo sna mang ba), precipitate in actions (byed skyen), widely [beset moreover] with the five vices (dug lnga), gloating over hearing other people's mistakes and with a hot temper; they constitute the mother's lineage. At that time the mountains turned into forests and the valleys were filled with water; when the [r]Kong-chu river-arm opened up, then all the water went there and became absorbed into the [r]Kong-chu ri~er-a.rm.'~* 349 The reading corroborated by CHBYMTNYP 155al-2: Zo-thang Gong-po-ri, i.e. Gong-po-ri of Zothang. The sequence of the narrative is somewhat reverted in GLR (though dPal-bo's version, again, here parallels GLR probably following it) compared with his sources. This element should properly follow after the description of the two races. As to the first, myth-related, but currently still locatable, place-name (yul la snga ba) in Tibet: Zo-thang (the Plain [where it was said]: "Eat! (zo dung, zo zhig)" (word-play on zo danglthang) or more generally the 'Plain of Food'), cf. MNKB E (A) 76a1-2; KCHKKHM-1 653.7-654.1; KCHKKHM-2 55.13-56.2; KCHKKHM-3 386.3-4; MBNTH 20a2-3; KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 1, p. 434.3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 4b3, where the place, inter alia, is called Yar [k]lung[s] Zo-thang; cf. also CHBYMTNYP 322b1-2; Stein, 1961, pp. 81-82. The narrative further provides us with the etymology of other ancient place-names associated with this old mythographical genesis of the Tibetan people: Yar-@c]lung[s]Khri-thang; Yar-@c]lung[s]rTse[d]-dang [i.e. thang] (cf. note 342 supra); 'Ol-kha rGyug-thang; CHBYMTNYP 161al-2, (so also KTHDNG (CA) 434.4-5) further adds an interesting etymology of Yar-klungs, explaining it to mean the valley ([kllung) where famine (mu ge; due, according to the present narrative, to the abundance of grains for the apes) was dispersed (yar bas), contrary to what is generally assumed: Upper Valley. 350 MNKB 75a4-5; KCHKKHM-1651.4-7; KCHKKHM-2 58.1 1-59.2; KCHKKHM-3 384.6-385.2; C ~ Y M T N Y P159a6-159b3; MBNTH 19a2-4; KTHDNG (CA) 433.1 1-16 and in particular HBCHBY (JA) 4b4-5. 351 g K B 7 5 a 5 - 7 6 b l ; KCHKKHM-1651.6-652.3; KCHKKHM-2 59.2-15; KCHKKHM-3 385.2-4; CHBYMTNYP 159b3-160al; MBNTH 19a4-6; KTHDNG (CA), 433.16-20; HBCHBY (JA) 4b56. Some of the qualifying predicates found in GLR characterizing the mother's descendants are untraced from his prime sources and most probably points to the fact that the current V K B version deviates from a possible Ur-MNKB. 352 The original source for the following piece of narrative remains to be identified. This part of the narrative sketching the topograhical transformation of Tibet, I have failed (until now) to trace in GLR's main or parallel sources, but again dPa'-bo's HBCHBY (JA) lbl-2a5 proffers a clue, concluding: Thereafter all the plains were transformed into [arable] fields, many towns were built and, before long, King gNya'-khri btsan-po amved [from the sky] as king of Tibet and the distinction between master and subject was made. So it i s said. The Descent of the Tibetan Race from the Union of a Monkey and a Female Rock-ogress. I I I I zhes gsungs mtha ' yas 'od zer bkye ba yis I dmyal ba'i sems can de mums sdug bsngal zhi I bde bas rgyud brlan thar pa 'i lam ' h o d gyur I mrsho de khol ba zhi zhing rab tu gsil I I kong gi chu brlag zhes bya 'i zoms bas I I ru bzhi chu yis gang ba de ru rhim I I chu gzhan dug yang de lrar thim pa yis I I bod h a m s yul gyi rnam pa gsal por dod I Cf. also SKGPDR Saff., with a slight difference in the succession. It provides enough information to gather a picture: Tibet is envisaged as an endlessly hellish ocean of boiling poison etc. and perforce of the endless recitations of the Six-syllabic mantric formula of ~ r y a - ~ v a l o k i t d v a r the a, sufferings of the inhabitants there are alleyed. Upon these ocean-covered mountains, valleys and soil of Tibet - due to the pranidhdna of Avalokita - the effluence of the [rJKong-chu river (and the waters of the Four Horns, i.e. Central Tibet) were opened and the entire ocean sunk away there so that the Tibetan soil rose (flat or clear ?) like the palm of the band. ~ e x t , ~ the " successive arrival of the royal lineages of the Tibetan kings354 shdl [now] be explained [in greater detail], to wit, in accordance with the [so-called] seven [kings with the name-element] 'Throne' of 'the celestrial sphere' ( g m la khri bdun), the two [kings with the name-element] 'Superior' of 'the upper sphere' (stod kyi steng gnyis), the six [kings with the name-element] 'Excellent' of 'the intermediate sphere' (bar du legs drug), the eight [kings with the name-element] sde of 'the terrestrial sphere' (sa la sde brgyod) and [finally], the three [kings with the name-element] 'Mighty' of 'the undenvorld' ('og gi btsan gsm) from [the first king] gNya'-khri b t ~ a n - ~ o and ~ " by counting each [line, then] in the twenty-seventh generation [the king] 1Ha Tho-tho-ri snyan-shal, an emanation of Arya Samantabhadra, appeared and the Teaching of Buddha took its beginning (dbu bmyes pa) [in ~ i b e t.]356 353 This chapter furnishes us with an exposition enumerating the traditional twenty-seven @re)-historic generations of the Tibetan royal genealogy (Bod rgyal po'i gdung rabs, rgyal rabs) counted from the royal progenitor king gNya'-khri btsan-po until IHa Tho-tho-ri snyan-shal and through this figure until gNam-ri srong-btsan, the father of the first historic king of Tibet, Dharrnariija Srongbtsan sgam-po. The chapter, like the remaining parts of GLR, forms a complex patchwork of quotations, in casu mostly metrical, hailing from a number of sources such as [IHa-sa'i ?] [b]Ka[']-tshigs cbenmo, bKa'-chems Ka-khol-ma, rGyal-rabs dPag-bsam ljon-shing composed by Byang-ji ston-pa and Bu-ston's CHBY etc. 354 For a convenient survey of the pre-historic line of the Tibetan dynasty drawn from numerous sources, cf. Haarh, 1969, chap. 1, pp. 33ff. It appears that the traditional Buddhist historiographical tradition evinces a fairly consistent consensus in terms of the transmission of this line, as only a few irregularities can be observed. Bla-ma dam-pa's lists nevertheless deviate slightly from his surposed sources, cf. the convenient conspectus provided by Haarh, op. cir. pp. 33ff. In fact, new sources presented in this study, cf. infra, add further deviations to the traditional lists compiled and listed by Haarh. 355 The complex picture behind the many Tibetan theories and opinions ('dod lugs, bzhcd pa) concerning the origin of gNyal-khri btsan-po has not gone unnoticed by Tibetologists. It has paved the way for a large number of studies, cf. foremost Haarh, 1969, esp. chaps. X-XI summing up previous and contemporary contributions and analyzing the three (actually more) indigenous (mainly literary) etiological traditions ('chod lugs) known in brief as gSang-ba, [bs]Grags-pa and Yanggsang concerning the provenance of the first Tibetan king(s); Macdonald, 1971, pp. 190-230, prosecutes the same theme but incorporates previously unheeded Dunhuang material. Cf. also Blondeau, 1984, 1985 and S. Karmay, 1988. Two indigenous sources of paramount importance, while they provide invaluable new material, are now mKhas-pa IDe'u's Chos-'byung rgyas-pa [GBCHBY], cf. in particular 227.13ff. and Nyang-ral's rNying-ma'i chos-'byung chen-mo [CHBYMTNYP]. Cf. also 359 infra and Appendix for a lengthy discussion on these points. Cf. also Hazod, 1991; bTsan-ha, 1982; Byams-pa tshe-ring, 1984; Pa-sangs dbang-'dus, 1985 and Chab-spel, 1986. 356 King IHa-tho-tho-ri snyan-shal and the beginning of Dharma in Tibet: F K B E (Ca) 1 W - 1 0 1 a 2 , E (Cd) 183b6-184b5; KCHKKHM-1 Chap. V, 669.4-674.6; KCHKKHM-2 Chap. V, 90.1-96.16; KCHKKHM-3 Chap. V, 396.1-6 (maintaining, inter alia, that he is an incarnation of ~ r i Vajrapgni, but see also here HBCHBY (JA) 9b4); CHBYMTNYP 173bl-176b4,404b4; GBCHBY [Q [The Royal Tibetan Progenitor] In this respect, it is also said according to bKa'-chems Ka-khol-ma: "King P a d u (sKyabsseng)357 and ~ 3 t h i k (dMag a brgya-pa) were born simultaneously, occuring successively [in direct line] after Dharmarsja ASoka in the lineage of the ~ o u n t a i n - h y a Once . when [the heirs] were quarreling over the royal power, the youngest son of three b o r n to] king ~ltiinika,[Ru-ba skyes or Rupati named], being endowed with the characteristic marks of a MahSpurusa, was in accordance with the prophecy from the gods ha),^^* without ever banished to the Tibetan country disguised in a woman's dress.n359 seizing According to the History (Chos-'byung) of Bu-ston Rin-po-che: "[The first king of Tibet, i.e. gNya'-khri btsan-pol was b y some] either [identified as] the third (lnga t ~ h i ~ s ) ~ ~ O in the [Indian] lineage of king Prasenajit (gSal-rgyal) of KoSala or [he was identified as] the third [son of five sons of Ksudrabala (sTobs-chung), the youngest son] in the lineage of king Bimbisaa (gZugs-can snying-po) [of Magadha] or again [even identified with] the son of king Udayana (Shar-pa, 'Char-byed) of Pad-sa-la [i.e. Vatsa], [all] being endowed with the characteristic marks of a Mahapurusa. n361 Be what it may be, [all sources] agree that [the 249.1 1-13 and DCHBY 105.12-106.16 (maintaining e.g. that this king was an incarnation of either Buddha KSyapa or the Bodhisattva Ksitigarbha, cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 9b4 quoting here the same IDe'u chos-'byung); BGR 197a5; NGTMTPH 3a4-5; CHBY 137a6 (Szerb, p. 6); DTHMP 16bl; KTHDNG (KHA) 115.15-16; PMKTH 343.1-4; post-GLR: YLJBCHBY 47.16-17, 51.12-14; GBYTSH 97b6; MYDTH 175.18-19; BGRSPH 175.18-19; rNam-thar rgyas-pa 43b6 (Eimer, 1979); Haarh, p. 83. 357 Also rendered as sKya-bseng. The sons of PHndu or Pindava-s, cf. Haarh, 1969, pp. 170-194 for this stratum of the so-called gSang ba chos lugs, the ~uddhisttradition of the legendary origin of the Tibetan royal progenitor gNya'-khri btsan-po that professes that the first Tibetan king descended from an Indian dynasty, and thereby eventually linked him up with Buddha. 358 Could this phrase lhos lung bstan pa bzhin, aside from its neutral formulation, be reconstructed as *lHa[ la]s [phul du byung bar] lung bstan pa bzhin, by which is hidden an allusion [or reminiscences of an allusion] to IHa-las phul-du byung-bar bstod-pa'i rgya-cher 'grel-ba, which, as we shall see in the ensuing note, is singly responsible for depicting [prophetically almost] the escape to Himavat dressed in women's attire? 359 This is a very contracted rendering of the extended versions of the origin of gNya'-khri btsan-PO found in the extant KCHKKHM redactions, cf. KCHKKHM-I 662.6-664.1; KCHKKHM-2 75.15-82.16. As is seen the KCHKKHM-2 is by far the most detailed, propounding the gSang ba chos lugs (also called gSang ba Phyag rgya can) legendary tradition which maintains that the Tibetan progenitor originated from the Ri-brag-pa branch of the s a y a s . Both KCHKKHM versions relate about the dispute between PHndu and SiGnika, and that ultimately a son is born to SiGnika (no mentioning of him being the yo&gest of three sons born to him, as in GLR) named Ru-pa skyes. For a full discussion of the various progenitor-theories, see note Appendix, note 359. 360 CHBYMTNYP 166a2-6; 166b4-5; GBCHBY 239.3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 5b3-4. The third (In@ tshigs); the term tshigs after an uneven number indicates that it corresponds to the median of this number: bdun tshigs means 'the fourth' etc. cf. Macdonald, 1971, p. 193, n. 12; Karrnay, Trensury, p. 32, n. 5; Tucci, 1949, p. 741, n. 52.; Haarh, ibid., pp. 172-180. 361 Cf. CHBY 137a2-3 (cf. Szerb, 1990, pp. 1-2) for the full text, also reproduced by Haarh, ibid., p. 179; YLJBCHBY 38.4-7; HBCHBY JA 5b3-4; dKar-chag of sNar-thang, 10a. Cf. Appendix, note 359 for a fuller discussion of the various speculations delineating the origin says ancestor is] the Lord (rJe) gNyal-khri btsan-po. ) ~ ~ '[He, ' i.e. gNya9In this respect, [ancient] Tibetan records (bod kyi yig r ~ h o n ~state: khri btsan-pol first descended upon the summit [of mount] ]Ha-ri rol-po [in the Yar-[kllung and looking around he [soon] realized that the mountain [ofj Yu-lha shamwas high-lying (mtho) and that the country of Yar-[kllung was fertile ( b ~ a n p~H s",) . ~ [subsequently] descended on the [lower-lying mountain] bTsan-thang ~ o n ~ - m a ' i - r iwhere ,'~ he was spotted by [a group ofl cattle-tending herdsmen (rdu' bo). When he reached the bottom [of the mountain] they addressed him: 'Whence do you come?" and pointing with his fingers towards heaven [in response], [they knew] that he was a divine son descending from heaven, and they proclaimed [in unison]: '[You are] elected our ruler ( j e ) "and so they went off carrying [him] by making their neck[s] [function as] a throne (Ipnya' bar khri byus btegs nas 'ong pa na),[wherefore] he was called the Mighty Neck-throned Lord [rJe gNya'khri b t ~ a n - ~ o ] . ~He ~ ~was * ~the ' ~ first Tibetan king. He built the castle 'Um-bu glangof the dynasty. 362 The identity of these records remains to be made, but the following parallel passages traced may supply a clue: MNKB E (Ca) 100a3-5; KCHKKHM-1 664.1-665.5; KCHKKHM-2 80.17-84.19; CHBYMTNYP i67b7-169b6 (cf. partially previous note); cf. also CHBY 137a5-137b3 (Szerb, pp. 2-4). On the other hand, the reference to (ancient?) Tibetan records may possibly point to the ancient sources amply quoted also in this chapter (and the following chapters) of GLR and which contains, inter alia, a metrical account of the royal kings, as discussed in the notes in this chapter. Cf. here foremost the detailed discussion by Panglung, 1988, pp. 350-56. 363 1.e. [Yar-lung] IHa-ri Rol-pa (or po), cf. MNKB E (Ca) 100a3; KCHKKHM-1 664.1-2; MBNTH 25a6; DTHMP 15b6; post-GLR: Y L J B C E ~ Y 39.13; but also variant IHa-ri Yol-pa (or po), cf. KCHKKHM-2 78.9-11; 80.19; CHBYMTNYP 168b1-2, CHBY 137b6 (Szerb, p. 3); GBYTSH 92a4: 1Ha-ri gong-po. Cf. also Ferrari, 1958, pp. 52, 129, n. 281; Hoffmann, 1958, p. 148; Stein, 1959, p. 83; Haarh, 1969, S . V . index. 364 The mention of Yar-Lha sham-po here in GLR, sometimes conceived as a mountain (gangs, ri), sometimes as a lha-god, sometimes as both, is conspicuously lacking from this pafl of the mythical narratives as found in GLR's assumed or traditional sources, except in CHBYMTNYP 168a6 and MBNTH 25a6, where in this connection the Tibetan ancestor-king in spe envisaged h Yar-lha sham-po before he descended, via the d m s k u , upon IHa-ri Yol-pa, etc. For a description of the confusion prevailing in the sources, cf. Haarh, pp. 273-275. 365 The phrase that "the mountain[[s]) of Yar-lha sham-pol was high and the land [of Yar-lung] is good" is untraced in Bla-ma dam-pa's assumed sources (at our disposal), it may interestingly enough reflect (or parallel) a part of a famous dictum characterizing Tibet and found first and foremost in the Dunhuang material, cf. Bacot ef al., 1940, Ms. 249, p. 81.16-18; the Treaty of 821I822 A.D. (East Inscription), cf. Richardson, 1985, pp. 108-109; Stein, No. 75, Indian Office Library, f. 36a; Pell. Tib. No. 1290 (cf. Macdonald, 1971, p. 335); cf. Haarh, 1969, pp. 20041, 415-21; Hazod, 1991, pp. 196, 216-17; Karmay, 1983, p. 207. Cf. also GBCHBY 235.12-19; MYDTH 171.16-18. 366 Cf. MNKB E (Ca) 100a3; KCHKKHM-1 664.2-3; KCHKKHM-2 84.9-10; CHBYMTNYP 168bl-2; MBNTH 2 5 6 ; CHBY 137a6 (Szerb, p. 3); DTHMP 15b6; pre-GLR: GBCHBY 237.1920 (different context!); post-GLR sources: YLJBCHBY 39.13; GBYTSH 92a5, etc. Only GLR has bTsan-thang Gong-ma'i ri as a mountain, all other sources properly perceive it as a plain: bTsan-thang sgo-hzhi (MNKB: Tsan-dan sgo-bzhi); cf. also Hoftinam. 1950. p. 147; Ferrari, 1958, pp. 52, 129, n. 281; ~ i e i n ,1959, p. 12; Haarh, pp. 272ff.; Hazod, 1991, p. 213. 367 MNKB E (Ca) 100a4; KCHKKHM-I 664.3-6; KCHKKHM-3 394.2-5; CHBYMTNYP 168b4169a4; MBNTH 25a6-26b3; DCHBY 10.17-19; CHBY 137bl (Szerb, p. 3-4); DTHMP 15b7. His son His son His son His son His son His son was Mu-khri btsan-po. Ding-khri btsan-po. So-khri btsan-po. Me-khri btsan-po. gDags-khri btsan-po. Srib-khri btsan-po. All these are called the seven [kings with the name-element] 'Throne' (khri) of the celestrial sphere (gnam).370 When the heirs-apparent successively were capable of commanding the bridle (chibs kha thub; ruling), The fathers, respectively, departed [heavenwards] via the[ir] mu-rope (muthug). Like a vanishing rainbow roaming [thither], it is also said. "These seven 'Throne'-kings had their tombs established in the celestrial sphere and Their divine bodies were without a [physical] corpse which had vanished like a rainbow."371So it is said. Further sources: pre-GLR: GBCHBY 232.17-18 (different context!); post-GLR: GBYTSH 92b2; MYDTH 172.13-173.4; BGRSPH 172.12-173.4. 368 *gloss: [ n i s king occured] when two thousand years had expired after Buddha's Nirvana. Cf. note 433 infra. 369 The mention of this famous castle at this point in the narrative Bla-ma dam-pa appears to have taken over from DTHMP 15b7, but is otherwise in the narrative unattested in GLR's (assumed) prime sources. For this ancient castle-palace, variously spelled Yum-bu (or 'Un-bu) bla-mkhar (or sgang) cf. Haarh, S.V.index. 370 Aside from the numerous lists of these seven 'Throne' kings (btsan po) of space (gnam) cited by Haarh, ref. note 354 supra, we may now add another list of pre-GLR sources: cf. Appendix, note 370. For the names of the kings and queens of the first group, cf. GBCHBY 243.18-244.5. 371 This description is in GLR retained in prose, but as it will be clear from parallel texts and from the study by Panglung, it is in fact part of an old metrical or versified narrative (mainly denoted gSang-ba yang-chung, but variously titled, cf. Panglung, 1988, op. cit., p. 351) sketching out the activities and in particular the tombs of the Tibetan kings; the text in GLR reads: s r m rnams kyis rim pa bzhin chib kha thub tsa nu O yab r n a m rim pa bzhin du nnu thug la bym [GLR A: 'khyaml n m [I] nam mkha ' la 'ja ' yal ba bzhin 'gro yang zer I khri bdun bang so nam mkha 'i dbyings la btab 0 lha 'i lus la ro med 'ja' ltar yal I zhes so. At an early stage in the transmission, the following piece of metrical (five-lined nine-and eleven-syllabic) narrative, reconstructed by me and by Panglung also, was metaphrased into prose: I srm mums kyis rim pa bzhin chibls] kha thub t.~ana I I yab r n a m rim pa bzhin du nnu thug la byas n m I I nam mkha' la 'ja' yal ba bzhin [du] 'gro yang zer I I khri bdun bang so nam mkha ' dbyings la btab I I lha yi lus la ro med 'ja' ltar yal I zhes so Cf. parallel: KCHKKKHM-1 665.1-2; KCHKKHM-2 84.16- 19; CHBYMTNYP 169b4-5; [Q [King Gri-gum btsan-pol The son of Srib-khri btsan-po was Gri-gum btw-po.)" He had three sons: Sha-khri, Nyakhri and Bya-khri. King Gri-gum btsan-po got his mind ensnared (bslus; i.e. went insane) by a gdon-demon. To a minister [of his] called Lo[ng]-ngam fla-rdzi [the ~ o r s e - ~ r o o m ] ~ ~ he ordered: 'You have to act as my adversary ('thabya)!" Lo[ng]-ngam replied: 'Why so, 0 ruler? I, a [mere] subject cannot be an antagonist to a ruler." However, having no power [to reject the challenge], he was forced to fight and a [propitious] day of the constellation svdtr (sa n) and vaiidkha (sa ga) [was chosen] as the time for combat. The king possessed a dog which was an incarnated [creature], a bitch (khyi mo) named 'Secret Ear [for] Hearing* gyi ma gsang ma).374It was sent my the king] to the place of [minister] Lo[ng]-ngam to listen [to his plans], but Lo[ng]-ngam [soon] recognized this [trick], and [therefore openly] declared: "On the third day (gnangs nyin) [from now] the king, without being accompanied by a host of warriors, will arrive [here] in order to kill me. Should he appear having bound a black silken turban upon his head, fixed a mirror onto his forehead, placed a fox-corpse (va ro)375upon the right shoulder and a dog-corpse upon his left, brandishing a sword around his head and [finally] had loaded a red ox with a sack of dust (thal sgro), then I shall be no match for him." [This was] accordingly reported to the king by the bitch. The king declared: "I shall an 372 373 374 375 MBNTH 26a3-4; further pre-GLR sources: GBCHBY 377.9-10; DCHBY 102.16.20; DTHMP 15b8-9; post-GLR: nJBCHBY 40.7-12; GBYTSH 93al-2; MYDTH 174.3-7; BGRSPH 174.3-5 (the source being titled 'Khor[-lo] sna-bdun). Haarh, 1969, pp. 118-119, and first and foremost Panglung, 1988, pp. 324-25 and 350-56. Gri-gum btsan-po. The present mythical narrative, rendered at different length in various sources, Buddhist, pre-Bon and Bon, is e.g. known from the following pre-GLR sources: KCHKKHM-1 665.5-668.2; KCHKKHM-2 84.19-89.2; CHBYMTNYP 169b6-172a6; MBNTH 2 6 6 6 ; DTHMP 16al-3; further pre-GLR: GBCHBY 244.6-248.6,375.16-20; DCHBY 159.16-163.1 1 (interesting version); post-GLR: YLJBCHBY 40.13-44.2; GBYTSH 93a3-96a4; HBCHBY (JA) 7a2-8a2 (citing mainly Ka-khol-ma, 7a2-7b2, which, however, in detail differs from the above KCHKKHM versions!, also reproduced Haarh, op. cir. , pp. 143-47). The most detailed version is given in KCHKKHM-2 (and the Ka-khol-ma citation in HBCHBY being more close to GLR), GBCHBY, GLR and YLJBCHBY (the latter mainly relying on GLR), although they differ in small, but telling details, and the narrative version in Dunhuang Ms. 250 (Bacot er a l . , 1940, esp. sect. 11-IV and V1, pp. 97-100, 123-28, also rendered Haarh, Appendix, I) shares in a few details elements with KCHKKHM-2. Cf. also Haarh, pp. 142-153, 330-331 ; Macdonald, 1971, pp. 196ff.; Karmay, 1972, pp. 66 er seq.; ffiyal-mo, 1985. It would be a rewarding task to dedicate a full comparative study to the various testimonies anent the mythical narrative of king Gri-gum btsan-po. Lo[ng]-ngam is rendered variously, Lo[ng]/Le/Li-ngam etc. W B C H B Y gives the full name Longam Byi-khrom and GBCHBY 375.18: Long-ngam Byi-ri. For his persecution of Bon, cf. Karmey, Treasury, pp. 58 er seq. Cf. also lately rTa-rngrin, 1987, pp. 96-106. 'The Secret Ear [for] Hearing'. Also KCHKKHM-1 and KCHKKHM cited in HBCHBY: Nyan [gyi] ma gsang, so also GBCHBY: Nyan sna gsang; DCHBY: Nyan gyi ma gsang rma; YLJBCHBY: Nyan gyi ma-bas ma. The element with the fox-corpse is only shared by GLR and the Ka-khol-ma version cited in HBCHBY. Both mKhas-pa IDe'u and IDe'u Jo-sras have a bird and an ape led on each of the horse. perform accordingly!" [On] the third day he did like that and Lo[ng]-ngam amved to the killing. [Lo[ng]-ngam] whistled (so sgra btab) and the red ox followed him. He [then] tore the dust-back [open] and [thus] made the dust whirl [around] whereby it filled the eyes [of the king]. The fox-corpse [made] the [king's] dgra lha vanish and the dog-corpse [made] the [king's] pho lha disappear. When the king [in dispair] brandished his sword around his head he [only] cut [his] mu-rope. Minister Lo[ng]-ngam subsequently aimed at the mirror on the king's forehead and he released his arrow which killed the king. The three sons of the king respectively fled to the [districts] of Kong-po, Nyang-po and s~o-bo.~~~ Minister Lo[ng]-ngam then usurped the power and appointed the [previous] king's queen as [the new] horse-groom and elected a princess as [new] consort (chung ma). The [dethroned] mother-queen [thus] went to tend horses and while asleep she dreamt that she had [carnal] union with a white man, an incarnated being of [the mountain-god] Yarlha ~ h a m - p oWhen . ~ ~ ~awakening from sleep, she observed [how] a white g.yag-ox rose from the pillow and departed. When eight months had expired, a clot of blood (khrag gong bu) about [the size of] a fist (lag mgo) and capable of quivering ('gul shes pa) was born to the mother-queen. About to throw it away, [she] felt pity [with it, recognizing] that it was her own Dlood and] flesh. As for its rearing, [she] stuffed it into the warm horn of a wild ox [g.yag-ox] ('brong ru dron) as it had neither mouth nor eyes at all, and wrapped it up in a [pair ofl solid (ngarpm) trousers.378When, after a few days had passed, [she] inspected it, it had turned into an infant. His name too became known as the 'Dzang gi bu Ru-la[s]-skyes [The Horn-born one] .379 376 KCHKKHM-1: Kong-po, Nyan-po and Li-yul; KCHKKHM-2: Kong-po, Khams-yul and gTsangyul; CHBYMTNYP: Kong-po, Nyang-po, s h - b o ; GBCHBY 244.12-246.6 which has an interesting note on the flight of the three sons and a sister: Kong-po, Nyang-po, sPu-po; MBNTH 26a6-26bl; DCHBY 103.110-19: Kong-po, Myang, s h - p o . Cf. also Haarh, pp. 150ff most generally: [r]Kong-po, Nyang-po and sPo-bo. The sister is in one tradition made Lo-ngam's new consort, whereas in the present one Longam takes a princess. 377 Only GLR (though followed by DTHMPSM) maintains that the white man was an emanation of the mountain-god Yar-lha sham-po, which may indicate that Bla-ma dam-pa here either draws from an unknown source, i.e. rGyal-rabs dPag-bsam ljon-shing? or from another (earlier?) version of the KCHKKHM, such as IHa-sa'i [b]Ka[']-tshigs chen-mo? Cf. further KCHKKHM-1 667.5-6; KCHKKHM-2 88.1- 14; (Ka-khol-ma cited in HBCHBY (JA) 7b5-7); CHBYMTNYP 171b4172a4; GBCHBY 246.7-9 has the son of a Naga. 378 This element with the infant being wrapped in a pair of solid trousers appears to be untraced from any of GLR's (parallel or prime) sources, the only hint is the name given to the miraculous infant, aside from Ru-las skyes (cf. next note), Ngar-[glblsos-polso, cf. GBCHBY 246.1 1-14; DCHBY 161.17; YLJBCHBY 43.4; GBYTSH 94b2; HBCHBY (JA) 7b6. 379 Cf. also KCHKKHM-1 667.7: 'Dre'i bu Ru-la skyes; KCHKKHM-2 88.5-17: 'Brong gi Ru-las skyes (this text wrongly identifies Ru-las skyes with sPu-de gung-rgyal, where most other texts consider him to be the prospective minister of s h - d e gung-rgyal); CHBYMTNYP 171b5- 172a2: 'Dre'i bu-pho Ru lham skyes and Blon-po Khu; HBCHBY (JA) 8b2: Khu-bo 1Ha-bu smon-bzung; YLJBCHBY 44.19-20: Khu-khu ITa [ = IHa]-bu smon-bzungs. In most of these texts the infant boy develops through different stages: First he is born without limbs, being inserted into the horn of a g.yag or a 'brong; subsequently, growing limbs (i.e. arms and legs) he is inserted into a shaft (lham gyi yu ba). More interesting is the epitethon, 'the wise son ' ('dzang[s] glyli bu; cf. similarly DCHBY When he had grown ten years old, he asked his mother: 'Whither have my father and brothers gone?" The mother told him in great detail the previous story and Ru-la[s]-skyes [succeeded] by various means to trace [and acquire] his father's corpse from [the river] Nyang-chu sk a-mo3'0 and [he subsequently] raised a tomb of the father in Dar-thang [04 'Phying-yul.3K1[Next,] he killed [the usurpator,] the minister Lo[ng]-ngam and [then] went to invite his three brothers [back from exile], but Sha-khri and Nya-khri did not yield to the invitation. They [now] acted as rulers of Kong-po and Nyang-po [respectively] and even to the present [day] [their] lineages are [to be] found [in these districts]. [However,] the son Bya-khri was invited from the country of sBo-bo and he settled down in Yar-lungs. He [there] built his personal fortified castle (sku d h r ) 'Phying-ba s ~ a ~ - r t s emu-la[s]-skyes] .~'~ 114.10-13; NGTMTPH 5a3-5 (Uebach p. 72): 'Dzangs pa 'Breng (from 'brong, wild g.yag?) gi bu; but GBYTSH 94b3: 'Jing gi bu), which reflects that he belongs to a well-known group of socalled seven wise men, or ministers, and that he is conceived to be the first of these seven wise ministers (Bod yul 'phrul chen mdzangs pa 'i mi bdun) during some of the early Tibetan mesdbon kings, who did wise deeds (mdzangs pa 'i las) cf. par excellence GBYTSH 163a6-163b5: I Bod du chos rgyal rnes dbon rim pas yis I I tnnga ' thang chub srid spyi mthun bsod nams las I I sprul pa 'i blon chen bzang la rnang po byon I I khyad par bod 'bangs byin la drin che ba 'i I I I I I 'dzangs pa mi bdun bya ba 'di ltar ro I bar pa spu de gung rgyal sku ring la I gcig tu 'dzangs pa chen po 'dzeng gi bu I rgyu [sic: ru] la skyes gyi ngar gsos bya ba yin I etc. Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 8b2-3; Haarb, 1969, pp. 121-25; Macdonald, 1971, pp. 224-25; Kamay, 1972, pp. 69-71 ; Uebach, 1987, pp. 27-28, 72-73, n. 264; Chab-'gag rTa-mgrin, 1989, pp. 105-113; Tshe-dbang rdo-rje, 1990, pp. 8-9. As corroborated in CLR, Ru-las skyes was in fact considered to be the minister of Bya-khri, his half-brother and the prospective king sPu-[llde gungrgyal . 380 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 7b3 (quoting Ka-khol-ma); GBCHBY 245.16: Myang-chu skya-mo. Cf. Kamay, 1982, p. 70. 381 1.e. 'Phying-yul Dar-thang; KCHKKHM-1 668.2-3: Brang-mo Bran-chul zom; KCHKKHM-2 89.1-2: Two kings (Gri-gum and sPu-lde) were buried on the slope-side (zom pa) and summit of the mountain [named] Drang-mo drang in the upper part of Yar-lung Valley; CHBYMTNYP 171b3, GBCHBY 247.10: Grang-mo grang-chung (mentioning to-day (i.e. the 12th century) its name is Grang-mo'i gNam-gser-tig); YLJBCHBY 44.5-6, GBYTSH 95bl-2, HBCHBY (JA) 8b23: Ngar-ra thang; DCHBY 162.12-13: 'Phyong-po Drang-mo Drang-chung; GBYTSH combines these names and states that the land was called Nga-ra thang and the corpse was hidden in 'Chongrgyas ( = 'Phyong-rgyas) Grang-mo grang-chung. For a proper evaluation of some of these locations, cf. Panglung, 1988, pp. 324-27. Cf, also note 396 inpa. 382 1.e. 'Phying-ba sTag-rtse, various readings: KCHKKHM-1 668.4-5: Byang-ba sTag-rtse; KCHKKHM-2 89.6: Phying-pa sTag-rtse; GBCHBY 247.18-19 and 248.12-6: During the Six Excellent kings the following six fortified castles or s k mkhar (nse drug) were built, one by each king: Phying-sa sTag-rtse, g.Yu-rtse; dBu-rtse; Khri-rtsig 'bum-stug; mThong-rtse; Phying-ha rTsedrug); DCHBY 163.6; CHBY 137b3 (Szerb, p. 5: 'Ching-bar stag-rtse); YWBCHBY 45.5: 'Ching-nga rTag-rtse; HBCHBY (JA) 8b7: 'Ching-nga sTag-rtse, etc. It should allegedly be located in Yar-lung Sog-kha (cf. note 43 1) according to Chab-spel, 1989@),p. 101. Cf. also Femri, 1958, p. 58, 130, n. 292; Haarh, s.v, index; Macdonald, 1971, pp. 223ff; Beckwith, 1987, p. 13. This embraced Bya-khri, the son of the mother and conjured the lha-gods and so a voice sounded from space [above]: "Your son will conquer Although it [was] said that this son would me more] victorious [than] anyone [else], [he] came to be famed as sPu-de gungrgyal.384 [mJ [King sPu-[llde gung-rgyal and Bon] This king seized the throne and Ru-la[s]-skyes acted as [his] minister. During the time of [this] king and [his] minister, the two, the g. Yung-drung [or Svastika-]Bon appeared.385The site, of great symbolic importance for the dynasty, was recaptured and inhabited in the post-dynastic period by Khri-chung, a scion of 'Od-srung, the son of Glang-dar-ma, the last king in the line, cf. note 1762 infra. 383 The only other version containing this prophecy is HBCHBY (JA) (probably citing or paraphrasing Ka-khol-ma) 8b6-7: I de tshe bar snang gnas pa 'i lha mums kyis I I khyod kyi bu de kun las rgyal 'gyur zhes I I brjod pas rhos pas de nyid mtshan du chugs I I 'bangs kyis sgra nyams pu de gung rgyal grags I From this piece of metrical narrative, the name of this mythical king h - d e gung-rgyal is explained to be a vocal corruption (sgra n y a m ) of the king's proper name Bu-de kun-rgyal, i.e. 'The Son Who Conquers All'. 384 sh-[llde gung-rgyal. KCHKKHM-1 668.1-2; KCHKKHM-2 88.12, 89.2-3; CHBYMTNYP 172a4-5; MBNTH 26a6-26bl: providing, inter alia, another etymology (cf. previous note): sPu bo [i .e. sPo-bo district] nas spyan drangs pas 0 sPu 'i rgyal po rtsan po zer ro I mtshan yang sPu rje g[dlung rgyal du grags so; GBCHBY 248.4-5: 'U-de gung-rgyal; DCHBY 103.14-15, 159.15-16: s h - d e gung-rgyal (maintaining inter alia that sPu-de gung-rgyal is the son of king Gri-gum btsanpo and queen Klu-btsun mer-lcam); NGTMTPH 2b7 (Uebach, p. 56): '0-ste spu-rgyal; CHBY 137b3 (Szerb, pp. 4-5); DTHMP 16a2. The studies focussing, wholly or partly, on this figure is enormous. Cf. first and foremost Haarh, s.v. index and ref. ; Macdonald, 1971, passim; Hazod, 1991; Chab-spel, 1984(a), pp. 1-4. 385 The mention of g.Yung-drung Bon or Swastika-Bon and the narrative of the early Bon we find also in other Buddhist sources, cf. KTHDNG (KHA) 115.6ff, HBCHBY (JA) 8b4ff. Most of the other [Buddhist] main sources cited above only give very scarce imformation on Bon during the time of sPu-[llde gung-rgyal. CHBYMTNYP 169b6ff. (followed later by Chos kyi nyi-ma's Grub-mtha' she1 gyi me-long, cf. citation in Haarh, pp. 102), however, has a very interesting passage dealing with the occurence of the gNam gyi rDol-Bon during the time of king gNam 'phru[l]-bo gzhung-btsan, (in fact, one of the eight later IDe-kings and the seventeenth king in the pre-historic line), maintaining that he is the son (sic!) of Sribs-khri btsan-po (the seventh king in this line, cf. Haarh, pp. 46-48). Here evidently the text is corrupt and the king must be identified with Gri-gum btsan-po, which is also later confirmed in the same text, 171b3. During his i.e. Gri-gum btsan-po's time, as said, the rDolBon (written 'Jol-Bon in the above Grub-mtha') occured, cf. here also CHBY 137b3 (Szerb, 1990, p. 4; Hoffmann, 1950, p. 293, Haarh, p. 102). Later Chab-nag srid-pa rGyu[d] kyi Bon occured followed by Gyer-Bon. Nyang-ral combines the first occurence of Bon with the narrative of the fight with minister Lo-ngam (i.e. during the eighth king and not the first gNya'-khri btsan-po, as usually Teacher called gShen-rab mi-bo3" was born at '01-mo'i lung-rings [in] sTag-gzigs. All the texts (chos) such as Khams chen-po brgyad 387 [etc.] were translated from the country [vld language] of Zhang-zhung and [subsequently] spread and propagated. Bon is divided into nine categories (rigs): the four classes of Cause 5 - - - s(rgvu 'i bon and five classes of Fruit [or Effect] Bon-po-s ('bras bu'i bon po). The five classes of Fruit Bon-po [include those] who had entered the rwn-plus-ultra (bla na med pa, *anuttara) Vehicle of g.Yung-drung [Bon]; [they] aim at attaining a body of heavenly bliss (bde 'gro mtho ris, *sugaritah-svarga). The four classes of Cause Bon-po [include those] sNang-gshen [Priests of the Mundane] endowed with the 'wool tuft' (bal thod); the 'Phrul-gshen [Priests of the Supramundane] endowed with 'wool-colours' (bal [mltshon); the Phy[v]a-gshen [Priests of the Phyva-gods or Prediction] endowed with a 'lot-diagram' (ju thig) and the Dur-gshen [Priests of the Tombs] endowed with 'weapons' (mtshon chu). The sNang-gshen [Bon-priests] endowed with the 'wool-tufts' (bal thod) summon lots @hy[v]a)390and lot-blessings (gyang), propitiate the lhu-gods and sman-spirits; generate prosperity and glory and [thus] enhance human riches (mi nor). The 'Phrul-gshen [Bon-priests] endowed with the 'wool-threads' (bal [mltshn) disperse thread-cross (mdos) and ransom (yas); establish srid and rten and [thus] eliminate all immediate and subsequent ('phral phugs) ominous factors ('gal rkyen). The Phy[v]a-gshen [Bon-priests] endowed with the 'lot-diagram' (ju thig) demonstrate the path leading to success [or] disaster, outroot [any] doubts as to veracity [versus] fallacy (yin min gyi the tshom) and explain the sullied paranormal knowledge (zag bcas kyi mngon shes, *s&.srava-abhijfld). The Dur-gshen [Bon-priests] endowed with 'weapons'([m]tshon cha) eliminate [all] obstructions [facing] the living ones, establish the graves of the deceased ones, suppress the smaller sri-demons, observe [and calculate] the star-constellation (rgyu skar) in the sky, tame the terrestrial 'dre-demons, let the rnga gshang drum sound. The power was controlled by sagas (sgrung) and enigmas (lde'u).391*392 assumed) and the eventual cutting of the 'od @i h a thug, the 'divine rope of light' connecting the btsan po with gnam, as described above note 372ff. See also the discussion with further ref. in Haarh, p. 100ff. 386 Only GLR (followed and more elaborated by HBCHBY in an important gloss, cf. previous note) introduces the founder of the Bon-religion, gShen-rab mi-bo here in the narrative and thus makes him an approximate contemporary of king sPu-[llde gung-rgyal. For the following Boo-exposition, cf. Hoffmann, 1950, pp. 200ff. ; Haarh, 1969, 100ff. 387 Cf. Kamay, 1972, pp. 92, 130, also called g.Yung-drung Khams-brgyad, a Bon scriptural pendant to the Buddhist Yum rgyas-pa; Hoffrnann, 1940, W M G 94, p. 170; Hoffmann, 1950, pp. 33 1-32 and passim for the following passage. 388 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 8b6. On Cause-Bon and Effect-Bon etc. cf. Snellgrove, 1967, pp. 9-1 1 et parsim; Karmay, 1972, pp. 18, 31 er seq. 389 Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 8b7-8. 390 Or summon the phyva-gods. 391 GLR has falsely Ire 'u, read lde 'u. As already commented by Kamay, 1972, p. 34 et passim; Uebach, 1987, op. cit. p. 57, n. 185, the introduction of sgrung, lde'u (bardic riddles; often mentioned together with bon) are dated differently by the Tibetan historiographers. Cf. e.g. GBCHBY 249.4-6; DCHBY 105.5-6, 163.6; YLJBCHBY 47.1-2 (associating these phenomena Further, [during their time] both charcoal (sol ba), the [residual] constituent (snyingpo) procured from burnt wood and glue (spyin) being the [residual] constituent resulting from melted hide (ko ba) appeared. And after iron-stone[s] (lcags rdo), copper-ore[s] (zangs rdo) and silver-ore[s] (dngul rdo) had been found [and exploited]. These three [metal-rich] ores were melted together with charcoal [whereby pure] iron, copper and silver were extracted,393 to the period during the five btsan-kings, about the twenty-fourth to the twenty-eighth king in the pre-historic line, cf. also other texts cited by Haarh, p. 107); DTHMP 16b3; KTHDNG (KHA) 450.7; YLJBCHBY 45.5-6; GBYTSH 95b6-96a1, 97al-2; HBCHBY (JA) 9a1, where the latter witness maintains that the systems of bon, sgrung and lde'u were written on the pillar-beams (gdung m u m ) in the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang temple in Lhasa; the sources for this is the Vita of the king, cf. e.g. KCHKKHM-2 254.1 1-256.10; KCHKKHM-3 463.2-3; CHBYMTNYP 269b1-2; GBCHBY 291.1-6. For details on these points, cf. here Appendix, note 874 infro. For further ref. on Me'u, cf. also Haarh, pp. 100ff. The power or royal authority (chub s r 4 was ruled by sgrung and lde'u; these two oral literary exponents of the g.Yung-drung Bon or of the gNam-gshen bon-po-s were intimately associated with the royalty of the sacerdotal Bon priesthood during king sPu-lde gung-rgyal and, possibly, later until, at least, the time of Srong-btsan sgam-po. Cf. Hoffmann, 1950, pp. 298-99ff.; Stein, 1959, pp. 419-37 and the Introduction to the present book. 392 *gloss: In the Bon-chronicles is it said that Bon disseminated during king gNya '-khri btsan-po and during the reign of king Gri-gum btsan-po Bon declined. During the reign of king sPu-de gung-rgyal Bon disseminated [again] and during king Khri-srong Me-btsan Bon vanished. Later, a Bon-priest (bla ma) named rNya-chen Li-sho-h-ra rekindled the flame of Bonfrom Khams, which then came to dBus-gTsang. A11 Bon-texts were unearthedfrom treasuries and Bon-po communities (sde) such as Ri-zhig, Dar-lding, dGe-lding, En-tsa-kha, bZangs-ri and Og-thang etc. were established, whereby the Bon-religion was made to spread. In Bon also there were three [stages in form ofl an Early, Intermediate and Later Spread. This or these chronicles, when this note should not be taken in a general sense, remain unidentified. Cf. foremost, on the persecution of Bon, Kannay, Treasury, passim. rNya-chen Li-sho ka-ra may most likely refer to sNya-chen Li-shu stag-ring, a mighty and fabulous figure (usually situated in the eighth century) in the Bon tradition, being a translator, progagator and sage, and acquiring an age of over 1200 years, cf, ibid. pp. 21 , 26, 56-57 et passim. For the Bon-centres of Ri-zhig = Ri-zhing, Dar-lding, dGe-lding, En-tsa-ka = dBen-[tlsa-kha?, bZangs-ri = bZangs-PO-ri, cf. Karmay, ibid. 133ff. PMKTH (Chap. 67, 400.1-4) also mentions the Bon-centres Yog-thang [ = Og-thang] which is being placed in the sKyid-shod area and the dBen-tsa-ka to be located in the gTsang province. 393 GLR reads: sol bas rdo gsum gzhu nas O dngul zangs lcags gsum bton I Read: I sol bas rdo gsum gzhu nas dngul zangs lcags gsum bton I This eleven-syllabic sentence was, as seen, originally written in verse and must be part of the following three eleven-syllabic versified lines in the text as verified in a number of parallel texts. It is part of a well-known versified eulogy lauding, inter alia, the wise acts of (seven ministers in all, here) the first Tibetan minister Ru-las-skyes (cf. note 379 supra), during the reign of sPu-lde gung-rgyal. This versified eulogy probably also contained verses describing the tombs of a number of successive pre-historic kings, cf. foremost the survey in Uebach, 1987, pp. 28-29; 70-77; Panglung, 1988, pcrrsim. Reminiscences of this metrical narrative is found scattered in various texts where the metrum (between nine- and elleven-syllable) and wording differ slightly; the oldest evidence is retained in By boring holes into wood, ploughs (gshof) and yoke-beams (gnya' shing) were manufactured. Grofting the two joints into a yoke [and attaching it to an ox] the plains were ploughed into [arable] fields. Water was conducted in channels [led from] the sea and the fields [were then] sown.394 Prior to that no agriculture (so nam) was practised. Father Gri-gum btsan-po and son sPu-de gung-rgyal were known as the two kings [with the name-element] 'Superior' of the 'Upper sphere' (stod kyi steng).395 The two 'Superior'-kings had their tombs established in the vegetationfree alpine stretch (g.ya') and in the rocky alpine mountains (rdza) [respectively].396 NGTMTPH 5a4-5 (Uebach, p. 72-73); GBYTSH 164b3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 8b2-4, all texts reproduced in Uebach, n. 266 (the first versified line quoted from HBCHBY (Uebach, n. 266) is misread by Uebach and should, to retain nine syllables, read: I rndzangs pa 'i las su shing bsregs sol ba byung I Cf. also DCHBY 163.6-1 1 ; DTHMP 16a3-4; MYDTH 174.13-15; BGRSPH 174.11-14. 394 Cf. previous note, these versified lines are part of a metrical narrative. Cf. also YLJBCHBY 45.79, GBYTSH 96a2-3; DTHMPSM 16a3 (not metrically). However, the only other texts which verbatim corroborate Bla-ma dam-pa's present quotation is DCHBY, loc. cir., p. 114.9-11 and BGRSPH 174.14-17, where the first work, when briefly mentioning the so-called 'wise acts' of the seven ministers (1 14.9-1 15.12), incl. minister Ru-la[s]-skyes, cf. note 379 supra, cites the two penultimate lines: I shing la bug pa phug nos gshol dang gnya' shing byas I I mthun gnyk gnya' ru bsdebs spang thang zhing du m s I 1 de 'i gong no bod la lo rhog med and the latter text, aside from the above two complete lines, adds: [I] rgya mtsho yur la drangs nus chu la z m pa 'dzugs I [I] de la sogs pa'i las thabs mang du byung I and thus confirms that this reading, when compared against the slightly deviating readings preserved in NGTMTPH, HBCHBY and GBYTSH (all cited by Uebach, 1987, pp. 28-29, 72). contain an early and equally original version. Further, the last line, preserved in DCHBY and GLR (reading zhing la so nam instead of bod la lo t[h]og)as a piece of prose, probably is part of yet another metrical line, as demonstrated by Uebach's citations. 395 Cf. Appendix, note 395. 396 The GLR A has g.ya ' dang rdza whereas the GLR B has gya ' dang spang, but the latter reading should most probably be reserved to the Legs drug kings. The preferred reading rdza dang g.ya' confirmed by parallel texts: GBCHBY 377.10-11 & DCHBY 103.17-18; DTHMP 16a4; YLJBCHBY 45.10; GBYTSH 96a4; HBCHBY (JA) 9a2; etc. Cf. first and foremost also Panglung, 1988, pp. 326-27. Incidentally, a certain inconsistency prevails as king Gri-gum btsanpo's tomb in most texts already has been described, cf. note 381 supra, and king Gri-gum btsan-po Ru-la[s]-skyes acted as the constructor (lag dpon) of their [tombs].397 The son of sPu-de gung-rgyal was A-sho-legs. His son was De-sho-legs. His son Thi-sho-legs. His son Gu-ru-legs. His son 'Brong-z[h]er-legs. His son I-sho-legs. These are known as the six 'Excellent Ones' of the 'intermediate sphere' (bar gyi legs drug).398 The tombs of the six Excellent Ones were established between the vegetation-free alpine stretch and the meadow stretch;399 [The array of] these [tombs] even resembles a full-fledged rainbow upon a meadow.400 The son of I-sho-legs was Za-nam zin-te. His son was 1De-'phrul [glnam-gzhung-btsan. His son Se-snol nam-lde. His son 1De-snol-nam. His son 1De-snol-po. His son 1De-rgyal-po. His son 1De-sprin-btsan. is usually also included among these two sTeng gnyis kings, which perhaps accounts for the fact that they are not mentioned in the KCHKKHM versions (though KCHKKHM-2 89.1-2 does mention that the two sTengs kings, i.e. Gri-gum and sPu-lde, were buried on the slopes and summit of the mountain called Yar-lung Drang-mo drang). Originally, like in previous cases, cf. note 371, the narrative was metrical and part of the text called gSang-ba yang-chung. We shall therefore reconstruct the prose of GLR into: I sreng gnyis bang so g.ya ' dong spang la brab I I de'i lag dpon ru la skyes kyis byas so I 397 Cf. also YLJBCHBY 45.10-1 1, here probably quoting GLR. Cf. previous note. 398 For further pre-GLR lists on the six kings with the name-element Excellent, cf. Appendix, note 398. 399 A part of the metrical narrative sketching out the various tombs of the kings, cf. next note. Further ref., aside from or in addition to those given by Panglung, are KCHKKHM-1 668.4: ba[ng] so Dan kar g. ya ' mang [ = spang] mrshams brab; KCHKKHM-2 89.6-7: bang so yang g. ya ' spang mtshams su btab; CHBYMTNYP 172b3: Don mkhar g.yal spang mtshams [su] brab; GBCHBY 377.11-12; DCHBY 104.4: g.ya ' spang m t s h m su bskyal bas dur der gdab par grogs; DTHMP 1 6 6 ; YLJBCHBY 45.16- 17: bang so g. ya ' spang mtshams su brab; GBYTSH 96a5; HBCHBY (JA) 9a5. As is seen a great consensus prevails. 400 Only HBCHBY (JA) 9a5 similar to GLR, citing it or paraphrasing a common source?, has retained this part of the metrical description of the tomb. Cf. Panglung, 1988, p. 326. These are known as the eight '1De' of the 'Terrestrial sphere' (so1 ido brRYad).q' The tombs of eight 'lDe'[-kings] were located in the middle of the river (C~U bopo2 [The array ofJ these [tombs] even resembles snow falling on a lake.403 The son of king 1De-sprin-btsan was Khri-btsan-nam. His son was Khro-dgra dpung-btsan. His son was Khri-de thog-btsan. These three are known as the three 'Mighty Ones' of the ' ~ n d e r w o r l d ' . ~ The tombs of the three Mighty Ones were established on the summit of the white glacier-mountains (gangs dkar n ~ e ) , ~ ' [The array ofJ these [tombs] too resembles mist enfolding (nu bun chags pa) around the glacier.406 401 For further lists cf. Appendix, note 401. 402 KCHKKHM-1 668.6: spur sham po 'i chu la skyur; KCHKKHM-2 89.11-1 2: bung so s h po 'i chu la btab; GBCHBY 377.12: Ide bdun [sic] dur sa chu bo'i gzhung lo blab; DTHMP 16a6; YLBCHBY 46.4-5; GBYTSH 96b2; HBCHBY (JA) 9a6. Cf. Panglung, 1988, pp. 328-29. 403 As seen previously, aside from GLR only HBCHBY (9a6) (and 'Jigs-med gling-pa's gTam gyi tshogs theg-pa'i rgya-mtsho, cf. Panglung, op. cir., pp. 328-29) has retained the same metrical description. 404 Cf. also note 370 supra and Appendix. The 'Mighty'-kings are sometimes numbered three, sometimes five, cf. the extensive survey by Haarh, chap. I, passim. GLR is one of the only texts discounting IHa-tho-tho-ri snyan-shal among the bTsan-kings, contrary to all his prime sources. For a discussion of bTsan gsum or bTsan Inga, cf. also HBCHBY (JA) IOb7-l la2. For a list see Appendix, note 404. 405 In addition to the list and ref. in Panglung, 1988. pp. 328-331, we may cite KCHKKHM-1 669.2: spur Bar pa thang du sbas re bang so sbra[ng?] 'dra ba 'byung; KCHKKHMd 89.15-16: dc'i bang so Dar ba rhang du brab 1 bang so so phung 'dra zhes zer ro; CHBYMTNYP 173a2-3: spur Ngar pa thang du brab ste B bang so tho1 phung 'dra ba byung; DCHBY 106.15-16: btsan Inga 'i m h a d pa dang dur yul 'Phyings lung Dar ba thang du btab ste gru bzhir ma shes par sbra 'dra ba 'i sa phung yod do; YLJBCHBY 47.18-48.1 'Phyongs lung Nga ra thang II brsan Inga 'i mchad pa sa phung sbra 'dra yod D phul med mchad pa gru bzhi mi shes skad. 406 NO other text which contains reminiscences of the metrical narrative of the royal tomb has this description, cf. previous note. [TVJ [King H a tho-tho-ri snyan-shal and the Secret gNyan pol The son of Khri-de thog-btsan was named 1Ha Tho-tho-ri ~ n ~ a n - s h aThis l . ~emanation ~~ of Samantabhadra safeguarded the royalty for eighty years. He raised a palace, a great residential fortification (sku mkhar chen po) of a [non-human,] non-erected and spontaneous [nature], [towering] atop the 'Um-bu glang-mkhar.408According to a prophecy [about this king] the Venerable One [Bhagavat] in Venuvana once [stated]: "As an auspicious portent (nen 'brel) for the propagation of the Teaching of Buddha in Tibet, the Kiiranda[vyiiha]siitra (mDo-sde Za-ma-tog [bkod-pa]), *Hrdaya Sadaksari (sNying-po ~ i - ~ e ' d r u ~ - spang-skong ~a), Phyag brgya-pa['i mdo], a 'cubit-s;z& gblden caitya, a terracotta drinking-bowl [inserted] with cintdmani-jewels and a seal, [all] hanging on a sunbeam (nyi ma'i 'od la 'grogs), fell from heaven onto the roof of the king's castle [accompanied by] a prophecy announcing from heaven: "In the fifth generation after you a king will emerge, who will understand the meaning of these [texts and relics]. ',409*410 The king [lHa Tho-tho-ri snyan-shall too thought that these [religious] relics (nen) were indeed marvellous. Without knowing what they were, he named them 'Secret gNyan-po' (gnyanpo gsang b ~ ) . ~[He] l ' placed them on a jewel-mounted throne and presented offerings to them. The benefit accuring from this [meritorious conduct] secured the king a youthful bodily skin again and he attained an age of one hundred and twenty years and he was known as "the one who attained two life-spans in one body. n412 This king introduced (dbu brnyes 407 Cf. note 356 supra and Haarh, pp. 84ff. Dunhuang Ms. 249 (Bacot et al., 1940, p. 82.15- 16) reads IHa Tho-do snya-brtsan. KCHKKHM-2 90.3-91.1 provides the etymology of his name. This text furthermore elaborates on his life and time, maintaining e.g. that the four domestic clans (nang gi mi'u rigs bzhi), the Se and sMu, the IDong and the sTong already at that time had divided Tibet into Four Horns. 408 MNKB E (Ca) 100b2, E (Cd) 184a5; KCHKKHM-1; KCHKKHM-2 91.2-3; CHBYMTNYP 173b4; DCHBY 105.13-14; CHBY 137b5 (Szerb, p. 5); post-GLR: YLJBCHBY 47.6-7; GBYTSH 9 7 6 6 ; HBCHBY (JA) 9b4-6; MYDTH 175.11-12; BGRSPH 175.8-12. 409 MNKB E (Ca) 100b2-6, E (Cd) 184al-b2; KCHKKHM-1 669-5-673.7; KCHKKHM-2 91.1095.'17; KCHKKHM-3 396.1-6; CHBYMTNYP 173b4-175b3; MBNTH 26b4-5; GBCHBY 249.1 119; DCHBY 105.12-14; BGR 197a6; NGTMTPH 7a4-7b3 (Uebach, pp. 85-87 where Nel-pa Pandita offers a more 'historical' or diverging narrative of the origin of the gNyan-po gsang-ba legend, cf. also DTHMPSM 17al-3; CHBY 137b5-6; DTHMP 16a8-9; PMKTH 343.1-8; postGLR: YLJBCHBY 47.3-17; GBYTSH 97a6-97bl; DTHNGP (I, 63.14-64.13, Roerich, I, pp. 3839); HBCHBY (JA) 9b5-7; MYDTH 175.12-18; BGRSPH 175.13-18, etc. For a fuller discussion cf. Appendix, note 409. 410 *gloss: It is said to be King Srong-btsan sgam-po. 41 1 Or 'The Secret Friend (gnyen po)', with an intentional word-play on gnyen po (Skt. mirra) versus gnyan po, where the latter represents some aboriginal mountainous spirits that functioned as the king's sku bla, etc. Spirits of paramount and crucial importance during this early part of the dynasty, being included, quite often, in the royal names, cf. Macdonald, 1971, pp. 299-300; Uebach, 1987, p. 87, n. 336. Cf. also note 356 for ref. and Szerb, 1991, p. 6. 412 @KB E (Ca) 100b6; KCHKKHM-2 96.4-6; CHBYMTNYP 175b2-3; MBNTH 27al-2; NGTMTPH 7b2; CHBY 137b6 (Szerb, p. 6 with further ref.); DTHMP 16bl; post-GLR: GBYTSH 97a4; HBCHBY (JA) 10b5; DTHMPSM 16b6; MYDTH 175.18- 19; BGRSPH 175.18. pa) the Saddharma [in ~ i b e t ] . ~ ~ ~ His tomb was installed in his own country, The name of his country was Dar-thang of 'Phying-lung; This tomb too is a heap of soil resembling a tent (sa phung ~ b r a ) . ~ l ~ The son of 1Ha Tho-tho-ri snyan-shal was Khri-snyan gzugs-btsan.415 He too paid the 'Secret gNyan-po' his respects and thereby [his] power increased greatly. His tomb was raised in Don-mkhar-mda', Resembling a heap of soil spread out (sa phung brdal ba) being without limit @hut).416 [v [sTag-ri gnyan-gzigs] r u . ~king ~ ~ took as ueen (btsun mo), one from the His son was ' ~ r a n ~ - s n ~ a n - l d e -This D[v]ag[s]-po [province] named mChims-bza' ~ l u - r g ~ a l '.. *[To ~ this royal s use] a blind (dmur long) son was born, wherefore he was called dMus-long d k ~ n - ~ a - b k r a . ~ ' ~queen] e mChims-bza' ~ l u - r ~was ~ ainitially l ~ ~very ~ beautiful, but later, however, [her body] grew 'I 413 Cf. note 356 supra. 414 Only GLR treats king IHa-tho-tho-ri snyan-shal as a distinct king outside the group of the five bTsan kings, cf. Haarh, pp. 40-41, and note 40445, supra. 415 Or Khri-snyan gzugs-btsan. Cf. KCHKKHM-1 674.6; KCHKKHM-2 97.1-2; KCHKKHM-3 396.6; CHBYMTNYP 176a3; GBCHBY 250.15; DCHBY 107.1; Dunhuang Ms. 249 (Bawt er al., 1940, p. 82.17): Khri-snya zung-brtsan. On him see Hoffmam, 1950, pp. 210, 317; Haarh, s.v. index. 416 Cf. also GBCHBY 377.13-15; YLJBCHBY 48.4-5; GBYTSH 98a3; HBCHBY (JA) 1la3 for this metrical piece. The term phul and phul med in connection with the tombs is still not satisfactorily accounted for, cf. the discussion in Panglung, 1988, pp. 328-31, nn. 32-33. My translation is certainly a pis-aller, based upon the fact that under the lexical entry phul, synonyms such as mrha' and khyad par are listed. But perhaps here is reference to a concrete entity, such as a 'present' or the like. 417 MNKB E (Cd) 184b3; KCHKKHM-1674.6-675.1; KCHKKHM-3 396.7; CHBYMTNYP 176a4; GBCHBY 250.21, 375.9-15; DCHBY 107.2. On this figure, cf. Hoffmann, 1950, pp. 158, 210, 299-300, 317; Haarh, 1969, pp. 335ff; Macdonald, 1971, p. 230ff. 41 8 *gloss: [She] was a nagi. Dunhuang Ms. 249 (Bacot et al. p. 82.19): mChims za Klu-rgyal Ngan-mo-mtsho. Cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 51; Macdonald, 1971, p. 231. 419 KCHKKHM-2 97.2-3; CHBYMTNYP 175b6-176b3; GBCHBY 25 1.9-15; DCHBY 107.1-6; YLJBCHBY 48.9-50.6. Cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 5 1 ; Macdonald, 1971, p. 23 1. 420 Only HBCHBY (JA) 1la4-7, aside from GBCHBY 250.21-252.3; DCHBY 107.2-108.2, has retained the story, and even in more detail than GLR, of this royal couple and their blind-born prince. livid and emaciated (sngo la rid pa). The king [being puzzled,] asked: "Once you were extremely beautiful, [so] if it is not illness (nu ba) [which has caused your] present condition then what is it?" She responded: "The reason appears to be the lack of a [certain kind of] nourishment found in my native country but lacking in this place." [To this] the king rejoined: "Well, by all means this nourishment must be purchased and partaken of!" Thereupon a trustworthy female-servant (g.yog mo dam pa) was dispatched in order to fetch this [special] nourishment. There she boiled many corpses of tadpoles in butter, and having loaded many pack-animals, she returned, whereafter the loads of nourishment were hidden in a trove. Being [thus] made invisible to any [other] human being [she] would clandestinely partake of it and her body would [again] regain its full splendour and brightness. The king thought: "This nourishment indeed is benevolent, I too must partake of it." Once when the queen was absent, he opened the door to [the store-house] with a reservekey (lde tshab) and went inside. Inside the store-house he found so many leather-bags (rkyal pa) of butter-roasted corpses of tadpoles that he [began] to entertain [some] misgivings (mum rtog [Due to this traumatic scepticism] the king was ill-stroken with leprosy (snyung du mdze). Subsequently, the king and the queen, the two, were buried alive in the tomb. The testament left behind to the son proclaimed: "[Remember] to present offerings to the 'Secret gNyan-po', the tutelary object of [our] ancestors; summon a physician from the country of 'A-ci [= ' ~ - z h a and ] ~ when ~ ~ your eyes have been opened [i.e. the blindness cured], assume control of the royal power!" The tomb of 'Brong-snyan Ide-ru was erected at Zhang-mda', The tomb's name too was 'The Circular [Tomb] consigning the Living'. So it is said.423 Then dMus-long dkon-pa-bkra reverently paid the 'Secret gNyan-po' his respect by presenting offerings, summoned the physician [from 'A-ci] who [eventually had] his eyes opened, whereafter he observed the gnyan-deer424walking about on the mountain sTag[mo-]ri [in] s ~ ~ i d - s h o dFor . ~ ~this ' reason he became known as sTag-ri gnyan-gzigs.426 421 Cf. also GBCHBY 25 1.7,252.1; DCHBY 107.6;HBCHBY (JA)1 la6: nog pa zos, rnam rtog skyelza, usually means to produce or entertain ideas, concepts etc. or rather to give way to speculations, and not infrequently with the added sense of misgivings and second thoughts. Cf. also Macdonald, 1971,p. 23 1. 422 Cf. GBCHBY 251.17;DCHBY 107.16;YLJBCHBY 49.15;HBCHBY (JA)1 la6: 'A-zha 'i yul, i.e. Tu-yu-hun. Cf. Macdonald, 1971,p. 232-3;Uray , 1978;Beckwith, 1987,p. 17.The ethnonym 'A-ci in GLR is perhaps a reminiscence of A-chai, the Chinese name of these Mongolian-speaking nomadic or tribal peoples. 423 Cf. GBCHBY 25 1.14-16,377.16-17;DCHBY 107.13-14: Yar lung Zhang mdar m c h d pa bnsigs te rje 'bangs gsum ka gson por bang sor gshegs so; YLJBCHBY 49.19-50.1; GBYTSH 98b5; HBCHBY (JA) 1 lbl. Cf. also Panglung, 1988,pp. 330-333. 424 Cf. CHBY 138al-2;DTHMP 16b2;and also GBCHBY 25 1.18:Don &or gyi nse la gnyan 'gro ba mthong bas; DCHBY 107.16-17;YLJBCHBY 50.4;HBCHBY (JA) 1 lb2: sTag mo'i ri la ri dvags gnyan gzigs. Cf. Macdonald, 1971,p. 356. 425 Cf. Wylie, 1962,p. 109. sTag-ri gnyan-gzigs passed away when he reached the age of forty. His tomb was erected at Don-mkhar-mda', Located to the left of [the tomb ofJ Khri-snyan gzung-btsan; Also this resembles a heap of soil spread out and without end (phul [VTJ [gNarn-ri srong-btsan] The son of sTag-ri gnyan-gzigs was gNam-ri ~ r o n ~ - b t s a n During . ~ ~ ' the time of this king, [the art of] medicine and divination were introduced from China. The [kingdoms] of rGya and Gru-gu were conquered.429 Salt was found in the northern [districts]. The fortification Khri-brtsigs 'bum-brdugs was built. He held control of the the kingdom for sixty years before he passed away. His tomb was built at Don-mkhar-mda', Located to the right of [the tomb of] Khri-snyan gzung-btsan; It was wide in extent @hul and it [i.e. the edifice] had [the form of] a cartJscapula (sog W U ~ ) ; ~ ~ Its name too is said to be Gangs-ri ~ o ~ - k hSo a it. ~is ~said. ~ 426 On sTag-ri gnyan-gzigs; cf. MNKB E (Cd) 184b5; KCHKKHM-1 675.1; KCHKKHM-2 97.2, KCHKKHM-3 396.6; c H B Y T ~ ~ ~ Y 176a4-b4; P GBCHBY 252.18; DCHBY 107.17: sTag-gu gnyan-gzigs or sTag-khu snyan-mthong. Cf. also Haarh, 1969, pp. 334ff. 427 Cf. also GBCHBY 377.19-20; YLJBCHBY 50.11-14; GBYTSH 99a3; HBCHBY (JA) 1 lb6; Panglung, 1988, pp. 332-33. For the enigmatic term phul med, cf. note 416 supra. 428 Cf. KCHKKHM-1 Chap. VI,674.6-677.5; KCHKKHM-2 Chap. V1,96.1-100.10; KCHKKHM-3 396.7-398.2; GBCHBY 252.4-1 2; DCHBY 198.3-6; YLJBCHBY 50.15-51.8. Recorded in the Dunhuang Ms 242 and the Chronicle with the name (e.g. 82.20, 101.6, 106.5): Slong-btsan rlung-nam, Khri-slong-btsan, gNam-ri slong-btsan. Cf. also Aris, 1980, pp. 6475; Uebach, 1987, pp. 109-111. 429 Taken over from DTHMP 16b3, but see already GBCHBY 252.5-6: mrho 'i rgya drug gru gu dung hor gsum brul followed by DCHBY 108.4-5. Cf. also Panglung, 1992. GruIDru-gu is the standard Tibetan generic ethnonym for the Turks. 430 Cf. note 416 supra. Tentative translation; cf. Panglung, 1988, nn. 32 and 36; GBCHBY, YLJBCHBY and GBYTSH have phul skyes and phul skyed. 431 Uncertain translation, mine is a pis-aller. The term may most convincingly refer to a chariot, cf. note 23 above. See the note in Panglung, loc. cit. pp. 332-333, n. 36, where he, not unconvincingly, argues for the possibility that Sog[s]-kba is a proper place-name. Corroborated e.g. by CHBYMTNYP 251al: Yar-lungs Sog-ha; GBCHBY 254.20: yul Yarlung Sog-kha. It is in fact a well-known place-name and an ancient religious centre documented from Bon-sources, cf. Karmay, 1972, pp. 33, 40, 63, 101. See also Chab-spel, 1989, pp. 42-43 also called Yar-khyim Sog-kha. Cf. also note 382 supra. 432 KCHKKHM-2 100.7-9 interestingly has rGyal po gNam ti srong baan gyi bang so dgu rim sogs kn b y a ~nas yar lung don dknr gyi ri la btab po; KCHKKHM-3 398.3: bang so dgung ri sogs kha Dya ba I don khar gyi bdan sa hrtsigs ste phul bas de shes so; YlJBCHBY 5 1.8-11 has gNam ri srong btsan mchad pa Don mkhar mda '. ......de nus phul skytd bmigs pas sogs Mar yod I ming Thus it is [to be] stated with certainty that the very foundation of all happiness and covered [in all] twenty-seven prosperity, i.e. the progeny of the Tibetan kings*") generations [counting] from the Lord gNyal-khri btsan-po until 1Ha Tho-tho-ri snyan-shal [and that these] lasted for five hundred years.434 Nevertheless, since none of these king[s] were [directly] associated with [the introduction ofJ Dharma, I have refrained from giving [their vita] in greater details. "During the time of 1Ha tho-tho-ri snyan-shal Saddharma took its beginning (dbu bmyes). H e attained the age of one hundred and twenty years. [From him] until gNam-ri srong-btsan, [in] the fourth generation, one hundred and eleven years passed." S o it is explained in the Ka-tshigs ~ h e n - m o . ~ ~ ' This [exposition] is [only] an abbreviated outline, so should anyone want a detailed ~ ) ~bKa'-cherns Ka-khol-ma description, [they] may look it up in the Ka-tshigs ~ h e n - r n o , the yang gung ri sogs kha lags so skad; GBYTSH 100a2; HBCHBY (JA) 12a3. Cf. also Panglung, 1988, pp. 332-335 and previous note. 433 *gloss: In the Supreme Elucidation of [A14 Knowable [Topics] (Shes-bya rab-gsol) it is stated that the Ruler gNya'-Wtri btsan-po appeared when nyo thousand years had expired after Buddha's Nirvana and when two thousandfive hundred years had expired, [king] 1Ha no-tho-ri snyan-shal appeared. The author of this gloss (Bla-ma dam-pa?, also cited DTHMPSM 18a3) seems to be confounding, qua simple combination, two consecutive, but different passages in SHBRS 18b619a2, where it is merely adduced (at least in the version handed down to us) that more than one thousand years after Buddha's nirvana, the first Tibetan king gNyal-khri btsan-po appeared and after twenty-six generations king IHa Tho-tho-ri snyan-shal made his appearance. Hereafter follows in SHBRS a celebrated prophecy concerning Tibet embodied in Bu-mo [ = IHa-mo] Dri-ma medpa byin [sic; read: 'od kyis] lung-bstan-pa'i mdo, i.e. Vimalaprabhivy~ar;il~asiitra or VimaladevivyHkarana[siitra] (not preserved in the Canon; cf. Thomas, 1, 1935, p. 139), proclaiming that two thousand five hundred years after Buddha's nirvana his Teaching will appear in the land of the red-faced. This siitra-quotation has always been much cherished by Tibetan Buddhist historiographers and is found cited in numerous places and treatises. Unfortunately, the text in question has not survived in the Tibetan Tripitaka. The text embodied in the Buddhist canon, i.e. KG, P. 835: ~ i m a l a ~ r a b h i ~ a r i ~ ~ c c h H(Dri-ma - s l t r a med-pa'i 'od kyis zhus-pa'i mdo) does not contain the above prophecy and we have grounds to assume that the IHa-mo Dri-ma med-pa'i 'od kyis zhuspa'i mdo (perhaps with slightly varying titles, such as IHa-mo 'Dri-ma med-pas zhus-pa'i mdo; cf. e.g. CHBYMTNYP 175a5-6; GBCHBY 250.8-10) once existed in different versions, among which one probably contained this celebrated prophwy, or that, at some early point, at the inception of thephyi-dar period, a titular confusion among Tibetan historians took place between these almost similar-titled siitra-s, confounding the Vimalaprabhi [or: devqvyikarana with the ditto pariprcchl, while both texts probably were replete with prophecies, such as anent Khotan, cf. ~ m m i r i c k ,1967, pp. 74-75 and HBCHBY (Chin. ed. 11, 1383.8-9, 1388.17-18). For further discussion, cf. Macdonald, 1971, pp. 192-93 and Uebach, 1987, p. 157, n. 1059. 434 From IHa-sa'i bKa'-tshigs chen-mo, also cited HBCHBY (JA) 6a5. Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan's BGR 198a2-3 and Nel-pa's NGTMTPH 5b4 (Uebach, pp. 74-75) have twenty-six generations and the years elapsed were 666 or 660 respectively. 435 1.e. probably IHa-sa [hJKa[']-tshigs chen-mo [or Ka-khol-ma], cf. DTHMP 15b3; parallel in HBCHBY (JA) 6a5; cf. similarly Haarh, 1969, p. 174; Macdonald, 1971, pp. 194-5. 436 Cf. previous note. If this title refers to the IHa-sa [h]Ka[']-tshigs chen-mo [Ka-khol-ma], it then probably refers to an expanded version of KCHKKHM with diverging contents since they are both listed here. and in the rGyal-rabs dpag-bsam ~ o n - s h i n ~ . ~ ~ ~ A Description of how the First Tibetan Royal Lineage Mode its Appearance. 437 Currently non-extant. Written by a certain (Bon-po?) Byang-ji ston-pa Shes-rab'bum in 1286 A.D. (me pho khyi), cf. DTHMP 215-7, YLJBCHBY 51.1 1-15, containing, inter olio, highly important chronological data and historical genealogical lists. As IYTHMP mentions, the author of this chronicle, when writing his work, gathered many historical sources and then consulted a certain dPag-thog-pa Rin[-chen] rdo-rlje], who, Dungdkar declares, loc. cit., 1981, p. 335, n. 260, himself was the author of a work entitled mNga'-ris La-dvags kyi rgyal-rabs lo-rgyus (not identical with the work edited by Francke). Cf. also Vostrikov, 1962, S.V. index; Macdonald, 1963, p. 153; Uebach, 1987, p. 35, nn. 106-108. The Birth of the Dharmariija [Srong-btsan sgam-pol from the Emanation of Four Rays of Light Issuing from the Body of Arya Avalokita ~ e x t , having ~ ~ ' realized that the time for converting the sentient beings of the Snow-clad country of Tibet had come, Arya Avalokita let four rays of light issue from his body,439viz. one ray of light emanating from his right eye, headed [southwards] to the country of Nepal enfolding the entire Nepalese country in light, [whereby] not only the Nepalese king Deva-lha [i.e. Devadeva] was covered in light, but also the town of Kho-bom [i.e. ~ a t h m a n d u ] , ~ ~ ~ [with the royal] ndga-palace. Thereafter the [various] rays of light gathered and entered the womb of the queen of Deva-lha. And so when nine or ten months had expired (zla ba dgu ngo bcu lon pa nu), a most extraordinary princess (lha gcig) was born, a princess out of this world, born with a body being endowed with a white body-colour appearing with a beaming ruddy complexion and with a countenance exuding a scent of yellow sandalwood (haricandana) and [moreover equipped with the endowments fully] mastering (mnga' bmyes) all the oeuvres of sciences (vidydidstra): This was the Nepalese princess (bal mo bza ') Khri-bts~n.~' Again, a ray of light issued from his left eye taking direction towards China, where it covered the entire country of China, enfolding [thereby] not only the Chinese [Tang-]emperor Ta'i-dzung [i.e. Tai-zong] in light but also the imperial residence Zim-shing ~ h r i - s ~ o . ~ Thereupon the rays of light gathered and entered the womb of the empress of the Chinese emperor. Then when nine or ten months had expired, a most extraordinary princess was [similarly] born, a princess being out of this world, born with a body being endowed with a bluish bodily hue appearing with a beaming ruddy complexion, her countenance exuding a [fresh] scent of the blue lotus and [she too had the endowments] mastering all the oeuvres 438 This short chapter recounts briefly the mythological narrative of king gNam-ri smog-btsan, being part of the larger biographical narrative dedicated Dharmarsja Srong-btsan sgam-po. Parallel texts: MNKB E (Ca) 101a2-102a2; KCHKKHM-1 Chap. VI, 674.6-677.5; KCHKKHM-2, Chap. VII, 97:l-100.10; KCHKKHM-3 Chap. VI,396.6-398.3; CHBYMTNYP 176b4-181b2. These versions are, as we have already seen in the previous chapters, grosso mod0 congruous. A part of the narrative, when not the entire account, may plausibly have existed in a prose and a metrical version, as (part(s) of) the mythological narrative is found in a versified, poetical version in e.g. HBCHBY, cf. e.g. the next note. Nevertheless, as to the prose-version, KCHKKHM-2 and CHBYMTNYP provide us with the most detailed and verbatim congruous account. 439 This part of the narrative on the cult of Srong-btsan sgam-po, describing the issuing of rays of light from Arya AvalokiteSvara, which struck down on and enlightened the Nepalese capital, the Chinese capital and the royal palace of gNam-ri srong-btsan, i.e. Byams-pa mi-'gyur-gling, the triad, and which thereby led to the birth of the two princesses and of Srong-btsan sgam-po etc. are all conspicuously absent from all the usual major prime sources of GLR referred to in the previous note (at least in their present editions at our disposal). However, this part of the mythological exposition is found, as we have already seen in the previous chapters, preservd in a metrical account on the royal period (on this, cf. Panglung, 1988, passim) embodied at great length in HBCHBY (JA) 13a5-15a2. The slightly more detailed prose-version preserved in GLR and the metrical version in HBCHBY are also here markedly congruous and suggests that Bla-ma dam-pa's citation here merely reflects the existence of a prose-version of this narrative which has been in circulation alongside the metrical version. 440 HBCHBY (JA) 13a6: Kho-phom. 441 Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 14a2-3 and chapter XI1 infra. 442 Zim-shing khri-sgo, cf. note 123 supra, where we also find the reading Ke-shi[ng] khri-sgo (i.e. entrance to the imperial throne), all reflecting Ch. jingshi, 'city', i.e. Chang-an. HBCHBY (JA) 13a7: Zim-shi'i yul. of sciences: This was the Chinese princess (rgya mo bza') Kong-jo [i.e. Wencheng ~ o n ~ z h u443 ]. Again, a ray of light issued from his countenance [and heading for] the snow-clad country of Tibet, it struck down on the precipitous gorge path ('phrang), where the water [of the river] rushed against the rocks, whereby [it instantly] was transformed into the Dharmaya, i.e. [an inscription of?] the Six-syllabic [formula, that is the] 'Secret gNyan-po' converting [this] barbarous borderland. This [inscription] was [subsequent1 known] as the Six-syllabic [formula] of the [place named] Upper Gorge (Yar-'phrang). 4 4 1 Again, a ray of light emanated from the heart [of Arya-~valokite~vara] and went to the Snow-clad kingdom, enveloping the entire Snow-capped Country of Tibet in light, whereby not only [the place] sBra stod-tshal [of] ~ar-[b]snon"~was covered in light, but also the palace Byams-pa mi-'gyur-gling.446[Finally] king gNam-ri srong-btsan was enfolded in light 443 Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 14a3-4 and chapter XI11 infra. 444 MNKB E (Ca) 109b6, WAM (G) 30a4: Gye-re'i brag (yig 'bru rang byung) = KCHKKHM-2 288.3-4 = CHBYMTNYP 283b6 = HBCHBY (JA) 62b3; KCHKKHM-1696.1; KCHKKHM-2 125.7-8: Gye-re Yar-'phreng; DCHBY 108.15-16: Yar-'phreng; KTHDNG (KHA), 221.19-20: Yar-'phreng. Precise location remains to be fixed, but Bu-ston, CHBY 148b6, 149b3 (Szerb, pp. 65, 69) mentions, inter alia, a Gye-re Iha-khang. Cf. also Tucci, 1949, pp. 254, 626 and p. 682, n. 58, locating Gye-re to the south-west of Lhasa, along the bank of gTsang-po; cf. Szerb, p. 69, n. 21 ; HBCHBY (JA) 13a7, 62b3 and NGTSH (CHA) 145.2 (= 5a3): Gye-re'i Yar-'phreng, i.e. Yar-'phreng [of] Gye-re. For Gye-re, cf. also note 863. During the time of king gNam-ri srong-btsan silver-ores were found at Ge-ri'i brag and at the slaty slopes (rdza) of 'Phreng-po copper-ores were traced, cf. KCHKKHM-2 97.12- 13. Further, tradition attributes to Tsong-kha-pa the rediscovery at dBus-stod Gye-re in the sTod-lung Valley of chang drinking vessels, pots which were treasury- or gter-ma-wise hidden by Srong-btsan sgam-po; cf. Vitali, 1990, p. 84, n. 4. Cf. also Uebach, 1987, p. 92 n. 399, but mainly note 456 infra. 445 NGTMTPH 5b5 (Uebach, pp. 76-77) in a gloss has sGra-stod-tshal; HBCHBY (JA) 13bl and DTHMPSM 18al (Tucci tr. p. 145) similar to GLR (prob. quoting it) both read: Yar-snron sBrastod-tshal, i.e. sBra-stod-tshal of the Yar-sn[r]on district; Nyang-ral in CHBYMTNYP 198b5, 199b3-4 and MBNTH 39a2, relating the same story (cf. note 454 inpa), also gives sBra-stod-tshal of sNon. MNKB E (Ca) 109a5 and b6 resp. has Brag-stod-tshal and sNron-mda' sGra-stod-tshal, E (Cd) 193aj: sBra-stod-tshal of gNod-sbyin (i.e. belonging to the Yaksa-s!). sBra-stod-tshal as the pho brang of the father in sKyid-shod was actually an important historical site. For a fuller discussion, cf. Appendix, note 445. 446 lkl?iKB E (Ca) 101a4, E (Cd) 185a3; KCHKKHM-2 97.10-12; 98.6-7: pho brang Byams-snyoms mi-'gyur; KCHKKHM-3 396.7-397.1, 475.1-2 (the latter quote appears to identify pho brang Byams-pa mi-'gyur with Khra-'brug); CHBYMTNYP 176b5-6, 287a2-3; MBNTH 27a6; CHBY 138a2 (gloss, cf. Szerb, p. 7, n. 15); GBCHBY 294.17; DTHMP 16b3-4; KTHDNG (KHA), (Chap. XIII) 145.15-16, 147.8-10: Byams-pa mi-'gyur gtsug lag khang chen was raised by the king; (Chap. XIV) 147.9-10: thog mar mi 'gyur byam pa'i gtsug lag khang II g.yu ru Khra 'Drug ...; GBYTSH 100a5; DTHMPSM 18a2; HBCHBY (JA) 39al-2. Byams-pa mi-'gyur [gling] is the famous residence and palace of the king, which, it appears, according to some sources, was just another name for the Khra-'brug vihdra in the Yar-lung Valley, cf. foremost dPa'-bo's HBCHBY, arguably the oldest temple in Tibet and raised during the time of Srong-btsan sgam-po. Khra-'brug is one of the twelve geomantic temples to pin down the supine ra&asi(cf. note 836, Chap. XIV infra). Cf. also Nel-pa, NGTMTPH 8a5 and dPal-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 13bl-3. It thus cannot be excluded that the king was actually born in this palace. Some confusion still prevails since we have two names for this palace: Byams-pa mi-'gyur and Byams-snyoms mi-'gyur. Against identifying the Khra-'brug Byams-palsnyoms mi-'gyur as the also. Thereupon the rays of light converged and entered the womb of 'Bri-bza' Thod-dkarma,M7 the queen of king gNam-ri srong-btsan whereby auspicious signs filled all the ten directions. Then as nine or ten months had expired a most distinguished son was bornM8 in the royal palace of Byams-pa mi-'gyur-gling in a fire-female-ox year.M9 He was born with Buddha Amideva [i.e. Amitiibha] poised as head[-ornament], his arms and feet marked with ~ ~ ~with sapphire-blue head-hair. [He] was the 'wheel' [of the Law] ( [ d h a r m a ] ~ a k r a )and blessed by the Buddhas, the Bodhisattvas expressed their mcutgala, the gods had a shower of rain falling and the earth shook in six directions. In this respect three [different] modes of perceiving (mhong lugs) [this extraordinary event]451 appeared: In the view of the Buddhas of the ten directions, [this event, metaphorically speaking, was nothing but] Arya-~valokitawho, perforce of the impact of [his] previously [sworn] aspiration-prayer (pranidhdna), had brought the sentient beings of the Snow-clad Country of Tibet to ~ a t u r i t yand Liberation whereafter this barbarous birth-place of the king is the location of BragIsBra-stod-tshal (cf. previous note) which most certainly must be situated in the Mal-gro region. For further discussion of this interesting problem, cf. Appendix, note 446. 447 MNKB E (Ca) 101a4, E (Cd) 185a3-b2: Tshe sPong-bza'am 'Bri bza' thod-dkar; KCHKKHM-1 675.2; KCHKKHM-2 98.7-8,98.17: Tshe-srong bza' 'Bri-mo thod-dkar; KCHKKHM-3 396.7397.3; CHBYMTNYP 176b5-6: Tshe-sPong za [ = bza'] 'Bring-mo za [ = bza'] thod-ga [ = dkar]. pre-GLR: BGR 197bl: Tshe-spong bza' 'Bri-ma tog-thi; MBNTH 27d-6; DCHBY 108.7; NGTMTPH 3aS (Uebach, pp. 58-59); CHBY 138a2 (Szerb, p. 7, M. 12-13); post-GLR: n J B C H B Y 51.15-16; HBCHBY (JA) 13b2. Dunhuang Ms. 249 (Bacot et. al. p. 82.22): Tshes-pong za 'Bring-ma thog-dgos. On this figure, cf. Haarh, s.v. index; Aris, 1979, pp. 64-66, 72-75. 448 Cf. MNKB E (Ca) 101bl-6, (Cd) 185b2-186a6;KCHKKHM-1676.3-5; KCHKKHM-2 99.6-10; K C H ~ K H M - 3397.3-7; CHBYMTNYP 177b2-178al. 449 Cf. note 446; BGR 198a3; NGTMTPH 5b5 (Uebach, pp. 76-77); CHBY 138a2 (Szerb, p. 7); DTHMP 16b4; GBYTSH 100aS; HBCHBY (JA) 13b2; DTHMPSM 18al; DSYML 57.5ff. Only CHBYMTNYP 177b2, among GLR's usual or assumed prime or earlier parallel sources, corroborates in its narrative this date (and even adds that he was born in the third month of this year), which generally is conceived to correspond to 557 A.D. or 617 A.D. As already discussed by Tucci, 1947, and by Uebach, 1987, pp. 29-30, the chronological data transmitted in the Tibetan Buddhist historical sources are beset with a number of serious defects which shall prevent US from establishing factual, historically well-founded dates. Srong-btsan sgam-po's birth-year has perpetually stimulated great controversies among Tibetan historians, and the opinions are many and diverging, and so also the number of modern studies dedicated the unravelling of this chronological knot. We find no indication of his birth-year (but of his death-year, cf. the note 1046) transmitted in the usual Vita-sources of the king (e.g. F K B , KCHKKHM), and first with Nyang-ral and the Sa-skya-pa scholars were attempts made to establish the chronology of the dynastic figures. AS may be adduced from most sources the king passed away at between eighty-two and eighty-five years of age. Now, assuming the king was born in 557 A.D., this would place the death of the king around 637-642 A.D., which only barely corresponds with the correct 649 A.D. In the final analysis we shall opt for 569-649 A.D., see note 1046 for further discussion. 450 Cf. also CHBYMTNYP 177b3; HBCHBY (JA) 13b3-4. Cf. also the notes 866 and 1073 infra. 45 1 Y K B E (Ca) 101b6-102a1, (Cd) 185a6-b2; KCHKKHM-1675.7-676.3; KCHKKHM-2 98.1899.5; CHBYMTNYP 177a4-6; HBCHBY (JA) 13b5-6 (metrical, but corresponding with GLR), whereas the other prose-versions differ somewhat. borderland here had become like a flashing lamp [illuminating] a dark and obscure place[, wherefore Tibet became] regarded as a Continent of Jewels. In the view of the Bodhisattvas of the ten stages (daiabhami) [this event similarly] was viewed as Arya-~valokitatransforming himself into an incarnated king in order to guide to Dharma the sentient beings of the Snow-capped Country [of Tibet], a barbarous borderland, and [subsequently] to promote the welfare of the sentient beings by converting each according to individual disposition. [Finally,] in the eyes of the common people (mi nag rha ma1 ba) [the incidence] was [nothing but] the birth to the king of a wonderous being, a prince without peer. When the prince grew up, [the child] became well-versed in [the skill of] handicraft (bzo, kaman), mathematics (rfsis pa, gananll), crafts and sport (sgyu nsal, Silpa) and the five sciences (rig pa 'i gnus, vidydsrhdna)'[thus] becoming a talented personage. This made the ministers utter: "This lord of ours is [indeed] multi-talented and [moreover endowed] with a profound mind." And so [his] name became known as Srong-btsan sgam-po [The Rightous Mighty Profound When the [prospective] lung attained the age of thirteen, the father passed away and [the heir] assumed the throne.453 By now,454the Dharmarsja Srong-btsan sgam-po thought: "[I] must [seriously] ponder over which place I shall seek out in order to work for the welfare of the sentient beings here in the Snow-capped [Country of Tibet]; [as] my ancestor 1Ha Tho-tho-ri snyan-shal, the embodiment of Arya Samantabhadra, [once] set up a residence upon the summit (rfse) [palace] of the Red Hill (dMar-po-ri) [ofJ l ~ a - s a , ~I"too shall seek out this most prosperous and delightful location, a place trodden by [my] paternal ancestors, [and there] work for the benefit of the sentient beings." Subsequently, [the king] spent that night (dgung mnal) at sBra stod-tshal [of] Yar-bsnon, in the morning he had breakfast, unloaded [his] burdens close to [the place where] the Six- 452 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 14al-2. 453 Cf. MNKB E (Ca) 102b2-6, where there is no mention of the father passing away; CHBYMTNYP 178b4:' twelve years; HBCHBY 14a4-5: thirteen years. In the main biographical-hagiographical Vita-cycle it is told that when the heir-prince reached the age of thirteen, it entailed his assumption of power (or the abhiseka) over the entire Tibetan realm and over the neighbouring countries. This was in these mythographical writings associated with the miraculous emanational creation of Buddhaksetra-s from his body, cf. MNKB E (Ca) 102b2-6;KCHKKHM-1677.5-680.5; KCHKKHM-2 104.4-5; CHBYMTNYP 179b4-5; M B W H 29a5-30a4; HBCHBY (JA) 14a7-14b3, 53b7. Cf. foremost Appendix, note 92. 454 In fact, the remaining section of the present chapter here seems to be somewhat misplaced in GLR. According to Nyang-ral's CHBYMTNYP and MBNTH, this part of the Vita-cycle of Srong-btsan sgam-po describes the king's reflections as to which place would be the most appropriate to set up his permanent residence in order to work for the welfare of the sentient beings. This part of the narrative should properly follow after the section in the Vita-narrative where king Srong-btsan sgam-po had managed to acquire a sandalwood statue of his tutelary deity, as retold in GLR Chap. XI, q.v. Cf. CHBYMTNYP 199a3-200a6; MBNTH 38b5-39a5. 455 Cf. KCHKKHM-1 694.5,695.2: '0-smad IHa-sa dMar-po-ri; CHBYMTNYP 199b2-3; M B W H 39al: dMar-po-ri, the little ridge (in IHa-sa) of the paternal ancestors (dMar po ri pha mes kyi ri'u shul), (once) trodden by 1Ha Tho-tho-ri snyan-shal, the incarnation of Bodhisattva Samantabhadra; cf. also HBCHBY (JA) lb3-4, 14b4: dBu-ru Shod-chen IHa-sa dMar-po-ri. For a geomantic depiction of dMar-po-ri, cf. Appendix, note 455. syllabic [formula] [was carved] at the [place named] Upper Gorge ( ~ a r - ' ~ h r a n ~the ),*~~ pack-animals were led for grassing and wheat-[seeds] were sown. The king [then] had his body washed in water, [and immediately] the prime minister observed in the water various multi-coloured and glittering rays of light. Asking the king: "Lord, what is it? It is certainly a great marvel that such rays of light can emerge in the water!", the king responded: 'Great nephew-ministers, listen! It is the Six-syllabic [formula] (sadaksafl, the highest m i m (gsung mchog) which had manifested [itself glitteringly] oi this rock, the kttm [ofj Dharm&ya, the Six Secret Syllables, the Quintessence (hrdoya) synthesizing the innermost nature (yang snying) [of all teachings], the Religious Lof'of the Snow-cap@ [Country of Tibet], the Adjuvant taming the barbarous borderland, the Origin of all benefit and happiness, the Very Nature unifying in one the intent (samdhi) of all the Buddhas and the Road leading to Maturity and Liberation for all sentient beings here in the Snow-capped [Country], a barbarous borderland. And this [inscription of magic formula] is also capable of working for the benefit of many sentient being^!"^" Offerings were [consequently] presented to the [formula-inscribed] rock whereby sundry kinds of light rays issued from this rock, which hit the rock on the opposite side [of the gorge]. Thereby both sides [of the precipitious gorge] were connected in the luster of a rainbow, a fact which prompted the naming of the [local] village to Rainbow Lustre ('Ja'imdangs).458 On this rock, moreover,*459statues of gods made themselves visible all by itself. Proceeding from there [the king reached 1Ha-sa where] he took up residence on Red Hill (dMar-po-ri) by establishing [his] palace there. The Birth of the Dharmardja [Srong-btsan sgam-polfiom the Emanation of Four Rays of Light Issuing fiom the Body of krya-~valokita. 456 Cf. slightly more detailed MNKB E (Ca) 109b6-110a3, (Cd) 193a2-4; KCHKKHM-I 695.4-696.2; KCHKKHM-2 124.1 1 - 125 :9, 288.3-4; CHBYMTNYP 199al-200bl; MBNTH 39al-3. Here, inter aliu, it is mentioned that the rock of Yar-'phrang resembles the wings of the bird Phoenix (bya h u n g gi gshog pa 'dra ba); HBCHBY (JA) 14b5: Yar-'phrang [of] Gye-re; DTHZHG 18.22: 'Phreng [of] Ge-re, etc. cf. for further references, note 444 supra. 457 Cf. parallel MNKB E (Ca) 109b6-110a3, (Cd) 193a4-b3; KCHKKHM-1 695.4-695.2; KCHKKHM-2 124.2-125.9; CHBYMTNYP 199b3-200a3; MBNTH 39a3-4; cf. also HBCHBY 14b5-7. It is here maintained that this was the first self-manifested Six-syllabic inscription found in Tibet. Cf. previous note. 458 Cf. analogously HBCHBY (JA) 14b7-15a2; DTHZHG 19.4. 459 *gloss: Avalokita, Khaarpdni, ~ r i ~ a ~ a g nerc. - v ah e r , [thesefiggures]were carved [into the rock] by Nepalese [i.e. Newori] sculptors. Cf. analogously HBCHBY (JA) 15al-2; DTHZHG 19.1-3. Cf. also note 773 infia. [How] Minister Thon-mi [Sambhota] Invented an Alphabet from India[n Pattern] and [how] the Laws [~a'sedupon] the Ten [Buddhist] Virtues were Enacted by the King [Q mission to India] ~ext,"' there being no script in Tibet for enacting ~ecularlaws (rgyal khrim) bavd upon the ten virtues (ddakuSala) of Buddhism (chos, dhurm), [for] enhancing the five [objects] of sensual pleasures, [for] dispatching gifts to and fro [and for] imparting (sgo ba) the precepts of the doctrine (chos kyi bkcr ') to the subjects under his sway, [the king Srong-btsan sgam-pol dispatched seven sharp-witted ministers to India in order to learn the scri t, but they returned after having encountered three kinds of demons ('dre) on the border. Consequently, the son of Thon-mi A-nu, named Thon-mi ~ambho-9,462 [equally] a & 460 The present chapter covers highly interesting material, inasmuch as it partly contains an extract from an important, possibly quasi-historical document delineating the script-mission by Thon-mi to India containing a unique description of the Tibetan alphabet, using here material apparently untraced in any other source. The chapter further outlines the legislation allegedly contrived by Dharmariija Srong-btsan sgam-po along with a brief enumeration of the ministers serving uoder him. Some portions of the chapter are also found in a versified account of the royal period retained in HBCHBY, the latter text embodying by far the closest version to GLR, due perhaps to the fact that they draw from a common original or that dPa'-bo metrically paraphrases GLR. The importance of the chapter attracted the interest of a number of scholars; R. A. Miller, 1963, pp. 1-18 and 1976, pp. 85-101 early took an interest in the first part, the quasi-historical section on the Tibetan alphabet and script, as said containing quotations from a long-lost dossier arguably penned down by Thon-mi Sambho-p. Later, Claus Vogel, 1981, produced a complete edition and annotated translation of the chapter. Vogel's translation is clearly far from flawless, and a number of his questionable readings I shall, for the reader's convenience, duly register in my notes. Nevertheless, due credit must be accorded Vogel for having r e c o g m d the importance of the chapter, for having taken pains to address the many problems met with in this text as well as for his identification of a number of figures. For a full survey of the identifiable and parallel sources for this chapter, see Appendix, note 460. 461 The first attempt, cf. KCHKKHM-2 105.6-9; KCHKKHM-3 406.1-7; CHBYMTNYP 181b4-6; MBNTH 30a5-6; CHBY 138a4-5 (Szerb, p. 8); HBCHBY (JA) 15a5-6 citing or paraphrasing here Nyang-ral. Contrary to GLR, which mentions seven men, most other texts speak about a group of sixteen men participating in the initial, abortive mission. 462 Cf. MNKB E (Ca) 102a3; KCHKKHM-1 681.3; KCHKKHM-2 105.8-9 and 107.10-1 1; KcHK~HM-3406.7-407.1 ; CHBYMTNYP 182al-2; GBCHBY 298.10-1 1: Thon-mi 'Bring-sto-re A-nu; DCHBY 117.10-1 1 : Bod-phrug Thon-mi 'Bring-to mi A-nu; post-GLR: KTHDNG (NGA) 401.22-402.2; HBCHBY (JA) 15a7-15bl (partly metrical), where he is called Thon-mi Sambhop. the sharp-witted 'little man' (mi chung; mi chung possibly merely reflects Skt. A-nu, his or his clan's later Indian-inspired soubriquet, cf. also Mi-chung Sambhop), son of [m]Thon-mi A-nu Ragta of (the place) Lug-ra-kha of the [m]Thon (clan and district). Identification of this location is not unproblematic, cf. note 515 infra, but DTHNGP (11, 874.4, Roerich, p. 746) = bl(a'-dams C ~ O S 'byung, 339a5 record one Ru-mtshams Lug-ra-kha (as the birth-place of a Tantric named A-seng in the XIIIth century). For Ru-mtshams of gTsang, cf. also PMKTH Chap. 93, 561.9-10 and Petech, 1990, p. 55. Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 153-55, claims that Lug-ra-kha of Thon still is to be found situated in the district (rdzong) of sNye-mo. Cf. Ferrari, p. 69, n. 621 and Map for the valley of sNye-mo. However, sKyog-ston Rin-chen bKra-shis (author of the XVth century thesaurus Li-shi'i gurkhang), among others, claims that the script-inventor's name was Thu-mi Sa-'bo-ra and, adding in a gloss, he maintains that A-nu (i.e. Thon-mi) was son of one Thu-mi sNang-gmgs of the place IHo gNyal (or southern gNyal) and while Sa-'bo-ra may reflect Skt. Sambhofa/Smbhadra, a place in shrewd (yid gzhungs), sharp-witted (dbang po rno ba), and multi-talented (yon ran du ma dung ldan pa) personage was dispatched [by the king] to India in order to learn the script, having handed over to him a great [amount ofJ gold. There, the minister, having gone in the southern direction of India, got wind of the existence of a brahmin named ~ i - b ~ ianphilological , ~ ~ ~ (yi ge'i sgra) expert. Having gone to the whereabouts of this brahmin, [Thon-mi] reverently paid his respects and addressed [him] :464 the district of gNyal called Sa-'bur-po is found and that his name appears to have been derivated from this toponym. Cf. Li-shi'i gur-khang, p. 1 (and so also Tshe-brtan zhabs-drung, 1980, op. cit., p. 5 and Chab-spel, ibrd., p. 154). gNyal (often also erronously dMyal) is the district and valley of gNyal-chu in IHo-kha, to the south-east of the Yar-lung Valley, cf. Ferrari, p. 51, n. 258 and Map. In fact, the latter is part of another track of arguments presentd in later historical traditions which attempts to link Thon-mi with the district of gNyal. Cf. e.g. LYTHNGP (1, 457.10-12, Roerich, pp. 376-77), where, sometime in the XIIth century, a council (chos 'khor) (dedicated?) Sambhota was held. It would seem that the two above diverging paternities hardly are reconcilable. Possibly, two branches of his clan (or descendants) settled in the two distinct districts, both boasting descent from the famous script-inventor. From the XVIIIth century at least, a Thon-clan is recorded to have existed in Kha-rag (in the valley of sNye-mo) and in this place the tomb of the famous minister should also be found, cf. Petech, 1973, p. 64. KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 3, 437.8-9: Of the Thu[-mi]-clan, three ministers were famed in the dynastic period: 'Bring-to-re A-nu [ = Thu-mi Sambhofa], Thu-mi rGyal-mtshan snang-la-'phan (= Dunhuang Chronicle 100.17, 101.15-16: mThon-myi 'Bring-po rgyal-mtshan-nu, great minister under the reign of gNam-ri and Srong-btsan) and one Thu-mi Klu-mang 'dred. The last one remains unmentioned in other sources. The India-inspired but faulty soubriquet Sambhota (Sam(yag)-, *Sadbhauta/bhotiya, *bod yang dug pa) evidently reflects that he in India, Kashmir or'rather later in Tibet ~ a s ' ~ l o r i f i easd the 'true Tibec(an): 463 Thon-mi and his retinue of seven or sixteen followers met two Indian scholars during their mission: the pandita Li-byin (*KamSadatta) and the brahmin IHa['i]-rig-pa['i] Seng-ge (*Devavidyisimha). GLR introduces both in this narrative. MNKB 102a4 only has IHa rig-pa'i seng-ge, so also CHBY 138a4 (Szerb, p. 8, n. 11); K C H K K H J ~681.4-5 ~ contrarily only has Li-byin; KCHKKHM2 105.11-12 also only has Bram-ze Li-byin Ti-ka; KCHKKHM-3 407.1-2 has Le-byin; so also mKhas-pa 1De'u in GBCHBY 298.10 and IDe'u Jo-sras in DCHBY 117.1 1 ; CHBYMTNYP 182a35 has both figures: IHa'i rig-pa seng-ge, even providing his lineage: Nalanda vihira: From Tsandrapa ( *Candragomin), Rin-chen blo-gros (*Ratnamati), Gang-pa'i zla-ba ("Wmacandra), Ma-na Samgha (*Minasamgha) through IHa'i rig-pa seng-ge. (On these names, cf, recently Verhagen, 1991, sect. IV.2.2.2 et passim). Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 15bl. Tshe-brtan zhabs-drung, op. cir. p. 7-8, maintains that Karma sMon-lam 'od-zer in his commentary to Thon-mi's Sum-rtags attempts to read the name of pandira Li-byin as Li-bi ka-ra, i .e. Lipikira, the 'scriptmaker'. Nel-pa (Uebach, 1987, pp. 88-89) further mentions that a certain rTag-lo re-khom assisted Thon-mi on the mission. The mention in Nel-pa, 7b7, in a gloss of a certain Legs-byin, a name puzzling Uebach, is clearly nothing but a corruption of Li-byin. 464 Only dPa'-bo gTsug-lag's HBCHBY seems to have preserved this versified or metrical petition. Assuming that both texts (GLR and HBCHBY) ultimately go back to a common, more detailed source which contains the variant readings of both, we may conclude that in some parts of the narrative, HBCHBY's rendition, which, as known, is completely metrical, is much more detailed than GLR, at other places GLR, as in caru, provides the richest narrative. Of the present metrical piece (nine-syllabled, seventeen lines) preserved in GLR, HBCHBY (JA) 15bl-3 shares the lines 4, 7-8, 12-13, 15-16. "Of the race of the gods, being most miraculous and abounding in compassion, Born in the caste of a brahmin by possessing endowments, By dint of [these] endowments refined in former lives [You have become] accomplished in scripture (lun , dgama), logic (rigs, yukti) and philology (yi ge 'i sgra aksardabda). You - great brahmin, knowledge-holder (vidyndhara) and savant, Pray be considerate and listen a little to me! I am a minister from Tibet, a barbarous borderland And my king is Mahfikirunika [embodied]; Having assumed the throne at the age of thirteen, At a time when the king was sojourning on the jewel[-mounted] throne, He realized the need] to satisfy [his] retinue and [his] subjects with the Dharma And to enact the secular law mased upon] the ten virtues, [But] as the custom of letters [i.e. writings] was lacking altogether in my country, He [therefore] consigned to me a huge amount of personal gifts, And dispatched me to your country to learn the alphabet. The mass of writings (yi ge) on [the science of] language (sgra, Sabda) and epistemology (tshad[-ma], p r a m d ~,) Pray, be kind and impart [these] to me unreservedly!" d5 w i t h this] petition, [Thon-mi] handed over the gold [to Li-byin]. The great brahmin, having accepted the gold, responded:466 "Listen well! Blessed one, son of [good] family Knowledgeable minister Thon-mi named, To you, great minister, comprehending the meaning of the two truths, Philology (yi ge'i sgra) and poetry etc., And, moreover, all the[ir] wonderous achievements To you, great minister, I shall teach! In the kingdom of Tibet, a barbarous borderland, may you To the people, with the manuals of philology and epistemology467[thereafter] bring satisfaction! " w i t h this] proclamation, [Li-byin] led [Thon-mi] into his jewel[-laden] mansion where he taught [him] the letters of the alphabet and so minister Thon-mi expanded his acumen for knowled e and having lifted up the lamp of wisdom he learned the the script. Whereas the classes [of letters], found in abundance, were inadaptable to the ga raf6' and the ga 465 Vogel, op. cir. p. 26 et passim somewhat inprecisely renders lung rigs yi ge 'i sgra as scripture, lore [and] literary language. 466 For this versified paragraph, cf. parallel HBCHBY (JA) 15b3-6. 467 Vogel, ibid. p. 27, is here again somewhat inprecise. 468 Cf. Vogel, ibid., p. 27, n. 1 1 . Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP 182.~16-l82blmentions the existence of sixty-four types of alphabets or scripts Qi ge'i rigs mi 'dra ba drug cu rtsa bzhi) in India (following Tibetan [langua el, the manifold mdtrkd (ma) class [of letters] he formed into the vowel signs (dbyangs yig).4$0The Latitsha [or] &*s script ( d e ~ a l i p i and ) ~ ~the ~ Vartu-la [or] serpent's script (ndga~ipi),472all being spontaneously created, [he] fashioned into Tibetan letters. [IIl [The Invention of the Tibetan Script] "The fifty Indian letters:473 Of the thirty principal letters,474 Ten [are] prefixed letters475and ten finals;476 None of the individual Indian letters Except those which [may] be employed by themselves477 Is applicable to every [other letter]; here Lalitavistara), which again could be reduced to three [main] scripts: The godly alphabet of ldAtshva, the serpent or ndga-script of ndgara and the human script of bhagruma. Here Nyang-ral is at variance with other sources, where vartula is the ndgalipi and the ndgara is the human script (manusyalipi). 469 Cf. ibid. n. 12. 470 I follow here Vogel, ib. p. 27, his emendation and reading, although, admittedly, the sentence is still not satisfactorily accounted for. 471 Cf. Vogel ib., the god's script idfirsha being a corruption from r a w , is a kind of Gothic devondgariprevalent in particular among Buddhists in Nepal. Its use in Tibet is mainly in rendering ornamentally Sanskrit mantric formulae. It allegedly became the pattern for the Tibetan headed dbu can script. Bu-ston and dPal-bo, among others, maintain that Thon-mi based the Tibetan script on ndgara and a Kashmirian script-form. 472 The ndga's script, a variation of ldiltsha of roundish (vartula, zur can) fashion. It is alleged, doubtfully, that it constituted the pattern for the Tibetan headless dbu rned script. 473 The following prose-interwoven versified (seven-syllabic) narrative on the invention of the Tibetan script is unique in Tibetan literature. A rough, albeit markedly diverging, parallel is found in KCHKKHM-2 106.5-107.9; cf. also KCHKKHM-3 407.5-7; Nyang-ral's CHBYMTNYP (prose) 182blff. and dPa-bo's HBCHBY (JA) 16a4-b2. The fifty letters of the Indian language: ten vowel-signs (dbyangs yig): a d i i u fi r i 1i and four diphthong signs: e ai o au; (although both Nyang-ral and dPal-bo speak about sixteen Indian vowel signs, cf. here Tshe-brtan zhabs-drung, 1980, p. 16); thirty-three consonants (gsal byed, gsal yig): ka kha go gha nu, ca cha ja jha Aa, ta tha do dha nu ta tha da dha nu p a ba bha ma ya la va Sa sa sa ha. And three secondary: m - ' h . ' ~ h eclass of five reverted signs (log pa 'i sde tshan, i.e. cerebral signs, ta etc.) and the cla$s of 'thick' signs ('thug po, i.e. aspirated gha etc.) did not find any equivalent (dod po med pa) in Tibetan phonetics and was rejected by Thon-mi, cf. CHBYMTNYP 182b5; HBCHBY 16a5-6. Cf. also Tshe-brtan zhabs-drung , pp. 16-18. 474 Cf. Vogel, op. cit. n. 21: All consonant signs found as the first element of ligatures: ka kha ga gha nu ca cha ja jha Aa ta . tho . da . nu . ra tha da dha nu pa pha ba bha ma ya la va So sa sa ha. 475 Cf. Vogel, op, cit. n. 22: All consonant signs occuring at the beginning of actual words as the first component of ligatures: ka gha ja ta dha pa Sa sa so ha. Inaba and Miller suggest instead of ten to emend to five. 476 Cf. Vogel, op. cit. n. 23: ka no ta . nu . ta dha pa ma la h. 477 1.e. the vowel and diphtong signs. All these [I i.e. Thon-mi] collected in [my] mind. Having taken them as patterns, [I] contracted them, And [relarranged [them into] thirty Tibetan letters: Each and every single letter of the alphabet, [Its] artistic feature was successfully designed. The twenty principal letters: ka, kha, ca, cha, ja, nya, ta, tha, pa, pha, tsa, tsha, dza, va, zha, za, Ya, sha, ha, a One alphabetic character fit to be spared (med kyang rung ba'i yig): Five prefixal letters ('phul yig):478 ga, da, ba, ma, 'a and ten finals (mtha' ga, nga, ba, ma, 'a, da, na, ra, la, sa. Five very precious letters (shin tu gces pa):480 ga, da, ba, ma, 'a, Nine footed (rkang pa can) letters: ka, ga, ta, da, na, nya, zha, sha, ha. Six letters absent in the Indian flanguage]: ca, cha, ja, 'a, zha, za. Sixteen affiliated (bu) letters:481 ka, ga, nga, da, ta, na, pa, ba, ma, ca, ja, nya, tsa, dza, la, ha, Of parent (ma) letters seven were constr~cted:~" 478 I .e. sngon 'jug lnga. 479 I .e. jes 'jug bcu. 480 1.e. usable both as prefix and suffix. 481 Cf. Vogel, op. cit. n. 28: 'letter-sons', letters which can be written below other letten with the exception of the subscripts proper. 482 Cf. Vogel, op. cit., n. 29: 'mother-leners', letters which can be written above other letters incl. the superscript r. [Of which three are] universal parent (kun gyi ma) letters: ra, la, sa*483 The letter la in particular have four parent letters: ka, ga, ba, za are the parent [letters] of The letter la in particular has two affiliated letters: The letters ca and ha are affiliated letters of la The letters tsa and dza are affiliated letters of ra [These] are ten letters holding their own position Neither forming prefixes and finals Nor forming parent or affiliated letters: kha, cha, tha, pha, tsha, va, zha, ya, sha, a, The letters ga and ba apply to everything (hntu r g y ~ ) , * ~ " Three [signs] soar like a hat atop [other letters]: [The vocalic signs] o (nu ro), i (gi gu) and e ('greng po); Three [signs], beautiful like bolsters, beneath [a letter]: Subscribed-ya (ya-[b]ta[gs]), -ra (ra-[b]ta[gs]) and u (zhabs kyu); Seven letters [to which] -ya (ya-[b]ta[gs]) is attached: kya, khya, gya, pya, phya, bya, mya. [Further,] eleven letters [to which] -ra (ra-[b]ta[gs]) is attached: kra, khra, gra, pra, phra, bra, mra, sra, shra, dra, hra, The [vocalic] letter u (zhabs kyu) applies to every [letter] (kun tu khyab): kyu, khyu, kru, khru [etc.], Also applying to subscribed -ya and -ra The [various ways] of subscriping and combining [the letters] [easily] come to [one's] mind. Further, the LMtsha [script] resembling the god's 483 *gloss: The three parent [letters] of all subscripts. 484 *gloss: To these four characters only la can be subscribed. 485 *gloss: Forming parent and aflliated [letters],the two and forming prefires and finals. 486 *gloss: [Regarding such things] a~the construction the aflliated letters ha and 'a and the creation of the inverted no [ = na], reverted sha [ = sha] and reverted tho [ = tha] etc.: These were later conrtructed by pandita-s, experts in the dkcrimination of letter when the San~kritlanguage were to be transformed into magic fonnulae (dhdrani). having taken it as pattern, he made [it] into the headed (dbu can) [Tibetan script]. The Vartu-la [script] resembling the serpent script having taken it as model, he made it into the cornered (zur can) [Tibetan script]. The above [narrative] is only a resume (zur tsam), should you want to know [more] details, you may consult the following [treatises penned] (de dug) by ~ h o n - r n i : ~ ~ ' [l] Dang-po yi-ge'i mam-'gyur gyi bzo-brtsams [2] Ka-smad sum-cur bsgyur [3] sDeb-sbyor bsgrigs-pa'i gzhi-ma [4] Thon-mi rndo-rdzi'i sgra-mdo Further, minister Thon-mi studied with pandita 1Ha-rigs seng-ge488all the treatises of grammar (Sabdddstra), thus becoming an e G r t in the five sciences (rig pa'i gnus, ~ i d ~ d s t h d n aHe ) .translated ~ ~ ~ the [MahP]samipPtaratnaketu[-dhPmMtm] ('Dus-pa Rhpo-che'i tog), the firanda[vyiiha]siitra (mDo Za-ma-tog), and [further]twenty -one siitra-s and tantra-s of the ~ ~ ~ b o k i t a [ - c ~ cinto l e sTibetan; ] ~ ~ ~ in one chronicle there is even a statement saying that he translated the Sa~hasrikiiprajiiipiramiti(Shes-rab kyi pha-rol tu phyin-pa stong phrag brgya). In sum, minister Thon-mi became a savant in many accomplishments of learning. Then, when the minister was setting out for Tibet [again], he addressed the b r z ~ h m i n : ~ ~ ~ 487 Bu-ston, CHBY 138a5 (Szerb, p. 8), mentions the existence of eight treatises indited by Thon-mi Sambhota (the testimony of which is followed by dPa'-bo and Sum-pa mkhan-po, etc.). The number, not to talk about the titles of these eight works, amounting to six lost, discounting here the universally known and Canon-included [Nos. 4348143491: Sum-cu-pa and rTags kyi 'jug-pa, have haunted Tibetan historians almost as a nightmare ever since, and Bla-ma dam-pa seems to be the only (followed by dPa'-bo, quoting GLR), at least the first, who ventures to offer a clue to the remaining lost grammatical treatises in the present passage, which we here attempt to construe as a brief list containing four titles of his lost compositions. For a fuller discussion, cf. Appendix, note 487. 488 Cf. note 463 supra. 489 Cf. Mvy. 1554ff. 490 None of these translations have survived in the Tibetan Canon probably while they were composed in the archaic pre-revised Tibetan language which was superseded by the new language codified at the inception of the IXth century. For a survey of his translations, cf. foremost dPa'-bo's HBCHBY (JA) 17al-7 where e.g. the twenty-one siitra-s and tantra-s of the Avalokitdvara cult (passage wrongly translated by Vogel, p. 30) are found listed, and where dPa'-bo's source is bKa'-chems LO-rgyus chen-rno. A lengthy exposition dealing with these twenty-one Avalokita-cult texts are in fact found in the Lo-rgyus chen-rno of MNKB (cf. E (A) Chap. XXXV, 78a5-90b3). The list by dPaT-bo is somewhat corrupt f.ex. are itehs listed twice. Cf. also Nyang-ral's CHBYMTNYP 184b5-185a2, where it is equally mentioned that a number of written advises (gdam p ) on UM chos and mi chos were translated (fromSanskrit?) by Thon-mi and later deposited in the mChimsphu temple. See also NGTMTPH 7b7-8al (Uebach, pp. 88-89) and also Tshe-brtan zhabsdrung, 1980, pp. 32-35. 491 This piece of poetry is also found quoted almost wrbufim in Tshe-brtan zhabs-drung, 1980. pp. 10-1 1. HBCHBY (JA) I5b6-16a4; cf. also "0 Son of the Victor: " w e ] are obliged [to you]", Most marvellous: "[Your] kindness is immense", Compassionate One: "[Pray] grant [us your] blessing! " In the sky of immaculate knowledge , ~two, ~ ~has risen, The constellation of Wisdom and ~ e a n sthe The clouds of pure prayers have congested, The sun and moon of the writings of grammar and epistemology have risen, [All] dispelling the darkness of ignorance of the living beings; In[to] the [huge] mental ocean of Repose (bde) and Transparency (gsal), The [small] mental rivulets (chu bran)493of Awareness (rig pa) flow; [An ocean upon which] the water-birds of pure prayers are swimming, [This ocean] that treasures the Jewel of the writings of epistemology and grammar, Does away with the poverty of the worldlings. On the trunk of the spotless Illusion Body (mdydkdya) The branches of Wisdom and Means are growing. The flowers of the accomplishments of learning blossomed, The fruits of the writings of epistemology and grammar being [fully] mature; We, minister Thon-mi [and companions etc.] are obliged to [you] For granting [us] [all wishes] without reservation: " w e ] have come to the country of India, w e r e ] [we] have met you, 0 sage. The letters, the basis of [all] accomplishments, w e ] have comprehended fully. w e ] shall return to Central Tibet, w e r e ] the king shall make a feast [in our honour]; [The king who] safeguards the kingdom in accordance with Dharma; To the ministers and subjects, headed by the king w e ] shall spread the writings of epistemology and grammar, Making it available to everyone. [For all this] [we] are obliged [to you]", 0 Son of the Victor! " Having spoken thus, he touched the feet of [thepandita] with his head,494[whereafter] he went back to Tibet equipped with numerous ~ahiyiinascriptures. [There] a feast of welcome [in his honour] was staged beyond imagination. When the king arrived to [take] the 492 Vogel, throughout his translation, renders the usual elliptic rhabs shes, i.e. the very well-known pair upciya and prajAd with art and science! - having here evidently been inspired by the faulty rendition in Jiischke's Dict. p. 229. 493 The form chu bran or the homonymous chu phrnn as rendered in HBCHBY are synonyms, but chu bran in particular connotes the sense of a '(water)-servant', i.e. a sort of tributary water-feeding, either a larger river or as here a lake or an ocean, so a word-play is involved. The present simile or analogy, Vogel, op. cir. p. 31, renders with the following monstrosity: "the poured-out water of knowledge and understanding is spreading. " (sic!). 494 Vogel, op. cir., p. 3 1, has: he placed the [brahmin's] foot on the crown of his head,. .. (sic). seat [at] the [welcome-] arty, minister Thon-mi presented [him] with a first-offering of the letters (yi ge'i ph~d),'~'having classified the o-vowel, i-vowel and the u-vowel: "Effulgence of complexion, beautiful in full splendour of sent and appearance, Discriminate and incessant in the depth of [his] advice, Having eliminated all propensities as to bad k a m n , Noble, undefeated, truly holy, Well gone, steadfast in truth, wise, Aware and appreciative of the quietude of contemplation, The highest leader, conquering the host of affliction Complete1 vanquishing M a , [the embodiment] of the three poisons. *4 ti The Spiritual Son of AvalokiteSvara, Carrying the name Srong-btsan sgam-po, Homage to you, Oh Dharmarsja." 8 The king was highly pleased with this praise; he pondered over the precious Teaching 495 This is the famed first script-specimen offering Cyi ge'i phud) tendered by Thon-mi to the king and consists, in a poetic language, of an eulogy to the king. For a fuller discussion of this celebrated ode to the king, see note 495 in Appendix. 496 *gloss: ?his script-specimen ofming is to befound engraved on a rock-[slab]at the temple of Dzenkhog sna-rdo. This still unidentified location is written Jen-hog snang-rdo in HBCHBY (JA) 17al. m a s - b t s u n bzang-po, 1986, p. 195 locates Dzen-(or Jen-)hog snang-rdo in dBu-ru Shod, the navel of which is Ra-mo-che. It may indirectly be corroborated by Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP 185a4-5, who writes that a sample of Thon-mi's writ is found on a m k at IHa-sa, that resembles a black tortoise stretching out (sbal nag gyi nu la [sic!nyaP] rgyangs pa 'dra),cf. note 769. From the latter note we can adduce that precisely the mountain located to the north of IHa-sa and whicb resembles a black tortoise - one of the animals of the cardinal points borrowed from Chidivinatory lore - is identifiable with the boulder of Pha-bong-ha. This is also noted by Tshedbang rdo-rje, 1990, p. 14, but he apparently maintains that the pho brang [sic!] of h a - b o n g - h a perched on bDe-mchog ri-bo due north of Potala is not the Dze-na khon sna-rdo'i [sic] Iha-khang, which, we may assume, is his garbled reading of the Dzen-hog snang-rdo above. Chab-spel op. cir. 1989. p. 157 identifies the place sku-mkhr Ma-ru. In Ferrari, 1958, op. cit. p. 102, a reference is made to an ancient specimen of Thon-mi's writing: The six-syllabic formula on a stone next to the verandah of the Rigs-gsum mgon-po temple at Pha-bong-kha. This location is traditionally housing the meditation cave of this Dharmariija and is intimately associated with his life. It may well be connected with the ancient temple of D x n - b o g sna[ng]-rdo. Of similar interest, dPal-'byor bzang-po in his GBYTSH 102b2-103a3presents another eulogy addressed to (the statue of) Jo-bo Thugs-rje chen-po and to Avalokitdvara maintaining it to be the first writing in the Tibetan language. The praise or homage consists of five seven-syllabic quatrains and are markedly religious in content. What is more, dPal-'byor bzang-p even proclaims that this written ode (where, to be true, the diction is distinctly classical and certainly not archaic) is to be found inscribed on a rock next to the Zla-ba'i brag in 1Ha-sa. In this poetic homage the Six-syllabic formula is the object of praise. Now, as to the identification of Zla-ba'i brag in IHa-sa, it is most likely nothing but Gla-ba'i tshal gyi brag, a famed site lying at dKar-chung to the west of I%-= already from the time of king Srong-htsan sgam-po. Cf. note 729 inpa. of Buddha, he paid [his] respect and [showed] deference [to the inscription].497When the king [next] paid extensive honour to the minister [Thon-mi], the other ministers were quite upset with envy, and openly proclaimed: "Suchlike honour by a ruler to a subject is inappropriate." Minister Thon-mi, in order to quench their competitive attitude, spoke accordingly:498 "I, minister Thon-mi, great in kindness, I In India, where the roads are difficult to travel, Have undergone austerities, though the temperature for the body was high, [To] him, the learned brahmin Li-byin, [I] paid homage with a pious mind, Presenting him gifts of gold and precious jewels, [He] taught [me] the letters of the alphabet, whose meaning ii difficult to find, And made instructive directions which removed [all] doubts in [my] mind, [Thus] teaching [me] to become expert in the letters of vowels and words. The fifty Indian letters, I systematized into thirty Tibetan letters, whereby] an assuring awareness of my own expertise arose in my mind. All the immediate qualities I fully understood. [So] I am pleased with the present [life] and happy about the future. In this kingdom of Tibet, a barbarous borderland, I am the first learned man to arrive, I shall be [as] a lamp dispelling darkness, [Our] king resides in the fashion of the sun and the moon; Amid my fellow ministers, one like me is not found, Towards the people of the Snow-capped Tibet, Am I, Thon-mi, not great in kindness? *499 33 When this had been spoken, the [other] ministers looked at one another and [their] jealous disposition was obliterated. 497 Vogel, op. cir p. 32 translates the sentence as if the king first paid his respects to the minister, but this is wrong, the Dharmargja first showed his veneration to this concrete piece of Tibetan script and subsequently directed his praise towards its inventor. So also understood by Chab-spel, 1989, p. 157. 498 This piece of poetry is called Minister Thon-mi's song of self-praise (nga rgyal glu) and it is also found preserved in dPa'-bo's HBCHBY (JA) 17a3-7; DTHZHG 21.12-18. GLR's source for this metrical piece remains to be identified. Cf. e.g. also Tshe-brtan zhabs-drung, 1980, pp. 13-14; Chab-spel, 1989, pp. 158-59. 499 *gloss: [This is] called Thon-mi's self-pride. [IQ [The Enactment of the Laws] At that time, among the three hundred extraordinarily famous ministers (yang grags kyi blon there were sixteen ministen of grat reputation (ming chen), [in other words] three hundred ministers [in all], headed by ([hog drangs pa) sixteen ministers of the lineage of the bodhisauva-s, [that is] the four great ministers that were indispensable (med Ihabs med pa 'i blon ~hen):*~O' Ministers conducting the affairs of the exterior, interior and intermediate affairs, [rendering] the service of the king's body, speech and mind. Further, there were six powerful ministers of the exterior, six excellent ministers of the interior and four ministers of wise [i.e. magic-noetic] counsel (bka'i 'phrul). Of these, the six excellent ministers of the interior: 500 *gloss: The names of the following ministers of the exterior, interior and the intermediate affairs are [a14 gleaned from the Tluug-yig chen-mo. Vogel, op. cit. p. 33 renders the phrase yang grags kyi blon po as 'ministers of lesser fame'. This is positively wrong. The adverbial component yang qualifying an adj. or a noun in these constructions always connotes the sense of intensification, i.e. 'extra' or 'further'. The title Thang-yig chen-mo does not refer to the commonly known rGyal-po'i bka'i thangyig, vol. KHA of 0-rgyan gling-pa's pentad bKa'-thang sde-lnga, although precisely vol. KHA in its colophon is called rGyal-po'i dkar-chag Thang-yig chen-mo. It may possibly refer to another work, namely its Vorlage, that is IDan-ma rtse-mang's homonymous rGyal-po'i dkar-chag Thang-yig chen-mo, the version which 0-rgyan gling-pa allegedly had treasure-wise recovered and edited as KHA in his pentad-gter-ma. This highly important work was composed by IDan-ma rtsemang on the behest of Padmasambhava and on the request of king Mu-tig btsan-po and his consort Yum-chen btsun-mo. Cf. the colophon to KTHDNG (KHA) 227.18-22 and ib. Chap. 19,215.7-10 where this work is also coined rGyal-po 'i rNam-char chen-po and sNang-srid gtan la 'bebs rhangyig. Cf. also Haarh, 1960, p. 148; Haarb, 1969, p. 159; Uray, 1972, p. 56. This work is deplorably non-extant. A different clue altogether may be that the work, again, may refer to a work entitled Bod kyi Thang-yig chen-po (identical with 1Dan-ma's work?) employed e.g. by the IDe'u scholars. Tbe possibility of any reference to some early version of the [Pad-ma?] bKa'i Thang-yig chen-mo remains to be settled, as a certain literary dependency may be established, cf. e.g. the notes 528 and 1318 infro. In fact, as e.g. seen in note 507 infra, where the name of a minister can be listed during two distinct periods, it nourishes our suspicion that a minister-list was p r o d u d during the later part of the dynasty or at the outset of the phyidar period, a list covering a large period of the dynasty, and that this list found its way into a scroll (bka'i thong-yig) (or originated in such a dossier), (later?) known as Thang-yig chen-mo. This then &me the common source for later historians. This would also account for the fact that a number of the ministers listed in the sequel in GLR functioned under different kings, and their attempted enumeration here, as if they all served under king Srong-btsan sgam-po, is a typical later idealization or rationalization, so also the standardization of their names. This list is also included in HBCHBY (JA) 18al-6. Cf. Appendix, note 500 for further details. 50 1 *gloss: so-called. Uray translates rned thabs med pa 'i blon po as 'not unexperienced councillors'. This expression in fact covers both the meaning of 'nicht unfahig' and indispensable. *502 'Phrul gyi sNa-chen rigs-bzang, Zhang-po rGyal gyi khram-bzang, *503 Cog-ro Rig-pa'i skad-bzang, *504 1Har-gzigs Shog-po bstan-bzang ,*'05 Ka'i gNyags-ston 'phel-bzang, * ~ ~one ' hundred ministers [in all] rendered sBas-lcang dPal gyi ~ e ~ s - b z a n ~ ,etc., 502 *gloss: Of Khra-'brug. Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 18al: 'Phrul gyi gNal-chen rigs-bzang. This figure remains conspicuously absent from documented historical material and records, but his name is confirmed by the Vita of Srong-btsan sgam-po where he occurs passim, albeit there allotted diverging functions, cf. e.g. MNKB E (Cd) 208a4: sNa-chen-po functioned as bko' blon; KCHKKHM-2 266.4: nang blon sNa ;hemPo; 320.16: chos blon sNa chen-po; KCHKKHM-3 473.1-7: sNa[ng] chen-po; CHBYMTNYP 286a6-b3: sNa chen-po. The Guide of the Vth Dalai Lama records that an idol representing Zhang-blon sNa chen-po was installed in Jo-khang, cf. TSLKHKCH 10b5. 503 *gloss: [He] is porn] Hot. Cf. HBCHBY 18al. As yet unidentified. 504 *gloss: Of [the] Cog-ro [clan]. HBCHBY (JA) 18a2: Cog-ro Rig-pa'i kong-bzang. ml(has-pa IDe'u, GBCHBY 265.2-3, 297.17-18 has one Cog-ro sKyes-bzang [or -gzal] rgyal-'gong who, in order to purify his sins, built the temple of mKhar sTod gNam-ru-[gong]. BZH (Stein ed. 8.1 1, Chin. ed. 9.18) and CHBY 139b4-5 (Szerb, p. 19) all having Cog-ro sKyes-bzang rgyal-gong. On a possible identity of this figure, carrying the name [Cog-ro] rGyal-mtshan [g.]Yang-gong, cf. Uray, 1972, pp. 42-43 and the clan, cf. Tucci, 1949, p. 737ff. KCHKKHM-2, 266.7-10, 320.18 (cf. also note 500 supra) in a minister-list enumerates a few Cog-ro options: Chos-blon Cog-ro Dar-rgyal Mang-po-rje srong and Cog-ro brGyan but also Chos-blon Cog-ro brGyan-g.ya' gong-bza'. However, the identity is quite doubtful, or at least the chronology is corrupt, because CHBYMTNYP maintains that minister Cogro sKyes-bzang rgyal (together with mChims Khri-thog rje-'bar and sNa-nam gyi Zhang Khrom-pa skyes, cf. note 1171) were ministers under [Mes] Ag-tshoms and moreover responsible for the decline of Buddhism over a hundred year after the passing of king Srong-btsan sgam-po. KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 3,437.5-6: Cog-ro sKye-bzang rGyal-ma-'og; (CA) Chap. 19,489.10: Cog-ro sKye-za rGyal-'gong. 505 *gloss: A Khams-pa. Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 18a2: IHa-gzigs Shog-po bstan-bzang. As yet unidentified. 506 *gloss: [From] rGya-ma [in] Yar-ston. Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 18a2: Ka sNyag-ston 'phel-bzang. As yet unidentified, rGya-ma is usually considered the birth-place of king Srong-btsan sgam-po, cf. Ferrari, 1958, pp. 44, 109; Uebach, 1987, p. 145, nn. 947-49; Dowrnan, 1988, pp. 103-05 and foremost the notes 446-47 supra. 507 *gloss: Also called sKyid-thug ring-mo of sBas. Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 18a2: sBas-cang dPal gyi legs-bzang. On this figure and the clan sBas (also dBas/dBats], cf. Uray, 1972, p. 42. The above name in the gloss is corroborated from the general Vita of Srong-btsan sgam-po, cf. e.g. MNKB E (Cd) 208a4: 'Bal Ring-po functions as phyi blon, WAM (G) 39b2: 'Bal s ~ ~ i d - s ring-mo; &~ KCHKKHM-2 266.12- 13, 321.4-5: chos blon sBas-btsan bZang dpal-legs; KCHKKHM-3 473.3 474.7: 'Bal sKyid-stan ring-po; CHBYMTNYP 286a6, 286b6: Bal Gyi-[= sKyid-] gtan [ = thagl ring-po; dPal Gyi brtan; GBCHBY 294.9 and 15: blon po 'Bal Gyi-dan ring-po. Most conspicuously, he turns up in a list of ministers active under Khri-srong Ide-btsan during the erection of bSam-yas, cf. note 1338 infro. Again we can suspect that the occurence of this minister both in the Vita of Srong-btsan sgam-po and during king Khri-srong Ide-btsan can be ascribed to the fact that the ultimate source for this minister-list goes back to one [bKa'i] Thang-yig chen-mo, cf. note 500. Otherwise unidentified. The toponymlethnonym sBall'Bal/sBas/dBa's (identical with 8 ~ersonalservice to the king and [conducted] all the internal affairs [of the state]. T h e six powerful ministers o f the Khyung-po spun bzang-btsan, Lam-khri bDe-lhag khri-btsan, Mu Khri rDo-rje gnam-btsan, *'lo exterior: *'* the sBa[s], rBa clan) may be located to the N.E. Tibet, as suggested by Stein, nibus Ancienncs, p. 69. 508 *gloss: OJ the Khyung-po [people and clan] of the North. Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 18a3 Khyung-po Pun-run-btsan. Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP 180a5-6: Khyung-po sPu-thang gzung-rtse, whereas ml(has-pa IDe'u, GBCHBY 253.17-18: Khyung-po sh-stang zung-rtse, (adding that he and Mong Khri-lto-ri snang-tshab (cf. note 510) acted as ministers during this king). Khyung-po, mKhas-pa IDe'u, op. cit., 264.1 I , 265.3-4, mentions, was inter alia the one who was in control of the pass-ways (la sgo; or read: las sgo, trade) in the north in order to keep the salt-traffic running open and he secured the free passage of the mdzo-cattle. Further he was compelled, in order to cleanse his sins or moral defilements (sdig sbyangs) for the victims he had caused while acting as d m g dpon oflin Hor, to erect the temple of sTod-lung Lum-pa. Listed and activities detailed in the Dunhuang Chronicle ( k t et al., 1940, p. 101.21-35, 106,21-107.1,111.14-112.10): Khyung-poshng-sadzu-tse; M d o n a l d , 1971,pp. 229ff.,249-55. In HBCHBY (JA) 18b7 he is listed as khod [= b s ] dpon of Zhang-hung (repeated also in Bod kyi snga-rabs khrims-srol yig-cha bdams-bsgrigs, p. 33). The latter information is worth noting, as the Khyung-po clan (which originated in the north-east of Tibet, and which as temtorid appanage (yul gyi dbang ris) during the dynastic period received and occupied the lower gTsang province, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 19b4), probably was ardent Bon-po-s (cf. the entry with the names coming from the Khyung-po clan, Karmay, 1972, S.V.index). The same Bon-text (Karmay, 164b, tr. p. 80 has a Khyung-po sPu-dang gzu-tse (falsely made into two names by Karmay)) listed as a Bon-ascetic and magician! KCHKKHM-2 266.7, 320.17-18: chos blon Khyung-po Yul-bmng-rtselYul-N-rtse (a confusion with the name of minister mGar, also called the 'Country-conquerer'?). KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 3,436.16-17: He does not figure among the three famed ministers from the Khyung-po clan listed in this text: Khyung-po Yu-yur zur-tsho, Yungs-rta ring-po and Mi-ring Zosdkar. On some important biographical data on this central figure, denoted Khyung-po sPung-sad zutse in the oldest material, and his role as administrative chief of Zhang-hung, cf. Umy, 1972, pp. 36-42. This figure acted as minister under gNam-ri srong-btsan and his son Srong-btsan sgam-po, and was probably a decisive aid enabling these kings to consolidate their power and thus form the embryonic Tibetan empire, cf. Beckwith, 1987, pp. 16-17. On the Khyung-po clan, cf. also Vitali, 1990, pp. 94-98 and Jackson, 1984, pp. 111-1 14, 137-138 for a note on the legendary origin-myths of the Khyung-po's. 509 *gloss: Of [the district oA Yar-stod. Cf. HBCHBY (JA) l8a3: Lam-khri bDe-blag khri-btsan. KCHKKHM-2 266.14, 321.6-7 registers one: chos blon Lam-sde Khri-bzang lod-btsan, adding that he was appointed as N u s blon ( = [m]khodls blon, cf. note 519) of the Drug-gu spar ( = Dm-gu = Turks) in the north. Floruir uncertain. Cf. also note 500 supra. 510 *gloss: From rGyal-ba in 'Phan-yul. Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 18a3: Mu Khri rDo-rje rnarn-btsan. KCHKKHM-2 266.6-7, 320.17: Mong Khri [r]Jo-ri gnang-btsan. He is doubtlessly identical with Mon [gi bu] Khri do-ri snangtshahlbtsun, i.e. one of the seven wise ministers of the dynasty (cf. Uehach, 1987, pp. 27-29, 7075) enumerated in a number of historical sources. Already listed in the Dunhuang Qlronicle ( k t et al., 1940, p. 100.26-32): Mong Khri do-re mang-tshab. Cf. Uebach, p. 71, n. 257. He allegedly functioned as minister under sTag-ri snyan-gzigs, the grandfather of Srong-btsan sgam-po. Cf. note ' mThing gi Byang-chub mchog-btsan, *51 Thar-pa Klu'i dpal-btsan, *5'2 Rong-po 'Phrul gyi ~ d e - b t s a n , * ~etc., ' ~ one hundred ministers [in all] conduct the exterior affairs [of state]. Having patterned [the art of] handicrafts and arithmetic from the countries of China and Mi-nyag in the east, translated the word of Saddharma from the country o f India in the south, made treasures of victuals and [other] luxuries of [material] enjoyment from the countries Sogdiana and Nepal in the west, adopted [the art ofJ jurisdiction and labour from the countries of Mongolia and Uighuria in the north; in sum, by having control over and enjoying the four quarters, the [Tibetan] king ruled over half the world.'14 Thon-mi ~ a m b h o - t a*515 , mGar s ~ o n ~ - b t s ayul-bzung, n' *516 500 supra. 5 11 *gloss: [He] was @om the country of] 'Jang. Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 18a3: Thing Byang-chub mchog-btsan. As yet unidentified. The remote country of 'Jang is usually interpreted differently in the annals of the Tibetan history. In the dynastic period the La-myva (i.e. the Nan-zhao state and petty dynasty) occupied this area in northern Yiinnan, along the banks of the Yangtse river. 512 *gloss: [He] was porn] 'Phyong-rgycls. Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 18a3: Thar-pa Klu-yi dpal-btsan. Is he the same as the minister occasionally emerging in the Vita of Srong-btsan sgam-po under the name 1Ha-lung rDo-rje dpal? cf. e.g. MNKB E (Ca) 140a2, (Cd) 208a5 et passim; CHBY 139bl (Szerb, p. 13, nn. 14, 17 for further rkf.). Otherwise unidentified. 513 *gloss: [He] was p o r n the] [district] Son [in] Yar-lung. Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 18a3: Rong-po 'Phrul gyi Ide-btsan. As yet unidentified. 514 Cf. similarly HBCHBY (JA) 22b7. By the mention of Mi-nyag we cannot, at this early period, formally talk about Tangut or Xixia which first came into being in 1038 A.D. This ethnonym during this period refers to the people called Dang-xiang by Tang China. When we after all assume that it refers to Tangut, it is because we may assume that the present passage or section originated in the early period of the Sa-skya-s, cf. below, and therefore is (as also other material) a later interpolation. For this passage, somewhat oddly called a 'Catalogue of the Goods of the Four Quarters', cf. Uray, 1972, pp. 56-57. There can be no doubt that this section, finding no parallel in the usual sources underlying GLR and which mentions the laws of Hor, cannot have come into existence before the Sa-skya-pa period of rule in Tibet as noted already by Uray, 1972, p. 56. 5 15 *gloss: Of Lur Ra-ga of n o d . Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 18b5. Cf. note 462 supra. 5 16 *gloss: Of [the district] Ram-pa in sTod-lung. GLR reads mGar Srang-btsan. Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 18a.5: mGar gyi sTong-btsan yul-bzung. The Country-Conquerer. The most prominent military and political figure in the dynastic period and a pre-eminent protagonist on the mythological scene in connection with king Srong-btsan sgamPO. He and his clan virtually controlled Tibet from the death of Srong-btsan sgam-po until the end of the century. He himself passed away peacefully in A.D. 667 at Ris-pu. Registered, e.g., in the Dunhuang Chronicle (Bacot et al., 1940, p. 101.36-38, 117.20-21, 118.7): mGar sTong-brtsan P I zung. KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 3, 436.17-19 maintains that the mGar[-clan] came from the Pa-gar [area or clan] and that five ministers of this clan were famous during the dynastic period: Aside from mGar Srong-btsan yul-bzung, Khri 'Bring btsan-srol, bTsan-snya sdom-bu, Khri-thog-rje A-nu and Khri-sgra zin-lung. 'Bri Se-ru gong-ston,*'I7 Nyang Khri-bzang yang-ston *"' [etc. in all] one hundred ministers levelled [social] differences (bar gyi khod snyomr)*19and - in accordance with the king's behest - maned the code of the ten virtues:S20 Presents (bya dga') to be bestowed on the good ones,521 For a useful biographical essay on him, cf. foremost Uray, 1972, pp. 31-36; Richardson, 1990(c) and Chab-'gag rTa-mgrin, 1989(a). 5 17 *gloss: From 'Bri-khung . Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 18a5-6: 'Bri Si-ru gung-ston. He appears as a stable figure in numerous parts of the Vita of Srong-btsan sgam-po, where a few of the sixteen exterior and interior ministers occasionally are mentioned, cf. e.g. F K B E (Cd) 208a4: 'Be Se-ru gung-ston functions as bka 'iphyag tshang; KCHKKHM-2 266.1 1- 12,321.23: Chos-blon 'Bri bSe-N gung-ston and Brong Se-ru gung-ston; CHBYMTNYP 286a3. Otherwise unattested from more reliable sources. 518 *gloss: Of Ser in Nyang. Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 18a6-7: Khri-bzang yang-ston, gNyags kyi bu. Confirmed by KCHKKHM-2 266.12,321.4: dMyagsIgNyags Khre'u or Khri'u-bzantbza' yang-ston. This figure is known from the Vita of the king. Minister sNyags [kyi bu] Khri-bzang yang-ston is in some historical works registered as the fifthlseventh wise minister among the seven usually listed, cf. Uebach, 1987, pp. 27-29 and p. 75, n. 275. He was minister during the reign of king Khri-I& gtsug-btsan. See also BZH (Stein ed. 2.12: gNyags Khri-bzang blon; Chin, ed. p. 2.20-21: gNyags Khri-bzang yang-ston). He was allegedly dispatched to China as envoy in order to invite the Chinese princess Gyim-shing Kong-jo in 710 A.D., which places his floruif finily outside the period of king Srong-btsan sgam-po. What makes his prominent listing all the more surprising, is the fact that some sources (cf. note 1138 infra) have depicted him as guilty of regicide by slaying the crown-prince Uang-tsha 1Ha-dBon, the alleged son of Mes Ag-tshoms (cf. Appendix, note 1137). But he is also listed as minister under Khri-srong Ide-btsan, cf. note 1343 infia and so also note 500 supra. 519 For a discussion of this passage, cf. Uray , 1972, p. 57. The term khud in bar gyi W has nothing to do with another key term in the legislation of this period: kh~dlWloslmWlos,which, opting for the reading mkhos, should be understood, not as an institution, but arguably as a sort of department of supplies and provisions, of which there appears to have been thirty-six, cf. GBCHBY 270.9-1 1, 271.7-272.8, 273.21 ; HBCHBY (JA) 18b7-19a6,21a3; cf. also Bod kyi snga-rubs Wlt-im-srol yigcha bdams-bsgrigs, pp. 33-34, 39. 520 For a full survey of the codification and law-making during the time of Srong-btsan sgam-po, cf. mKhas-pa IDe'u's GBCHBY 253.16ff. of which dPa'-bo apparently presents us with an almost parallel exposition, HBCHBY (JA) 18b4ff. Here Uray's pioneer work: 7'ht Nwrafive of kgirlation and Organisation of the mklhas-pa'i dgal-ston, pp. 58ff. must be consulted, though in the light of GBCHBY's lengthy and difficult passages new research must now be conducted. Uebach, 1992, pp. 823-31, has made a first attempt to unravel this section in GBCHBY. 521 This appears to be one of the bstod pa gsum or the 'three praises' listed in a minister's prescribed wde (blon khrim snol ma), stating that when someone [acts] good, he should be presented with presents even if the one rewarded should turn out to be the son of one's [own] enemy (legs nu dgra 'i bu legs kyang bya dga'gsot) or if one does not praise (i.e. reward) the good ones with gifts, then who will later perform wholesome acts? I legs la bya dgas ma bstod nu I Punishment to be inflicted on the wicked ones,522 The high to be restricted by laws, The low to be protected by [various] means, The body-guard to be divided into four units, Highland water to be assembled into ponds, Lowland water to be conducted into channels, [The system ofJ measurement and weight to be organized, Fields to be divided into plots (lhu), [The art ofJ writing to be taught to men, Horses to be marked with colours (mdongs su bris) [to ensure ownership], Customs [consisting ofJ good examples to be established, Punishment to be inflicted on those instigating quarrels, Variable fines to be introduced on murderers, Stolen [goods] to be substituted eightfold and with the stolen [object it be] ninefold,523 Those committing adultery byi byas pa) to be banished to other countries, after dismembering parts of their limbJ24 and to those lying the tongue to be cut off.S2S O slan chad legs pa su yis byed I cf. mKhas-pa lDelu, GBCHBY 275.14-276.14; HBCHBY (JA) 21b4, 21b7-22al and also Chab-spel (ed.), 1989(a), p. 40. 522 Cf. previous note. Contrary to the previous code, this is counted among the 'three dispraises' (smad pa gsum), compelling the ministers to punish anyone committing wicked acts, even when it is one's own son (nyes nu rang gi bus nyes kyang chad pas gcod pa) and urging anyone to take a strong stand against the culprits, otherwise it remains difficult to distinguish the wise from the wicked and the wicked may afterwards never discontinue perpetrating sinful acts: B ngan la nun tur ma byed nu I I nam yang dran shes rem mi 'gyur I 0 nyes la chad pa ma bcad na I I phyi nos nyes byed rgyun mi chad I cf. GBCHBY 276.7-9; HBCHBY (JA) 21b4, 21b7-22al; Chab-spel, 1989(a), pp. 40-41. 523 This is one of the six authoritative degrees of the royal code (bko ' lung rgyal khrims, khrims chen) that, inter alia, as second code prescribed that stolen goods be repaid eightfold to ordinary people, and when it concerns the king's property eightyfold and when the items belong to the religious community then the stolen objects must be repaid hundredfold (ma byin par mi len pa 'i khrims d h n mchog gi nor brkus no brgya 'jal rgyal po'i nor la brgyad cu 'jal 'bangs kyi nor la [or skye bo la] brgyod 'jal du b c a pa), cf. mKhas-pa IDe'uls GBCHBY 270.19-271.6; HBCHBY (JA) 22a3-5; Chab-spel, 1989(a), p. 41. KCHKKHM-2 6.17-18, 109.1 (cursory, and differing slightly); Nyangral, CHBWW'lWYP 186alff., while only briefly touching upon the legislation of Srong-btsan sgampo, nevertheless here adduces that the stolen items should be compensated sevenfold, and eightfold with the stolen entity itself. Cf. also C. Bell, Tibet: Past and Present, p. 24. 524 Cf. previous note. The code prescribed the dismemberment of limbs to repay adultery. 525 Cf. the two previous notes. The code here states that in order to abolish lying, Triratna and the h a klu gnyan po must be taken as witnesses. Cf. also briefly KCHKKHM-2 6.18, 109.2-4; CHBYMTNYP 186a6. Further, [a set of sixteen pure popular rules of conduct (mi chos gtsang mu bcu drug) were [I] to seek refuge in the Three Jewels and to show [them] devotion and to pay [them] respect; [2] to show gratefulness to one's parents and honour [them]; [3] not to forget [one's] benefactors, [i.e.] the father, uncle and elders, the three, and to repay them in kind[ness]; [4] not to quarrel with upper-class people and noblemen, but to yield [to them]; [S] to adapt [oneselves to them] in all [their] manners and behaviours; [6] to fix one's mind to the Buddhist religion and to [the art of] writing and [subsequently] to understand [their] meaning; [7J to have faith in the law of karmic causation and to avoid perpetrating sins altogether; [S] to extend help to friends and neighbours and not to nourish mischievous sentiments [towards them]; [9] to act honestly and to stand witness; [lo] to show moderation in food and liquor and to behave chastely; [ l l ] to pay debts in time; [12] to refrain from conducting fraud in weighting and measuring; [13] not to indulge in [any] reflections on affairs in which one is neither elected nor comissioned; [14] not to lend ears to women in the course of council and to remain self-reliant; [IS] if [a case] turns out to be incomplete [i.e. involving doubts] as to veracity or fallacy @in min gyis), then one should pledge [one's] oaths after having called the yul Ulo and the bstan srung as witnesses, etc. 526 The following is an enumeration of the so-called sixteen points of pure popular conduct (mi chos gtsang ma bcu drug), cf. m a s - p a IDe'u GBCHBY 254.17 (no listing); DCHBY 110.6 (no listing); HBCHBY (JA) 22a3-b2; Chab-spel, 1989(a), p. 42. Again the question crops up: What is the source for this codification and where should we find the locus classicus? Scrutinizing the older material, only KCHKKHM-2 109.9-10 mentions the mi chos chen po bcu drug (no listing), upon the pattern of which, the king allegedly made his ten kufala-based laws. The KCHKKHM-2 is usually considered to reflect the oldest, at least the most complete, version of the king's alleged Testaments, assumed to have been issued in the XIth century. If, therefore, this is not a later interpolation (lhod [blzhugs) inserted into this text, say in the XIIIth cent., an assumption which CaMOt be disqualified, as this version of KCHKKHM, judged from the transmission-lineagegiven, was recopied or handed down until the mid-XIIIth century, then the origin or introduction of this system must be dated further back in time. Otherwise they are first mentioned in the works of mKhas-pa IDe'u and 1De'u jo-sras (the dating of which is still not definite, but presumably around 1260 A.D.) and thereafter first in DTHMP (so also Uray, 1972, p. 59) and we may assume that these sixteen moral codes did not originate or became universally known much before this period. However, after its recording in GLR, this list found its way into almost every subsequent historical work in Tibet. Nevertheless, the conclusions reached by Uray. op. cit. p. 65, must in the ligbt of the testimony of GBCHBY, not to talk about KCHKKHM-2, be altered accordingly. The list in GLR and HBCHBY appears to be complete, but according to my counting only fifteen rules in all are listed. Perhaps the list in GLR is incomplete and the word la sogs occurs at the end of the enumeration. Cf. also Meisezahl, Zenrralariatische Srudien, vol. 7, pp. 221 -61. Chab-spel, 1989(b), p. 142 (rephrased). Having [thus] taken the ten virtues as pattern, the twenty [secular] laws of Tibet (Bod khrims nyi shu) were set in system (gtan la phab) at ~ho-ma-ra*'" and affixed with the seal of the king and all the ministers, and so they were propagated [in Tibet] like the light of the sun and moon:528 Acting accordingly, the ruler and the subjects [alike] were happy; The teachings expanded and the royal power developed in the ten directions; As the religious laws [thus] had been made, the subjects paid heed to his behest; The entire kingdom was happy with the [noble] act[s] of the Divine Ruler of Man (mi rje Men being brave, horse[s] being swift, [such] enjoyments are god-like; Applying confidence in the Dharma, [they] are happy in this and the subsequent existence; By avoiding quarrel and strife, everyone regarded [one another] as 527 *gloss: [In] sKyi[dl-shod. Cf. also mKhas-pa IDe'u GBCHBY 271.7; HBCHBY (JA) 19al. On this site, cf. Tucci, 1956(a), p. 76, n. 1 and foremost Uray, 1960, p. 32, n. 4; Uray, 1972, pp. 33, 43 (with further references). This site occurs repeatedly in the Dunhuang Annals. The place was no doubt one of the key administrative centres of Tibet during that time. The twenty codes are the sixteen pure moral codes (of somewhat later origin?) and the four fundamental laws, twenty in all, cf. Uray, 1972, pp. 58-59. More pertinent, in BZH (Stein ed. 73.12) this phrase (i.e. sKyid shod Shong ma rar gtan la phab) is traced, but here referring to the period under Ral-pa-can (ca. 815 - 836 A.D.) alluding to the systematization or regulation of bre, srang and zho measures and weights, cf. note 1432 inpa. This can either mean that Sho-mo-ra retained its importance throughout almost the entire dynastic period as the leading administrative centre of the state, where all matters and temporalities pertaining to juristiction were sworn in. Alternatively, attributing more historical weight to the latter witness, it is conceivable that the Vita-compilers may have taken this sentence from BZH or a similar source and inserted it into the present narrative on the king's legislation. Another possibility is also feasible: The basic source for both references may, again, be the nebulous Thang-yig chenrno responsible for the concocted minister-list also, cf. note 500 supra and next note. Later sources speak about Sho-ma-ra of sTod-lung[s], probably while sKyid-shod was too vague a geographical term. 528 For the following poetic passage cf. similarly HBCHBY (JA) 23a2-b2, either following or paralleling GLR. Cf. also Uray, 1972, pp. 55-57. As this final metrical piece is lacking altogether from well-known sources, one would suspect that it originates from Thang-yig chen-rno, cf. also note 1318 infro. 529 This epithet of the Tibetan kings is legion in numerous works, cf. e.g. KTHDNG (KHA) 130.10: (The king who) arrived as the lord of man from the gods of heaven (gnam gyi lha los mi yi j e ru gshegs); it can be documented, with slightly different wording, f.ex. in the full title of MBNTH and in Nel-pa's NGTMTPH 2b2,5b4 (Uebach, pp. 54-55, 74); but see also MNKB E (Ca) 115a2, KCHKKHM-1 708.6, KCHKKHM-2 139.6, MBNTH 46a4: 'bangs ni mi yin' j e ni !ha yis bya; BGR 198a3; DCHBY 100.19 and 102.3-4: gnam gyi lha las ni bobs mi yul du rjer gshegs; YLJBCHBY 47.1. Its locus classicus is derived from an expression repeated numerous times in the early Tibetan inscriptions, cf. Richardson, 1985, pp. 81-82, 86-87, and ibid. pp. 108-109, i.e. from the rdo-ring of the tomb of king Khri-lde srong-btsan and from the 8211822 A.D. Sino-Tibetan Treaty (East Inscription): gnam gyi lha las II myi'i rgyal por gshegs re. See also Thomas, Tibeton Literary Tats and Documents, 11, p. 93. paren t q S 3 O As the [art ofJ writing [gradually] was taught to everybody, [it conduced to] disseminating the Teaching of the Dharma; As spiritual friends advocating non-virtuousness were lacking, the jewel of the ten virtues was found; As this was carried as the crown on everybody's head, the sun of happiness rose; As everybody [merely] are emanational creations, there were no tax or con&-senice ( 'u lag); In the firmament of space, the eight-s ked wheel rose; eight-petalled lotus grew; On the cloddy ground (dog rno'i so),'the On the mountains [towering in] the intermediate [space], the eight auspicious symbols were complete; All the trees gave shade in the pleasances; All birds not only sent forth various cries; But all the places moved in six ways;S32 The gods sent down a rain of flowers; [In] a divine grove with auspicious and pleasant rocks Under the cool shade of a walnut trunk, The great Dharmafija [Srong-btsan sgam-pol sad poised on a throne; Accompanied by a host of brave, wise and miraculously endowed ministers, Being circumambulated fully by his Tibetan subjects and retinue; The tent of the multi-coloured rainbow, Folding like a canopy [hung] from the sky, Under which the king was seated; Heaps of foods such as treacle, grapes, sugar, etc. possessing a hundred flavours Were offered by the king and rendered his retinue satisfied; For the physical recreation of the great Dharmafija Masqueraders [dressed as] lion, yak-lion and tiger-lion, Drummers, dancers etc. Successively offered dances and games; With the great drum of the gods, guitars, Music and cymbals, etc. [he] was being entertained. The scents of supreme herb, aloe, sandal and Incenses wafted according to the wind; With parasols (gdugs, channa), pinnacles (rgyal mrshan, gafjira), banners (ba dun, pardka), ornaments (lhab [hub, vibhpay) And various flags the heaven was filled [in his] honour; 530 Vogel, op. cit. p. 38 translates: they know all for their parents [sic]. 531 The ritual and mythological implication of the term dog mo 'i sa or sa dog in connection with the Tibetan dynasty has been discussed by Haarh, 1969, pp. 3 1 1-324; Hazod, 199 1. For the imagery of the eight auspicious symbols on the mountains and the other signs, cf. chapter XIV i n p a . 532 An event always associated with something unusual, cf. here Vogel, op. cir., p. 38, n. 109. Sixteen beautiful and charming girls Bedecked with handsome ornaments and carrying flowers Offered a treat for the ear [and a feast for the eyes] with songs and dances. At [this] time when he executed the law @ringing] joy and happiness, Every single Tibetan subject rode his horse full speed, Hoisting high his flag in each tree top. Having beaten the great drum of Saddharma [The king] enacted the law in conformity with the ten virtues And enhanced the enjoyment in conformity with the five objects of sensual pleasures. Exactly in this Snow-clad Kingdom The Law of the ten virtues, like the sun and the moon in the sky Covered this Massif of Glacial Snow, the Country of Tibet. [How] Minister Thon-mi [Sambhota] Invented an Alphabetfrom India[n Pattern] and [how] the Laws [ ~ & e dupon] the Ten [Buddhist] Virtues were Enacted by the King. [How] The Statues of the King's Tutelary Deity were Brought from India and Nepal [o [The Legend of the Snakeheart-Sandalwood Idol] ~ e x t , the ' ~ ~great incarnated king [Srong-btsan sgam-pol thought: 'I must erect a statue of [my] tutelary deity @i dam gyi lha, isradevard) in order to promote the welfare of the sentient beings here in this Snow-clad barbarous borderland.s34 If the material [for erecting this idol] were to be made from jewels, gold and silver, the fear remains that it would be destroyed in the last period [of Kaliyuga] by future sentient beings of low merit. If [on the other hand] it was produced from earth and stone, then the material is [far too] inferior. And if produced from some sort of wood it would b e susceptible] to cracking, so what sort of material would be [most] suitable for raising a statue of my tutelary deity?n535 He consequently offered up prayers to [his idol of] Arya (AvalokiteSvara], and so at dawn [the following morning] Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, the Arya SrHvakas, gods and goddess etc. all arrived in space just in front [of him], convening [there] like a cloud. Arya MaiijuSri and Arya Samantabhadra, the two, [each] held a precious bottle in their hands filled with ambrosial water, whereafter they conferred [upon the king] empowerment (dbang bskur, abhiseka) and [thus] administered him ablution. All the Buddhas tendered their blessings and all the Bodhisattvas expressed their marigala-s, whereas the gods and the goddesses, with their bodies protuding half way [out from the clouds] (lur phyed rhon tsam), paid their homage by way of sundry kinds of divine entertainment and by having a rain of flowers fall [from the sky].536 Immediately, various distinct rays of light emanated from the body of the king which made the entire barbarous borderland [of Tibet], the Snow-clad [country] be covered in light, each [ray of light transforming itself into an emanational] incarnated being which converted each individual according to disposition and [thus] worked for the sake of the sentient beings and thereby even this barbarous borderland turned into a Continent of Jewels. Subsequently, the gods univocally uttered the following words to the king:s37 533 The present chapter prosecutes the overall theme by offering various tales gleaned from the AvalokiteSvara-cum-Srong-btsan sgam-po Vita by presenting here a famed and popular legend that deals with the acquirement of a statue representing the king's personal tutelary deity Cyi (or thugs) dam gyi lha). The chapter embodies basically two legends which are thematically somewhat conflated. The main legend narrates, mainly in epic prose, the story of how the king wishes to secure a merit-accumulating and bless-bestowing sanctuary for the Tibetan people and how an emanational created bhihu named Akaramatisila is dispatched to India in order to search for the exquisite material, the 'snake-heart-sandalwood', to erect the idol. Cf. Appendix, note 533 for a fuller survey of the basic and parallel sources for this chapter. 534 MNKB E (Ca) 103b4, (Cd) 189a1-2; KCHKKHM-1 685.4; KCHKKHM-2 109.11; CHBYMTNYP 188al-2; MBNTH 31b5; HBCHBY (JA) 23b3-4. 535 W K B E (Ca) 103b4-5, (Cd) 189a2-4; KCHKKHM-1 685.4-5; KCHKKHM-2 109.12-17; KCHKKHM-3 399.7-400.2; CHBYMTNYP 188al-188b4; MBNTH 31b5-32al; HBCHBY (JA) 23b4-5. 536 As the only source KCHKKHM-3 400.2-3 mentions where the devaputro-s etc. made themselves manifest: Above the Khra-'hrug temple. 537 I\lnlJKBE (Ca) 103b5-104a1, (Cd) 189a4-5; KCHKKHM-1 685.5-686.3; KCHKKHM-2 109.17110.4; KCHKKHM-3 400.3-6; CHBYMTNYP 188b4-189al; MBNTH 32a2-5; all these versions are in prose, only HBCHBY (JA) 23b6-7, similar to GLR, offers a metrical version. "Emanational king, Bodhisattva You, Lord of all black-headed: A receptacle from which one can accumulate merit and pay [one's] veneration, If [you want to] acquire (spyan 'dren; invite) [a statue ofl [you] tutelary deity, [then know that]: In the southern direction of the country of India, At the shore of the ocean of Ceylon, Behind the [statue ofl the self-originated Khasarpqi, Beneath the sand of a sleeping elephant, From the [exquisite] 'snakeheart sandalwood' tree (tsan dun sbrul gyi snying po, uragasdracandana) Produced, the self-originated Avalokita is there to be found, a most marvellous [statue]: This is the tutelary deity of the king." [Having spoken thus,] they made [themselves] invisible. Then the king thought: "when] this [statue of a] tutelary deity is to be fetched, no human being [will be able to] find it, so [I] will have to send an emanationally created being." Having barely thought so, an emanationally created bhiksu named AkaramatiSlla, being endowed with Buddha Amitibha seated upon his head, manifested [itself] miraculously from the hair-curl between the eye-brows (smin mtshams kyi mdzod spu, arndkoia) of the king.538 [This bhiksu] was dispatched in order to fetch the [statue ofl the tutelary deity." Thereupon, the emanational created bhiksu anived by way of magical faculty in the southern part of India and came to a town called dBus-'gyur. There a king called Utpala ~ e s a ?[reigned], ~ ~ whose lineage [previously] was [adhering to the creed of the] 'inner' Buddhists, but later assumed the faith of the 'external' heretics. Each single day they slaughtered five goats and made offerings to MaheSvara. To the left of the king's palace the receptacle (caitya) denoted the 'Wheel-marked Lotus' @adma 'khor-lo-can, *padmacakrin)540 was found being consecrated by the former Buddha Krakucchanda ('Khor-ba 'jig).s4' There the emanational created bhiksu circumambulated [this receptacle] while assuming a cross-legged posture (skyil krung, paryarika) in space directly in front of the bottle[-shaped] (bum pa, kalaia) [trunk of] this sanctuary. When this [scenario] was observed my the king1 from the topmost roof of the king's palace, it [caused much] wonder, but when the king invited the emanational created bhiksu to his palace, the bhiksu did not concede to come. When [he] was pressingly requested; the bhiksu proclaimed: "if [you] yield to what I have to say, I shall come to your palace, when not, I shall not come!" The king [promised to] pay 538 Y K B E (Ca) 104al-3, (Cd) 189b1-3; KCHKKHM-1 686.3-6; KCHKKHM-2 110.4-17; KCHKKHM-3 400.6-7; CHBYMTNYP 189al-189b6; MBNTH 32a5-32bl; HBCHBY (JA) 23b724al; DTHZHG 23.9-10; this bhiksu is rendered variously and cormptively: Akiramatila, Akarmati; ~ i l aAkaramati, Akaramati~ila. 539 Also called U[d]mata Kesar, Udmanta Kesara, etc. and the town is given as [s]Ke-ru, KO-ru. 540 F K B E (Ca) 104b1, (Cd) 189b4; KCHKKHM-1 87.5; KCHKKHM-2 11 1.13; KCHKKHM-3 401.4-5; CHBYMTNYP 190b4;MBNTH 32b4; HBCHBY (JA) 24a3; DTHZHG 23.17. 541 W K B E (Ca) 104a3-105a1, (Cd) 189b3-5; KCHKKHM-I 686.6-688.2; KCHKKHM-2 1 10.17113.3; KCHKKHM-3 401.4-403.1 ; CHBYMTNYP 189b6-192al; MBNTH 32al-33b4. heed to what the bhiksu would say, and so [the bhikru] went to the king's palace and acted as his chaplain (mchod g n u , purohita). There the bhiku spoke: "You [0king] were previously an 'inner' [i.e.] Buddhist (nang pa sangs rgyas pa), so change [your present] creed of the 'external' [heretics], practise the system of the 'inner' Buddhists [again] and seek refuge in the Three Jewels!" The king accepted to act accordingly. Again, the bhiksu spoke: "King, you must built one hundred and eight temples and inside these you must erect one hundred and eight statues [made ofl the 'snakehan sandalwood' (uragardracandana) and 'cowhead sandalwad' (goSrrsacandona)!" But the king responded: "The 'snakeheart sandalwood' is to be found in the ~ k s l i s t h a[heaven] so I have no power to fetch it. As for the 'cowhead sandalwood', it is to be found in the northern pm of the [peninsula] Malaya, where [one finds many] venemous and poisonous snakes coiled, I [have] no means of fetching it [too], [so] it must suffice Ljust] to raise one hundred and eight temples. " Again, the bhiksu spoke: "I have knowledge [of the whereabouts] of the 'snakeheart sandalwood', so [you] will have to go and fetch it, [now] depart together with your retinue and servants along with your tools!" The king, [i.e.] patron and chaplain (yon [bdag dung] mchod [gnus]) along with their retinue arrived next at the shore along the ocean of Ceylon [where they] found many elephants asleep on the rear side of the stone[-made] self-created statue of Khasarpani. Then the bhiksu spoke: "Among these elephants the one[s] that have the[ir] face'turned eastward, have [their] trunk red and upon the nape (Ijin Wlung) of which a tassel (zar bu) of concretion (gi vang)542 is found, underneath the[se] one[s] [you] find the 'snakeheart sandalwood'. When the king inquired: "How come that the 'snakeheart sandalwood' have come there underneath the elephant[s]?" The bhiksu answered: "During the season when [the elephants] are tormented by the [dreadful] summerheat, those that [seek] coolness [find it] where the sandalwood is found and the leaves of the sandalwood [trees provide] ailment for the pangs of the heat. This make the elephant[s] recognize where the sandalwood is located, so that when the heat comes, they [will] sleep upon [these trees]." Once the elephants had been scared away and the sand dug away underneath them, the 'snakeheart sandalwood' was traced. The king again inquired for this reason: "The 'snakeheart sandalwood' has never turned up in the human world, how come that it can turn up in this [place]?" [Again] the bhiku responded: "At the time when the former Buddha Krakucchanda appeared in the world, a Sr~vaka[and] an Arhat went by magical means to [the godly abode ofl Akanistha, where [they] were able to acquire a lump (gang bu) of the 'snakeheart sandalwood'. 1"'that lump four seeds were found. Three seeds were tendered to Buddha Krakucchanda and one seed was given to [the stone-made statue of] Jo-bo Khasarpani, being inserted in the crown of its head, but [when] it became agitated by the wind [the seed] fell down behind the back of the statue. After it [subsequently] had been pressed down by the earth, it was moistened with nectar on the [fullmoon] evening of the fifteenth by the ddkinr-s whereafter a sprout sprang forth. At the time Buddha ~anakamuni (gSer-thub) made his appearance in the world, [its] flowers blossomed, and when Buddha KgSyapa ('Od-srungs) appeared in the world its fruits were ripe. When Buddha S~kyamuni made his appearance in the world, [it] had grown into a tall trunk, so when Swamuni 542 @KB E (Ca) 105b5; KCHKKHM-1690.4; KCHKKHM-2 114.15-16; CHBYMTNYP 194b3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 24a7. passed into Nirviina, the [sandalwood-]trunk split and [was] covered with sand. " Accordingly; the trunk was dug forth from beneath the sand, the branches were cut away, so that [finally] there were four clefts (smb) in the trunk. From these an immeasurable [amount] of rays of light emitted which [eventually] pervaded the entire universe, whereafter they were absorbed into the trunk again, [causing] a sound to occur saying: "Cut slowly!"543 Then the trunk split into four pieces and from its interior Arya Avalokita CinGmani came forth, being [endowed] with ten countenances, three with a peaceful (zhi, Santa) and seven with a wrathful (khro, khrodha) countenance, [each] accomplishing the [four ritual] acts of pacification (zhi, Sdntika), dominating (dbang, *vdrkdrana), expanding (rgyas, *pawtika) and violating (drag, *abhicdr=ka), upon which rest& [as eleventh head] Amigbha; its ten basic arms ( m a phyag) embraced [various] insignia (phyag mtshan) and emitted light and rays in [all] ten directions.s44 The sandalwood-tree made one hundred and eight pieces [in all], [from which] one hundred and eight statues were raised. [These] were [subsequently] installed in one hundred and eight temples. Then again, in order to fetch the 'cowhead sandalwood' (gosCrSacandana) at an appropriate time, the musk (gla rtsi, k a s l ~ i r l ' was ) ~ ~shown ~ [malung the'snakes pacified] and the 'cowhead' [sandalwood] was fetched and manufactured as in the previous [case]. Subsequently, the bhiksu took hold of one full measure (bre gang) of relics (ring bsrel, Sarira) pertaining to the seven successive [former] Buddhas (sangs rgyas rubs bdun) from inside the 'bottle'[-shaped] trunk of the lotus-receptacle which was [then] sealed up (rgyas btab) again. Thereafter they arrived on the island in the ocean, where [they] observed [how] on each stalk a Buddha was sitting. [They] took along a truss of the kda-grass and [when they] next amved at the bank of the river of Nairaiijanl [they] observed that a Buddha was sitting on each and single grain of sand wherefore [they] took along a full measure of sand. Thus [the statue ofl Avalokita made from the 'snakeheart sandalwood', the 'cowhead sandalwood', branches from the [holy] fig-tree (byang chub kyi ljon shing, bodhivrksa), [holy] sand from the bank of the river Nairaiijanl, a truss of the kda-grass and earth' from the eight great hermitages [in India] etc., Indian objects and the statue of the tutelary deity etc. were [all] brought along by the bhiksu and [when these items finally] arrived in Tibet, [they were] presented to the king who re,oiced greatly.546 543 For the present passage, cf. MNKB E (Ca) 105al-107a3; KCHKKHM-1 688.2-691.2; KCHKKHM-2 1 1 3 . 3 - 1 1 8 . 3 ; ~ ~ ) I K j o I M - 3 4 0 1 . 4 - 4 0 4 . 1 ; ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 7 9 33b4-35aS; HBCHBY (JA) 24a7-bl. 544 Y K B E (Ca) 107a3-b6; KCHKKHM-1 691.2-4; KCHKKHM-2 1 18.3-16; KCHKKHM-3 404.1-4; CHBYMTNYP 194bl-195b6; MBNTH 35d-35b5. This statue was later inserted, together with other Buddha-Sarfra-s, into another autogenous Eleven-headed Avalokiteivara idol equally denoted Cintiimani, cf. note 801 infra. Cf. also Macdonald, 1967, pp. 479-48 1. 545 The musk obtained from a male sexual gland of Moscus moschiferus (gla ba) is inter alia believed to eradicate snake-poison, cf. e.g. Lo Bue, 1981, p. 105. 546 Y K B E (Ca) 107b6-110a3, (Cd) 189b4-191b6; KCHKKHM-1 691.4-694.5; KCHKKHTVI-2 118.16-123.4; KCHKKHM-3 404.4-406.1 ; CHBYMTNYP 196al-199a2; HBCHBY (JA) 24bl25a3. [II] [The Four Self-originated Brother Idols] Then, again, the [Tibetan] king thought: 'Yet [another] most marvellous receptacle exists which [can] work for the sentient beings of the posterity, a ninndnokdya-statue [of Buddha] " ~[the ~ ' king] made a request to the statue of [his] concealed in the direction of I H O - B ~ I . So tutelary deity [for advice], whereby a ray of light radiated from the heart of this autogenous [statue] and headed towards the country of Bal-po. Following it with the eyes, it was seen that [the ray of light] manifested [itself] as the 'Four Self-originated Brothers' (rung byon mched b ~ h iat) a~'hari ~ ~sandalwood' (haricaanda~)trunk [that was capable ofJ emitting rays of light in ten directions. This was located in the middle of a great forest along the border of India and Nepal. Again the emanational created bhiksu was dispatched to invite [i.e. fetch] these receptacles.549 When the bhikru arrived in the village[s] of Mang-yul, he observed the country [in a] disasterous [state with] many dead people struck down by plague (yam n@. Proceding from there, in the town named Yam-bu Ya-'gal [i.e. Kathmandu] he observed [further] unhappiness [in form] of many dead people falling prey to leprosy. Proceeding from there, at the border between India and Nepal he [again] observed [a state ofl unhappiness [in form] of many dead people suddenly meing killed] by a demon (gdon, graha) of the upper sphere (steng). In the [local] forest there was a herdsman (rdzi bo) tending many buffalos (ma he). One [particularly] karmically bless-bestowed (far dung sku! bar ldan pa) buffalo went daily (nyin mo'i rigs kyis) into the forest where it circumambulated the 'hari sandalwood' trunk, [the tree] which emitted rays of light in [all] ten directions, and emptied its udder (nu ma gtor ba). This made the buffalo-owner address the herdsman in the evening: 'You have milked my buffalo", but the herdsman responded: 'I have not milked your buffalo; [your] buffalo seeks by day into the forest over there." The following morning the herdsman and the buffalo-owner went together to see [what actually happened in] that forest. There they were taken by surprise when [they observed how] the buffalo [first] circumambulated the 'hari sandalwood' tree that emitted rays of light 547 MNKB E (Cd) 191b6-192a2; CHBYMTNYP 209b3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 25a4-5; DTHZHG 23.1922: IHo Bal alludes here naturally to Bal-po in the south. But as deftly shown by Stein from a collation with Chinese sources, in the dynastic period lho bal regularly means 'barbarians". 548 Cf. note 533 (legend 2) in Appendix for further sources. The versions found of this legend often differ on the number of statues involved. V K B E (Cd) 192a2-3: 'Phags pa s o a n ras gzigs kyi sku rang byung gsum; CHBYMTNYP: 'Phagspa 'isku bzhi byon, wbereas HBCHBY speaks about Thugs j e chen po mched inga, i.e. Thugs-rje chen-po and [his four acolytes], five brothers [in all]. A text in Wylie, 1970, Appendix B, fol. 6b, and p. 15, maintains that the four Jo-bo brothers were born from a sandal-wood well in Kathmandu. It remains to be settled which version represents the original one. Counting three, four or five statues depend in part also upon whether we should include the two idols in Patan (i.e. A-kham and U-barn), so according to Chos kyi nyi-ma. Y u ~ chen-po nye-ba'i Tsandhoha bal-po'i gnas kyi dkar-chag (ed. Macdonald, Kailosh, 1975), 17al3 . The story of the Mahdcirunika-brothers and in particular the idol 'Phags-pa Vati, a national palladium in Tibet, enjoy considerable popularity and reminiscences of it are found in numerous writings and texts. 549 IWI(KB E (Cd) 192b3-4; CHBYMTNYP 210al-3; HBCHBY (JA) 25a5. in ten directions and then [was seen] discharging [its milk from] the udder.'" Consequently, the emanational created bhiksu knew that the sandalwood statue [representing] the king's tutelary deity should come from this [very tree], wherefore [he had it] cut down with an axe, but a voice sounded from the four statues [inside the trunk]. [From] the upper [part of the trunk] it sounded: "Cut slowly and install me in the country of Mang-yul!" Such a sound was heard. From the interior, when cut to pieces, [a statue] appeared called 'Phags-pa ~a-ti."' Then from the lower [part] below a voice exclaimed: "Cut slowly and install me in the town of Yam-bu Ya-'gal!" From its interior, when the tree was split up, [a statue] emerged named 'Phags-pa d ~ u - ~ a n ~ . " ~ [Again] from [the part further] below a voice [similarly] sounded: "Cut slowly and [then] install me at the border between Ne al and India!" From its interior when split up, [a statue of] 'Phags-pa Ua-ma-li appeared.4 3 550 This element with the herdsman and the buffalo is lacking from MNKB, CHBYMTNYP, but retained in HBCHBY. 551 Cf. also CHBYMTNYP 210b5-211a2; HBCHBY (JA) 25a7. See also MNKB E (Ca) 114b4, 115a6, where it is maintained that the autogenous Vati bzang-po was brought along by Princess Khri-btsun as dowry and that it later, while on its way to Tibet, was installed in sKyid-grong of Mang-yul, cf. MNKB 116b3: 'Phags pa 7hugs rje chen po ni skyid grong du bzugs so. MNKB E (Cd) 192b3-4: ~o:bo Va-ti had a red body-colour, one face and two hands resp. with the jnudrdgesture of varada (right) and a white lotus (left) and it was installed in Mang-yul. It was therefore also called sKyid-grong Jo-bo. Cf. also Yul chen-po nye-ba'i Tsandoha bal-po'i gnas kyi dkarchag, 31al (ed. A. W. Macdonald, Kailarh, 1975, p. 121). Myang chos-'byung (Chin. ed., 96.897.8); cf. also Macdonald, 1963, p. 59; Aufschnaiter, 1976, p. 179; Macdonald & Dvags-po Rinpo-che, 1983, pp. 271-72. Its historicity is ascertained as the idol was removed from sKyid-grong in 1959 following the anti-Chinese revolt and brought to safety in Nepal and India, cf. Aris, 1975, p. 68; see also Khridrung Blo-bzang thub-bstan, 1990, p. 104. In sKyid-grong a statue of dge-slong A-ka-ra-ma-ti is also found, the mythical emanation and protagonist that allegedly brought the statue to Tibet. 552 MNKB E (Cd) 192b2-3: Jo-bo U-khang, white with one face and two arms, endowed with the m i k s and feature of a Mahipurusa, being light-emitting and to be installed in Yam-bu Ya-'gal; CHBYMTNYP 21 1a4-5: It was installed to the south of the Nepalese town of Ye-rang ( = modern Patan, see U v i , 1905, 1, pp. 60-62; Wylie, 1970, p. 13); HBCHBY (JA) 25a7. His name is rendered differently in the texts: Bu kam, U khang, dBu khang etc. These Tibetan renditions reflect variously the name Bunga, Buga, Bugma, Vugma-dyo, also known as Bungmati Avalokiteivara, where Arya Bu-gam = Avalokiteivara of Bungamati, or Bagmati located to the south of Patan. Prior to the sixteenth century it was thus known as Bunga-LokeSvara, so according to DharmasvHmin (Chos-rje-dpal) alias Chag Lotsava (1 197-1265), who inspected the idol during his itinerary to Nepal, cf. Regmi, 1965, 1, p. 560. Later this idol acquired a new name and identity: Riito or Red Matsyendranith(a1 of Patan. It thus has nothing to do with Kathmandu as maintained here by GLR. Cf. here Wylie, 1970, p. 16; Dowman, 1981, p. 246-248 and especially Slusser, 1982, pp. 367-379, who at greater length discusses the puzzling transition of identity between Bungadyo/AvalokiteSvara/MatsyendranHtha. Some texts speak about two idols of Ye-rang or Patan, i.e. A-khamlgang and U-kham, being the Matsyendranath and Minanath of Patan, cf. Wylie and Dowman; Locke, 1973 and 1980. 553 Y K B E (Cd) 192a6-bl, b5: Jo-bo 'Ja'-ma-li, a white body-colour, of which one cannot look enough at, endowed with the marks and features of a Mahipurusa, its sweet scent to be smelled for ten yoyana-s, endowed with three faces and six arms, with a size of about a child aged five. To be installed at the border between Indian and Nepal; CHBYMTNYP 21 1a2-4: It was installed to the From [the part further] below [again] a voice sounded: 'Cut slowly, I am going to be the tutelary deity of king Srong-btsan sgam-po in Snow-capped realm of ~ i b e t ! " ~ ~ ~ Subsequently, 'Phags-pa Va-ti was installed in the country of ~ a n ~ - ~'Phags-pa u l . ~ ~ ~ dBu-gang in the town of Yam-bu Ya-'gal. 'Phags-pa Ua-ma-li was installed at the border between India and Nepal. From the blessing [accruing from] installing these three statues, the respective districts (grong tshan) were released from the three fears of untimely deaths. Next, the emanational created bhikru installed the 'Phags-pa LokeSvara at the summit of [Mt.] Potala, [where it is found till] now. Khasarpani was [subwquenty] brought along and came to the country of Tibet, where it was handed over to the Dharmvija Srong-btsan sgampo, who rejoiced greatly [at the sight]. When he paid [the statue] a visit, he thought that now it would be no toil to work for the welfare of the sentient beings. Thereupon, also the emanational created bhikru AkaramatiSila was transformed into [pure] light again and was absorbed into the hair-curl between the king's eyebrow.556 [How] the Statues of the King's melory Deifies were BroughtJrom India and Nepal. east of Yarn-bu (here northern Kathmandu); HBCHBY (JA) 25a7. Its name 'Ja'llJaJJa-ma-li etc. is derived from Jamala, a village known already from the time of the Licchavis as JamayambigAma. The deity was thus long known as Jamaldvara or the Lord of Jamala. h t e r , this lesser form of AvalokiteSvara became known as the Sveta (Seto) or W i t e Matsyendranitha. In the dhr-chug edited by Macdonald, Kailash, 1975, 17al-3: Jo-bo 'Ja'-ma-li dkar-po. CLR mentions that it was installed along the border between India and Nepal, wherefore Wylie suggests the place Kojarniith near Taklakot, which however is doubtful. In terms of historical antiquity it clearly postdates its 'big brother', =to Matsyeodraniitha, cf. previous note. For details, cf. also Wylie, op. cit. pp. 15-16, 20, but esp. Dowman, 1981, pp. 233-235; Locke, 1980; Slusser, 1982, pp. 37980. 554 1.e. IHa-sa'i Lokefvara or 'Phags-pa LokeSvara: CHBYMTNYP 210M-6; HBCHBY (JA) 25a7. It was first installed in Magadha, and subsequently it was installed in the Potala of Lhasa, cf. below and e.g. TSLKHKCH 19b4-6; GJBTSNK 132.3 ( = 66b3). Cf. also, Ferrari, 1958, p. 40, n. 51. 555 Cf. note 551 supra. 556 F K B E (Cd) 192b6-193a2; CHBYMTNYP 2 11a6-211b3; HBCHBY (JA) 25a7-bl . The Invitation of the Nepalese Princess Khri-btsun ~ e x t , 'the ~ ~emanational created king [Srong-btsan sgam-pol again thought: 'A statue of Bhagavat is installed in India, another [statue] is installed in Nepal and [still another] one is installed in China, and in each of these countries where these three idols are installed the teachings (chos, d h a n a ) of MahBy2na are found diffused, so what can I do to fetch any of these three statues [with the aim] to further the s read of the teachings of the MahByha here in this Snow-capped country [of Tibet also]?" He therefore offered up a prayer to the autogenous sandalwood statue and [as a response] two rays of li ht emanated from its heart, one of which went to the east, and one which went westwards.5 9 Following the one which went to the west with the eyes, it was seen to take up abode in the princess named Khri-btsun, daughter of the king called De-ba Iha (*~evadeva)'* in P'* 557 This chapter, conjoint with the ensuing one, constitutes the core part of our present book, inasmuch as these chapters deal with what is considered two of the main events in the life of king Srong-btsan sgam-po: His invitation and marriage to a Nepalese and a Chinese princess. The present chapter presents the mythologized story of the invitation of the Nepalese princess Khri-btsun. This part of the Avalokiteivara-cum-Srong-btsan sgarn-po Vita is found incorporatsd in most of the usual prime or parallel sources employed or assumed to have been wnsulted by Blama dam-pa.The legendary narrative is transmitted in a mixture of prose and verse. Cf. Appendix note 557 for a fuller survey over the basic and parallel sources for this chapter. 558 MNKB E (Ca) 11lal-2, (Cd) 193b5-6; KCHKKHM-I 696.2-4; KCHKKHM-2 125.10-17; KCHKKHM-3 408.6-409.1 ; CHBYMTNYP 21 1b4-212al; MBNTH; HBCHBY (JA) 25b2-4; GZBZNTH 2.2-18. CHBYMTNYP and GLR here display the closest relation. 559 MNKB E (Ca) 11la2-3, E (Cd) 193b6-194a2; KCHKKHM-1 696.3-4; KCHKKHMJ 125.18126.4; KCHKKHM-3 409.4; CHBYMTNYP 21212-3; HBCHBY (JA) 25b2-4; DTHZHG 24.818; GZBZNTH 2.19-3.4. 560 Y K B E (Ca) 111a3: 'Od-zer go-cha (= Arnhvarman, on him, cf. Uvi, 1905. p. 69f.), but later 114a3, 115al the king named Ratna Deva is then introduced [sic!] and E (Cd) 194al-2: Ni-sa-la Bri-ho (? = Narendradeva or Nepala Bhima); KCHKKHM-1 696.5-6 has the Nepalese rdja 'Briha-long (sic!) and the town is called Ya-bu ya-mgal ( = Kathmandu); KCHKKHM-2 126.6-7 has the king named Ne-pa-la 'Bri-lo-ha (but later 138.19: rgyal po Ratna Dheva and, paradoxically enough, further ahead, 154.13-14, the text speaks about king Bal-po Dhe-ba pha-la (i.e. Devapiila), whose daughter is called Bal-bzang Khri-btsun) reigning in the town of Ya-'bu dang Ya-'gal; KCHKKHM-3 410.1-5 similarly has king 'Bri-lo-ha and the town is Yam-bu dang Yam-kal; CHBYMTNYP 212a3-4 has the daughter of king Bhi-ham Lo-b[h]i-pa deva [sic!] [? = Bhimarjunadeva, rl. 631-41 A.D.], who in turn was son of king Guna KHmabH deva HoSa khri-pa [? = GunakHmadeva, rl. prior to 600 A.D.], reigning in the town of Yam-bu Yam-'gal; DTHZHG 24.18-20: king Sa-ma 'Bri-sho in Ya-'bu ya-'gal; GZBZNTH 3.4-5 again has AmSuvarman. The above Tibetan vacillation and obscure suggestions in their attempt to identify the Nepalese king present us with insurmountable problems. Unable to identify the oldest witness and unable to assess the extent of concoction or literary fabrication involved in the coinage of these names, we can only take recourse to conjectures. The king is wstumarily identified with the famed Licchavi ruler AmSuvarman (rl. 596-621 A.D.), 'Radiant Amour', but this identification is not ~n~roblematic, since the marriage was arguably considered to have taken place prior to 641 A.D., say between 628-638 A.D., possibly even earlier (the Dunhuang Annafs and the T'ang Annals anyway are pointedly silent on this issue). Without a fair certainty as to the birth-date of king Srong-btsan sgam-po (only yardstick: ox year: 557, 569, 581, 593, 605 or 617 A.D., cf. note 449 supra), any chronological proximity in question of the paternity remains unsettled. We shall nevertheless tentatively argue (cf. note 1046 infia) that king Stung-btsan sgam-po lived 569-649 A.D. While AmSuvaman could provenly have been the father of Khri-btsun, by the time of her the country of Nepal to the west, [a female] endowed with a white body-complexion with a ruddy teint, exuding from her countenance a fragrance of [exquisite] han-sandalwood and mastering all the treatises of science. It was [forelseen that if she was invited [to Tibet] then she would bring along the statue with the size of Bhagavat at the [age of'j eight-years as well as all the teachings of ~ a h f i ~ i i n a . ' ~ ~ By following [the ray of light] which went eastwards, it was seen to take up residence in the princess named Kong-jo, daughter of the Chinese emperor Tha'i-dzung ( ~ a i - z o n ~ ) , ~ ~ marriage, and all the more so provided that the Tibetan king was born in 617 A.D., this raja had since long been away from the throne. Accepting ArnSuvarman as father would put the matrimony further back in time and indirectly speak for a'high(er) age allotted to the Tibetan king. ArnSuvarman'sfloruit probably commenced in 576 A.D. with full regency from 596 A.D. and the last inscription carrying his name terminates 621 A.D. Other cogent guesses would then be that she could be the daughter of Udayadeva, the heir apparent (yuvar8ja) of ArnSuvarman or even of Bhimiirjunadeva or Visnugupta (rg. 631-641, 640-641 A.D.), the latter us"rped the throne from Udayadeva. Opting fo; later date for the matrimony, a fair guess would allow for the latter's son Narendradeva (rg. 6411643-679 A.D.; i.e. Na-ri-ba-ba of the Dunhuang Annals, who followed after Visnugupta, i.e. Yu-sna kug-ti). Narendradeva had close contacts with Tibet while he lived in exile in Tibet for many years. Narendradeva's exile terminated in 641 A.D., when he returned to Nepal as king being by that time a vassal of the Tibetans. In that case, as suggested by Vitali, the princess must have stayed together with the father in his years of Tibetan exile, only then no formal invitation of her would appear to be required, as told in this chapter. Cf. Appendix, note 560 for further discussions on the identity of the king, on her name and the location in Nepal. 561 MNKB E (Ca) 111a3-4, (Cd) 194a3-4; KCHKKHM-1696.4-697.2; KCHKKHM-2 126.4- 127.1; KCHKKHM-3410.3-6; CHBYMTNYP 212a2-212b2; DTHZHG 24.18-22. For the eight-years statue of Bhagavat, cf. also chapter I1 and 111 supra. 562 W K B E (Ca) 11 1a4, (Cd) 194a4; KCHKKHM-1 697.2-3: The emperor is just called rGya-rje btsan-po and the Chinese capital is called sKye-shing khri-sgo, cf. note 123 supra. The name of the princess is Ong-chung; KCHKKHM-2 127.2-3: The Chinese emperor is denoted Kong-rtse 'Phrulchung, the capital is Ke-shi khri-sgo (cf. previous note) and the princess is denoted Ong-COW; KCHKKHM-3 409.4-5; CHBYMTNYP 212b2-3 similarly has emperor rKong-rtse 'Phrul gyi rgyal-po called rKong-rtse 'Phrul-chung btsan-po, the capital is similarly Ke'u-shing khri-sgo and the princess is called Ong-jo; YLJBCHBY 52.10; DTHZHG 24.22-23: Emperor rGya Kong-rtse 'phrul-chung in the town of bKra-shis sgo-khri; GZBZNTH 3.8-9. Now, Kong-jo was probably not intended for king Srong-btsan sgam-po (cf. most recently, Beckwith, 1987, p. 19), but for his son, the nebulous Gung-rilsrong gung-btsan who ruled for only five years, probably 641-6451646 A.D. (these dates are nowhere confirmed; according to note 916 infra, he was born 621 A.D. ; according to his calculated year of death in 646 A.D., aged eighteen, he was born 629 A.D.). After the untimely death of the son, the father, the old king, again took over not only the reins of power but possibly also the Chinese consort from the son, and ruled from 646 until his death in 649 A.D. (cf. note 939 infra). We have two different testimonies: In Dunhuang MS 249 (Bacot, 1940, p. 82.25-27): Mang-srong mang-btsan (cf. note 935) was son of king Gung-srong gung-btsan and Kong-jo Mang-mo-rje Khri-skar. The Dunhuang Annals, on the other hand, speaks its own clear language, i.e. that Kong-jo was brsan m of Khri Srong-btsan from 641 until his death 649 A.D. Weighty is also the 8211822 A.D. Treaty Inscription (East Face) that stipulates that the matrimony was with Khri Srong-brtsan. Such an ofticial testimony is a very strong point, all the more so as it is reflected in the Tang Annals too, albeit this need not be conclusive while, in the case of Tibetan sources, nearly two hundred years had passed since the spectacular matrimony and while a massive glorification of the king as founder of the empire and the introducer of Buddhism had by then already set in, attracting thereby more posthumous worship in the country of China to the east, [a female] endowed with a bluish-green complexion [commanding] a ruddy teint, exuding from her countenance a fragrance of the blue Utpdalotus and mastering all the treatises of sciences. It was [equally] [forelseen that if she was invited [to Tibet] then she would bring along the statue with the size of Bhagavat at the [age of) twelve-years as well as all the teachings of ~ a h 2 ~ 2 1 1 a . ' ~ ~ Now, since this king was distinctly aloof this world and had a profound mind, he [wisely] acted in accordance with what had occured in [his] dream. In the morning, when all the ministers came to pay their [daily] respects, they inquired [the king] in unison: 'Is Your Majesty (btsan po) sick? The colour of [your] body-complexion looks excellent! Are you in a good mood?" He responded: "I am in an extremely happy mood. In my dream last night, I dreamt that the pretty girl, the daughter of the Nepalese king in the west and the pretty girl, the daughter of the Chinese emperor in the east, both two [princesses] would be married to me." The minister mGar said: "We ministers will by all means [try] to invite these two princesses appearing in [Your Majesty,] the king's dream." [The king] requested: "Do not relate this dream to anyone else!"564 Then the minister mGar [again] spoke: "We six principal ministers of the exterior, interior and intermediate [affairs] shall bring along food and drinks to sustain an assembly ('tshogs nen gyi zar chang) [of people], including a quarter of flesh (sha gzug) to each [of us]. Tomorrow morning let us assemble in the presence of the king's throne, [situated at] the root of a walnut-tree on the meadow-plain of Brag-lha!" The following day, [when] the six principal ministerss6' convened, [they] procured the six pieces of flesh to sustain the assembly, two [of the ministers] carrying the feet [of the divinational animal], two carrying the paws, one wrying the torso and one [minister] carrying the chines. When the flesh pieces (sha khog) were rearranged [the animal] appeared unimpaired (ma nyams pa) [in its entirety]566wherefore Thon-mi declared: 'The prospects [for our mission] look auspicious (rten 'brel legs). At the present council ('dun gros), let us agree not to make any decision (gros ma byas par), whatever [our] thoughts are, they will all be fulfilled. [So] let not the council be trifling! " [Then] mGar spoke: "[Agreed!], let us now] council on [something] important. Our ruler has [now] reached the age of sixteen, I, than actually deserved. Finally, one may launch the hypothesis that the Chinese princess was manied to both Srong-btsan sgam-po and Gung-srong gung-btsan, cf. Appendix, note 1137. 563 MNKB E (Ca) 11 la4-6, E (Cd) 194a6-bl; KCHKKHM-1 697.2-5; KCHKKHM-2 127.1-13; KcHKKHM-3 409.6-410.1 ;CHBYMTNYP 212b2-213a3; DTHZHG 25.1-6; GZBZNTH 3.8-16. For the hvelve-years statue, cf. also Chap. I1 and I11 supra and Chap. XI11 infra. 564 MNKB E (Ca) l l l a 6 - l l l b l ; KCHKKHM-1 697.4-698.1; KCHKKHM-2 127.13-128.2; KCHKKHM-3 41 1.2-7; CHBYMTNYP 213a3-b3. 565 Instead of six ministers, a number of texts speak about seven principal figures convening from seven Tibetan towns (grong khyer gyi gtso bo bdun; grong khyer bdun nus gtso bo bdun), who again are identified with seven Tibetan ministers: (KCHKKHM-1 699.4-6; KCHKKHM-2 128.11-14; KCHKKHM-3 412.1-4; HBCHBY (JA) 26a5): mGar sTong-btsan yul-bzung, Thon-mi Sambho9, 'Bri Se-ru gung-bzang, Cog-ro dPal-bzang, IHa-lung dpal-bzang, Khyung-po dpal-bzang (var. sPrulrta bZung-tsho) and sNyags Zur-chen (var. Yangs-spyod Sa-ring-mo, dPal-spyi-ston). Cf. also GZBZNTH 4.2-12. 566 KCHKKHM-2 128.16 reads sha khog pa mnyam pa cig byung, which probably is a misreading by the modem redactor of this text, instead of mnyam pa, read: ma nyam[s] pa. Cf. also KCHKKHM3 412.4; HBCHBY 26a5-6; GZBZNTH 4.6-12. 567 On the age of sixteen and matrimony, cf. Sagaster, 1989-91, p. 293, n. 23. the country of Nepal to the west, [a female] endowed with a white body-complexion with a ruddy teint, exuding from her countenance a fragrance of [exquisite] hari-sandalwood and mastering all the treatises of science. It was [forelseen that if she was invited [to Tibet] then she would bring along the statue with the size of Bhagavat at the [age ofJ eight-years as well as all the teachings of ~ a h i i ~ i i r ~ a . ~ ~ ~ By following [the ray of light] which went eastwards, it was seen to take up residence in the princess named Kong-jo, daughter of the Chinese emperor Tha'i-dzung ( ~ a i - z o n ~ ) , ' ~ ~ mamage, and all the more so provided that the Tibetan king was born in 617 A.D., this raja had since long been away from the throne. Accepting AmSuvarman as father would put the matrimony further back in time and indirectly speak for a'high(er) age allotted to the Tibetan king. Am.4uvannan'sJoruit probably commenced in 576 A.D. with full regency from 596 A.D. and the last inscription carrying his name terminates 621 A.D. Other cogent guesses would then be that she could be the daughter of Udayadeva, the heir apparent (yuvardja) of AmSuvarman or even of Bhirnlrjunadeva or Visnugupta (rg. 631-641, 640-641 A.D.), the latter usurped the throne from Udayadeva. Opting for a later date for the matrimony, a fair guess would allow for the latter's son Narendradeva (rg. 6411643-679 A.D.; i.e. Na-ri-ba-ba of the Dunhuang Annals, who followed after Visnugupta, i.e. Yu-sna kug-ti). Narendradeva had close contacts with Tibet while he lived in exile in Tibet for many years. Narendradeva's exile terminated in 641 A.D., when he returned to Nepal as king being by that time a vassal of the Tibetans. In that case, as suggested by Vitali, the princess must have stayed together with the father in his years of Tibetan exile, only then no formal invitation of her would appear to be required, as told in this chapter. Cf. Appendix, note 560 for further discussions on the identity of the king, on her name and the location in Nepal. 561 MNKB E (Ca) 111a3-4, (Cd) 194a3-4; KCHKKHM-1 696.4-697.2; KCHKKHM-2 126.4- 127.1; KCHKKHM-3 410.3-6; CHBYMTNYP 212a2-212b2; DTHZHG 24.18-22. For the eight-years statue of Bhagavat, cf. also chapter I1 and I11 supra. 562 MNKB E (Ca) 11la4, (Cd) 194a4; KCHKKHM-1 697.2-3: The emperor is just called rGya-rje btsan-po and the Chinese capital is called sKye-shing khri-sgo, cf. note 123 supra. The name of the princess is Ong-chung; KCHKKHM-2 127.2-3: The Chinese emperor is denoted Kong-rtse 'Phr~lchung, the capital is Ke-shi khri-sgo (cf. previous note) and the princess is denoted Ong-cong; KCHKKHM-3 409.4-5; CHBYMTNYP 212b2-3 similarly has emperor rKong-rtse 'Phrul gyi rgyal-po called rKong-rtse 'Phrul-chung btsan-po, the capital is similarly Ke'u-shing khri-sgo and the princess is called Ong-jo; YLJBCHBY 52.10; DTHZHG 24.22-23: Emperor rGya Kong-rtse 'phrul-chung in the town of bKra-shis sgo-khri; GZBZNTH 3.8-9. Now, Kong-jo was probably not intended for king Srong-btsan sgam-po (cf. most recently, Beckwith, 1987, p. 19), but for his son, the nebulous Gung-rilsrong gung-btsan who ruled for only five years, probably 641-6451646 A.D. (these dates are nowhere confirmed; according to note 916 infra, he was born 621 A.D. ; according to his calculated year of death in 646 A.D., aged eighteen, he was born 629 A.D.). After the untimely death of the son, the father, the old king, again took over not only the reins of power but possibly also the Chinese consort from the son, and ruled from 646 until his death in 649 A.D. (cf. note 939 infro). We have two different testimonies: In Dunhuang Ms 249 (Bacot, 1940, p. 82.25-27): Mang-srong mang-btsan (cf. note 935) was son of king Gung-srong gung-btsan and Kong-jo Mang-mo-rje Khri-skar. The Dunhuang Annals, on the other hand, speaks its own clear language, i.e. that Kong-jo was btsan mo of Khri Srong-btsan from 641 until his death 649 A.D. Weighty is also the 8211822 A.D. Treaty Inscription (East Face) that stipulates that the matrimony was with Khri Srong-brtsan. Such an official testimony is a very strong point, all the more so as it is reflected in the Tang Annals too, albeit this need not be conclusive while, in the case of Tibetan sources, nearly two hundred years had passed since the spectacular matrimony and while a massive glorification of the king as founder of the empire and the introducer of Buddhism had by then already set in, attracting thereby more posthumous worship in the country of China to the east, [a female] endowed with a bluish-green complexion [commanding] a ruddy teint, exuding from her countenance a fragrance of the blue Utpalalotus and mastering all the treatises of sciences. It was [equally] [forelseen that if she was invited [to Tibet] then she would bring along the statue with the size of Bhagavat at the [age ofl twelve-years as well as all the teachings of ~ a h Z i ~ i % ~ a . ' ~ ~ Now, since this king was distinctly aloof this world and had a profound mind, he [wisely] acted in accordance with what had occured in [his] dream. In the morning, when all the ministers came to pay their [daily] respects, they inquired [the king] in unison: "Is Your Majesty (btsan po) sick? The colour of [your] body-complexion looks excellent! Are you in a good mood?" He responded: "I am in an extremely happy mood. In my dream last night, I dreamt that the pretty girl, the daughter of the Nepalese king in the west and the pretty girl, the daughter of the Chinese emperor in the east, both two [princesses] would be married to me." The minister mGar said: "We ministers will by all means [try] to invite these two princesses appearing in [Your Majesty,] the king's dream." [The king] requested: "Do not relate this dream to anyone else! "564 Then the minister mGar [again] spoke: "We six principal ministers of the exterior, interior and intermediate [affairs] shall bring along food and drinks to sustain an assembly ('tshogs rten gyi zm chang) [of people], including a quarter of flesh ( s h gzug) to each [of us]. Tomorrow morning let us assemble in the presence of the king's throne, [situated at] the root of a walnut-tree on the meadow-plain of Brag-lha!" The following day, [when] the six principal minister^'^' convened, [they] procured the six pieces of flesh to sustain the assembly, two [of the ministers] carrying the feet [of the divinational animal], two carrying the paws, one carrying the torso and one [minister] carrying the chines. When the flesh pieces (she Wlog) were rearranged [the animal] appeared unimpaired (ma nyams pa) [in its entirety]566wherefore Thon-mi declared: 'The prospects [for our mission] look auspicious (rten 'brel legs). At the present council ('dun gros), let us agree not to make any decision (gros ma byas par), whatever [our] thoughts are, they will all be fulfilled. [So] let not the council be trifling!" [Then] mGar spoke: "[Agreed!], let us now] council on [something] important. Our ruler has [now] reached the age of sixteen,(67 than actually deserved. Finally, one may launch the hypothesis that the Chinese princess was mamed to both Srong-btsan sgam-po and Gung-srong gung-btsan, cf. Appendix, note 1137. 563 MNKB E (Ca) 11la4-6, E (Cd) 194a6-bl ; KCHKKHM-I 697.2-5; KCHKKHM-2 127.1-13; KCHKKHM-3 409.6-410.1; CHBYMTNYP 212b2-213a3; DTHZHG 25.1-6; GZBZNTH 3.8-16. For the twelve-years statue, cf. also Chap. I1 and I11 supra and Chap. XI11 i n ! . 564 MNKB E (Ca) 11lab-1 1l b l ; KCHKKHM-I 697.4-698.1 ; KCHKKHM-2 127.13-128.2; KCHKKHM-3 41 1.2-7; CHBYMTNYP 213a3-b3. 565 Instead of six ministers, a number of texts speak about seven principal figures convening from seven Tibetan towns (grong khyer gyi gtso bo bdun; grong khyer bdun nns gtso bo bdun), who again are identified with seven Tibetan ministers: (KCHKKHM-1 6W.4-6; KCHKKHM-2 128.1 1-14; KCHKKHM-3 412.1-4; HBCHBY (JA) 26a5): mGar sTong-btsan yul-brung, Thon-mi Sambhota. 'Bri Se-ru gung-bzang, Cog-ro dPal-bzang, IHa-lung dpal-bzang, Khyung-po dpal-bzang (burr. SPIUIrta bzung-tsho) and sNyags Zur-chen (var. Yangs-spyod Sa-ring-mo, dPal-spyi-ston). Cf. also GZBZNTH 4.2-12. 566 KCHKKHM-2 128.16 reads sha khog pa mnym pa cig byung, which probably is a misreading by the modem redactor of this text, instead of mnym pa, read: ma nym[s] pa. Cf. also KCHKKHM3 412.4; HBCHBY 26a5-6; GZBZNTH 4.6-12. 567 On the age of sixteen and matrimony, cf. Sagaster, 1989-91, p. 293, n. 23. and as nothing else p u t the best] is appropriate for him (gzhan du mi rung bar) and for [his firm] appropriation of the royal power, the beautiful daughter of the Nepalese king sojourning in Nepal and the beautiful daughter of the Chinese emperor living [in his country], these two [princesses must be] invited here as queens." All [attending] ministers unanimously agreed: "[This is] good!"568 Subsequently, the minister mGar went into the presence of the king, entreating: "As the Nepalese princess first of all (snga sor) is to be invited, please grant permission [for me to leave]!" [Conceding,] the king gave [him] five gold coins (dong adding: "Let these be presents of request (zhu rten)!" [The king furthermore] gave [minister mGar] a helmet5'' made out of costly lapis lazuli, studded ornamentally with emeralds @adma rd ga'i phra rgyab pa), adding [again]: "Give this [to the Nepalese king] as a recoupment (rin du) for [his] princess! " The king [then] announced: "When [the Nepalese king] has successively come with a response to the three different demands (bka' lung) [of mine], at that time then hand [him] unerringly [correct] each of these three [letters]!", whereafter [the king] handed over [to mGar] three boxes with the official letters (bka' shog gi sgrom 6 ~ ) [for ~ ~ a ' royal matrimony], ornaments, cloth and food for the present [mission], etc. and many loads which were dispatched on horses, mules and camels etc. "Everywhere along the narrow precipitous path (lam 'phrang) [to Nepal] [you must] . . (Khro-gnyer-can-ma)", the king proceed while chanting prayers to Jo-mo Bhrkuti proclaimed .572 [TJ [Audience with the Nepalese King] Then, minister mGar paid his respects to the ruler, and carrying along the [neccesary] paraphernalia and dowries, followed by [many] beast of burdens, the minister, accompanied by hundred horsemen, departed for Nepal. There they arrived at the gate where the Nepalese king De-ba lha resided, the N2gapalace [in] the town Kho-bom [i.e. Kathmandu], [located in the heart ofJ Nepal, the Continent of Jewels. There, in the presence of the king, [the minister mGar] forwarded [his] petition [for an audience], and meeting [him], he handed over the five gold coins as presents of petition. Placing the costly helmet of lapis lazuli studded with emeralds in the presence of the king, [the minister] mGar spoke: "Great king! This helmet made from precious lapis 568 MNKB E (Ca) 1 1 1 bl-5; KCHKKHM-I 697.5-699.1;KCHKKHM-2 128.2-129.5;KCHKKHM-3 412.1-7;CHBYMTNYP 213b3-214bI; MBNTH40b6-41a6; HBCHBY 26a6-bl; GZBZNTH4.1018. 569 Most other texts speak about one hundred gold coins and one full bre-measure of gold dust (gser phye bre gang). 570 Absent from most of GLR's assumed sources: MNKB, KCHKKHM-1+2+3, GZBZNTH (a coat of mail), CHBYMTNYP, MBNTH, HBCHBY '(golden lattice-net). 571 A golden, silver and copper (var. turquoise) box according to the other texts. 572 F K B E (Ca) l l l b6-112a2; KCHKKHM-I 699.1-700.5; KCHKKHM-2 129.8-130.13; KCHKKHM-3 413.2-414.6; CHBYMTNYP 214bl-215a2, 215b5-216al; MBNTH 41d-b3; HBCHBY 26bl-3; GZBZNTH 4.20-5.13. lazuli is endued with immeasurable properties: Whenever plagues [threatening] men or cattle occur, take on this helmet and circulate the town, then human plague and murrain will disappear; at the time when hail and frost threaten to appear, take on this helmet and circulate your town, and you will be able [to withstand] frost and hail; at times when conflicts arise, then take on this helmet when you are fighting and you will emerge victorious from the battlefield; [you] will not find anything more superior in the [entire] Jambudvipa than this helmet, so [my ruler] [hereby] offers [this helmet] to [you], the [real] value of which escapes [all] estimations, [offered] in return for [your] princess! I [therefore ask permission to be granted this wise princess of yours as queen for my Tibetan king! w 5 The king responded: 'Is the heart of your Tibetan king ensnared by a demon (snying gdon gyis bslus Clearly, he is mentally deranged! I am a descendant originating in unbroken line from Buddha KiSyapa until the present. [I therefore] cannot [engage in] a connubial relationship (gnyen zla) with you[r lung], b u t since] you have come from a distant place, [I suggest that] when you have returned to your own country, ask your king whether or not he is capable of enacting a law in agreement with the ten [Buddhist] virtues (ddakuiala)! If he is, the princess shall be given [him], if not, then [the request] will be rejected! n575 Then mGar handed over to the king the first [of the letters] found in the three boxes with official letters (bka' shog gi sgrom bu), and when [he] opened it and looked, he found '~ as a letter in Nepalese script, written in gold on dark-blue paper (mrhing ~ h o ~ ) ' [stating] follows: "You, king of Nepal possess the law of the ten virtues, I lung of Tibet, a barbarous borderland, do not possess such [a law]; since you, 0 king, [truly] rejoice at possessing [such] a law, I shall, provided [you] grant [me your] daughter, create five thousand emanational epiphanies [from my own] body which will enable [me] to enact a law based upon the ten virtues in [only] half a forenoon! Isn't it marvellous! If, however, [I] act accordingly, and [you] [still] do not grant [me your] daughter, I shall dispatch an army counting fifty thousand emanational created [soldiers who will invade your count I, slay you down, abduct the princess and leave all [you] towns levelled to the ground!ws7 [Reading this made] the [Nepalese] king very frightened. But though terrified he pretended to be fearless and said: 'Your king is [indeed] a great swaggerer (hlshO shin fu che ba). Ask [him] whether or not he is capable of erecting temples in your country. If so, then [I] shall give [him my] daughter, if not, [she will] be [him] refused!ws78 I 7' 573 hINKB E (Ca) 112al -b2, (Cd) 194b3-5 (briefer and different); KCHKKHM-1 700.5-701.2; KCHKKHM-2 130.13-131.7; CHBYMTNYP 215a2, 216bl-217al; MBNTH 41b3, 42aGb6; KCHKKHM-2 and CHBYMTNYP stand closest to GLR. 574 1.e. has he gone mad! The formulation is lacking from all prime or parallel sources. 575 MNKB E (Ca) 1 12a4-5; 1 12b2-4; KCHKKHM-1 701.2-5; KCHKKHM-2 13 1.7- 132.3; KCWKHM-3 415.2-5; CHBYMTNYP 215a3-6, 217a3-bl ; MBNTH 41 b3-42a3, 42b6-43a4; HBCHBY 26b3-4; GZBZNTH 5.20-6.13. Again KCHKKHM-2 displays, aside from GLR, the most detailed version. 576 Aside from GLR, this is also shared by KCHKKHM-2 and HBCHBY. 577 m K B E (Ca) 1 12b4-113a2; KCHKKHM-1 701.5-702.3; KCHKKHM-2 132.3-133.4; KCHKKHM-3 4 15.5-41 6.3; CHBYMTNYP 21 5a6, 21 7bl-218al; MBNTH 42a3; 43a4-b3; HBCHBY (JA) 26b6-8; GZBZNTH 6.14-7.3. 578 MNKB E (Ca) 1 13a2-5; KCHKKHM-1702.3-703.1;KCHKKHM-2 133 -4-134.1 ;KCHKKliM-3 416.3-5; CHBYMTNYP 218al-5; MBNTH 43b3-44al. Again, mGar handed over to the king the second box with official letters and added: "0Lord! If I were to travel up and down on the long route between Nepal and Tibet for [the delivery of a response] to each [of your] messages, there would be no opportunity to invite the princess. To response to your question, [I] request [you] to read this letter of [royal] decree." So the king looked [at the letter which ran] as follows: "You, King of Nepal, has the potential of erecting temples, I, king of a barbarous borderland lacks the selfsame. [Since] you rejoice at erecting temples, if you grant [me your] daughter, I shall procure five thousand emanational bodily figures (sku lus kyi bkod pa) and [have them] make one hundred and eight temples, making [all] the entrances point in your directions! Isn't it marvellous! If, however, I acted accordingly, and [your] daughter was not granted me, I shall sent an army [amounting to] fifty thousand [soldiers who will invade our country], slay you down, abduct the princess and levelled your towns to the ground!"5 [Reading this again made] the [Nepalese] king very terrified. But though apprehended, he [again] pretended as if unintimidated and declared: "Your king is certainly a great swaggerer. [Now,] in your country of Tibet does or does not [your king] possess the material for enjoying the five sensual pleasures (puRca kdmaguna)? If [he] does have [it I shall] grant [him my] daughter. If not, [my daughter] shall not be given. Now depart and inquire!"s80 Again, mGar handed over to the king the last box with the official diploma, adding: "As it is hardly practicable [for me] to return to [my] country [in order to deliver] each [of your] message[s], I [hereby present] to you, 0 king, a reply to your inquiry, and request [you] to read [it]. When the king opened and read [it], [it stated] as follows: "You, 0 king of Nepal, are in possession of [material] enjoyments. I, king of Tibet, a barbarous borderland, do not entertain such [pleasures]. But since you, 0 king, take pleasure in possessing [such] enjoyments of wealth, I [promise], provided you grant [me your] daughter, to create five thousand emanational bodily epiphanies who will procure an unmeasureable [amount] of enjoyments such as precious jewels, gold, silver, silk gowns, ornaments and food and drink etc. and in particular [I shall] open trading-places (las sgo) in [all] four directions, whereby all riches of the border [countries] will be brought to my door, [making] me a [materially] comfortable man. Isn't it [most] marvellous! If, however, these [things] happened like that, and [you] do not grant [me your] daughter, then I shall send an army [counting] fifty thousand [soldiers] here, who will slay you down, abduct your daughter and leave all [your] towns in destitute!n581 The king thought: "The [Tibetan] king [indeed has] answers to [any] question, can [all] these things really be true?" Gloomily, he swore to dispatch [his] daughter to Tibet. [His] daughter, sitting with a mournful countenance (&a1 ngo nag po), added: "Father what is 7 Some texts talk about enacting a law, others, as here, about erecting temples. In KCHKKHM1 and CHBYMTNYP followed by MBNTH, the conditions stipulated by the Nepalese king are reverted, i.e. first the erection of temples, then the enacting of laws. 579 Cf. previous note. MNKB E (Ca) 113a5-bl ; KCHKKHM-I 703.1-5; KCHKKHM-2 134.1-135.3; KCHKKHM-3 416.5-417.2; CHBYMTNYP 21 8a5-b4; MBNTH 44a1-4; HBCHBY (JA) 26b6-8; GZBZNTH 6.14-7.9. 580 MNKB E (Ca) 113bl-5; KCHKKHM-1 703.5-704.1 ; KCHKKHM-2 135.3-15; KCHKKHM-3 41j.4-7; CHBYMTNYP 21 8b4-219a4; MBNTH 44a4-45a3; HBCHBY (JA) 27al-3; GZBZNTH 7.10-19. 581 F K B E (Ca) 113b5-114a2; KCHKKHM-I 704.1-705.4; KCHKKHM-2 135.15-137.2; KCHKKHMJ 417.7-418.7; CHBYMTNYP 219a4-220a4; MBNTH 44a3-45a2. wrong?" and the father answered: '[You] will have to go [to Tibet] as queen to the Tibetan king." But the princess intervened: '[I] will not go to that remote place, where [I] am separated from my aternal relations, [a place] bereft of Dharma and of material comfort, a wicked country. n 82 But [his] father declared: "You [must] not talk like that, you have to go. The Tibetan king is an emantional creation, endowed with clairvoyance (mngon shes, abhijlld), magical faculties (rdzu 'phrul, rddhi) and potence (slobs Man, balin). Whatever I said, this minister [of his], without returning to [his own] country, is having a written response [ready], so [ifl you do not go, [he] will [surely] know it and [immediately] an m y of fifty thousand emanational created [soldiers] will come [here], kill me, abduct you and leave the entire country and town[ships] in destitute, so [you] will have to depart!"583 To this the princess thought: "After leaving [behind] this country of mine, I [now] have to go there to that remote spot, where I am deprived of the contact with my paternal relations, [a place] lacking the Dharma, [to] Tibet, a wicked barbarous borderland, but [on the other hand I cannot] break the command of [my] father." The princess shed tears and addressed her father in the following words:584 ? "Alas, dear father and great king! The Snow-capped [Country], a barbarous and savage borderland, Where Saddharma has not been promulgated, Tibet, a dark continent, Where the human beings are of a low caste, being outcasts and [descending] from the carnivorous race (sha za, picafa) Resembling the realm of the prera-ghosts [where] hunger and poverty prevail. If [I, your] daughter have to go to a place like that: A statue (Iha), the origin of [all] wants and wishes, the father's sanctuary, [Being endowed] with inconceivably [many] qualities of being seen, heard of, recollected and being touched, [I.e.] Jo-bo Mi-bskyod r d o - ~ j [I] e ~request ~ ~ [you to grant] me! 582 MNKB E (Ca) 114a2-4; KCHKKHM-1 705.4-706.2; KCHKKHM-2 137.2-14; CHBYM?'NYP 220a4-b4; MBNTH 45a2-4; HBCHBY (JA) 27a1-3; GZBZNTH 7.10- 17. 583 MNKB E (Ca) 114a4-6; KCHKKHM-1 706.4-6; KCHKKHM-2 137.14-19; KCHKKHM-3 41 8.7-419.5; CHBYMTNYP 220b4-221a2; MBNTH 45a4-6; HBCHBY (JA) 2783-4; GZBZNTH 8.3-8. 584 The following versified song of lament and petition is found incorporated in most of the other prime or parallel texts, though GLR, again, displays a narrative version with some independent traits, counting twenty-five nine-syllabic lines. Aside from the last five lines which GLR shares in common with the other versions, GLR's wording differs markedly, whereas, aside from minor trifle variants and different number of lines, tbe other versions are highly congruous. F K B E (Ca) 114a6-b4 holds twenty-one nine-syllabic lines; KCHKKHM-1 707.1-708.2 has seventeen ninesyllabic lines; KCHKKHM-2 137.19-138.18 has twenty eleven-syllabic lines and, while this metrical narration is absent from CHBYMTNYP, Nyang-ral has retained it in MBNTH 4 5 a 6 4 b l which holds nineteen eleven-syllabic lines. Cf. also KCHKKHM-3 419.5-420.1; Post-GLR: DTHZHG 25.20-26.18; GZBZNTH 8.8-1 1. 585 Cf. Chap. 11, note 84 supra and Appendix and the notes 879 and 883 inffa. The precious Maitreyanstha (Byams mgon), the successor of Muni, The treasury [from where] [all] prosperity and happiness originate, embellished by the signs and marks [of a MahBpurusa], Byams-pa Chos kyi 'khor-lo [I] request [you to me! The sandalwood [statue] of the compassionate Jo-mo s ~ r o l - m a , ~ ~ ~ [I] request [you to grant] me in order to remove [all] obstracles and untowards accidents. The precious stones: sTag-sha deva and Ratna devaSg7 [I] request [you to grant] me in order to dispel1 the poverty [ofJ Tibet. The enjoyment from which originate all wishes of precious stones and The foundation for enjoying the splendour of ambrosia, food and drink The lapis-lazuli[-studded] begging-bowl, [I] request [you to grant] me. The Snow-capped Country [of Tibet], a place [temming with] hunger and thirst, [I] request [you to grant] me many treasuries of precious stones, [to bring along]. [Against] the coldness and frost in [this] cool and frozen Snow-clad Country [of Tibet] [I] request [you to grant] me a garment warming [me] for one full life. Thus, in that kingdom of Tibet, a barbarous borderland How I shall act and behave? [My] dear father and king, pray tell me!" [Thus] she requested [her father] with a voice of lament and with tears in [her] e es, wherefore the father, with loving words coming from the midst of [his] heart, replied:h8 586 The Lady TarP, made from goSirsacandana, cf. previous chapter. 587 Cf. also MNKB E (Ca) 114b6: rtag-sha dheva and ratna dheva. Curiously enough, the mention of these precidus items is absent from the KCHKKHM versions. According to KTHDNG (KHA) 157.23- 158.2, 159.12-3 these two precious items are classed among the jewels originating from the god (lha'i yul gyi rin po che). Cf. also TSLKHKCH 13a3-4. 588 The following lengthy narrative response of consolation, guidance and consent expressed by her father, the Nepalese king and couched in a metrical diction, is found in nearly all the parallel prime sources at our disposal aside from KCHKKHM-3 and CHBYMTNYP. The versions of F K B , KCKKKHM-1+2 and MBNTH are almost fully congruous in their wording, evincing only minor variant readings and thematic elements as well as a slight variance in the number of lines. GLR, aside from the first seven lines which are identical with the remaining versions, is less detailed and displays - while it is in full accordance with the other versions in the main narrative sequence nevertheless a remarkable independence in the wording and appears to be a later, slightly abbreviated and reworked rendition of this part of the Vita. Or, plausibly, GLR's version may reflect an hitherto unknown or non-extant proto-version of the Vita. GLR counts fifty-five nine-syllabic lines, whereas F K B E (Ca) 115al-116b6 holds eighty "You, [my] daughter [as dear to me] as my own heart, The most distinguished country Tibet called, [A land] with high mountains; pure roil and [crowned with] a necldace of precipitous glaciers; Cool, beautiful, a divine abode and mansion, The basis for the origin of benefit and happiness, most wonderous and marve~lous,~~~ Garnished with forests and woods, whence the four [great] rivers flow, [A place where] the five sorts of grain grow and sundry precious jewels originate, where] the q u a d m p [animals] roam at large, and [where] herbal juice is employed as oilS O The king is a god and [his] retinue are ~odhisattva-s;'~' Though the Dharma is lacking, the king possesses a code of law, To a place like that You, [my] daughter, must go! My tutelary deity (istodevard) Mi-bskyod rdo-j e and This [statue ofj bh&drika Byams-pa Chos kyi 'khor-lo, At the time when the [average] age of the inhabitants of Jambudvipa was twenty thousand years, As the tutelary patron (thugs dam) of the Indian Dharmarija Krkin (Krikri), This heap consisting of various [kinds] of precious jewels, Was consecrated by Buddha KiiSyapa and Moulded by emanational created image-sculptors. First [the statue ofJ Byams-pa Chos kyi 'khor-lo was erected. Thereafter Mi-bskyod rdo-j e Embellished by the marks and signs [of a Mahiipumy], [a source of) limitless wonder, Was erected as receptacle for the pious, a source of benefit and happiness, [Possessing] inconceivable properties of being seen, heard, recollected and of being touched, This [statue] is entirely without peer on this earth, [Erected] in order [to secure a statue from where] the sentient beings of posterity [can] accumulate merits. mainly nine- but also seven- and eleven-syllabic lines; KCHKKHM-1 708.2-7 13.1 holds seventy-six mainly nine, but also eleven-syllabic lines and KCHKKHM-2 138.19-142.5 holds eighty-two ninesyllabic lines whereas MBNTH 46al-48al holds seventy-two nine-syllabic lines. Cf. also tersely KCHKKHM-3 420.1-3; DTHZHG 26.20-27.7; GZBZNTH 8.18-20; It is worthy of note that some of the versions (MNKB 115a2-5; KCHKKHM-1 709.2-5) falsely introduces the statue of Jo-bo Siikyamuni (actually ihe prospective dowry-idol of the Chinese princess, see next chapter) as the dowry-idol of princess Khri-btsun instead of the correct Mi-bskyod rdo-rje or Aksobhyavajra. 589 This line is absent in the other versions. 590 This line reads in GLR: r h n g b d i h n Myab rtsi thog mar fa spyod; in the other versions it reeds (cum var. lccr.): rkang 'gros dgu spyod (var. : mang pus) rtsi thog mar la spyod. 591 Cf. note 529 supra. This, [the statue of] the king of s%kya, the Teacher of God and Man, Had been rophesized to have the size of the eight years-[old Siddhmha] .g92 At that time the world became permeated by light, And all the gods had a shower of flowers fall; This lofty receptacle endowed with qualities like that, Although it is as dear to [me] as the apple of [my] eye I shall give [it] along [as dowry], my beautiful daughter. This [statue] of the reverend Byams-pa Chos kyi 'khor-lo I shall give you along in order to lead all worldlings to virtue[ness]; This [statue of] the sandal-wood Jo-mo sGrol-ma, the self-originated, The impediments such as the eight fears593etc. Having been allayed, with the objective to diffuse virtuousness (dge legs, kalydna) , [My] 'handsome daughter, I shall give you along [as dowry]. Precious jewels [such as] sTag-sha de-va and Ratna d e - [ ~ a ] ' ~ ~ [I] bestow upon you with the aim to remove unhappiness and poverty A trove of comfort, the origin of [all] wants and wishes [such] as precious objects, This lapis-lazuli[-studded] begging-bowl,S95 [In order to secure] an ambrosial rain of food and drink [I] bestow upon you in order to remove all sufferings of hunger and thirst. [Loaded] with jewels, gold, silver and ornaments of silk, Beast of burdens including mules, camels and elephants, And moreover [loads of] garments, food and neccesary utilities etc. [I] bestow upon you, [my] daughter whatever you may wish for. Ten beautiful and pleasant maidens of good family, [All] I give along as a retinue of comfort for you. Alas, you, [my] daughter whom [I am] unable to part with, Keep in mind [this our] last conversation! In the royal residence in the Snow-capped Country When you are accompanied by [his] ministers and his Tibetan subjects, are accordingly!" Make sure that your deportment and behaviot.19~~ wereafter the father imparted her] countless instructions neccessary for the worldly 592 Cf. Chap. I1 supra. 593 1.e. astabhaya: seng ge 'i 'jigspa, glang chen gyi 'jigspa, me 'i 'jigspa, sbrul gyi 'jigs pa, chu bo 'i 'jigs pa, lcags sgrog gi 'jigs pa, rkun po'i 'jigs pa, sha za'i 'jigs pa. 594 Absent from the other sources, aside from CHBYMTNYP 221b3 and MBNTH 48a4-5: mi'i nor la dga' ba rin po che ratna de ba dung rtag sha de ba. 595 Absent from the other versions, aside from CHBYMTNYP 221 b3-4 (prose). 596 This detailed advise on a proper and exemplary conduct and deportment remains unnarrated in GLR, but they are detailed, being mostly verbatim congruous, in this narrative metrical part in the other sources: MNKB E (Ca) 115b2-116a2; KCHKKHM-1 710.2-7 1 1.5; KCHKKHM-2 140.7141.10; MBNTH'46b4-47a6; DTHZHG 27.18-28.4. code of conduct ('jig rten mi chos la dgos pa'i bslab bya dpag tu med pa).597 Thereupon, the king presented gifts to the [Tibetan] ministers, and gave a feast [in their honour] beyond imagination. [IIJ[Returning to Tibet] [The statues ofJ Jo-bo [Mi-bskyod rdo-je] and Byams[-pa] mgon[-pol, the two, would be difficult to transport on the road if a chariot was made, but when [they] wished to place them upon a beast of burden, none was capable of carrying [them]. Two white emanational created mdzo-mo-s then carried [them], whereby [the statues of'Jthe Jo-bo and the Maitreya-niitha, the two, were placed upon each mdzo-mo and along with many loads of precious stones. Meanwhile the princess Khri-btsun too was riding on a white mule and surrounded by ten beautiful maidens and Tibetan ministers, [the caravan] set out for ~ i b e t . * ~ ' The Nepalese ministers with retinue and servants provided [the travelling caravan] with l . loads * ~ ~hit the a short escort (skyel thung byus) until the town[ships] of ~ a n ~ - ~ uThe precipice ( 'phrang) where the cataract and the [steep] rock meet, and the [loads with the] precious jewels [were saved by having the ministers making a chain ('phrang [= ['breng] skyed byus)600and it was [subsequently] even said that the statues proceeded by foot (zhabs thang du byon). [Past the precipice,] the [surviving] burdens were loaded upon mules, camels and elephants [again] and the statues [too] roceeded riding on each beast of burden and [thus] they arrived in the country of Tibet.6& There, the Tibetan ministers and the Tibetan subjects gave [the princess] a grand feast of welcome accompanied by much music. Then the ribetan] king arrived to @is] seat at the feast [of welcome] and regarding the [first] audience with the princess Khri-btsun, three opinions (mthong lugs) arose: In the view of the Tathsgata-s of the ten directions, the opinion prevailed that the king and the queen, the two, were promoting the welfare of the sentient beings by way of 597 Cf. previous note. 598 MNKB E (Ca) 1 16a6-bl ; KCHKKHM-1 71 3.2-5; KCHKKHM-2 142.5-12; KCHKKHM-3 420.3-5; CHBYMTNYP 221a4-b2; MBNTH 48a3-5. 599 K K B E (Ca) 1 16bl: yul mang yul shing sna ahogs skye ba 'i tshal B shar phyogs bhe to 'i nags su d m g gis bskyel nas log go; KCHKKHM-1 71 3.4-6; CHBYMTNYP 221b1-2: Mang yul gyi shing sna tshogs skye ba 'iyul; MBNTH 48a6-bl : Mang yul gyi bar shing sna tshogs skye ba 'i nags 'dab 0 shar phyogs shin ru bde ba'i gnas; HBCHBY (JA) 27a6-7. 600 V K B E (Ca) 116b3 oddly reads rin po che r m blon po r m kyk sbun skyed byas; KCHKKHM-1 713.6; KCHKKHM-3 420.5: bod r m kyir rin po che 'phreng shy& byas; CHBYMTNYP 221 b3-4 and MBNTH 48bl: blon po r n m kyk 'brang (? = 'breng)bskyed byas. This altogether suggests that the loads with the precious jewels perhaps were saved by having the ministers following in one another's heels, thus making a chain (by carrying themselves the loads?) whereby the precious loads were rescued. Cf. also post-GLR: HBCHBY (JA) 27a7-bl; TSLKHKCH 10b1, 17b5-6; GZBZNTH 9.15-10.20 maintains the loads simply were carried on the backs of the ministers and retinue. 601 F K B E (Ca) 1 16b2-3; KCHKKHM-1 713.6714.3; KCHKKHM-2 142.3-4; KCHKKHM-3 420.35-7; CHBYMTNYP 221b3-5; MBNTH 48bl-3; HBCHBY (JA) 27a7-bl; GZBZNTH 10.219; GJBTSNK 125.5-6 ( = 62a4-5). [enacting] the twelve deeds (mdzad pa bcu gnyis, d v W a kdrya); in the view of the Bodhisattva-s of the ten stages, the opinion prevailed that Arya Avalokita having transformed [himselfl into king Srong-btsan sgam-po and Jo-mo Bhrkuti (Khro-gnyer-can) having transformed [herselq into the Nepalese princess Khri-btsun, '[thk couple then] worked for the welfare of the sentient beings; [finally] in the view of the ordinary people (mi nag tha ma1pa), the opinion prevailed that [this meant that] the king and the queen, the two, in turns enjo ed beer in companionship (skyems la gsol res byed pa) and in turns were spinning threads. Subsequently, the king and the queen, the two, together with an assembly of ministers took up residence in the palace, [where] the king, once in the presence of the statue of the tutelary deity, without leaving [the place], [incessantly] worshipped [it] and offered up prayers. This [made] the princess Khri-btsun think: "This king is [certainly] adorned by [superb] extraction, bodily gestalt and prosperity (rigs gzugs dpal gyis mdzes), and he is a [man] endued with multiple endowments. Without ever going outside [his residence and country], he certainly causes fear among the armies of the border [countries such as mine], [a fact] that necessitates that means are taken to [ensure] [a state where] no fear [prevails]. Whenever prayers are offered to the precious lapis-lazuli[-studded] begging-bowl, measureless [amounts ofl food and drinks are secured and when given to the Tibetan subjects and [then] committed to work, [people] should me able] to erect an extensive castleconstruction."603 She then also reported [the idea] to the king, [who] in [his] turn consulted all the ministers of external and internal [affairs] under [his] command. The lapis-lazuli[-studded] begging-bowl was filled with sundry [kinds ofl nourishments, placed upon the jewel[mounted] throne whereafter [it was addressed with] prayers. Thereby food and drink ad libitum abounded and being distributed to the Tibetan subjects, in the wood-female-sheep year [i.e. 635 A.D.], the foundation for the residential edifice was laid, in size thirty pis6-walls (gyang skor) were built, wherefore it was both high and wide [in extent], on each side [it] measured one [full] 'ear-shot' [distance] (rgyang grags, kroia) and [its] grand portal pointed in the southern direction. Nine hundred [and ninety-nine] red fortifications [were built at the basis] and as apex (rtse mo), [one] private residence of the king, [so] one thousand [castles were built in All the residences were [supplied] with jewel- b 602 Although the details differ and the succession deviates, the description of these three opinions concerning the first encounter at the dMar-po-ri'i pho-brang between the king and his prospective queen is fairly identical: MNKB E (Ca) 1 16b6-117a5, (Cd) 195a3-5; KCHKKHM-1 714.3-715.1 ; KCHKKHM-2 142.19-144.'1; KCHKKHM-3 421.1-6; CHBYMTNYP 222al-b4; MBNTH 48b3ff; DTHZHG 28.6-1 1; GZBZNTH 11.3-5. 603 MNKB E (Ca) 117a6-b2slightly different, (Cd) 195a6-b3; KCHKKHM-17 15.2-4; KCHKKHM-2 144.4-8; KCHKKHM-3 421.6-422.1; CHBYMTNYP 222b5-223a2; HBCHBY (JA) 27b3-4; DTHZHG 28.15-29.14. 604 For the description of the castle, cf. more detailed MNKB E (Ca) 117b2-118a5, (Cd) 199b3-4; KCHKKHM-1715.4-717.3;KCHKKHM-2 144.8-145:13,145.17-146.15;KCHKKHM-3422.27; CHBYMTNYP 223a2-224a1; HBCHBY (JA) 27b2-6; TSLKHCH 19a6-bl. In this hyperbolic and mythographical description of the fortification-building by Khri-btsun and the king, it is not nine hundred castles that were built as stated by GLR, but the idea is, as the above texts allude to, that nine hundred and ninety-nine (imaginary?) castles were scattered around the basis of the hill (of dMar-po-ri) (i.e. all over Tibet), and as pinnacle the king's sku mkhar was erected on the very summit (rtse), hence its common name in later literature: Khri-rtse, the 'throne' ornamented projecting roof-parapets (kha bad = spen bad), balconies (mda' yub, ovidhyam), railings @u shu, hamikd) [hung over with] small bells (dril bu g.yer ku, kidkini) sounding [pleasantly]. Its array was [most] beautiful, and in terms of elegance it resembled the 'most victorious mansion' (rnam par rgyal ba'i khang bzang, vaijayanraprbrado) of Devendra [i.e. Indra], [a palace] one could not look enough at, decorated with various precious jewels, [appearing] attractive and being embellished by sundry [surmounted] silk-embossed latticenets (dra ba [can], jdlin) and half-nets (dra ba phyed, ardhahdra). In terms of [causing] fear, [they] resemble the [temfying] rdhnra-city of &ka pu-ri [on Ceylon], on top of each of all the residential castles, weapons Ad ten red lances were hoisted topped with flags, and [each] connected by silk-ribbons (dar yug). As regards their might (btsan pa) [one can say that] although armies of the neighbouring [countries] attacked, merely five guardians were enough to defend [them]. Furthermore, along the southern wall[s] a ten fathom deep ditch was dug, above which planks were laid in [regular] order, above which [again] bricks were arranged. This [created the illusion] that although only one horse galopped upon it, it created the sound as if ten horses came riding together.605 In the southern direction the personal nine-storied citadel (sku &ar) was erected, called the Mansion of Brag-lha b~ra-shis606and patterned upon a Mongolian castle (sog po'i mkhar). It was extensive [in size], [towering majestically] high and was beautifully structured. The king's personal castle, and the queen's personal castle, the two were connected by an iron-bridge, below which flags, [ceremonial] g.yag-tails (mga yab, camara) and ringing bells (kirlkini) [were hung]. The king [and queen], father and mother passed hither and thither between [these castles]. Having [thus] successfully finished a peerless palace like that, being most wonderous and beautiful, the ruler and ministers arranged a grand feast [of celebration^.^^' The Invitation of the Nepalese Princess Khri-btsun. [castle] on the 'summit' (of dMar-po-ri). Cf. f. ex. Appendix, note 1094. 605 V K B E (Ca) 1 18a4-5, (Cd) 195b5-19W; KCHKKHM-2 146.6-7; KCHKKHM-3 423.2. 606 YLJBCHBY 52.7-9; HBCHBY (JA) 27b6-28a4; GZBZNTH 12.5; TSLKHKCH 19a6. 607 MNKB E (Ca) 1 18x12-5; KCHKKHM-1 716.2-3; KCHKKHM-2 145.13-17; CHBYMTNYP 223b4-5; HBCHBY (JA) 27b2-28a4; DTHZHG 29.1-14; GZBZNTH 1 1.6-12.20. KCHKKHM-2 146.16-17 (foll. by dPal-bo) maintains that the way how Khri-btsun erected the castles are found depicted as murals along the western walls in Ra sa'i Mu Wlong inside Re-sa 'Phrul-snang. The Invitation of the Chinese Princess Kong-jo ~ e x t , ~ minister " mGar again approached the king, requesting: 'I beg [you] to grant me permission [to depart] since the Chinese princess is going to be invited also." Again, the king handed [him] seven golden coins, adding: 'Let these do as [our] presents of petition (rhu rten)!" [He further] handed him a precious [lapis-lazuli] coat of mail ( ~ l r a b ) studded ~ " ~ with emeralds, adding [again]: "Present [the Chinese emperor with] this as a price for the princess!" Having [also] handed [mGar] a full bre-measure of gold-dust, [the king finally] added: "Use [this] for journeying there! The king [then] announced: "When the [Chinese emperor] successively has come with a response to the three different demands [of mine], at that time hand him unemngly each of these three [letters]! ", whereafter he entrusted [mGar] with three official letter-rolls (bku' shog gi shog drif)."' Provision for the present [mission], cloths, ornaments etc. and many burdens loaded on camels and mules etc. were dispatched. "Day and night and everywhere along the precipitate route [to China] you must p r d .. T2r2 (sGrolwhile chanting prayers to the reverential ( j e brsun ma, devf, bhhadddnkd) ma)!"612 Then [minister] mGar camed along all [the items] given by the king, and driving the pack animals [forward], the minister, in the fire-male-monkey year (636 A.D.), on the eighth day of the fourth month which coincided with the appearance of the Tisya star, set out towards China being accompanied by one hundred horsemen. [They eventually] arrived at [the city ofJ Zim-shing [in] China, [at] the entrance of the palace where the Chinese emperor Tha'i dzung (Tai-zong) resided, i.e. the bKra-shis khrisgo!13 That [city] held one hundred thousand households (mi khyim). Each side [of the city- 608 In conjunction with the previous chapter, which in the structure shows a remarkable compositional similarity, the present chapter offers the celebrated story and quasi-legendary narrative of the invitation of the Chinese princess Kong-jo and her mamage to the Tibetan king Srong-btsan sgampo. Its importance and prominence is attested by the fact that it occupies not only a substantial part of the bulky vita of Srong-btsan sgam-po and thus of GLR itself, but that it for many centuries has enjoyed great popularity as a celebrated drama-play. Historically spealang, the princess was not intended for king Srong-btsan sgam-po, but for his son, the nebulous Gung-srong gung-btsan who ruled for only five years, probably 641-646 A.D., whereafter the father again took over not only the reins of power but possibly also the consort of the son, and ruled from 646 until his death in 649 A.D. Cf. Appendix, note 608 for a fuller survey of the basic and parallel sources for this lengthy chapter. 609 MNKB E (CA) 118bl; KCHKKHM-2 147.9; CHBYMTNYP 224bl.Most other texts have a helhet ( m g ) . Cf. note 613 infra. E (Ca) ll8a6-b2; KCHKKHM-1 717.4-718.1; KCHKKHM-2 C ~ ~ Y M T N Y224a2-225a5; P HBCHBY 28a7-h2; GZBZNTH 13.3-8. 61 1 KCHKKHM-2 147.10-13; CHBYMTNYP 224b3-225a2. 610MNKB 147.1-148.2; The other texts speak about three boxes (sgrom bu) containing an official letter ( b h ' shog), resp. a golden, silver and copper-made one. 612 KCHKKHM-I 717.6-7; KCHKKHM-2 147.13-148.2; CHBYMTNYP 225a4-5; GZBZNTH 13.10-11. 613 Some consensus prevails as to the name of this emperor and the place: F K B E (Ca) 1l la4, E (Cd) 194a4, 196bl: The place is called Ke-ru'i Khrigs-sgo; KCHKKHM-1 697.2-3: The emperor wall] extended a day's journey (nyin lam) and [the city] was installed with four great towngates, [wherefore the city produced] a most temfying and frightening [impression] merely by beholding it. To that [place] the minister of the Dharmarsja of India arrived, accompanied by one hundred horsemen in order to woo for the hand of the Chinese Kong-jo. The minister of the Gesar king of War, along with one hundred horsemen arrived, also in order to woo for Kong-jo. The minister of the [Persian] sTag-gzigs king of Wealth, accompanied by one hundred horsemen amved too, in order to woo for Kong-jo. [Finally] the minister of the [Central-Asian Turco-Mongolian Uighur] king of BhataHor amved also, in order to woo for Kong-jo. [So in all] five hundred horsemen [representing] wooers (gnye ho) of different nationality (mi rigs) arrived simultaneously in the presence of the Chinese emperor. The [party of] the Indians pitched at the eastern gate; the [party from] Gesar took up residence at the southern gate; the [party from] sTag-gzigs at the western gate; the [party from] the [Bhata-]Hor at the northern gate and the Tibetan [party] perched [their tents between] the northern and the eastern [gate].614 is just called rgya-rje btsan-po and the Chinese capital is called sKye-shing khri-sgo; on the latter, see note 123 supra. The name of the princess is Ong-chung; KCHKKHM-2 127.2-3, 148.10, 189.15, 196.9-10, 18, 197.14: The Chinese emperor is denoted Kong-rtse 'Phrul-chung, the capital is Ke-shi khri-sgo (resp. Khri-sgo-can) and the princess is denoted Ong-cong; CHBYMTNYP 212b2-3 similarly has emperor rKon-rtse 'Phrul gyi rgyal-po, also called rKong-rtse 'Phrul-chung btsan-po (later 229a3 he is called rJe Seng-ge btsan-pa), the capital is similarly [s]K[y]e1u-shing khri-sgo (and Khri-sgo rtsegs-pa) and the princess is called Ong-jo; YLJBCHBY 52.10: Kong-rtse 'Phrul-chung; HBCHBY (JA) 28bl: The place is Thim-shing bKra-shis khri-sgo; BZH (Chin. ed. 2.11-16) has Kem-shing khri-sgo and the king is denoted Kong-'phrul; DTHZHG 29.17: Ke-ru'i khri-sgo; GZBZNTH 13.16-17: Thang The-dzung and the place is Grang-an bKra-shis khri-sgo, the latter thus identifies it with Ch'ang-an, a correct but modem addition. According to Chinese annals, minister mGar amved at the Tang court on Dm. 11, 640 A.D. carrying with him 5000 ounces of gold and and several hundred precious baubles. 614 MNKB E (Ca) 118b5-119a2; KCHKKHM-1 718.2-719.2; KCHKKHM-2 148.1 1-17; KCHKKHM-3 424.4; CHBYMTNYP 225a6-b2, the two latter texts speak about four groups of wooers. HBCHBY (JA) 28b3-4; GZBZNTH 13.20-14.7. The simultaneous presence or amval of wooing parties from other tribes or countries pleding for a bride is unattested from historical sources, although Chinese records do confirm that Srongbtsan sgam-po, after he had defeated 'A-sha in 635 A.D., dispatched an official to the Chinese court in order to request for a princess and thereby a marriage alliance with China. Rumours had at that point reached the Tibetan king that the Turks and the Tu-yu-hun already had received imperial princesses for their ruling houses. During this initial attempt the Tibetan proposal was rejected. Offended and with face lost, Srong-btsan sgam-po decided to carry through a series of retaliating raids into Chinese border territories until the Chinese acceded to his proposal. After some defeats, the Chinese finally agreed to the proposal and this led to the successful mission by minister mGar, cf. Beckwith, 1987, pp. 22-24. Heissig, 1990, p. 202, n. 155, suggests that the mention of the different wooing-parties should be seen as a poetic or literary sublimation of the above sketched historical circumstances. [Q [Audience with the Emperor] The other ministers next presented their presents of petition (zhu nen) and were [immediately] granted an audience (mjal phrad byas). When the Tibetans [led by the] minister then requested [for] an audience, they were forced to wait, and seven days having passed, the emperor along with his retinue turned up outside the palace, where mGar handed over the gold coins as presents of petition (zhu nen) and the precious lapis-lazuli coat of mail studded with emeralds was placed in the presence of the emperor, whereafter [mGar] spoke: "Great emperor! This lapis-lazuli coat of mail is beset with numerous accomplishments [such as] whenever human desasters and cattle plagues threaten, [all you need is to] attire this coat of mail and to circulate your town, then all diseases will be allayed; whenever hail[storms] and frost threaten, take on this coat of mail and walk around [your] fields, [you] will be able to withstand hail and frost; whenever fightings break out, put on this coat of mail and [you] will emerge victorious from the battlefield. [No one] in Jambudvipa is [capable] of evaluating the value of this coat of mail. This coat of mail [my king] [will] offer [to you] as price for [your] rincess! [I] [humbly] request [you] to grant [me] your wise princess as queen for my king! n8 5 But the [Chinese] emperor [only] looked at mGar with piercing eyes (mig phur rshugs su g ~ i g s ) whereafter ,~~~ the em ror and [his] retinue bursted into a roaring and [most] unbecoming scornful laughter.61qheemperor then proclaimed; 'This impossible story (mi srid pa'i gtam) is most wonderous! I am a descendant in unbroken line until the present of the emperor of the entire China. The Tibetan king of yours cannot [possibly] cope with (dod mi pher) my prowess and might. However, since you [Tibetans] have [covered such] a long distance to come [here], [I will suggest that] when you this time return, go and ask whether your king is capable of enacting a secular law (rgyal &rims) based upon the ten [Buddhist] virtues. If capable, the daughter [of mine] will be granted, but if not, then [his request] will be rejected! "618 But the minister mGar [promptly] responded: "If [I] were to pass to and fro between China and Tibet for the [delivery of a response to] each of [your] messages, there would [evidently] be no occasion to invite the princess, so in response to your speech, my Tibetan king has [entrusted me] the delivery [of] this [letter], whereafter he gave the first letter-roll to the [Chinese] emperor. The emperor opened [it] and read [the letter] which was written in Chinese characters in gold on blue paper: 'You, 0 Chinese Emperor, possess a law, I king of Tibet, do not have [such] a Dharma[-based] law. Since you, 0 Emperor, truly take pride in possessing a secular law based upon the ten [Buddhist] virtues, I shall, provided [you] grant [me] [your] daughter, miraculously create five thousand bodily epiphanies [from my own body] which shall enable [me] to enact a law based upon the ten virtues within one [single] day. Isn't it [most] marvellous? Now, if I act accordingly, and [you] nevertheless do not grant [your] daughter, I shall dispatch an army [counting] fifty thousand emanational created [soldiers who will invade your country] kill you, abduct [your] princess and leave 615 616 617 618 KCHKKHM-2 148.15- 149.18; CHBYMTNYP 225b2-226a6; GZBZNTH 14.18-15.10. This description is lacking in all other versions. KCHKKHM-2 149.19; CHBYMTNYP 226a6-bl ; GZBZNTH 15.12. KCHKKHM-2 149.19-150.13; CHBYnfT"T'YP 226b1-6; GZBZNTH 15.14-19. the entire country [of yours] levelled to the ground!"619 By [reading this] the emperor became greatly ridden by fear, but although terrified he decided to pretend fearless and declared: "Your Tibetan king is [indeed] a great swaggerer. Does he or does he not hold the power to erect temples in the Tibetan country of yours? If so, [I] shall grant [him my] daughter; if not, I shall reject [his request], now depart and ask!n620 But again mGar handed over to the emperor the second official letter-roll, and added: "Since it is not practicable (mi 'ong bas) [for me] to travel to Tibet [to convey an answer] to each message, I have this [letter-roll ready] as response to your inquiry, 0 Emperor, wherefore I beg you to read [it]." The emperor opened it, and when reading, it [ran] accordingly: "In your country of China, [the Buddhist] Dharma has spread and you possess the power to erect temples; I, king of Tibet, do not have the ability to construct temples, but since you, 0 Emperor, take delight in erecting temples, [I herewith promise] that provided [you] grant me [your] princess, I shall procure five thousand bodily epiphanies, [and they will eventually] erect one hundred and eight temples, [all] having their main-gate pointing in your direction. Isn't it [most] marvellous? If [I] act accordingly, and you nevertheless do not grant [me your] daughter, I shall dispatch an army [consisting] of fifty thousand emanational created [soldiers who will invade your country], exterminate you, abduct the princess and leave [your] entire empire in destitute! "621 [Reading] this made the emperor very terrified, but although shocked by fear, he pretended unintimidated and responded: "Your king is [certainly] a great swaggerer! [Now,] in your country, do [you] possess [the riches which will enable you] to take comfort (longs spyod) in the five sensual pleasures (paitcakdmaguna)? If so, [my] daughter will be given, if not, [I shall] reject [his proposal], depart now and ask!"622 Again, mGar handed over the last letter-roll to the emperor and added: "It is hardly practicable [for me] to travel [to and fro] between China and Tibet [to convey] each message, [I] therefore have this [letter which contains] an answer to your speech, 0 Emperor. I beg you to read [it]!" The emperor then opened [it] and when reading [it, it ran] accordingly: "You, Emperor of China, are in possession of wealth which can be enjoyed; I, king of Tibet, do not have such [material] comfort. Since you, 0 Emperor, take pleasure in being in possession of [such] comfort of wealth, I [herewith solemnly promise], provided that [you] grant [me your] daughter, that I shall procure five thousand bodily epiphanies, which will secure [the basis for] the enjoyment of gold, silver, grain, silk-brocade, garment and ornaments and the enjoyment of food [to such an extent that] it is even capable of competing with the material comfort of the gods. Furthermore, from the four [cardinal] directions [all] the turnpikes will be opened and all the wealth and riches (nor rdzas) of your border-country will unavoidably be gathered in front of my door, making me materially a comfortable man. Isn't it [most] marvellous! If, hovewer, I act accordingly and [you still] do not grant [me your] princess, I shall dispatch an army [counting] fifty thousand [soldiers who will invade your empire] slay you down, abduct the princess [of yours] and lay the entire realm [of 619 KCHKKHM-2 150.14-151.17; CHBYMTNYP 227al-b2; GZBZNTH 16.4-8. 620 KCHKKHM-2 15 1.17- 153.5; CHBYMTNYP 227b2-b5; GZBZNTH 16.9-12. 621 KCHKKHM-2 153.5-155.16 (by far the most detailed); CHBYMTNYP 227b5-228b 1 ; CZBZNTH 16.14-22. 622 KCHKKHM-2 155.16-156.11; GZBZNTH 17.13; the last request and condition is lacking from CHBY MTNYP. yours] in ruins! w623 [This time] the emperor became even more terrified than earlier, making him think: "This daughter of mine, although she has many wooers, it appears that [I] eventually @hugs su) have to give [her] to this Tibetan king", and in a gloomy mood he returned to his palace. Thereupon, the father-emperor, the mother-empress, the prince-heirs and the princess deliberated [the matter]. The father suggested: "The [Buddhist] Dharma has come from India. The princess must be given to the Indian Dharmarija, as [we] are greatly obliged to him." The mother, being very avaricious, proposed: "Give [my daughter] to the Persian King of Wealth! " The prince was fond of good physical strength, so [he] suggested: 'Give [her] to the mng of the Uighur Bhata-IHor!" The princess, herself fond of a handsome bodily figure (skye gurgs legs), intervened: "It is very important [to find] a constant partner (gtm grogs) with whom [one] can be associated for a whole life", so she took an interest in the Gesar King of War. Now, towards Tibet no one at all showed any sympathy.624 [Suitor-trials on Wits] The emperor then proclaimed:62s "[I] shall remain impartial towards [all] you suitors (snye bo) and [I shall therefore declare] that [the princess] will be given to the most sharp-witted [among ye all]. [You must all] compete in shrewdness.n626 [The emperor] gave [to each ofJ the five group of ministers (blon po tshan) a silkribbon (dar yug) and an [imperial] Llife-spirit'-turquoise(bla g.yu), [being] a so-called 'gut623 KCHKKHM-2 156.1 1-159.8; GZBZNTH 17.3-16. 624 MNKB E (Ca) 118b5-119a4; KCHKKHM-1 718.3-719.2; KCHKKHM-2 159.8-161.6; KCHKKHM-3 423.7-424.3; CHBYMTNYP 228b1-229a1; MBNTH 5 la1 -2; GZBZNTH 17.1718.12. 625 MNKB E (Ca) 119a4-5; KCHKKHM-2 161.7-11; CHBYMTNYP 229a1-3; MBNTH 51a3; HE~cH~Y (JA) 28b4; GZBZNTH 18.10-12. 626 The following narrative segment, like the remaining Vita probably composed or recast by some anonymous Tibetans in the XIth century and not without its own literary qualities, describes the story of the competition between numerous rivals for the Chinese princess, a narrative which not only in Tibet, but later also in Mongolia acquired a remarkable popularity and influence as literary model, cf. Heissig, 1990, pp. 197W, Heissig, 1991, pp. 42-3. Chinese sources do confirm that when minister mGar, in the third month of 641 A.D., had a final audience with the Chinese emperor prior to leaving the Chinese capital with the Chinese bride, the emperor offered the minister a princess as well because the minister had given such clever replies to the emperor's inquiries, cf. Beckwith, 1987, p. 24. In Mongolia the notorious resourcefulness and quickwittedness of minister mGar were to serve as a literary model in the wake of the translation of GLR into Mongolian as Gegen Toli or Bodhim0r. Carrying or taking over the name Mergen temfineltebene ('The Clever Needle'), this minister became a most cherished figure, where his alleged quickwittedness and his successful courtship in China commissioned by his ruler found its ways into a number of Mongolian stories. Cf. Heissig. 1990, p. 199ff. For a detailed description of this motif-cycle, cf. Appendix, note 626. twisted' one (bzhag sgor mo), about the size of a small [convex] buckler @hub chung), being highly lustrous (bkrag che ba) and having one opening (mig) in the end and one in the middle, the 'inner hole' (nang gi mig) resembling the [tubular] cavity of a bamboo-cane @hug gi spa rim). The emperor [then] proclaimed: "He who can pull this silk-ribbon through the hole of this turquoise, [he] shall be given the princess! w 627 Since the other ministers were very powerful, they were given the turquoise first, but [after] having tried by various means and having let it pass from hand to hand (lag 'grim gyis brgyus pas) for many days, no one proved [capable] of pulling [the ribbon through the hole]. It [was then decided to] hand [it] over to minister mGar, declaring: "Whatever we do, we cannot pull [it] through, well let's see whether you can pull [the ribbon] through?", whereafter the turquoise and the silk-ribbon were delivered. The shrewd mGar had in beforehand fed up a Chinese ant (rgya'i grog ma) with milk and food until it assumed the size of a thumb (mtheb mo) and he then fastened a silk thread (dar skud) around the middle (sked pa) of this [ant], attaching a silk thread (dar gyi the gu) to the lower end (sna) of this [silk-ribbon], and having connected the upper end (spyi bo) of the silk-ribbon, [the two threads] were sewn together and the ant was thrusted into [one ofJ the openings of the turquoise. [mGar] then took the silk and the turquoise into his hands and by blowing @hu btab pas) [into the hole, the ant whirled through the passage] being drawn by the air[pressure] (rlung gis ded) until it emerged from the end of the [other] opening. Thereafter mGar untied the silk thread around the middle of the ant and by pulling in [small] jerks (nur gyis 'then pas) the silk-ribbon [finally] was pulled through the hole of the turquoise.628 mGar [then] declared: "I have managed [to do it] like that, so I [must] ask for the princess", but [the emperor merely] proclaimed: "[More] contests on wits (rig pa 'gran) is still [necessary]", [thereby] showing [his] contempt (brnyes pa byas) towards Tibet my] not granting [her] .629 Again, the following day five hundred sheep were distributed [to each party] and it was proclaimed: "The princess will be given [the party] which the following day [first] has finished slaughtering (bsad zin pa) these five hundred sheep, finished skinning (bshas (= bshus) zin pa)) the animals and digested the mutton (sha zos tin pa) and [finally] had completed tanning the skin (lpags pa nyes zin pa). "630 627 MNKB E (Ca) 119a5-6; KCHKKHM-1 720.2; KCHKKHM-2 161.11-16; KCHKKHM-3 425.3; CHBYMTNYP 229a3-6; post-GLR: HBCHBY (JA) 28b5-6; GZBZNTH 18.13-19.12; DTHZHG 32.15-22. Here, as elsewhere in the description of these trials or wooing tests, the three pre-GLR sources show a remarkable congruity. GLR, albeit in conformity with the three above-mentioned texts, does display some unique traits in its description. Cf. Heissig, 1990, p. 206. 628 MNKB E (Ca) 1196-b4; KCHKKHM-1 720.2; KCHKKHM-2 161.16-162.20; KCHKKHM-3 425.3-4; CHBYMTNYP 229a5-b4; MBNTH 52b1-3; HBCHBY (JA) 28b5-6,29a1-2; GZBZNTH 18.17-19.12. Heissig, 1990, p. 206. 629 Y K B E (Ca) 1 19b4-5; KCHKKHM-1 720.4; KCHKKHM-2 161.20-163.2; KCHKKHM-3 425.3-4. The latter text mentions, as the only one, that it was the threat of a military invasion of China by the other losing parties, that prompted the Chinese emperor to continue the trials; CHBYMTNYP 229b4-5; GZBZNTH 19.1 1-12. 630 MNKB E (Ca) 119b5; KCHKKHM-1 7 19.2-720.2; KCHKKHM-2 164.7-10; KCHKKHM-3 424.4-6; CHBYMTNYP 230a1-2; MBNTH 51a3-5; HBCHBY 28b6; GZBZNTH 19.13-15, DTHZHG 32.23-33.7. [mGar made] each man among the Tibetan ministers slaughter one sheep and [made] each [man] skin it and amass the [slaughtered] flesh in one side and the hide on [another] side. Then the mutton was carved into small slices (lcung mo), rolled in salt ( r s h la bsgres), and throwing [the bits] down the throat (sgrin [ = mgrin] la bskyur), [mGar] forced them to eat it completely. The raw skin pieces [subsequently] were rubbed (phur ha) [in the tanning process] while making each skin pass [from hand to hand] down through the row (gral) [of the Tibetans]. When each skin appeared at the end (zhabs, gzhug) of the row it was ready (ran par) to be greased with oil (snwn byugs pa) and again [starting] from the last ( 'og ma) [person in the line] each [skin] was rubbed [while passing through the line of Tibetans] and so at the upper part (mgor) [it] was tanned (thul) [as leather]. When [mGar] watched the other [parties], [they] were not nearly finished.631 [Again mGar] demanded: "I have succeed like that, whereas the others have failed, so [I must] ask for the princess", but the [emperor again] proclaimed: 'Further competitions on wits are [necessary]!", wherefore [she was] not given. Again hundred pots (ben) [full ofJ beer were distributed [to each party], and it was announced: "The princess shall be given to whoever capable of finish drinking [all the beerpots] before noon the following day (sang gi nyi ma phyed [shun)without spilling (ma bo ba) and without getting intoxicated (ma bzi b ~ ) . " ~ ~ ~ Again mGar [had] small tiny cups (snod chung chung) placed before the Tibetan ministers and served [to each of them] only a little spot [of beer] (nyung re drangs) [at a time] admonishing: "First [drink] a draught at a time (hub re)!" [and thus they succeeded] in finishing drinking, without spilling or [getting] drunk. Looking at the other [parties], [they] had filled great bowls with beer and fearing [they] should not b e able] finish drinking [it all], [they] gulped it down (khrog rgyab pas) [in great haste], which made [them] intoxicated and made them vomit and spill [all over].633 Again [mGar] declared: "I have succeeded accordingly, whereas the others have failed, so [I must] demand the princess." But [again the request] was not met, contempt was shown towards Tibet as it was said: "Still further competitions on wits are [required]!" Again one hundred mares (nu ma) and one hundred colts (bu) were distributed [to the competing parties], adding: "The princess shall be given to the one [capable of) identifying (ngo shes pa) mare and [its] colt together (ma bu phyogs gcig tu)." Again, the other [parties] did not know [a means to solve the riddle], but mGar isolated Heissig, 1990, p. 205-06. It is interesting to note that in all other versions, this test number 2 and the following number 3 are dealt with as one test. In treating it as two tests, GLR (and following it, GZBZNTH) probably reflects an original proto-version of the narrative. 631 MNKB E (Ca) 1 1 9 6 6 ; KCHKKHM-1 719.2-720.2; KCHKKHM-2 164.1 1-165.11; KCHKKHM-3 424.6-425.2; CHBYMTNYP 230a2-5; MBNTH 5 1 6 6 ; HBCHBY 28b7-29al; GZBZNTH 19.15-20.3. Heissig, 1990, p. 205-06. 632 In the other texts the trial on digesting the flesh and taming the skin of sheep and the trial on drinking pots of beer witout getting intoxicated are counted as one trial. Cf. previous notes. 633 MfVKB E (Ca) 1 19b5-6; KCHKKHM-1 719.2-720.2; KCHKKHM-2 164.10-165.11 ; KCHKKHM-3 424.6-425.2; CHBYMTNYP 230a1-5; G Z B Z W 20.4-9. Cf. Heissig, 1990, pp. 206-07; BielmeierlHemnann, 1982, pp. 129-13 1 . (phyogs gcig tu bzung) the colts (rte'u) [in a corral],634providing grass [for them] for one full day, but gave [them] no water. The following day the [thirsty] colts were turned loose among the mares, and [each colt by nature] sought out the whereabouts of its own mother[mare] for milk. [The animals being] recognizing, [mGar again] declared: "I have recognized [the animals], and the other [parties] have failed, so [I must] demand the rincess!", but [it was merely] proclaimed: "[More] competitions on wits are [required]!n 6 R Again the following day one hundred mother-hens (bya ma) and one hundred chicken (bu) were handed over [to each party] and [it was] proclaimed: "The princess will be given to the one [capable ofJ identifying the brood-hen [from its rightful] chicken." Again, the other [parties] were bewildered, but mGar distributed (gtor nas bzhag) chicken-feed (sbang ma) on a wide plain and then confronted the birds with one another (kha grad). The mirds began] eating two and two [together] and [mGar] declared: "Those eating from below the neck (ske) [of the mother-hen] and which has a pugnacious behaviour (spyod pa 'tshub pa) are the chickens, those not [acting thus] are the mother-hen" and so having recognized [the animals], [mGar again] declared: "I have recognized [them] but the others have failed, so [I must] demand the princess!", but [it was again] proclaimed: "[More] competitions on wits are still [necessary]!", wherefore [the princess was still] not given.636 were distributed [to the Again, one hundred pieces (ldum po) of pine-wood various parties] and [it was] proclaimed: "The princess will be granted the one who can tell the upper end (mgo) from the lower end (gzhug) [of these sticks]." Again, the other [parties were] at their wits' end (mi shes). mGar, [in contrast], carried the wood[en pieces] to the river-side and hurled [them] into the water, [knowing that] since the root (rtsa ba) [end of the pieces of pine-tree] was heavier (Iji bar) [they] would turn downstream (thur du), whereas the upper end (rtse mo) being lighter bang pas) would remain upwards (gyen du) [floating]. [Once again mGar] announced: "I have solved [the riddle], the others have failed, so [I must] ask for the princess", but [it was again] proclaimed: "Still further competitions on wits shall be [necessary]!", so [also this time the princess] was not given .638 One evening the great [imperial] drum was struck in the palace and the other ministers went to the [imperial] palace. The hostess (gnus mo) of the Tibetan ministers inquired: "The other ministers have [all] gone to the palace, are you [Tibetans] not going too? It is better for you to attend", but mGar responded: "We have not even been invited (shog kyang mi zer) and we do not know the meaning with [the summoning by] this drum (mga de ci yin cha med)!" The hostess argued: "Now that the other ministers have [already] gone, you should 634 GLR B has mares and colts (rta ma bu). 635 MNKB E (Ca) 1 19b4-5; KCHKKHM-1 721.2-3; KCHKKHM-2 165.12- 166.2; KCHKKHM-3 426.2; HBCHBY 28b6, 29a2-3; GZBZNTH 20.13-20. Cf. also Heissig, 1990, p. 207. 636 MNKB E (Ca) 1 19b4; KCHKKHM-I 720.4-6; KCHKKHM-2 166a4-b5; KCHKKHM-3 425.5-7; CHBYMTNYP 229a4-b5; HBCHBY (JA) 28b6, 29a2; GZBZNTH 21.1-8, DTHZHG 33.2-3. Cf. Heissig, 1990, p. 207. 637 Pine or fir wood (gsam = gsom, i.e. gsom shing = [hang shing; Abies sp.); KCHKKHMd merely has a thick round piece of plank (shing sbom phra med pa 'i hril leb). 638 Y K B E (Ca) 1 19b4-5; KCHKKHM-1720.6-721.2; KCHKKHM-2 166.1 1 - 167.3; KCHKKHM3 425.7-426.2; CHBYMTNYP 229b5-6; MBNTH 51b3; HBCHBY (JA) 28b6,29a3; GZBZNTH 21.9-14; DTHZHG 33.3. Cf. Heissig, 1990, p. 205. after all go, although you have not been invited." Then the minister [mGar suddenly] realized that the [summoning of the] drum was a diversion (skyon can), and leading [his] ministers, he [considered it safer to start] counting ('dren gin) each door en route to the palace by marking [each] door with paint (rams dung tshos kyi khu bar mtshan ma 'dren gin).639 At the palace the [parties of the] other ministers had [already] gathered. The emperor had that evening arranged a feast for all the [attending] ministers and [later] when the dusk of the evening [had set in], the emperor proclaimed: "Will all ye ministers [kindly] depart and find back to your own [guest-]houses! [My] daughter shall be given to the one who can find [it]!" mGar borrowed a lamp from the palace, and by counting each door [on the route back] and proceeding while looking for the marks painted earlier, they found [the way to] their own houses. At dawn, the following morning, when [the emperor] went to see [how] the other ministers [had managed], [he found] that some [members of the other parties] had broken into the houses of others, some, unable to find their own door, were seen sleeping in the street (rgya srang).640 Again, mGar inquired: " w e Tibetans] have found our houses, the others have failed to find [theirs, so I] demand the princess! ", but the emperor [only] replied: "On the third day from now, three hundred most beautiful maidens, refined with ornaments will be lined up in a row on the plain [opposite] to the eastern gate; among these the princess will be placed and [she] will be given to the one who is [capable of] identifying [her]."641 Subsequently, mGar [decided to] associate [himself] amorously and intimately (lus dung 'brel shing mthun par byas) with the [Chinese] hostess (gnus mo) [of the Tibetans] by deceiving (mgo bskor) [her] with [good] food, [intoxicating]drinks and flattering words (dga' ba'i gram smras). He then said: "One year has now passed since we [Tibetan] ministers arrived [here] in China; on wits we showed ourselves most cunning, but when we were to obtain the princess, out of contempt [she was us] refused. W e have] not [even] seen this [princess] Kong-jo, a Wise [Master] of [Divination] ( ' p h r ~ l )but , ~ ~she ~ indeed appears1 to 639 The other texts mention that mGar marked the lintel of each door with a painted vajra, and the threshold with a svavtika. 640 MNKB E (Ca) 119b6-120a4; KCHKKHM-1 72 1.3-722.1; KCHKKHM-2 163.2- 164.7; KCHKKHM-3426.3-4; CHBYMTNYP 230b2-23 1a6; MBNTH 5 1b3-5; HBCHBY (JA) 29a3-4; GZBZNTH 21.15-22.19; DTHZHG 33.8-14. Cf. Heissig, 1990, p. 204. 641 Y K B E ( C a ) 120a4-5;KCHKKHM-1722.1-2; KCHKKHM-2 167.3-6,168.9, 169.13-14,170.3 (mentions a line of four hundred girls); KCHKKHM-3 426.4-5; C H B Y m P 231a6-bl, 232b6 (talks alternatively about one hundred, three and five hundred aligned girls [ s i c ! ] ) ;MBNTH 51b5-6: one hundred girls; HBCHBY (JA) 29a4-5; GZBZNTH 22.15-18; DTHZHG 33.14-16. For this theme, cf. Heissig, 1990, pp. 202 (n. 157), 207-08, 214; Heissig, 1991, pp. 42-43; Mostaert, 1947, pp. 198-201. 642 AS Macdonald, 1971 and in particular Stein, 1973, pp. 418, 421-22; 1981, pmsim have demonstrated, the term phrul, in its earliest connotation, is often an analogy of the Chinese term zheng, 'sage' appearing in the title of the emperor as well as in the title of the Tibetan kings: phrul gyi h a . More precisely, as Richardson, 1985. p. 39, deftly concludes, when used with Tibetan prehistoric kings it arguably implies magical faculties, whereas with historical kings it rather stipulates, it appears, extraordinary natural intellectual power. Cf. f.ex. BZH (Stein ed. 2.9-10; Chin. ed. 2.15-17) where the Chinese emperor is called Kong-'phrul (cf. also note 613 supra), adducing, inter be highly renowned, resembling [in fame] the blue turquoise-dragon (g.yu 'bmg sngon mo). Now, you and this princess are on the [very] best terms with one another, so you must show [me] thoroughly what she looks like, this is very important right now, since Kong-jo in three days from now will be lined up amidst a row of three hundred maidens assigned to the plain [opposite] to the eastern [imperial] gate. It is proclaimed that she will be given to the one who is [capable ofl finding [i.e. identifying] her. Since the other [parties ofJ ministers are powerful, they will [as the first be allowed] to choose and whoever [among] them who recognized [her] would most probably take [her] along, whereas we [Tibetans] would hardly be [allowed] to obtain [her]. Although we did identify her and the other [parties] failed to do so, a despiseful [attitude] would be shown [towards us] and [we] would most probably not be granted [her]. Should [we], moreover, by means of karmic causation (lm kyi dbang gis, kannavddt), [be able] to get [the chance of choosing her], [we] still do not know what [she] looks like; you therefore must give [us] a good description [of her]. I [for my part promise you to] remain here in China and become your husband, [by all means] the princess should [not]643be given [to any of] the other ministers", whereafter [mGar] as a bribery rewarded (bmgan pa la byin) [her] with a full bre-measure of gold-d~st.644 The hostess responded: "You Tibetan ministers are right, the emperor is very partial (nye ring ches), but the emperor is not alone, not one single person [in China] is fond of the Tibetans, they say that Tibet is the kingdom of the hungry ghosts @reta) and they [all] hope that [any] of the other ministers will [be able] to win this princess. [Ifl they Ijust] one time [succeeded in being] [more] sagacious [in these suitor-trials, they] will be given the princess. This princess Kong-jo, [Master] of Transformation ('phml) is my mistress (dpon mo), so I am very knowledgeable (rgyus. .che) [concerning a description of her], but since she is very clever in the Chinese [art of divinatory] calculation,645[she] will detect [m act of treason] and I will be put to death, [I] therefore cannot [give you] a description. 6 But mGar intervened: "I have a method by which [your collaboration remains] undetected by [divinatory] calculation." He [first] fastened the door inside [his] house, [then] 936 2' alia, that he is known as the rgya nag gtsug lag gi rgyal po, the emperor of the Chinese divinational science, since he possesses (i.e. masters) the divinational chart in three hundred and sixty sections. The term thus denotes a mixture of magical and supernatural noetic powers and 'phrul (and even sprul) in a (pre?-)Buddhist context no doubt reflected or implied the sense (or knowledge) of mutation (hua, y1) as is known from the mantic system of Yi-jing. So also in the present situation. Kong-jo is in fact endued with extraordinary intellectual powers in the field of divination. A possible equivalent would be the adj. 'wise', which originally characterized one skilled in divination, akin to a sage, a magus or, as here, a wisewoman. This term has here been preserved in the Vita-cycle of Srong-btsan sgam-po and the original meaning is probably lost to the Tibetans, at least to present-day Tibetans, where 'phrul exclusively alludes to magic of sorts. Cf. also note 663 infra. For the blue turquoise dragon, one of the cardinal animals of Chinese astrology, cf. the note 767. 643 GLR reads bskur bas chog, but contextually it only makes sense to read bskur bas mi chog. 644 V K B E (Ca) 120a5-6; KCHKKHM-1722.2-3; KCHKKHM-2 167.6- 16; KCHKKHM-3 426.56; CHBYMTNYP 23 1b1-5; MBNTH 5 1b6-52al; HBCHBY (JA) 29a4-5; GZBZNTH 23.14-17; DTHZHG 33.16-1 7. GLR here evinces the most detailed version. For this theme, cf. Heissig, p. 202 (nn. 158-59). 645 KCHKKHM-2 reads: spor thang Wlra mo'i ju thug gi rtsis pa. 646 MNKB E (Ca) 120a6; KCHKKHM-1 722.2-724.2; KCHKKHM-2 167.16-18; KCHKKHM-3 426.6; CHBYMTNYP 23 1b5-6; MBNTH 52al; GZBZNTH 24.10-25.4. he placed three large hearth-stones (sgyed po chen po) [on the floor]. Thereupon a large kettle (zangs) brimming with water was deposited, in the water feathers (hya spu) originating from various kinds of birds were strewed and [then] covered (hbc@ by a red shield @hub dmar po) [as a lid]. Upon this [arrangement] the hostess was seated, her head being covered by a clay-pot (rdza ma). The opening of the pot was [then] covered by a net-work and a hole was drilled into the pot. Through this and through the mesh (dra mig) [of the network] a copper-pipe (zangs dung) was inserted [and protuded]. Then [mGar] commented: "Deliver [your] explanation through this [copper-tube], then although [your] description should be detected by way of [divinato ] calculation, [no one] will believe it [anyway], so [kindly] give [me] a good description!" 47 And the hostess spoke: "Great Minister, bear carefully in mind!648 Y The princess Kong-jo, [Master of] Transformation ('phrul) Does not differ from the other [three hundred] maidens in terms of size (che rgyu med), Nor does [she] differ in beauty (legs rgyu m e 4 from the other as to bodily form (skye gzugs); Nor does [she] differ from the other in terms of elegance (bzang rgyu med) of ornamental dress, Her special characteristics (khyad chos): She is endowed with a blue-greenish (sngo) body-colour [governed] by a mlushing] ruddy complexion (dmar ba'i mdangs). Her countenance exhales a scent of the [attractive] blue utpala-lotus and her body exudes sweet scents which attract a turquoise-coloured bee (g.yu'i sbrang ma) [seen] circulating [around her]. On her right cheek ([mlkhur tshos) is a [square] die-figure (cho lo ris; mole) found; on her left a lotus-figure, in the middle of her forhead (dpral) [a small figure ofJ Aryl Tiirii [is found] [drawn] upon a vermilion[-coloured] . ~ teeth ~ ~ would have spot (sindara-tilaka) about [the size of] a barley-corn (nus t s ~ m ) Her [small] white spots (so tho) and her neck (og ma = lkog ma) [would] have mutifull white spots (og zho). Princess Kong-jo would neither appear at the [extreme] end of the alignment of the three hundred maidens, nor in the middle of the row, but would appear Ijust] before the sixth maiden counting from left in the alignment.650The body and the dress of the 647 MNKB E (Ca) 120a6-bl ; KCHKKHM-1 722.4-732.2; KCHKKHM-2 167.18-168.9; KCHKKHM-3 426.6-427.1; CHBYMTNYP 231b5-232al; MBNTH 52a.2; HBCHBY 29a6ff.; GZBZNTH 24.10-25.4. These versions alter slightly. Cf. Heissig, 1990, pp. 208-14. 648 This metrical piece is lacking from all other versions, except HBCHBY (JA) 30b4-6; GZBZNTH 24.10-14. 649 KCHKKHM-1 and CHBYMTNYP talk about a g.yung drung ris pa dung bkr[a shlis kyi phyag rgya; KCHKKHM-2 mentions that the spot had the size of a seed of white mustard Cyungs d h r ) . 650 F K B E (JA) 120bl-2, KCHKKHM-1 723.2-3 maintain that she appeared as the one hundred and fiftieth maiden in the row. In KCHKKHM-2 as the three hundred and fiftieth (of in all four hundred); KCHKKHM-3 has that she occured as the fifty-oneth and in CHBYMTNYP it is said that she appeared as the three hundredth maiden in the row; MBNTH: She appeared after the fiftieth (of in all one hundred girls). As it seen, the versions differ markedly; cf. also the Heissig, 1990, p. 214. princess [would] be protected by [ r ~ g y a As . ~ [her] ~ ~ body and cloth [thus] are untouchable, [you] will have to carry along a new arrow (mda' gsarpa) quipped with square, diapered silk[-ribbons] (dar le brgan kha gang) and when approaching the princess [it can be observed that] she wears a silk-garment trimmed with five laces (dar gos sham bu lnga bnsegs) [around the collar] above which [one would find] conspicuously impure [spots] (dri ma lcam me Therefore [you] must pull [her] forth [from among the other maidens] by hooking [her] by the collar (gong ba nas) with the notch of the arrow (mda'i ltong). n653 mGar subsequently demolished the [artful] devices (chas), and a sense of joy and ease filled [his] body and mind. He uttered: "We Tibetan ministers have up till now been in the lead (mgo thon) [in these tests], yet still we will have to be in the front [in order to win the princess]. We have neither come to China in order to deal in trade nor in order to protect spiritual friends (kalydnamitra-s). If we [want] to secure the princess, we will have to be successful (mgo thon pa), wherefore [we] must deliberate [the matter] carefully (bnag pa legs po byas dgos). It is definitely certain that whoever identifies her amidst the three hundred [aligned] maidens, when [they gather] three days from now, that one will win her, and that is why we must avoid to make any fatal mistake (spyang glen ma nor ba cig byed dgos) ."654 Then, on the third day, three hundred handsomely embellished maidens were aligned on the plain [opposite] to the eastern gate [of the palace]. The entire population of China had assembled to [watch this spectacular] scenario (ltad mo). Then the emperor proclaimed: "The ministers shall choose in accordance with the earlier order of precedence! " So [first] the ministers of the Indian Dharmargja-s appeared. They picked out two handsome and neatly dressed maidens from amidst the row, arguing: "If it is not the first, it must be the other one", whereafter they went off humming ('u[r] sgra) and whistling (so sgra 'debs). Thereafter the ministers of the Persian King of Wealth appeared, picked out two beautiful maidens, behaved like the former and went off. Following them, the ministers of the Ge-sar King of War appeared, picked out two beautiful maidens and went off after having behaved like the previous ones. Hereafter the ministers of the King of Bhata-Hor appeared, who [also] picked out two handsome maidens and left [again] in like manner.655 When [this] was observed by minister mGar, [he] realized that [all] those [who had 651 Not entirely clear: rgya, a seal? This passage is unfortunately lacking in all other versions. Or is it a reminiscence of some of the marks characterizing the girl and mentioned in some of the other versions, a phyag rgya? Or some mantric signs protecting her? 652 In order to divert the attention from the princess. 653 MNKB E (Ca) l20bl-4; KCHKKHM-1723.2-724.2;KCHKKHM-2 168.9- 169.7; KCHKKHM-3 427.2-428.2; CHBYMTNYP 232a2-b6; MBNTH 52a2-6; HBCHBY (JA) 30b4-7; GZBZNTH 25.13-27.20; DTHZHG 33.18-20. Among the basic sources, KCHKKHM-2, CHBYMTNYP and GLR are, as already said, providing the most detailed versions. 654 This passage only contained in KCHKKHM-2 169.7-1 70.2, aside from GZBZNTH 25.4-12 (following GLR). 655 Y K B E (Ca) 120b4; KCHKKHM-1 742.3-4; KCHKKHM-2 170.3-9; CHBYMTNYP 232b6233b 1 ; GZBZNTH 25.19-4. been chosen] were wrong. He rejoiced greatly and [could not help] escaping a malicious smile ('dzwn mu1 gyis shor). Then mGar, holding the arrow in his hand, and leading his Tibetan [colleague] ministers, headed (glad ph in) towards the left row, and to the maiden [standing] to [the extreme] left, mGar said:6 Y "This [maiden] appears [to be] the daughter of the butcher (shun pa); Since red [i.e. blood-stained] hands is it not the way how [the butcher's hands] are (lag pa 'di yi dmar lugs sum)? The [maiden] preceding (gong na 'dug pa) her Appears [to be] the daughter of the potter (rdza mkhan); While is it not customary [for potters] to have many scars on the hands (lag pa ser kha mang lugs sum)? The [maiden] proceding her Appears [to be] the daughter of a carpenter (shing mkhan); While is it not customary that the[ir] dress is grayish [i.e. wood-dusted] (gos log 'di yi skya lugs sum)? The [maiden] preceding her Appears [to be] the daughter of an armourer (khrab mkhan); While is it not customary that the[ir] upper coat has oily [maculations] (steng gos 'di yi snwn lugs sum)? The [maiden] preceding her Appears [to be] the daughter of the coppler @hyis mkhan); While is it not habitually [for them] to wear these many straps ('breng bu 'di yi mang lugs sum)? The [maiden] preceding her Appears [to be] the daughter of a black-smith (mgar ba); While is it not customary that the[ir] skirt is black (gos kyi thu ba'i nag lugs sum)? The [maiden] preceding her Appears [to be] the daughter of a silk-weaver (dar 'thug); While is it not [so] that [they] wear the finest silk-garments (dar zab lus la gon lugs sam)? The [maiden] preceding her 656 This section describing in a mixture of prose and verse the identification of the princess and conducted by minister mGar by way of an almost Sherlock Holmian art or procsdure of deduction, is lacking altogether from the other versions of the namtive, aside from GZBZNTH 26.9-27.17 and a reminiscence in HBCHBY (JA) 30b6; cf. differently KCHKKHM-1 724.4-7E.2; KCHKKHM-2 170.9-13; cf. also Heissig, 1990, p. 202, n. 157. Appears [to be] the princess Kong-joy While [she] has a blue-greenish body-colour with a @Aushing] ruddy complexion; Her countenance exhaling a scent of the blue lotus, Fragrant scents [attracting] a turquoise[-coloured] bee to circulate [her]; The cheeks being marked by a die-figure and a lotus And [her] forhead being marked by [a figure ofJ bhadddrikd Tlrl; Her teeth sitting close and firm (so tshags dam) and kith white spots: [This] maiden of Great Transformation ('phrul chen) is much more handsome than any other maiden!" mGar [kept] enumerating suchlike qualities [possessed by her], whereafter he [finally] pulled [her] forth [from the row] by hooking [her] by the collar with the notch of the arrow (gong ba nas mda'i stong gis bzung nas 'then pas). Weeping the princess followed the minister. Confronted with the weeping [tears] of the princess, minister mGar chanted the following song of consolation (spro ba skyed pa) being joined (ram bu bteg) by the two [ministers] Thon-mi Sambhop and 'Bri Se-ru gong-ston:657 "Alas, [it is] most marvellous! Princess Kong-jo, You Kindly listen to our words! Let happiness cheer [your] heart. In the Kingdom of Tibet In the palace of the king Made out of the five precious jewels n h e country] is governed by a divine Ruler of Man (mi j e l h ~ ) . ~ " This is [king] Srong-btsan sgam-po whose] family and extraction are of glorious splendour; Whenever beholding him [your] mind is captivated, [He] is [truly] the Great Compassionate. The royal power is being safeguarded in accordance with the Dharma; [His] subjects obey by the [secular] law; The king, ministers, retinue and his subjects Chant [this] song of happiness [of Tibet]: The sun of Dharma has risen; 657 The following metrical section is lacking altogether from all other versions aside from H B C m Y (JA) 3 la1 -2 (abbreviated);DTHZHG 34.1-35.3; TSLKHKCH 9a5-b2; GZBZNTH 28.3-29.10 (all presumably following GLR). Cf. also Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 180-181. For the two ministers, cf. the notes 515 and 5 17. 658 Cf. note 528 supra and further lWlJKB E (Ca) 121b3-4, KCHKKHM-1 73 1.5 and KCHKKHMa 173.12. The lamp of Glory has been lifted [high]; On its mountains various trees are found [growing]; On its wide plains A multitude of the five different sorts of grain Are found growing in great density; Gold, silver, copper and iron etc. Various sorts of precious metal-[ores] are found; Cattle, horses and sheep, these three, abound. Suchlike happy [circumstances] prevail; Alas, [isn't it] most marvellous [indeed]! Princess Kong-jo, pay attention!" The princess thought: "If this holds true, then [Tibet] appears to be like my own country" and wiping away [her] tears she followed the minister. The minister ascended [his] horse, rode around the scene (Wtrom) and then declared: "We Tibetans surpass [you] Indians and Hor[-people] [in wits]. We [Tibetans] shall [now] bring the princess [to Tibet], so all [of you] sit down and place your finger[s] to your mouth (chams cad khar mdzub mo chug la sdod)!"659 [m[Departing for Tibet] The Chinese population lamented [bitterly the outcome of the trials]: "Our wise princess [shall] be taken along by the wicked Tibetans!" The emperor then also addressed the other [parties of] ministers: "Since you too are fit for a connubial alliance (gnyen zla) with us Chinese, take along the maidens chosen by you and depart to your own country!" Minister mGar ordered the princess: "Now prepare yourself to depart for Tibet!" and left. The princess went to the palace, where her father, the emperor said: 'You will have to depart [for Tibet] in order to become the queen of the Tibetan king", [but] the princess retorted [sharply]: "I [do] not [want] to go to that remote spot separated from my paternal relatives (pha ming), an evil country lacking [the presence of) Dharma." Again the father responded: "Do not say words like that, you will have to go, the Tibetan king is a person endowed with clairvoyance (mngon shes, abhijrtlt), magical faculties (rehi) and prowess (mthu sfobs); whatever I demanded, his answer was [constantly] appearing in [form ofj a letter, without his [minister needed] to return to Tibet [to bring an answer]. He will come to know that you do not want to go and [the consequence would be] that an army of [his counting] about fifty thousand [soldiers] would turn up here, kill me, abduct you and devastate [our] entire countryland and towns. What can be done? Just look at the [incredible] conduct of the minister [of theirs]. Therefore, you better have to 659 1.e. don't speak as it becomes the vanquished. 660 Y K B E (Ca) 120b6-121~11;KCHKKHM-2 171.2-9; KCHKKHM-3 429.1 The princess, paying her respect to her father, [forwarded the following] request:661 "Dear father, emperor, have you granted [your] permission? Dear mother, have you conceded? Dear brothers and sisters (jo jo ming po) have you lost [the ability] to speak (tshig shor ram)? Alas, unbelievable! Most astonishing! If I am send to the country of Tibet, In a Country of Snow-clad mountains [like] that, A cold and freezing [spot with] rough soils and ravines; [Inhabited by] many deva-s, ndga-s, wicked demons and rdkrasa-s; w e r e ] the mountains resemble the tusk (mche ba) of the be&t of pray; The rocks resemble the horn of a wild 'brong [Yak], w e r e ] unhappiness and depression [prevail]; A place [haunted] by famines where no sort of grain [can] grow; [Its population adhering to] an extraction of rdksasa-s, . . the carnivorous outcasts, A primitive people of rude behaviour, A barbarous borderland never trodden by [a single] Buddha, A continent of darkness and nescience, lacking Dharma, Bereft of relic-receptacles and sanctuaries, Lacking therefore a sanctuary wherefrom one can accumulate merits So if I am [bound] to go to such a country, The sanctuary, the tutelary deity of my father The [image of] Shdcya-muni, [I entreat you] to grant me; [In order to outroot] hunger in that Snow-clad Country I [entreat you] to grant me a treasury of precious stones; [In order to withstand] the freezing coldness in the Snow-clad Country [I beg you to] grant me garments to warm me for a whole life; [To help me withstand] Tibet, [a place of] outcasts, where there is no [difference between] clean and unclean; [I beg you to] grant me companions [giving] comfort [among] my female retinue; Thus, in that barbarous borderland When I socialize with the people of Tibet, How am I to behave? Having [thus] entreated [her relatives] with tearful eyes, the father gave his consent [for the matrimony] out of an affectionate heart.662 661 The following metrical cri-de-coeur chanted by the princess and addressed to her father is found congruously transmitted in almost all the other versions: MNKB E (Ca) 121al-bl ; KCHKKHM-1 729.2-73 1.1 ; KCHKKHM-2 171.17-173.1; C H B Y ~ 234al-b4; P where GLR here holds thirty seven-syllabic lines, lWlJKB holds thirty-three lines, KCHKKHM-1 thirty-eight lines, KCHKKHM-2 thirty-seven lines and CHBYMTNYP holds thirty-one lines. 662 The following consoling response, in metrical form, tendered by her father, the emperor, is in an almost identical verbal form transmitted in all versions, although a number of the versions differ markedly in the number of lines held: MNKB E (Ca) 121bl - 123b6; KCHKKHM-I 73 1.2-739.1 ; "You, my daughter, [as precious] as my [own] eye-ball, The Snow-clad Country called Tibet, This [country] surpasses distinctly [other] countries, A place where the glacier mountains by nature are an accomplished sanctuary; .. Its four @age]lakes resemble a displayed turquoise[-coloured] mandola; A continent of full-blossoming astounding golden flowers; A divine mansion, a godly abode, cool and beautiful, [A place] where the four [great] rivers descend, being garnished by forests; The five sorts of grain are growing and ores of various precious metals are found; The quadruped [animals] roam everywhere and herbal juice is employed as oil; Thus, in that supreme spot of [great] wonder In the palace embellished by precious ornaments The royalty is governed by a divine Ruler of Man, An actual [embodyment] of Arya M a h W n i k a Being a king endowed with compassion (kamnd)and skillful in means (upbyakadalya) ; Observing the law [based] upon the ten virtues and rejecting the unwholesome acts; Enjoying the splendour of all wishes, wealth and power; The son of the gods, a king with endless qualities; [His] retinue [ofJ Bodhisattva-s are epitomes (kun 'dzom) of courage and wisdom; To such a place, [my dear] daughter you must go! As a receptacle (nen) where you can accumulate merits, [my] pretty One This statue of the Teacher, my sanctuary, The patron (yon bdag) of which was the Lord of the Gods ~akra And which has been made from the ten different precious metals as material; And the creator of which was ViSvakarman; And consecrated by Buddha himself, Accordingly, this statue of Jina being peerless Having offered prayers [to it, in form of] seeing, hearing, thinking or [by] touching [it] [One] will speedily attain Buddhahood, it has been said by Jina; KCHKKHM-2 173.8- 178.16; CHBYMTNYP 234b4-238a5; summarily retained in HBCHBY (JA) 31a2-7. Especially in the description of the dowry of the princess, i. e. the sanctuary statue of Jo-bo Shikya-muni and the details on the means of conduct to be demonstrated by the princess towards the Tibetans, account for the discrepancy betweeen the various versions. SO CLR, lacking in particular the metrical part of the details on the conduct (cf. note 664) holds seventy-one ninesyllabic lines, whereas M?IKBholds one hundred and thirtyeight nine- and eleven-syllabic lines, KCHKKHM-1 counts one hundred and twenty-nine lines, KCHKKHM-2 one hundred and fourtyone lines and CHBYMTNYP one hundred and twenty-six lines. Thus, this Jo-bo [statue], the origin of benefit and prosperity, Although [its loss] is like losing one's own heart, I shall grant you [my] beautiful daughter, to take along [as dowry]. Precious treasuries [containing] many repositories of precious metals, Along with many precious stones [so] dear to me I shall give to you, [my] beloved daughter, to take along [as dowry]. Great archives mounted by gold and turquoise and The three hundred and sixty sections on Chinese divinatory science (gtsug lag),663 Multifarious ornaments in gold and turquoise, too I shall grant you, [my] beloved to take along [as dowry]. Various kinds of Chinese gastronomic dishes Many instructions on mixing drinks and beverages A golden sattle with turquoise[-mounted] sattle-cloth (ka leb can) I shall grant you, [my] beloved daughter, to take along. Silk-cushions with [figures ofJ the eight animal-ornamentations such as lion and birds [etc.] And upon which figures are drawn of trees, die-figures and jewels, I shall give you along in order to surprise the [Tibetan] king. A Chinese [geomantic] divination-chart in three hundred sections (rgya'i gab rtse gtsug lag sum brgya bo), A mirror of karmic causation reflecting good or bad actions too, I shall grant you, [my] beloved daughter, to take along. Instructive [manuals] on [Chinese] architecture (bkod pa'i rig byed), beautiful Distinguished by pleasant ornamentations; Along with instructive [manuals] on [Chinese] art-techniques in sixty sections I shall grant you [my] beloved daughter, to take along. [Pharmaceutical] medicaments [known to] cure the four hundred and forty [different kinds] of diseases Manuals [on] medical diagnosis (brtag thabs) in hundred [sections], [in] medical sciences (dpynd) in four [sections], [in medical] treatment (SPY nd) And [on] pharmacy (sbyor sde) in four [sections] etc. I shall grant you, [my] beloved daughter, to take along. Silk-garments and dresses to keep you warm for one [whole] life etc. 663 We owe the pioneering study by A. Macdonald, 1971, for an attempt at unravelling the background and meaning behind the term gtsug and gtsug lag, a pivotal cult word in a magico-religious system of the early Tibetan kings, which to some extent appears to have been modelled on the Chinese emperor-cult. In fact, for lack of conclusive lexical definitions and ample textual parallels, these and related terms still defy our attempt to translate them properly. But in question of the term gaug lag, it is noteworthy to parallel and contrast it with the cognate terms yan lag and nying lag, both terms for various parts of the secondary bodily members and limbs (and always found in sets of two, at least). Not so with gtsug lag, being the superior limb, it represents the head, which is, as is known, the centre of wisdom and knowledge, and hence science etc. Cf. also note 642 supra. For a detailed discussion of the term, cf. Stein, 1985. As well as twenty thousand [pieces] of ornamental dresses of various colours I shall grant you, [my] beloved daughter to take along. [Endowed] with beautiful and attractive extraction and bodies Maidens to accompany, console and please [you] Twenty-five maidens as [your personal] retinue also, I shall grant you, [my] beloved daughter, to take along. Alas! You [my] daughter from whom I cannot bear to part, This speech [of mine] stems from an affectionate heart, so retain it in your mind! In order to convert [properly] the people of the Snow-clad Country Your behaviour should be accordingly:664 Be wide in outlook, but accurate in deeds! Be prudent in all affairs of inner and outer [matters]! Acquire expertise in spealung in a benign manner, and make a good foundation! Show deference to the ruler and be affectionate towards [your] retinue! Be chasty, honest and heedful!" The emperor im arted [her] like that countless instructions necessary for the worldly code of conduct etc.6 8 The father embraced her, and thought that [she] had to depart for Tibet, although he hardly could bear to part with her. He [then] imparted to the princess inconceivably [many] dowries (rdzong). Then the princess, accompanied by her servant-maidens, went into the presence of minister mGar. She addressed [him]: "Great minister! To your country not only the [statue of the] Jo-bo Sh&ya, but a measureless [amount] of riches will have to be brought along. [Now], in your count do you have porcelain-clay (sa kham pa)? Fodder for silk-worms (rdo srin = dar snn)? 66 Or do you have rose-trees? Or thick coarse grass (ns[v]a dres mu = gres ma) and turnips (nyung ma)?"667mGar answered: 'Turnip is not found, but the other things [we] have", wherefore [it was decided to] take along seeds of radish and turnip (la nyung = la phug dang nyung ma). Then a waggon-cart was constructed, upon which the statue of Jo-bo Sh2kya was installed. Two very strong champions (gyad) in China, viz. 1Hadga' and Klu-dga', the two, were then charged with the task of dragging the cart.668 S 664 The part, in GLR rendered rather brief, delineating the fitting behaviour of the nubile princess is found much more detailed in the other versions, so M?IKB E (Ca) 123a4-b7; KCHKKHM-1 736.5739.1 ; KCHKKHM-2 177.5-178.16, 181.9-19. Cf. Appendix, note 664 for an in erremo rendering of these advices culled from Y K B . 665 Cf. previous note. 666 CHBYMTNYP has 'capable of stone manufacturing' (rdo bzo nyan). Other versions add: Green leaves (sngo lo mu), resp. iron-ores and silver ores (lcags rdo dang dngul rdo). 667 The turnip is lacking from the other versions, except KCHKKHM-3 429.2 and MBNTH 52b353al; cf. also HBCHBY 29b4-5. 668 MNKB E (Ca) 124al-4; KCHKKHM-1739.3-5,740.4-741.2;KCHKKHM-2 171.9-16,180.7-14; CHBYMTNYP 238b1-239a1; MBNTH 53a1-3. Cf. also Heissig, 1990, p. 215. Furthermore, many horses, mules and camels etc. were send off with loads of precious metals, silk, garments, ornaments and items of immediate need ('phral gyi yo byad). To the Tibetan ministers too countless presents of provisions (ston mo gnang sbyin) were given. Then princess Kong-jo decorated [herself] with many precious ornaments and being accompanied by a retinue of twenty-five beautiful maidens each riding their own horse and being escorted for a short distance (skyel thung byas) by her father and mother and an assembly of ministers, [she finally] set out for Tibet after she, being so dear to heart (thugs la 'phreng bzhin du) [both for her] father and mother, [had] received countless important instructions beneficial for a worldly code of conduct.669 [w winister mGar Detained in China] In the row among those who had come to escort [the departing party] for a short distance, there was the minister called 'Bri Se-ru gong-ston. He had grown jealous of minister mGar and therefore proposed: "If a shrewd minister is retained here [in China] as a recoup for the princess, amicable relationship would prevail between China and Tibet", [saying so he] looked at minister mGar with envious eyes (mig cer te bltas pa). The emperor proclaimed: "Since you Tibetans have secured this bright princess of mine, mGar will have to remain behind [here] as a human substitute (mi tshab tu) for me." Now, minister mGar, however, understood that [minister 'Bri] Se-ru gong-ston was jealous, and [feigning consent] [he] stated: "I shall see to that harmony prevails between China and Tibet, the two [countries]", whereafter he settled down [here in Then mGar took the ministers Thon-mi and Nyang aside (zur du) and confided [to them]: "I shall not remain in China more than five months. Meanwhile, I shall create general turmoil and havoc (ngan 'khyol tshad skyel). You, [on the other hand,] shall send a beggarin-disguise (rdzus ma 'i sprang to me! " All [the other] ministers, surrounding [the statue ofl Jo-bo and the princess, went off to Tibet. mGar thus remained alone behind in China, and the emperor gave a woman to mGar [for matrimony] and had [him] settle down after having assigned him a fine residence (gzhi ma rub cig phog nas bzhag). Subsequently, mGar not only grew very grieved and gloomy and without seeking [the company] of the woman672he even refused to eat [anything] and so his body turned pale blue 669 MNKB E (Ca) 124b5-125al; KCHKKHM-1 739.5; KCHKKHM-2 180.4-181.9, 183.9-184.9; C ~ ~ Y M T N Y239al P -b5. 670 MNKB E (Ca) 125a1-3; KCHKKHM-1 739.6-740.4; KCHKKHM-2 186.9-10; KCHKKHM-3 430.2-3; CHBYMTNYP 239b6-240a2; HBCHBY (JA) 29b6-7. For the motif: mGar as hostage, cf. also Heissig, 1990, pp. 203, 215. 671 The element with the go-between in the form of a beggar-in-disguise and the story with the coded or reverted language (cf. below) are lacking altogether from the other versions except HBCHBY (JA) 30al-4. 672 The other versions add that minister mGar abstained from indulging physically with the beautiful Chinese woman for fear that he should multiply his lineage. and meager (sngo la rid par byas). Beneath his bed he deposited a piece of moldy hide (koba ml pa) which creatbd [the impression as if his] body was exhaling an unpleasant smell. On his right cheek he spotted [himself with] vermilion (mtsha0, and on the left indigo (rums) and arranged that matter, blood and phlegm filled [the place] around his bed. His Chinese wife inquired: "Great Minister! [I] am smelling not only a very unpleasant odeor from your body, but it[s colour] has even turned pale-blue in colour, what is wrong?" mGar responded: "I have been striken by a dysenteric disease (tshad pa'i nad), can you feel or not?" She subsequently reported this to the emperor, who also became sad. He went into the presence of the minister and inquired: "Great Minister! What is wrong?" and the minister responded: "I have been struck by a dysenteric disease", whereafter he threw up some phlegm which turned into a colour [resembling] matter and blood. The emperor could also perceive the unsavoury smell from the body. uTomomow I shall come and bring along a competent physician! ",673the emperor said and departed. Afterwards, the minister told [his] Chinese wife: "You, woman, are defiled [by able menses] (grib che), [so] tomorrow when the physician arrives [here], [he] will not @x to] feel my pulse (rtsa mi rtogs) [unless we are completely alone], so you must go and sleep at [our] neighbour['s place]! " , whereafter [she was] sent away. In her absence, the minister constructed a tall [sleeping-]couch (Wlri) made from earth and bricks. He then fastened a string to the horisontal beam (gdung ma) [on the roof over the couch] and connected the string to his genitals @ho m t s h ~ n and ) ~ ~when ~ he placed his head to the ground (spyi bo sa la btsug), it made all the [blood in his] veins boil [from pain]. The following day, the emperor arrived accompanied by the physician. When the competent physician had checked his pulse, the physician said: 'uhe blood in] all the veins in the body are seething, so it is difficult to make a [proper] examination. [The symptoms] ~ ' from the 'bilious' are neither derived from the 'wind' [humour] (rlung, v d y ~ ) , ~nor [humour] (mkhrispa, pitta),676nor [again] from the 'mucous' [humour] (bad kan,pruseka). 677 Nor does it seem to come from a [typhoid] complation ('dw pa, sumnip&a), nor from the eighteen great graha-ridden diseases of the ordinary people. Nor does it [appear] to come from [one ofJ the eighty thousand [different] diseases [caused by the] vighna-species, nor a disease [caused by] the bhlita-devils. Now, it appears to be a consumptional disease (gcong, yuQma) which has striken [him] right in the middle of the heart due to a heart-rending depression (sem ma bde ba snying gi dkyil du phog pa).678Hardly any medical treatment or ritual procedure seem effective." The emperor ordered [anyway]: "The physician must come tomorrow and the day after tomorrow (sang gnangs) and inspect him!" Again, the following day when the physician emerged, the minister had stuffed a cat into [the dress of his] bosom, tied a string to its paw and [thus] had [the physician deluded] 673 CHBYMTNYP introduces three physicians. 674 This element is lacking in the other versions. 675 1.e. a nervous disease. 676 1.e. a bilious disease. 677 1.e. a pneumanic disease. 678 1.e. being caused by homesickness. into checking the pulse from the end of the string (thig s m ) and that [made the physician] diagnose: "It cannot be anything but the pulse of the lowest beast of prey [i.e. the cat]", and went away. The following day he [hid] a hen-cock (bya pho) by stuffing it into his breast [behind his bed-sheet]. Again, binding a string to the feet [of the cock], he [deluded the physician] into taking [his] pulse from the end of this string, [and the physician] concluded: "It cannot be anything but the pulse of the lowest species among the birds [i.e. the hen]."679 [VJ [The Escape of Minister mGar] The emperor, being now in a very gloomy mood, asked [the minister]: "Great Minister! You are so resourceful, so do you know [yourself] any means [of cure]? [I] shall do the utmost to provide for the means!" The minister thought: "Now [I] have found an opportunity [to escape]", so he told [the emperor]: "Great Emperor! This disease of mine is caused by you having me retained [here in China], [a fact] which does not please the Tibetan [native] tutelary deities (lha snmgs); if I [nevertheless] was led to a high mountain from which I could spot the Tibetan mountains and [then] solicit the[se] gods, it would prove [most] beneficial [for my disease]. As items [for the propitiation], I shall [however] need a leather-bag (rkyal pa) full of dust [stemming from] burned fine brocade-silk, a [dried] paunch (grod pa) full of blood [stemming from] the milt (mcher ba) of a slaughtered sheep; a three fathoms ('dom gsum) [long] fissure-free (gas chug med pa) lance-shaft (mdung shin ) [made from] charcoal680and finally a yellow-brown (mog ro) h o r d 8 ' with a red These [items] will be difficult to find, so [I] will [probably] not [be able] completely to gather [all the items] together. Now, [I know] it will be even more difficult for the emperor to hear [this],683but I shall probably die today. Aside from [my] passing away, in the wake eighteen bad omens shall occur, the [good] relation 679 F K B E (Ca) 125b3-127al; KCHKKHM-1 742.1-743.1 ; KCHKKHM-2 186.16-189.7; KCHKKHM-3 430.2; CHBYMTNYP 240al-241 b2; MBNTH 53b3-54a5; HBCHBY (JA) 31a732a4. The above story with the detention of minister mGar and his delusion of the Chinese physician by pretending ill-stroken, the havoc he caused in China and finally his escape towards Tibet is also found in the other versions, which all display a marked concordance. Cf. also Heissig, 1990, pp. 215-16. 680 MNKB, MBNTH, HBCHBY and finally GZBZNTH, p. 40 have one full fathom ( 'dom gang), the'rest has three fathoms. The reading in all versions sol ba readily makes no sense, as charcoal naturally cannot make out a shaft. But this is naturally also the sense. By requiring a three fathoms long crack-free shaft made from [pressed?] charcoal, the minister has stipulated a condition which he, like in the case of the other items, knew could not be fulfilled, while they at the same time are a logical impossibility. 681 KCHKKHM-2 has na mog gro mgo dmar. 682 MNKB E (Ca) 128a3-4; KCHKKHM-1 742.5-6; KCHKKHM-2 189.11- 14; KCHKKHM-3 429.5-430.2, 432.3-5; CHBYMTNYP 241b3-6; MBNTH 52b4-5; HBCHBY (JA) 29b5-6; Vth Dalai-Lama's DTHZHG 35.8-36.1. 683 GZBZNTH p. 40 has rgyal pos kyang gnang bar d h ' , i.e. it was also difficult for the emporor to supply it. between China and Tibet will be discontinued, and as the Tibetan king is clairvoyant, he will know that I am dead and [then promptly] dispatch an army, which will bring about the deterioration of the entire Chinese territory. I have arrived here from a distant place, [and I am now] forsaken by my colleague ministers and my body is ridden by illness. Although I have my king and my closest relatives on [my] mind, this will not be of any help, and my own riches, cloth, food and material comfort will hardly be of any avail [for my health]. This [my] present life appears to be like [a nightmare] in a dream", [mGar said] whereafter [he] went to sleep with his head completely wrapped up (mgo hril gyis grm) [under the bsdsheet]. The emperor again became very terrified and whispered: 'Relax and sleep well! [I] shall do anything to provide the means [for your health]! ", whereafter he left. Subsequently, the emperor set all his forests to fire, but neither was enough charcoal [for a lance] procurable, nor, when burning silk-brocade, was [he able] to procure [even] half a leather-bag [full] of dust, nor was the milt-blood when slaughtering all sheeps [even] able to fill half a bowl. [However,] he was able to find the yellow-brown horse with the red head. The emperor [now] proclaimed: " w e ] could not find the other requisites, [only] the yellow-brown horse with the red head." The minister responded: 'Without the other requisites [the whole cure-project] will be doomed. [Now,] let me ride on the red-headed yellow-brown horse, it shall make up for the horse [carrying] my [prospective dead] corpse! I shall leave in order to propitiate the gods at a place within sight of the mountains of Tibet and load food for [my] corpse and cloth for [my] corpse on a horse which [must be] the best in the entire Chinese country!" While making preparations to set out to propitiate the gods, the emperor [arrived and] asked: "Great Minister! The spring season has come. As the time is right for agriculture, what means would be best [for tilling]? Since you are so resourceful, please advise [us]!" The minister responded: "In Tibet, prior to sowing them, we parch all the seeds on a frying-pan (slang nga) until they are almost yellow. This will secure [us] an abundant harvest, with long stalks and where the crop is ripe already after three months." The emperor proclaimed: "Act in conformity with the Tibetan method!" and the great [imperial] drum of legislation was struck. Everyone parched the barley and the puffed barley 0 0 s ) was subsequently sown in the fields. The minister's own destituted (gud pa) body [soon] recovered [so much] that preparations were made for [him] to set out in order to propitiate the gods. At that time the beggar-in-disguise dispatched by the [other] Tibetan ministers [travelling in advance] appeared [as arranged]. The minister spoke [to him] in a reverted [i.e. code] language (log pa'i s k ~ d ) : ~ ~ ' "Make no contact with (ngo shes) the bearded male-goat coming from afar (thug ring gi ra pho rgya bo). Remain silent and [then] make noise! The black ones will hit (thug nas yod) the iron-castle; 684 This incidence with a false beggar and his reverted or coded message is lacking altogether from all the assumed primary or parallel sources of GLR, but as said a reminiscence of the story is tersely retained in HBCHBY (JA) 30al-4 and here directly taken over by the Fifth Dalai Lama, DTHZHG 35.16-22, both perhaps relying on GLR. Some of the vernacular phrases in the present narrative originating, no doubt, in the XIII-XIVth century are not entirely evident, hence our preseot translation shall remain a tentative one. Cf. also Heissig, 1990, p. 203. The valley is dense in the upper part @hu) and dense in the lower part (mda ? , Everyone reaching there (thu ru cog = thug nr cog?) must settle down in the rocky caverns (brag khong[s]), Roll together the white flag and hoist the black flag; The moon will reach the place of the sun." Thereafter the beggar returned. When subsequently the beggar explained [them the coded messages, the Tibetan ministers first] did not understand [them], [only] the Chinese Kong-jo caught [the meaning] and declared: "That minister has [certainly] created great havoc (ngan chen po) in China. The saying: "One must not know of the bearded male-goat coming from a long distancew means: "Do not reveal [anything] about the one [who is garbed as] a bearded Chinese (rgya bo smra ba can lab ma shod)!"685The phrase: "Now remain silent!" means: "Talk to the Tibetan ministers!" The saying: "The black [seed] will certainly hit the iron-castle [i.e. frying-pan]" means: "After having roasted the seed, let them be sown." The message: "The valley is dense in the upper part and in the lower part, everyone reaching there should settle down in the rocky caverns!" means: "Insert many arrows in the quiver!" The expression: "Wrap together the white flag and hoist the black flag!" means: "Remain settled at day and travel [only] during the night!" The expression: "The moon will reach the place of the sunn means: "I shall quickly [catch up and] reach the place of yours!" As requisite (chas) for going to propitiate the gods at a place within sight of the mountain-tops of Tibet, the minister mGar rode the red-headed yellow-brown horse. He loaded the provisions and cloth [needed] on another horse, [in particular] carrying much brined dry meat. Fearing that the minister [should] escape to Tibet, the emperor send along four athletes (gyad mi) to look after [him].686 Now, in the absence of mGar, the emperor said: "I am [quite] sure that someone described my princess [in the final wits-test], so carry out divinatory calculations!"687 When the [Chinese astrologers] had made [their] calculations, the following was announced: " m e ] observed a great lake situated upon three mountains. In the lake various kinds of birds are found. Above that [we identify] a brightly shinning (cem me ba) red plain, at the front of which [we can] identify a woman with head and body of equal [size]. [Her] entire body and head are filled with eyes and her lips [according to our calculations] are shown [to be] made from copper. " Not [able to] believe [this description], the emperor [decided] to put all the astrologicaldivinatory writings to fire, and the astrological-divinatory chart (skor) of eighty trigrams were no [more] to be found [in China] after it had been send to ~ i b e t . ~ ' ~ (spor 685 With a word-play on rgya bo, meaning a Chinese male-person and a bearded person. 686 MNKB E (Ca) 127b2; KCHKKHM-1 743.5; KCHKKHM-2 193.8-12; KCHKKHM-3 433.7434.3; CHBYMTNYP 242b2, 243b2-3. Some of these texts maintain that these champions became the forefathers o f the Tibetan noblefamily and clan named rGya. 687 1.e. in order to reval who committed an act of treason. 688 Also par kha or par thang. 689 F K B E (Ca) 127b2-5; KCHKKHM-1725.2-726.1; KCHKKHM-2 129.9-180.6;KCHKKHM-3 428.2-7, 433.4-6; CHBYMTNYP 233b1-5; MBNTH 52b1-3; HBCHBY (JA) 30a4-5. [Meanlwhile the minister had arrived at the place where one could spot the mountains of ~ i b e t . ~Clandestinely, " he had bought a lot of beer and [subwquently] hidden it. The dry meat [he] gave to the four [guarding] athletes, adding: 'It will be beneficial for my illness, so eat [it]!" and made offerings to the gods. The four great [guarding] athletes then [naturally] grew thirsty and not being able to withstand [the thirst any longer, they] were given a lot of beer. They became drunk (ra ro) and were [thus] rendered powerless. The minister then lamed the hoves (sug pa brags) of the horses of the four [Chinese] athletes and broke [their] weapons to pieces. He then mounted his own red-necked yellow-brown horse and leading [away] the other horses, he addressed [the helpless champions in a sardonic tone] as follows:691 "The dust [stemming from] burned brocade-silk Let it serve as dress (nu bza') for the W a l emperor! The blighted smut (rhal ba nugpo) [stemming from] seed-freecorn (snye ma 'bru med) Let it serve as flour-provision (rgyagsphye) for the avaricious empress! The spear-shaft (mdung shing) made up by charcoal procured from burned-down wood, Let it serve as spear-shaft for the athletic emperor-prince! The slaughter4 sheep with blood from the milt Use it when offering prayers of confession in the presence of the gods! Concerning [my] sleeping in the bed without [my] body [really] being ridden by illness After the [poor] physician had been called to the bedhead (sngar mgor), what could he do? Instead of staying mehind in China] I shall return to my own country!" and whipping [his] horse, he went away. Now, in China when the crop turned out with black seed, the Chinese said: 'In the corn, there is no seed ( 'bru med). This wicked minister has forced us to bum all our [fine] brocade-silk, to slaughter all our sheep, and to put fire to all our forests. All [our] seeds we have parched before sowing them, and now they [are] seedless. Our bright princess has been taken away by Tibet. The [statue of] Jo-bo Shaya has been taken away (gdan drangs) by Tibet. What havoc [he] has caused, Alas! Horrible! What shall we do? It is not likely that he will come here [anymore], whereas it is [quite] possible that he has fled to Tibet." Such 690 KCHKKHM-2 192.6-7 even maintains that either the locality from where one could spot the mountains of Tibet (or rather the mountain in Tibet) was IHa-ri gyang-mtho. CHBYMTNYP 242b1 maintains that mGar went to mDo-smad Tsong-kha to propitiate the gods. 691 This metrical piece is lacking from all other versions altogether. Repeated in HBCHBY (JA) 31W5; DTHZHG 36.9-19. reports reached the emperor's ears.692 The emperor thought: "Can this really be true?" and he [immediately] dispatched one hundred very strong horsemen to seize [him]. Now, when the four [guarding] athletes got sober too, they thought: " w e ] have no horse to ride and weapons we are also lacking. It would be a shame to return [emptyhanded]" and fearing the punishment of the emperor they [decided to] follow in the trail of the minister. When [the minister] arrived at the [place near the river called] rGya-chu khug-pa,693 [his] Chinese pursuers too were nearly reaching the same place. There the minister made the four [Chinese] athletes his [personal] servants and compelled them to fill the bank of the rGya-chu khug-pa [river] with horsedung and horsetracks, and, made them reshape the horns of the antelope (gna' ba'i rva) under the fire and [therefrom] bows were manufactured, arrows were shot off and [the minister] subsequently made [them] throw around a suitable amount of arrow-feathers (mda' sgro 'tshams par phud bzhag) [along the bank].694 When the pursuers spotted these [items of war strewn along the bank], they uttered: " A large number of strong [Tibetan] horsemen has apparently arrived in order to welcome them. We can not be any match [to them], so we better return!", whereafter they turned back.695 In the meantime the [advancing] Tibetan ministers [along] with the Chinese princess etc. arrived at [the place called] 1Dan-ma brag696where [they] erected a seven-cubit high 692 KCHKKHM-2 193.15-194.5; CHBYMTNYP 242b3-243a2, 243b5-244a2. 693 KCHKKHM-2 194.1 1.12 reads: rgya chu lkugs pa 'i gtsang po; CHBYMTNYP 242a2-243b3 is more detailed here, mentioning that the four athletes passed through the country rGya[l]-mo Tshaba'i rong. 694 KCHKKHM-2 194.7- 14; CHBYMTNYP 244a2-b3. 695 MNKB E (Ca) 128b4-5; KCHKKHM-2 194.13-195.9; CHBYMTNYP 244a2-b3. 696 F K B E (Ca) 128b5: lDan ma brag rtsar brag la rgyas pa'i dbu durn brkos mar bzhengs; KCHKKHM-1741.3-4: de nus Dza yul thang snar zhabsphab nay brag la rgyas pa 'i dbu durn rkos mar bzhengs I der kyang blon po ma byung nas I de nus gDan ma brag rtsar byon nas I byams pa khru bcu [glcig pa cig bzhengs der byon pa ma byung; KCHKKHM-2 185.18- 186.1: Khams su lDan ma 'i brag sngon rtsi dkar can la rgyas pa 'i dbu durn dang O bzang po spyod pa 'i smon lam 'bur du btod pa brkos nas bris; HBCHBY (JA) 32a2-3: ...Khams su phebs nas mgar sgug pa 'i phyir brag logs la rgyas pa 'i dbu durn dang bzang spyod brkos 0 rdo sku khru brgyad bcu pa brkos.. . This reflects an interesting story. The place IDan-ma brag is otherwise or rather presently known as 1Dan-khog, lying in present-day Rlang-ri-lung Valley of Khams. According to Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 377-380, it is located in the rdzong of Brag-g.yab, in the district of Byams-mdun and specifically in the county of Ri-mda'. Another alleged name for this rock should be Brag Iha-mo (a name originating in the MII-MVth century), although some misgivings must be expressed as to the equation between the dynastic IDan-ma-brag and Brag IHa-mo as noted by Tsering, cf. below. On the rock at Brag-g.yab, an ancient inscription is today found dating from the period of Khrisrong Ide'u-btsan (ed. by Chab-spel, cf. A. Heller, ref. below). According to Pema Tsering, who visited the site in 1980 and who, as said, identifies the site as Brag 1Ha-mo, engraved sculptures of Amitiiyus, AvalokiteSvara and Vajrapani can still be seen, cf. P. Tsering, 1982, p. 363. From pictures taken from the alleged site it appears that the main idol today depicts Vairocana (whereas the above texts have Maitreya) and the religious inscription is also different. This therefore compels us to suggest that the idol and inscription of IDan-ma-brag refer to another site different from the one mentioned. Or the original inscription and statue at some point were eraced, to be sculpture (brkos ma) of Maitreya (Byams-pa) on the rock [as well as an inscription of a jloka-s culled from] the Arya BhadracarnpranidhPnariija](bZang-spyod), the two. They ] not turn up there too. [They waited there for one [whole] month, but the minister [ m ~ vdid i , ~ ~ some ~ [of them] constructed a then] arrived at [the place named] ~ h u n g - ~ o - rwhere [passable] path [along] the precipitous gorge ('phrang lam) [and some passed away the time] by capturing game from which [they] procured milk; still, the minister did not turn up there. ~ ' [they] tilled the fields, established [They next] travelled to Padma-shang in ~ h a r n s , ~where a water-mill while waiting [there] for two months. Again the minister did not show up at that place. Thereafter [they] amved at [the place called] sGo-dong ~ ~ o - mwhere o , ~they ~ ~had to remain for two months, since [all] the gateways (sgo mo) [out of China] had been blocked through the [magical] force of the tutelary deities (lha srung) of China, inasmuch as the fortune and prosperity (phy[v]a g.yang) of China [due to the tricks of mGv] were in ruins. There, [finally] the minister [mGar] turned Subsequently, [they] realized that the reason why [the place] sGo-dong sgo-mo was blocked was the retaliation caused by the hostility on the side of the Chinese tutelary deities. [They therefore] sent up a great smoke [from] different sorts of wood and offered up a initiatory offering (phud) of food and drink and spoke accordingly:70' "Pray, pray, 0 Gods, pray! To the gods of Chinese emperor [we] pray! replaced by the present one. The modem name for the site appears in both cases to be Byams-mdun ('the Presence of Byams-pa'), a name which directly corroborates the identification of Maitreya, i.e. the site could boast of a statue of Maitreya, possibly going all the way back to Kong-jo. Cf. the discussion and ref. in the forthcoming paper by A. Heller. It is another matter altogether whether this Maitreya statue is still to be found at that place along with the alleged inscription culled from the 'King of Prayers'. This ultimately has to be settled. Or whether a statue (and inscription) in fact were raised by this first Chinese princess Wencheng Gongzhu or by the second Chinese princess Jincheng Gongzhu, who first arrived in Lhasa in 710 A.D. This confusion is often seen. In sum, to prove the possible early historicity of the place and of the idol of Byams-pa thus remains very difficult. The forthcoming article by A. Heller is dedicated a study and translation of the inscription and an iconographical essay on the identity of the present rock-sculpture. The present religious text inscribed, as noted by Heller, cannot be identified with Arya BhadracarL pranidhSnarGa, the Buddhist anthology of the pranidhdna-Sloko by Surendrabodhi which enjoyed extehsive popularity in Tibet in the VIII-IXth cent.,'cf. e.g. Richardson, 1985, p. 144. It is hardly likely, however, that the Tibetans, but possibly the Chinese, during the reign and time of king Srong-btsan sgam-po (569-649 A.D.) knew this text, however, in the VIIIth and IXth century, i.e. well inside the dynastic period, it was extremely popular in Tibet. Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP 362a2,450a4, mentions the existence of the bZang-po spyod-pa sMon-lam rndo during the period of Ral-pa-can. Cf. also dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 123b6. 697 KCHKKHM-1 741.7: Phum-po-ri; the latter text, 741.5-6 and KCHKKHM-2 186.2-8, CHBYMTNYP 244b3-245b3 add place-names such as Bya-dur glang-sna and Glang-bu ngu-thang (also given as Blang-gru dus-thang or Bla-rtu thang) and spang-thang bde-mo. 698 Not listed in the other versions; cf. the previous note. 699 HBCHBY (JA) 32a4-5; DTHZHG 36.20. Not listed in the other versions; cf. the previous notes. 700 MNKB E (Ca) 128b4-6; KCHKKHM-1 741.2-742.1; KCHKKHM-2 185.12-186.9; HBCHBY (JA) 32a4-5. 701 HBCHBY (JA) 32a5 has the offering of incense. The following metrical piece is lacking from the other versions. To gods of the capital ~ i m - s h i , ~[we] ' ~ pray! To the gods of the powerful Chinese em [we] pray! To the palace of the bKra-shis khri-sgo, we] pray! We pray that the forest (nags ma) [obstructing our way] please raise up (gyen la long)! To the gods of the Tibetan ministers [we] pray To the gods of the Snow-clad Country [of Tibet] [we] pray! Please come and welcome the Chinese Kong-jo! " fqr In the evening while [they] made murmuring prayers sound like that, the entire forest [of blocking trees] rose up and [thus] ensured the possibility of advancing [further]. They thereafter [crossed] nine sandy passes blocked by ice ('khyags kha bskor). In the dark [they] held high a lamp and the trees of the Acacia Catechu (seng ldeng, khadira) species rose to the right and the trees of the Hippopae rhamnoides ( la ba) species rose to the left and so [they] arrived in Tibet with no [further] detainment.7%4 [w [Arrival in Tibet] [They] then dispatched a courier (bong = bang chen pa) [in advance] to the king, to [convey the message]: "We Tibetan ministers are now about to arrive after having brought along the [statue of he] Jo-bo S h w a and the princess Kong-jo etc., we therefore request for a grand feast of welcome be prepared. "705 The king ordered: "As this princess is an emanational epiphany of Arya TZr2 [she] is highly versed in [divinatory] magic ('phrul che), wherefore [we shall] not know from which direction she will come. Consequently, prepare a proper welcome [right away]!" 702 Cf. notes 123 and 61 1 supra. 703 Cf. note 123 and 61 1 supra. 704 As mentioned earlier the above entire narrative of the disasterous misguidance of the Chinese people by minister mGar and his escape to Tibet is retained - with slight discrepancies - in nearly all other versions: MNKB E (Ca) 127al-128a5; KCHKKHM-I 743.1-745.3; KCHKKHM-2 189.7-197.1; C H B Y M T N ~ P24 1b2-244b3; HBCHBY (JA) 30al-32a5. It is worthy of note that two of the versions, KCHKKHM-2 185.14-17 and C H B Y m P 245b1-2, maintain that one of the reasons for Kong-jo and her party's delay and numerous halts en route to Tibet, inter alia was caused by Kong-jo giving birth to the child of minister mGar. Without being able to substantiate this information, we most likely here deal with reminiscences of an oral narrative embellishment that in all likelihood developed in the wake of the actual invitation and escort by mGar in the Vllth century. In the XI-Xllth century, clearly, this 'explanation' or version for the relative delay en route to Tibet had crept into the above Vitas. This intriguing theme or motif later met with particular popularity and was often incorporated not only in the theatrical A-Ice lha-mo play called rGya-bza ' Bal-bza ' (a libretto ( 'khrab gzhung) which largely follows the present Vita-narrative) on the marriage of Srong-btsan sgam-po with his wifes, but also in the traditions of this legend disseminated among Tibet's neighbouring peoples, cf. A.W. Macdonald, 1984, p. 133. Cf. also Heissig, 1990, pp. 216-8, 221. 705 F K B E (Ca) 128b6-129a2; KCHKKHM-1 745.3-4; KCHKKHM-2 198.8-15; KCHKKHMJ 434.5-435.1 ; CHBYMTNYP 245b4-6; MBNTH 54b2-4. Now, [the princess] made [herself into] an emanational manifestation [approaching from] all four directions [simultaneously]. The people of the eastern direction spoke: 'The princess amved from the eastern direction. Why? Because even the name 'ford' (rab) is [part of the name of the place] called rGya-mo-rab. n706 The people of the southern direction spoke: 'The princess arrived from the southern direction, because a saying at the same time occured [which maintained] that the ice-formation on [the upper slope] of Grib-phu resembled a white conch shell wounded to the right (dung dkar g. yas 'khyil, dalcsindvandahkha).w707 The people of the western direction spoke: 'The princess arrived [here] from the western direction, because the rock of sBal-ba-tshal resembles the trunk of a pig, therefore the saying at that time occured that a temple should be erected [there]."'08 The people of the northern direction spoke: "The princess arrived [here] from the northern direction, because the princess and the Jo-bo [statue] were welcomed, so that the name of the town [whence they came] too [subsequently became] known as 1Ha-b~u."~'~ In reality (don dam par) [the princess] arrived via the sGo-laps [of 'Phan-yul] in the northern direction and [then] arrived at the plain of ~ a - m o - c h e . ~ ~ There, at Ra-mo-che the waggon [carrying the statues] got stuck in the sand and the two Chinese champions 1Ha-dga' and Klu-dga', unable to pull it [out], [had to] leave it behind. So, four [great] pillars were erected in [all] four directions around the Jo-bo [statue] and a curtain of white silk were drawn over [the statue to protect it] and offerings were presented. The following day, princess Kong-jo arrived at [the spectacular] reception on the a ~1Ha-sa], l~ wearing garments of various sorts of meadow plain (ne'u [hang) of ~ r a ~ - l h[in 706 MNKB E (Ca) 129a3; 129a6-bl : ffiya-rab-kha; KCHKKHM-2 199.18-200.1; KCHKKHM-3 434.6, 435.2; CHBYMTNYP 246al-2, 246b1: ffiya-mo rab-kha; MBNTH 54b5-6; the name was allegedly so given to the locality as the princess at that time crossed the gTsang-po river; HBCHBY (JA) 32a7. 707 MNKB E (Ca) 129bl; KCHKKHM-2 199.14-18; KCHKKHM-3 434.7,435.2-3; CHBYMTNYP 246a2, 246b1-2; MBNTH 54b4-5; HBCHBY (JA) 32a7-bl; cf. also note 757 infra. 708 MNKB E (Ca) 129b2; KCHKKHM-2 200.2-9; KCHKKHM-3 434.7-435.1, 435.3-4; C ~ ~ W M T N Y246a2-3, P 246b2-3; HBCHBY (JA) 32b1-2. These versions maintain inter alia that Chinese sculptors erected here the idol of the so-called Brag-lha mgon-po, also called Phag-sna-gdong. sBal-ba-tshal remains unidentified. It hardly refers to Gla-ba-tshal, cf. note 729. However, cf. note 1168 infro. 709 MNKB E (Ca) 129b2-3; KCHKKHM-2 200.1-2; KC--3 435.1, 435.4; CHBYMTNYP 246a5-6, 246b3; MBNTH 54b6; HBCHBY (JA) 32b2-3. 710 This element is lacking from all other versions and appears to be Bla-ma dam-pa's own note. 71 1 Y K B E (Ca) 129b3-4, 132a6-bl ; KCHKKHM-1 745.6-7, 753.4-5; KCHKKHM-2 200.9-16, 203.8- 15, 2 12.2-4,270.2-9; KCHKKHM-3 435.4-7,437.7-438.1; CHBYMTNYP 246b3-2474 247b4-6, 249h3, 25 1 a4-252a3; GBCHBY 277.3-7, 278.16-17; HBCHBY (JA) 32b3-33al. AS these sources maintain the waggon got stuck in the marshy and watery sand of Bye-ma'i gling in the middle of the then forest-covered IHa-sa. It later shifted site. On the possible legendary character of this story, cf. Appendix, note 1094. See also note 831 inpa. 712 This locality is not mentioned in the other versions. KCHKKHM3 and CHBYMTNYP merely have an the plain in front of the eastern gate of the king's palace. For Brag-lha Flu-sbug], cf. the notes 604 and 900. Aside from this cave-temple, Brag-lha is known for the statue denoted Brag-lha silk, adorned with sundry ornaments made from gold and turquoises and accompanied by twenty-five beautiful maiden-girls also dressed up in silk-brocade and embellished by various precious ornaments, [the whole procession being] accompanied by musical entertainment [such as] guitar. There the ministers and [all] the Tibetan subjects [of the king] had gathered to see this scenario, and singing, dancing and playing beyond imagination were performed.713 From the summit of the mansion of Brag-lha bl~ra-shis,~'~ the Nepalese princess observed [the entertainment and spectacular reception] and she thus saw the sundry ornaments [worn] by the Chinese princess, moth] mistress and maidens (dpon g.yog) being present on the meadow plain of Brag-lha and an inconceivable [sensation] of jealousy and envy augmented [within her] and she spoke as follows:715 "Alas! Chinese Kong-jo, You, Accompanied by a retinue of maiden-servants you are [finally here]; Having faced austere troubles, [you were] summoned by a courtier (snye bo) And [finally] amved in Tibet although [the land] is distant. Although [you] are the daughter of the Chinese emperor Between you and me a great difference is found to exist: I was the first to cross the threshold [of Tibet]. And, moreover, I am the daughter of the Nepalese king. Since I was the first to see the body of the [Tibetan] ruler I am eligible to be the senior consort (chen ma) in terms of greatness (che rgyu) and royal nobleness (btsun rgyu). If the senior consort were not great[er] or noble[r compared to the junior consort] Then worldly conventions ('jig rten chos lugs) [would] not be true, but a lie [altogether]. The senior consort is m y nature] the [principal] queen to the king. The junior consort (chun ma) is the [subordinate] maiden of the [senior] queen. However, since [we] have come [here] for the sake of the ruler It is all right [with me] to compete [for the position of] senior and junior mgon-po, cf. e.g. KCHKKHM-2 214.1 1-12, 228.12, 231.2, 270.14-15; GBCHBY 281.14-15; DCHBY 1 17.8-9; CHBY 257b5-6, 272b2. 7 13 KCHKKHM-1 747.1-7; KCHKKHM-2 203.15-205.5; KCHKKHM-3 438.2-5; CHBYMTNYP 248a1-2; MBNTH 33a1-2. 714 In KCHKKHM-2 203.18: From the topmost point of the ICags-pho-ri'i pho-brang; HBCHBY 27b7, 33a2 the Brag-lha bkra-shis mansion modelled upon a Mongolian fortification. Brag-lha is located on ICags-kha-ri later called ICags-pho-ri (cf. note 455) and is foremost known for the idol of Brag-lha mgon-po, cf. the notes 557, 708, 900. 715 The following metrical narrative sequence, in the form of a proposal for competition, is in all the versions found almost verbatim congruous, the only difference being a slight difference in the number of verse-lines. Y K B E (Ca) 131a6-b5 holds thirty-one seven-syllabic lines; KCHKKHM1 747.7-749.7 holds fourty-three lines; KCHKKHM-2 205.5-206.13 holds fourty-five lines (KCHKKHM-3 439.2-4 merely retained a reminiscence, so also HBCHBY 33a5-7) and CHBYMTNYP 248a2-249a4 holds fourty-six lines. queen! [Let us] compete in praising and honouring the [Trilratna And [let us] compete in erecting vihdra-s, The foundations containing [the emblems] of [Trilratna and Dharma. To the upper [strata of rank let us] compete in rendering service to the ruler, To the lower [strata of rank let us] compete in safeguarding the humble and poor (ngan long), And as to faith in practicing Saddharma. [Let us] compete immediately ( t W kar) in the accumulation of inheritance (skal nor), And in the [capability ofl tilling the fields. [Let us] compete in question of the size of our paternal country, And in question who possesses [the greatest] personal dowry and heritage. In case [you] should be unable to compete about these [things] You should entertain no hope about [winning primacy with] the ruler! Nor display any self-pride as to being a [senior] queen. As to the temple in terms of greatness (che rgyu) by the senior-queen It is [not just done] by building [one] with the size of one bre [only]; [Likewise] as to the temple of minorness [erected by] the junior-queen It is [not just done] by building [one] with the size of one phul only!" The Chinese princess thought: "Certainly [this Nepalese princess] is very wrong (lor skyon che). After having turned one's back to [one's] own paternal relations, [their] wealth and enjoyments, and after having come from a distant country and barely having arrived at this place, where [I] have not [yet] found accomodation or found a place upon which PI can rely, where [I] have not [yet] seen the countenance of the king, nor have acquired my regal name and where [I] have not [yet] acquainted [myselfl with the ministers of the exterior and interior, [how] can it then really be that [I] shall be spoken to in words of jealousy and challenge like that? Both of us come together here in order to [become] the king's queen ljourneying] from a distant place. If we[, however,] shared pleasure and pain [being bound] to one another by heart (gcig snying gcig la grad skyid sdug bsres nus) and if [our] sentiments became united (blo sems gcig tu dril te) [in devoted loyalty], we would be able to render service to [our] ruler, to safeguard and care for [our Tibetan] subjects ('brangs kyi skyong bran), [find] means for the senior and junior queen to live together, and if [we] execute all the external and internal affairs [of state] in accordance with [our] rank and dignity (thob rim bzhin byed), then we would become like sisters for life. Now, if we [nevertheless decided to] abstain from this course [of conciliation] as soon as we have arrived [here in this country] and [instead] gave way to accusations and jealous challenges like this, then why could we not Gust] consider our paternal relations, our hereditary dowries, [our] personal rank (rang sgo [ = go]), [our] worldly duties, [in fact] everything and whatsoever (gang dung spyi [= ciJ manu) [between us] as outright 716 The above wording is lacking altogether from the other versions. She responded:717 "Alas! Great Wonder! [I] must laugh! I have neither found myself an accomodation, Nor have [I] marely] crossed the threshold [of Tibet] by [my own bare] two feet, Nor have [I actually] seen the countenance of the ruler, [Yet] you were beforehand in proclaiming words of contention [as to who is to become] the [principal] queen consort. A top-feather from a bird flying in space And a bamboo generated on earth from heat and moisture, the two, Although they are equal in terms of individual share necessary for [fulfilling] their [distinct] purpose (rang cha dgos pa'i go gnus) Yet moth items] combine as causes ( m a ru 'dzom) by the arrow-maker perforce of karman, To be higher or lower [therefore] is [merely] a difference in name. The flower grown in the three upper slopes @hu gsum) And the hollyhock (ha lo) growing in the garden of the three lower vallies (mda ' gsum), the two, Although they may be equal when deemed from the viewpoint of beauty, Yet perforce of [sheer] coincidence (rfen 'brel) they [nevertheless] meet [as votive gifts] in the presence [of the statues] of gods; And being first or last is [merely] a difference of name. Although Khri-btsun coming from the central part of Nepal And Kong-jo arriving from China as daughter [of the emperor], the two, Although they may be on an equal footing in terms of all their paternal hereditary dowries They [anyway] both meet here in the presence of the king perforce of an aspiration-vow (pranidhdna), So the question of being senior or junior queen is [merely] a difference of name; In question of wickedness (?gnyen ngan) and as to being senior or junior etc. If [however] we lived together in harmony [we] could be even more [dearer to one another] than sisters [are] in this lifetime; If we showed jealousy then who will turn out to be the most prudent as to rank? 717 The following nine-syllabic metrical sequence is only retained in GLR, a narrative which holds thirty-six lines. This variant apparently reflects a distinct tradition, stemming evidently from a yet untraced or original version of the Srong-btsan sgam-po biography. The rendition retained in the other versions display, in conformity with the previous sevensyllabic metrical sequence forwarded by Khri-btsun, in contrast a marked correspondence, where, as most often is the case, only the number of lines differ. V K B E (Ca) 131b5-132a2 holds nineteen seven-syllabic lines; KCHKKHM-1 749.7-751.2 holds thirty-one lines; KCHKKHM-2 206.13-207.17 holds thirty-eight lines and CHBYMTNYP 249a4-250a3 holds twenty-six lines. Set: the Appendix, note 717 for a full rendition of the version deviating from the one embedded in GLR. In both [our] distant countries China and Nepal Our two dear royal fathers reign separately Although [we should] be satisfied with [our] paternal homeland (yul gyi pha ming), [I] am [when necessary nevertheless] ready to compete [with you1; The foundation and source of all prosperity of benefit, [Endowed with] inconceivable properties of being beheld, heard of, recollected and being touched, The two Jo-bo [statues], although [we should] be satisfied with [them as they are], if [you demand I] shall be ready to compete [with you]; Carrying [loads] of gold, silver and various [kinds of] brocade silk [etc.] On horses, camels and mules etc. Although [we should] be satisfied with [our] personal hereditary dowries Prought along], [I shall if required] readily compete [with you]; Worldly affairs and architectual refinements, And various [ways] of preparing dishes of food, ornamental design, [Such] merits [derived from] tilling and grinding alien harvest etc. Although [we should] be satisfied [indeed] with the achievements (lag jes) [contrived by us] wise ladies (mdzangs ma), [if required I shall] readily compete [with you]. " But the minister mGar [vividly] remembered the partiality of the Chinese emperor, the adverse notions of Tibet entertained by the princess Kong-jo and the severe hardship me himselfJ faced in China, so he had seen to that Kong-jo, mistress and servants [of maidens] were without any [local Tibetan] attendant ('khor &an) for one full month.'18 Now, the servants of the Chinese [princess] said: 'The saying that Tibet is the realm of thepreta-ghosts [certainly] holds true. [Apparently] the enjoyment of food and drink [we] shall not be given." Hearing this and being moreover unable to endure [it] any longer in [her] mind, the Chinese princess summoned minister mGar in whom she confided: 'Great Minister (blon po chen po)! In accordance with what you have promised, [I have] come [to Tibet], but it is not [customary] to beat a dog after [you have] called upon [it]! Instead of showing [this] insolence and imprudence [towards us, kindly] provide us, mistress and attendants [alike], with provisions and cloth! We have arrived from a distant place, so we are quite exhausted. " mGar responded: "For me there were neither any means of acquiring food and drink, nor any means of acquiring an audience with the Chinese emperor [while I was in China], and [moreover] whatever I may [attempt] to do, the Nepalese princess is very powerful, [sol you [better] address [your complain] to her!", whereafter he went away. [Hearing] this, the Chinese princess not only became very disheartened, but recalling [her] paternal homeland and [its] material comfort, she too could not help feeling remorseful. She therefore chanted [the following] song being accompanied (ram 'degs bcon by "Daughter [you] can not stay, but must go [to Tibet]; 71 8 Lacking from the other versions. 719 Both the prose namtive and the following metrical narrative are lacking altogether from the otber versions. Bring along the Jo-bo Sh2kya [statue] as dowry, And bring also along the divination[-technique] of gtsug lag as dowry, Along with precious stones and fine brocade as dowry, [I] came [here with recipes] to transform milk into curd, Came [with recipe] making curd into butter, And came making buttermilk (da ra) into cheese [Further I] amved [here with techniques] pulverizing finely the rose-tree, Came [with a technique] manufacturing grass (gres (= dres) ma) into ropes, And [with a technique] transforming porcelain-clay (kham pa) into earthern wares (rdza), And came [with a knowledge] to establish water-mills (rang 'thag chu skor); I came [here] carrying along seeds of turnip; In China [our] lot and prosperity have deteriorated; [But] in Tibet happiness will prosper; [I] the daughter is noble in the place of a mother[-queen] [But when I] have grown old in rank [and position] [the responsibility] will be a huge mental blow [to me]; I have come [here] to make Tibet [my] home, But once summoned inside [the house] the bitch is beaten; Tibet is indeed shameless and indolent! The root of the handle [i.e. Tibet] on a little knife is sharp [i.e. vile] A little song is sound [most] harmoniously near the mill (rang 'thag go nu) [i.e. at home] A daughter is wise in the presence of the mother [i.e. at home] The ruler [of Tibet] is being governed by the ministers, [My prospective] man (skyes [pho]) is ruled by a woman [i.e. the Nepalese princess]; The web (thag[s]) is being run by the weft (spun); The bad field [i.e. Tibet] is overgrown with weeds (ram pa) [i.e. bad ministers]; For me, the daughter [of the Chinese emperor] there is no means of remaining here; Minister mGar is [truly] acting [very] insolent!" [She] then had the Jo-bo [statue] placed upon a waggon, loaded the packs upon the horses, mules and camels etc. and proclaimed: "I have personally come to realize the deeds of the wicked Tibetn, and while making preparations to return [back] to China, minister mGar emerged and intervened: "It is not right of you to leave your home and return to your native homeland. Not only is it a shame [if you do so], but the road bound for China is also not passable! At the time you amved in Tibet, you too had to remain [alone] on the road without me and the road was not passable (lam ma shog par 'dug). Now, I shall not only discuss [the matter] with the Nepalese princess, but also report it to the king!" When asking [the king] for an audience [on behalf of the princess], the king turned UP 720 A nourishment made from cheese, milk, butter and sugar. at the place of the feast, where he had [his] first meeting with Kong-jo. As to [this initial meeting] three different opinions occured: In the view of the TathPgata-s of the ten directions, the opinion prevailed that the king and the queen, the two, were promoting the welfare of the sentient beings by way of [enacting] the twelve deeds. In the view of the Bodhisattva-s of the ten stages, the opinion prevailed that Arya-~valokita, having transformed [himself] into the body of king Srong-btsan sgam-po and bhadddn'kd T%2, having transformed [herself] into the body of the Chinese princess Kong-jo, [thedouple then] worked for the welfare of the sentient beings. [Finally], in the view of the ordinary people, the opinion prevailed, that [this meant that] the king and the ueen, the two, in turns enjoyed beer in companionship, and in turns were spinning threads.7 2 l Thereupon, again the king did not have any meeting with Kong-jo for a whole month, which made her bear a strong grudge [against Tibet], and in order to encourage Kong-jo, [the minister] said: "Kong-jo are you perhaps weary? Are you experiencing any hardship! It is indeed a great wonder that you have reached Tibet unimpeded. Tell me how the lo-bo [statue] was brought [to Tibet] and how [you succeeded in passing] the three [major impediments on the road, i.e.1 the passes, the gorges and the rivers!" Princess Kong-jo narrated: "[The statue] of Jo-bo ShZkya was installed on a chariot, and the two champions 1Ha-dga' and Klu-dga' pulled the wheels. w e ] crossed the river rGya-chu khug-pa by boat and although the road and the districts [to pass] were long, we [nevertheless] reached [our goal] by various means: w e ] progressed by crossing nine sandy passes which were blocked by ice, and by holding high a lamp in the dark. [Further], we amved by way that the trees of the Catechu tree (seng ldeng) rose up to the right and the trees of the Hippophae rhamnoides (gla ba) species rose up to the left [making the route passable along the road].722 "In China lot and prosperity have deteriorated; [But] in Tibet happiness and prosperity prosper; Tibet indeed is insolent! " Saying [this] she wept @iterly]. When the other ministers occured, they were greatly sarcastic and bragged loudly. Minister mGar said: "Generally, [we] have been treated contemptously by the entire Chinese population. Aside from one Chinese hostess, not one single sympathetic Chinese was found. In particular, the Chinese emperor has demonstrated great partiality. Princess Kong-jo, how much ill-feeling have not even you shown [towards Tibet]?" The Chinese princess felt ashame over this and was unable to utter a single word [in response].723 The Invitation of the Chinese Princess Kong-jo. 721 MNKB E (Ca) 132a2, E (Cd) 196bS-6; KCHKKHM-I 752.1-2; KCHKKHM-2 209.13-210.16; KCHKKHM-3 439.7; CHBYMTNYP 250b1-4; MBNTH 54a5-b2. Cf. somewhat differently, HBCHBY (JA) 33b1-5. 722 The entire prose portion and the following metrical sequence, closing the chapter, are lacking altogether from the other versions. 723 Lacking from the other versions. XIV The Successful Erection of the Temples of mTha'-'dul, Yang[mtha'-I'dul, 'Phrul-snang and Ra-mo-che [n [Kong-jo's Geornantic Divination] ~ e x t , ~princess '~ Khri-btsun, being aware that the Chinese princess was well-versed in [geomantic] divination (rzsis), and employing minister mGar as intercessor (ngo chen bcol), handed over one full bre-measure of gold-dust to her maid-servant as fee (yon) and dispatched her [to Kong-jo in order to have her] calculate which location (sa cha) would be the better to erect a temple.725 [II] [Tibet Resembling a Prostrate Demoness] The Chinese princess then [again] laid out the [astrologicaldivinatory] chart (gab rtse) containing the scroll of trigrams in eighty sections (spor thang skor) and [made her] reckonings: "[I] reckon this Snow-clad Kingdom to have the shape of a rdksasrdemoness resting on her back (srin mo gun rkyal du nyal ba).726[rJ [further] recognize h e lake 'Plain 724 The present chapter continues the lengthy narrative of the Vita of Srong-btsan sgam-po, focussing here upon the intrigues between the two rivalling queens concerning seniority and concerning the circumstances behind the erection of the two prominent and famed Ma-sa-temples, Ra-sa 'Phmlsnang and Ra-mo-che, both dedicated to these two royal figures. The chapter further presents us with a lengthy topographical and toponymical expost of various sites associated with the Chinese princess' divination and a geomantic description of the well-known erection of twelve temples p i ~ i n gdown the prostrate demoness. For a full survey of the sources for this chapter, cf. Appendix, note 724. 725 MNKB E (Ca) 132a6-b2; KCHKKHM-1753.4-5; KCHKKHM-2 2 11.18-212.7; CHBYMTNYP 25ia3-b2; MBNTH 57a6; DTHZHG 38.19-21. 726 The locus classicus for this famed metonym for Tibet being compared with a supine or prostrate rock-demoness and the mythological narrative associated with it, is to be found in a number of currently non-extant bh'-chems' of the king, cf. Appendix. But see foremost: T K B E (Ca) 129b5, 132b2-3; (Cd) 197a3, 197b3; KCHKKHM-1 754.2-3, 762.1-2; KCHKKHM-2 200.17201.17, 212.8-215.3, 233.17-18; KCHKKHM-3 435.7-436.1; CHBYMTNYP 247s-248a1, 251b3-253a3; MBNTH 55a5-6; NGTMTPH 8a2 (Uebach, 1987, pp. 88-9); GBCHBY 277.7-9; DCHBY 115.15; among a plethora of post-GLR sources containing this tradition: HBCHBY (JA) 32b4-5, 33\36, 35a6; DTHZHG 38.21-39.1; Tsong-kha-pa rNam-thar 13b-14b (Kaschewsky, pp. 178-179), etc. In the divinatory and mantic calculations contrived by Kong-jo, the (Chinese) 'Wisewoman of Divination' ( h a cig 'phrul gyi ong cong), various Tibetan locations and geographical sites are identified to be the dwelling-place, the resort or the domain @ho brang, nyal sa, 'dus so, rgyu srang, etc.) inhabited by sundry malignant (nag po, sdig po) creatures, spirits and dei loci. Forces considered hostile or potentially malicious towards the prospective new Buddhist Order which by then had taken form under the religious chos rgyal Srong-btsan sgam-po. These geo- or topographical formations, often being mountains and outwardly assuming some configurative resemblance to these native and anti-Buddhist genii loci, were called 'terrestrial antagonists [or] foes' (so dgra). In order to neutralize, pacify or to tame (gnon, 'dul) their potential malignity, religious sanctuaries and emblems were erected - as a sort of apotropaic antidote - to affront (h ston) them. For an full rendering of the crucial passage in the most detailed version, cf. Appendix, note 726. of Milk' ('O[-ma'i] thang) [in 1Ha-sa] to be the [very] heart-blood (snying Wlrag) of the demoness and reco nize these three mountains [around 1Ha-sa] to be [her] 'heart-bones' (snying gi ms pa),757 [so] this place here is [located right] upon the demoness' heart. You therefore will have to raise this temple of [yours] upon the lake [of 'O-thang after] it has been [dried up and] filled in (bsubs pa). Here a door to the lower existences [of Sam*a] is also found. Beneath Ra-mo-che is the palace of the ndga-s, but the installation of the'~o-bo [statue] will suppress it. In the N2ga-cavern-s the sleeping-place (nyal sa) of the black klubdud is found, so built a temple [there] and abduct [this n d g a - ~ i t e ] ! ~ ~ ~ At the foot of the single-stemmed trunk of a poisonous tree at ~ l a - b a - t s h a l ~[in ~ ' 1Hasa] in the south-western [direction], the meetin -place[s] ('dm sa)730 of the the'u-rang and rni-ma-yin [spirits] are found. Disperse [them]! 31 From the upper valley of Grib to the upper valley of ~ ~ a n ~ - b r the a npath ' ~ ~frequented 5 727 MNKB E (Cd) 197a3, 198a6; KCHKKHH-2 203.2-4 and 213.2-7 (for the text, cf. Appendix, note 726); CHBYMTNYP 247b1-4; HBCHBY (JA) 32b5-6, 35a7-bl . These texts list four mountains towering in the four directions. In a (recent) Bon-text the 1Ha-sa area is known as the Continent of the NHga-s (klu'i gling), cf. Karmay, 1972, p. 80. This imagery and mythos of a lake and the establishment of a religious site upon it is cherished in many cultures, for instance the Kathmandu Valley and the country of Li (Khotan) were also established upon a dried-up lake, cf. Ernmerick, 1967, p. 3ff. The latter may well have inspired Tibetan myth-makers in creating the present myth. For a discussion of this tradition, cf. also Hummel, 1962-64. The Lake of Milk is registered already in the Dunhuang Annals: 'O-dang. 728 MNKB E (Ca) 132b3-7, 136a4, (Cd) 197a4, 197b3-5; KCHKKHM-1 756.4-6; KCHKKHM-2 20i .7-12,203.8-11,214.9-12,215.3-9; KCHKKHM-3 436.1-4,441.76-7; CHBYMTNYP 247a4bl ; MBNTH 56a4-5, 65a2; GBCHBY 277.8-10, 278.15-16; HBCHBY (JA) 35a7-b2; DTHZHG 39.1-4. The following malicious configurations are in the texts defined as the five (actually more) impediments (skyon lnga; or: (gwmantic) perils) the initial extermination of which will secure the presence of prosperous qualities (cf. note 754ff.) for the erection of the key gtsug lag Hang (e.g. M?IKB 136al: de'i [i.e. gtsug lag khang] yon tan gyi mgo 'don par bya ba'i phyir 0 skyon lnga sngon la zlog par byed dgos; KCHKKHM-2 212.19-213.2; CHBYMTNYP 248b2-3). The means employed to eliminate these impediments: The installation of Buddhist idols or emblems etc. were seen as an attempt of terrestrial renovations (sa'i bcos Ma byed pa, cf. e.g. F K B 133a3) or as an apotropaic remedy that aimed at thwarting the negative influence projected and wielded by these phreatic or hypogeal creatures. Cf. Appendix, note 726 for details. 729 GLR: Zla-ba-tshal, the 'Moon Grove' to the south of IHa-sa, cf. also KCHKKHM-2 214.13: dKarchung Zla-ba'i tshal, but undoubtedly it should be rectified to Gla-ba'i tshal, the Grove of the gla ba [ = gla ba shing, = star bu] species of trees and larger shrubs, i.e. the Hippophae rhamnoides or the thorny sea buckthorn, cf. note 792 (nor 'Garden of Musk Deer', as Aris, 1979, p. 14, and one commonly would assume it), cf. Iho phyogs Gla ba'i nags tshal and Iho nub Gla-ba'i tshal gyi brag in MNKB E (Ca) 136a4, (Cd) 198a5; KCHKKHM-1 766.4-5 and KCHKKHM-2 220.5-6, 227.15; whereas KCHKKHM-3 450.1-4: La ba'i tshal; CHBYMTNYP 252a3, 258a3, 259a1, 259a3; MBNTH 63bl: dKar-chung La-ba'i tshal; GBCHBY 28 1.18-19; HBCHBY (JA) 34b4, 138a2 (during the time of Glang-dar-ma); DTHZHG 42.1. For a fuller discussion, cf. Appendix, note 729. 730 Or the place where they held counsel ('dun ma byed pa'i sa). 731 MNKB E (Ca) 132b7, 136a4, (Cd) 198a5; KCHKKHM-1 755.5; KCHKKHM-2 214.13-15, 227.15-228.3, 228.16-19; CHBYMTNYP 252a3-5; MBNTH 58al-2. 732 F K B E (Ca) 136a3: dGa' ldan gyi tshal 'gram nu btsan gyi rgyu srang yod; KCHKKHM-2 223.2-3: ri 'di'i [i.e. Byang Nyang-bran dung Dor-te'u bar nu ri, cf. notes 743-44 infra] nub na (rgyu srang) by the brsan-spirits runs, therefore raise a great cairya at Bar-chu-kha [to affront and neutralize it]!733 In the eastern direction [from ]Ha-sa] the 'terrestrial antagonist' (so dgru)734 is [furthermor] found, which [topographically] resembles a water-demon (chu srin) with a little stone soarin [in the air] (de 'u ( = Ide 'u) la 'dring ( = [ding) ha), this is the mountain Ba-Lam Grum-pa ri935 P o neutralize it,] [allfront it (hsron) [with] a [white] conch wounded to the right (dung g.yas su 'khyil, duksindvana~orikha)! In the south-eastern [direction]737 the 'terrestrial antagonist' (su dgra) which [topographically] resembles a demoness baring [her] genitals ('dorm bzed pa) is found. It is [to be identified with] the [mountain] Byang-stod [In order to neutralize it,] dGa' ldan gyi mtsho 'gram M brsan gyi rgyu srang yod; KCHKKHM-3 449.5-6; HBCHBY (JA) 37a7. For Nyang-b[r]an, cf. Ferrari, p. 116. 733 MNKB E (Ca) 133a3-4: Bar-chu'i kha, 136a3-4: mchod nen Se-ru; KCHKKHM-1 773.5-7: A mchod nen Ka-ru of retreat must be erected, because if the rgyu srang was not destroyed, the brsanspirits may deprive the life of any (Buddhist) meditator [in the future]; KCHKKHM-2 214.13-18, 215.9-1 1; KCHKKHM-3 449.5-6; CHBYMTNYP 252b3-4, 258a1-3 (erect a mchod rren Ke-ru [sic], cf. note 740); MBNTH 58a2.64b6-65a2; GBCHBY 281.15-17; HBCHBY (JA) 35bl, 37a67; DTHZHG 39.18. 734 Herewith is evidently meant a hypostatized topographical gestalt supposed to be endowed with negative or malignant properties hostile to the people living there. These antagonists or naturebound foes may be represented by the various spirits of the soil (sa dgra = so bdag; often also denoted elemental antagonist ( 'byung ba 'i dgra; cf. KCHKKHM-1 756.1 ; CHBYMTNYP 252a6, etc.) roaming about and inhabiting the Tibetan temtory, or, as said, conceived to resemble the configurations of these creatures or similar malevolent beings. Cf. notes 724-6 supra. 735 Y K B : Na kyi Grog-po-ri [sic]; KCHKKHM-2: Ngan-lam Gron-pa-ri; HBCHBY: Ba-lam Grumpa-ri. Both Ngan-lam and Ba-lam, with Ba-lam arguably being the best reading, were well-known locations in dBu-ru during the royal period, where even a yul dpon resided, cf. GBCHBY 257.1617. Chab-spel, op. cir., 1989, p. 197, also reading Ba-lam, locates it in present-day sTag-rtserdzong, which is a poor guess. Thus one should read: Grum-pa-ri of Ba-lam. Grum-pa-ri seems to have nothing to do with the toponym Grom-pa, cf. Uebach, 1987, p. 53, n. 158. Also in the XIVth cent. one finds the site Grum-pa-ri as in contrast to ICags-kha-ri (cf. note 765), see Petech, 1990, p. 116. Ba-lam GrornfGrum-pa brag-phug is according to a ref. in a Padma-Vita, tbe residence of the ntSga-raja Mal-gro gZi-can, situated close to Mat-gro-mda', the Valley of Mal-gro, cf. e.g. Appendix, note 790 for details. Ba-lam is moreover the name of a valley, and as Uebach, 1987, pp. 112-13, n. 61 1, indicates, the location of the Ba-lam Valley and the Mal-gro Valley must be close to one another. 736 MNKB E (Cd) 198bl; KCHKKHM-2 214.15-16, 215.9, 222.12-14; HBCHBY (JA) 35bl-2. 737 MNKB E (Ca) 136a1-2: Shar na Sros-pa'i ri; KCHKKHM-1 756.1: Bye-ma lung-stod; KCHKKHM-2 + 3 and CHBYMTNYP: [Drang-pol Bye-ma lung-stonglstod; MBNTH: Bye-ma lung-stod. 738 Lacking from the other versions, except HBCHBY: Byang-stod Se-phug. Located, according to Chab-spel, op. cir., 1989, p. 197, in present-day sTag-rtse-rdzong. Can it be related to the place Seng-ge hrag-phug? cf. Blondeau, 1971, p. 70. Or to sTag-tshang seng-phug? the first cave visited by Padma Sambhava in Tibet, cf. e.g. PMKTH (Chap. 49, 307.3-4) and KTHDNG W A ) (Chap. XVIII, sect. 24, 203.17-204.6). but this cave is, as is commonly known, located in s p a - g r ~of present-day Bhutan, which in casu makes it most unlikely. [aflfront it [with a statue ofl ~ a h e ~ v a r a . ~ ~ ~ In the southern direction [from Lhasa] the 'terrestrial antagonist' (sa dgra) is found, which resembles a black scorpion pouncing on [its pray] (sdig pa nag po gzan la rub pa). It is [to be identified as] the eastern summit of Yug-ma-ri. [To suppress it,] [aflfront it [by erecting a statue ofl the gada-bird ~ e - r u ! ~ ~ ' In the western [direction] the 'terrestrial antagonist' is found which resembles a black bdud-demon being on guard (bya ra byed pa). This is [to be identified with] the rocky summit (brag ri) of [For its neutralization,] [aflfront it [with] a stone-made ~aitya!~~~ In the northern [direction] the 'terrestrial antagonist' is found, resembling an elephant in battle. This is the middlemost mountain (dbus ri) between Nyang-bran and Dogs-te, the two.743 [In order to neutralize it] [aflfront it [with] a stone-made lion!744 It will [likewise] suppress all the terrestrial antagonists [reigning] in the vicinity. Thus all the terrestrial antagonists were suppressed, and [alternatively] all [the topographical terrestrial configurations boding prosperity and being endowed with] qualities [such as the eight auspicious signs, etc. were found] being fully complete,745viz. to the east [from 1Ha-sa] the mountain [configurally] resembling a [piled-up] c ~ i t y isa found; ~ ~ ~ this is 739 MNKB E (Ca) 133a1, 136a2, (Cd) 198b2; KCHKKHM-1 756.1-2; KCHKKHM-2 215.7-8, 222.13-15; KCHKKHM-3 442.1,449.3-4; CHBYMTNYP 252b1,257b3; MBNTH 58a3-4,65a3; GBCHBY 281.10-1 1; HBCHBY (JA) 35b1-2; DTHZHG 39.15. The texts talk about piercing or eliminating it with the linga or phallos (lingga, gsang ba 'i rten) of MaheSvara. 740 MNKB E (Ca) 136a2, (Cd) 198b3; KCHKKHM-1 756.2-3; KCHKKHM-2 214.15-17, 215.9, 222.15-17: Grib Kha-ser; KCHKKHM-3 442.1-2, 449.4; CHBYMTNYP 252b1-2, 257b3-4; MBNTH 58a4-5, 65a3-4; GBCHBY 281.11; HBCHBY (JA) 35b2; DTHZHG 39.16. Ke-ru is a garbled form of ga ru da. Cf. note 733 supra. Yug-ma-ri is unidentified, but see note 759. 741 KCHKKHM-2: Shun gyi brag te'u rtse. Cf. also the notes 768, 1541. 742 MNKB E (Ca) 133a4 (slightly different), 136a2-3; (Cd) 198al; KCHKKHM-1 756.3; KCHKKHM-2 214.17- 18,215.9- 11,222.17-19; KCHKKHM-3 442.2-3; CHBYMTNYP 252b3, 257b4; MBNTH 58a5, 65a4; GBCHBY 281.12; HBCHBY 35b2-3, 38a4-5; DTHZHG 39.16-7. 743 GLR B: dGe-te; MNKB: Nya-ranlban dang Dor-te'i ri; KCHKKHM-I: Nya-nar gyi ri; KCHKKHM-2: ~ ~ a n : b r adang n ~ Dor-te'u bar gyi ri; MBNTH 58a6; HBCHBY: Nyang-brang Dog-sde'i dbus ri. TSLKHKCH 13b2: Don-nyang Dogs bar gyi ri. The location Dor-ste was wellknown during the dynastic period, where it was one of the stong-sde or thousand-communities or districts of dBu-ru, the Central Horn, being commanded by a stong-dpon, cf. GBCHBY 258.15, 261.3; NGTMTPH 2a3. Also written Dor-telsde, cf. the informative note in Uebach, 1987, p. 51, n. 129. 744 MNKB E (Ca) 136a3, (Cd) 198bl-2; KCHKKHM-1756.4-5; KCHKKHM-2 214.17-18,215.11, 222.19-223.2; KCHKKHM-3 442.3,449.4; CHBYMTNYP 252b4, 257b4; MBNTH 58a6,65a45; GBCHBY 281.12-13; HBCHBY 35b3; DTHZHG 39.17; TSLKHKCH 13bl-3. 745 MNKB E (Ca) 130a5-1, 136al-4, (Cd) 198a2-4; KCHKKHM-2 212.19-213.17 (for text, cf. ~ p ~ e n d i note x , 726); CHBYMTNYP 25 1b3-252a3. Cf. also note 728. 746 Y K B E (Ca) 198a2; KCHKKHM-2 202.14- 15 and 21 3.4 and GBCHBY 277.15-16, here it is the mountain located to the west; KCHKKHM-3 436.5; HBCHBY 35b3; DTHZHG 39.5. The auspicious characterization of these four cardinal rear mountains surrounding IHa-sa (lha sa 'iphyogs bzhi'i ri rgyab) or the four noble mountains ('phagspa'i ri bzhi) is, KCHKKHM-2 op. cit. 213.5-7 the mountain [called] Ban-khos 13ang-ba-ri." In the south [a mountain] is found rerernblin a mound of jewels,748 this is the mountain [called] the rear mountain (rgyab n) of Grib.745 To the west [from 1Ha-sa] a mountain is found resembling a skull-bowl (dung phor) placed " is the Brang-phu'i ri in s ~ o d - l u n ~To . ~ the ~' upon a tripod (man dzi = man l ~ r ) , ~ this north the mountain resembling a disclosing lotus752is the 1Ha-phu'i ri of ~ o ~ s - t c . ~ ' ~ Moreover, [the mountains being [conlfigured with the eight auspicious signs are found, such as] the mountain 'Phan-dkar gyi ri of Nyang-bran having an umbrella (gdugs, chanm) [for] the head [of ~ u d d h a ] ; ~the ' ~ rear mountain (rgyab ri) of Mal-gro[ng] has a fish (nya, and KCHKKHM-3 436.6-7 explain us, signs that veneration for the relics and the bodily form of Buddha sdcya-muni will increase and durate for a long time in this place. This Buddhist veneer is, if anything, a later formulation. For a number of sacred mountains or hills around bSam-yas, being depicted almost similarly, cf. BZH (Chin. ed. 37.5-16) but in particular PMKTH Chap. 56, 346. l347.16. 747 GLR B: Bun-pa-ri. Unmentioned in other texts, except HBCHBY 35b3: Ban-khos Gung-ba-ri. Bankhos appears corrupt. If we retain the reading Bang-ba-ri, it may refer to the well-known hill-top in the 1Ha-sa Valley, a hill abutting the ICags-kha-ri, cf. note 455. This linking is however highly questionable. 748 KCHKKHM-2 202.14 and 213.3-4; KCHKKHM-3 436.5; GBCHBY 277.15; HBCHBY (JA) 35b4; DTHZHG 39.5. 749 Unmentioned in other texts. Grib is the district lying opposite to 1Ha-sa, where e.g. [m]Tshal Gungthang is located. 750 KCHKKHM-2 202.15-16 and GBCHBY 277.16-17, here the mountain is placed to the north; ibid. 213.4-5 has a mountain located to the east resembling a heap of lotuses @odma spungs pa); KCHKKHM-3 436.4-5; HBCHBY (JA) 35b4; DTHZHG 39.5-6. 751 Unmentioned in other texts, except HBCHBY. For this place, cf. also NGTMTPH 9b4 (Uebach, 1987, p. 97): sTod-lungs Brang. For sTod-lung, a valley of sTod-lung chu, situated south-west of IHa-sa and running into the sKyid-chu river, cf. Ferrari, Map. Cf. also note 1183. 752 MNKB E (Cd) 198a2; KCHKKHM-2 202.13-14 and 213.2-3 have in the east a mountain reskmb~in~ a heap of lotuses, and KCHKKHM-3 436.4 and GBCHBY 277.14-15 have to the east [a mountain] resembling a disclosing lotus; HBCHBY (JA) 35b4; DTHZHG 39.6. 753 GLR B: dGe-te. Unmentioned in the other texts, except HBCHBY: Dog-ste ha-ri. For Dog[s]-te, cf. note 743. 754 MNKB E (Ca) 135b5: Shar 'Phan gyi ri, (Cd) 198a3: Byang ngos 'Phan ri; KCHKKHM-1 755.1; KCHKKI-M-~2 13.8-9; KCHKKHM-3 441.3: 'Phag[s-dlkar; CHBYMTNYP 25 1b6; MBNTH 57b5-6; HBCHBY (JA) 35b5; DTHZHG 39.7-8; TSLKHKCH 3b5: Nyang-bran Bal-po-che'i ri. Corroborated by such a late text as Kah-thog Si-tu's guide GJBTSNK 134.6-135.2 ( = 6fb6-68a2). He may of course have based himself'upon one of the above sources, say the V. Dalai Lama, but his text being a lam-yig, this local travelogue may lend credence to at least the existence of a local depiction of this old gemmantic portrayal and classification. These eight auspicious Buddhist tokens are part of the prerequisites required for the gemmantically successful erection of a temple. This is stated by all primary sources (ref., cf. note 726 supra), but perhaps most distinctly by mKhas-pa IDe'u, GBCHBY 278.6-12, where the ustamartgala is listed as one of the eight (propitious) attributes @on ran brgyad) or guna-s which are sine non qua for any temple's erection. The other items, aside from the full presence of these eight emblems in the intermediate sphere (i.e. the mountains around the proposed site), were the resemblence in space of the eight-spoked wheel, on ground the configuration of the eight-petalled in lotus (cf. note 774 in@) and the presence of four divinational or mantic gods Ou z h g gi h) the four directions (around the site, cf. note 766). However, in order to make these ~ U M -wield s their positive effect (nus pa), the five immediate perils (cf. note 728ff. supra) threatening the site marsya) being the eyes;75s the rocks of mDangs-mkhar has a lotus (padma) being the tongue;756the glacial ice ('khyag khrom) [of the mountain of] Grib has a conch shell (dung, Sahkha) for the voice;757the mountain of rDzong-btsan has a vase (bum pa, kwnbha) as neck;758the Yug-ma'i ri has a SrTvatsa-emblem as breast;759the mountain of 'Phan-dkar has must be eliminated. From the ensuing notes, it is evident that in the description and location of these sites, full consensus is rarely achieved when we collate the sources. It is worthy of note that the eight auspicious tokens, in accordance with common tradition, correspond to the various limbs and endowments of Buddha and his body. Cf. the very useful presentation of the astamtigala, its imagery and corresponding Buddha-limbs given by Dagyab Rinpoche, 1992, pp. 33-62. The present imagery of the umbrella is that its protecting shield is perceived to shelter the head [of Buddha] from the radiating heat of passion (kleia). 755 MNKB E (Ca) 135b5: Shar brag dkar na'i brag [sic], (Cd) 198a3-4: Ra-kha'i brag; KCHKKHM-1 755.1-2: Ngag-dkar gyi brag; KCHKKHM-2 213.9-10: gDos-pa'i brag in the east (shar gyi gdos pa 'i brag); KCHKKHM-3 441.3 and CHBYMTNYP 251b6 have the rock of Ra-ka having a fish resembling three eyes (ra h ' i brag la spyan gsum nya 'dra ba); MBNTH 57b6: Ra-ka'i brag; HBCHBY 35b5; DTHZHG 39.8; TSLKHKCH 3b5. Here is a homonymous confusion Bragdkar/Ra-ga at play, cf. also note 763. GLR: Mal-grong is probably aberrant for Mal-gro. The imagery of the golden fish (suvarna matsya) is that the two eyes are cabable of seeing and thus crossing the Ocean of Suffering (sakdra) or the Ocean of the All-knowing. 756 GLR A: mDeng-'khar. MNKB 135b6: Do-ri'i phugs; KCHKKHM-2 213.11-12: the mountain of rDzong-btsan resembles the leaves of a lotus representing the tongue [of Buddha]; CHBYMTNYP 252a2: the mountain of rTsibs in the east resembles a disclosing lotus representing the tongue; HBCHBY 35b5: gDong-mkhar gyi brag; TSLKHKCH 3b6. The lotus flower signals purity and the slim tongue in speaking likewise. It is one of the distinguishing marks characterizing a MahHpurusa. 757 MNKB E (Ca) 135b6: 'Phan-dar ri, (Cd) 198a4: 1Ho spyan-ri; KCHKKHM-1 755.3: Grub bSesgdb kyi phun; KCHKKHM-2 213.10-1 1: the mountain IDong-btsan-ri in the south resembles a sound-giving conch (fho'i ldong btsan ri la gsung 'bud dung 'dra ba); KCHKKHM-3 441.4: Grib Se-sgrom gyi phu; CHBYMTNYP 252a1-2: the upper valley of Grib bSe-sgrom resembles a [white] conch wounded to the right (dung g.ym su 'khyil ba, daksindrtrafarikha); MBNTH 57b6: sGrib bSe'i sgrom; HBCHBY 35b5: Grib-phu; DTHZHG 39.8-9; TSLKHKCH 3b6; cf. notes 707,754 and 759-60. For bSe-sgrom kyi phu of Grib, cf. also NGTMTPH 15al (Uebach, p. 121), a shelter for the fleeing 1Ha-lung after his regicide on Glang-dar-ma cf. also BZH (Stein ed. 82.15); CHBYMTNYP 476a6; CHBY 146a4 (Szerb, p. 51). Cf. note 1544 infra. One may wonder whether the 'khyag khrom in GLR is a corruption for bSe-sgrom? Grib (the centre of which is ['/mTshal] Gung-thaw, that, however, in the dynastic period was known as Ngan-lam) is the district lying opposite to Lhasa, on the southern bank of sKyid-chu. This site was allegedly passed through by princess Kongjo en route to Tibet. The conch, equally a symbol of purity, is symbolically depicted to announce and proclaim the Dharma of Buddha. 758 Y K B E (Ca) 135b5, (Cd) 198a4: Grib kyi phu; KCHKKHM-1 755.2-3: IDong-btsan gyi ri in the south; KCHKKHM-2 21 3.12-13: the rock of Grib-rdzong; KCHKKHM-3 441.3-4; CHBYMTNYP 252al: the rock of rDzong-btsan; MBNTH 57b6: IDong-btsan gyi brag; HBCHBY (JA) 35b6; DTHZHG 39.9; TSLKHKCH 3b6; cf. also note 754. The vase is conceived to contain the cinthuzni and indicates the extraordinary qualities of Buddha. For the goddess of Grib rDzong-btsan, a fierce guardian-deity of Tshe-mchog-gling, a protectress and a form of dPal-ldan Iha-mo, cf. Richardson, 1993, pp. 87-88. Buddha is commonly perceived to have a long, gracious neck. It is one of the distinguishing marks characterizing a a victory-banner (rgyal mtshan, ganjira) as body760md the upper pasture (spang) of Brmgphu in sTod-lung [has] a wheel ('khor lo, crrkra) as hands and feet,76' thus making the eight auspicious emblems (bkra shis nags brgyad, asramartgala) complete. Ze-re holds iron mines (Im I Furthermore, [the mountain named] ~ a r l ~ alo-mo 'i k h ~ ) , '[the ~ ~ place] Ra-ga brag has copper mines,763the rock of La-dong has silver ores, and the rocks of ICags-kha-ri hold gold ores.765 A MahHpurusa. 759 MNKB E (Ca) 135a5: Rin-chen za [sic],(Cd) 198a4: mDa'; KCHKKHM-1 755.3-4: Grib-mtha' YU~-ma'i zur; KCHKKHM-2 21 3.13: Sgo-phu; KCHKKHM-3 441.4-5: Grib-'da9 Yug-mali zur; CHBYMTNYP 252a2: Grib-mda' Yug-ma'i zur; MBNTH 57b6-58al; HBCHBY (JA) 35b6; DTHZHG 39.9-10; TSLKHKCH 3B6. Yug-ma in the Grib-district opposite to IHa-sa is still unidentified. See also note 740 supra. The Srfvarsa as a knot is usually considered to be endless, so also the mind and thought (thugs, i.e. heart) of the Buddha, endless in the width and depth. Moreover, it indicates that all phenomena eventually are interdependent. 760 MNKB E (Ca) 135b5, (Cd) 198a4: 'Phrang-phu; KCHKKHM-1 755.2 and 755.4 (dittography!): KCHKKHM-2 213.13-14: Byang-phu in the west; KCHKKHM-3 441.5, ~ h gyi ~ brag; n CHBYMTNYP 252a2-3: Shun gyi brag; so also MBNTH 58al; for the latter cf. note 739. Only HBCHBY (JA) 35b6: 'Phan-dar gyi ri and DTHZHC 39.10 corroborate CLR, presumably by quoting it. But since 'Phan-d[k]ar has already been introduced, cf. note 754, one would suspect a scribal error for Byang-phu. However, the linking is corroborated by MNKB which reads: shar 'phan gyi ri la gdugs 'dra baniri yod 1 de'i byang shar rgyal mtshan 'dra ba 'i ri yod, whereas the Vth Dalai Lama, TSLKHKCH op. cit. 3b6-4a1, by stating: bKa' Wlol m r gdugs kyi byang shor ngos nu yod par bshad pas 1 da Ira rMog lcog tu grogs pa'i brag ri la sku lrcs rgyal mtshan, has equally observed this inconsistency, and therefore identified the location with a rock called rMogIcog . The victory banner as symbol heralds the victory over all obstructions but mainly the victory and success of the Law of Buddha and the victory of knowledge over ignorance. 761 KCHKKHM-2 21 3.14- 15: sTod-lung-mda' ; lacking in CHBYMTNYP; HBCHBY 35b6; DTHZHG 39.10; TSLKHKCH 4al. The cakm or the wheel of the Dharma indicates setting in motion the preaching of the Law. As such it represents the Buddha Teaching. Cf. note 751 supra. 762 MNKB 133b6; KCHKKHM-1 757.1-2: sGo-phu; KCHKKHMd 213.18-19: Dog-te sgo-phu; KCHKKHM-3 442.5; so also CHBYMTNYP 252b6 and MBNTH 58b3. Only HBCHBY 35b6 and DTHZHG 39.1 1 follow and corroborate GLR. KCHKKHM-2 97.12- 14, 136.5-6, 158.10-12, gives another early list of minerals found during king gNam-ri srong-btsan: At Tshe-spong gi ri gold was found; at Ge-ri'i brag la silver-ores were found; at 'Phreng-po copper was found (cf. note 444 supra) and at Ra-ga'i ri iron was found (cf. next note, the only place both lists have in common). 763 MNKB 133b6, 135b6: Ra-ga; KCHKKHM-1 757.2: Ra-kha'i khri-btsun [sic]; KCHKKHM-2 21 j. 18-19: Dog-sde Ra-ga; KCHKKHM-3 442.5; CHBYMTNYP 253a1; MBNTH 58b3; KBCHBY 35b6; DTHZHG 39. l I . For Ra-galka, cf. also note 755, previous note and Ferrari, p. 83. 764 MNKB E (Ca) 133b6: IHo-stengs, 135b6: La-stod; KCHKKHM-1 757.2; KCHKKHM-2 136.6 (La-sto'i ri =? La-stod), 158.11,213.19-214.1;KCHKKHM-3 442.5; CHBYMTNYP 253al: Lartog; MBNTH 58b3: Da-dong; HBCHBY (JA) 35b6; DTHZHG 39.1 1: Shug-pa-gdong. For La-dong, cf. also note 782. 765 MNKB E (Ca) 133b6: Icags-kha-ri, 135b6: ICags-mkhar-ri; KCHKKHM-1757.2; KCHKKHM-2 214.1 ; KCHKKHM-3 442.5; CHBYMTNYP 253a1; MBNTH 58b3: ICags-dkar; HBCHBY 35b7; [Furthermore, in the four cardinal points from '0-thang the mountains and locations are found, which configurally represent the four animals of the four directions:] In the east[ern direction] [the mountain is located which represents] the gray tiger (stag skya bo) [known as the] dGa'-bo gdong 'og-ma,766 to the south [the azure-blue river] [sKyid-]chu [flows, representing] the turquoise-blue dragon (g.yu 'bmg sngon to the west [the mountain is found representing] the red cock (bya dmar po), [identified with the] red rock (Brag-dmar) of Shun [and looking like] the face of a calf (ne'u'i gdong);768to the north [the DTHZHG 39.1 1. ICags-kha-ri, lit. the 'mine-mountain' or ICags-mkhar-ri, the 'mountainous iron-castle' appear to be the original name for the later ICags-pho-ri, in use in texts until the MV-XVIth century when the form ICags-pho-ri prevailed. This hilly mountain is the bla ri of Vajrapini and is configured as a lion leaping upwards towards the sky (seng ge gnarn du mchong pa i a bu'i dbyibs), cf. TSLKHKCH 18b5-6 and this depiction is comparatively old, already known from BZH (1Cags-kari; Stein ed. 78.13-14). Cf. also the notes 455, 726 (Appendix) and 735. 766 MNKB E (Ca) 133b5: Shar Bye-ma-ri, 135b6; KCHKKHM-1 757.1 : Bye-ma; KCHKKHM-2 214.2; KCHKKHM-3 442.4-5: Bye-ma-ri; CHBYMTNYP 253al: Bye-ma'i ri; it remains here to be solved whether dGa'-mo gdong 'og-ma is the proper name of a place, or, while Nyang-ral etc. gives Bye-ma'i ri, whether we should take it as an epithet of the symbolic tiger meaning the 'lovely face [protuding from] below'. In Chinese lore the white tiger (bai hu) of autumn is associated with the western quarter. We are here dealing with another element taking over from the Chinese feng-shui and related geomantic divination, where the celestrial animals of the Chinese cardinal points are indicated and where each of these constituents here represents a mountain. For this scheme, which perhaps in its Tibetan fashion has undergone a slight modification (or the original system has been confounded by the Tibetans), cf. Aris, 1979, pp. 21-22. These four [animal-configured mountains] are considered the four gods of divination (rtsis, ju zhag) and of the gTsug-lag-khang (i.e. Jo-khang), cf. MNKB 136al (lha 'i gzhi [sic]: (read: 1ha bzhi)) of the gtsug-lag-khang; KCHKKHM-1 756.6757.1;' KCHKKHM-2 214.4-5; MBNTH 58b2-3; HBCHBY 35b7 and DTHZHG 39.12-13. Cf. also note 754 supra. KTHDNG (KA) Chap. 24, 76.6-23 offers an interesting list, which corroborates the present list, only these animals are called the soil-lord (sa bdag) of the four cardinal comers. 767 MNKB E (Ca) 133b5, 135b6-136al; KCHKKHM-1 755.6-756.1 ; KCHKKHM-2 214.2-3; KCHKKHM-3 442.4; CHBYMTNYP 252b5; MBNTH 58b2. Only HBCHBY (JA) 35b7: sKyiId1chu and DTHZHG 39.13: gTsang-chab (= gTsang-chu, meaning both river and representing Brahmaputra, also HBCHBY (JA) 151b6) help us with an attempt to restore GLR which merely reads g.yu 'brug sngon mo chu. Normally, one would expect a mountain, but I am unable to identify such one from the given testimonies. In Chinese lore, the green dragon of spring is associated with the eastern quarter of the sky. The dragon is in their mythology associated with the river from which it springs, cf. Dieny, 1987, pp. 87, 116-117; Karmay, 1993, p. 151. Equally interesting, KCHKKHM-2 306.17307.2 has an brief, (though somewhat distorted), etymology of Kyid [ = sKyid]-shod and Kyi [ = sKyid1-chu (cf. also 313.7-8). Here sKyid-chu sngon-mo, incidentally, is also glossed with g.yu chu sngon mo, as above. In PMKTH (Chap. 56, 346.9- 10) the (waters of?) gTsang-po or Brahmaputra river is said to resemble a turquoise-blue dragon (g.yu 'brug). The entire geomantic scenario is e.g. paralleled in Myang chos-'byung (Chin. ed., 159.1-2, 181.8-10) which relates about the river of the turquoise dragon, but there of the northern direction in connection with the description of a Site in gTsang. For the turquoise-blue dragon, cf. also Karrnay, 1972, p. 11. 768 MNKB 133b5: Bya-phu, 136al; KCHKKHM-2 214.3; KCHKKHM-3 442.4: Brag-phu; CHBYMTNYP 252b6; MBNTH 58b2; HBCHBY (JA) 35b7: Shun gyi Brag-dmar rTe-gdong; mountain that topographically resembles] the black tortoise (rus sbal nag po) is found, [to be identified with the black boulder, i.e. the] Pha-bong-kha of ~ y a n ~ - b r a n ~ . ~ ~ ~ IIII][The Twelve Temples Suppressing the Demoness] Thus, in order to suppress all the major limbs and members of the supine raksusr, twelve immovable bolts [are to be] pinned down (mi 'gyur ba'i gzer bcu gnyis zer) [into her body],77o viz. the Four Temples Taming the Border (mrha' 'dul gyi grsug lag on^):'^' [I] [2] [3] [4] In In In In g. Yo-ru [district], the Khra-'brug [temple], sPu [= dBu]-ru [district], the Ka-rtsal [temple], g.Yas-ru [district], the gTsang-'phrang temple, gTsang [district], the Grum-pa rGyang temple. In case this [should] not be enough [to suppress her], then build the Four Temples IYl"HZHG 39.13. For the rock of Shun, cf. note 741. 769 GLR A: Pho-'ong-kha. MNKB E (Ca) 133b5: Byang r h - r j e , 136al; KCHKKHM-1 757.1 ; KCHKKHM-2 214.3-4; K~HKKHM-3 442.4; CHBYMTNYP 252b6; MBNTH 58b2; HBCHBY (JA) 35b7; DTHZHG 39.13-14; the adamantine black tortoise. Also here a number of the above versions refrains from identifying the mountain in question. At Nyang-bran Pha-bong-kha in sKyid-shod the king erected a solid castle in nine levels, cf. TSLKHKCH 4b6. Pha-bong-kha was formerly the place where mThon-mi (cf. note 462) invented the Tibetan alphabet (cf. HBCHBY (JA) 16a4-5; Chab-spel, 1989(b), p. 157) denoted sku mWuu Ma-N. Cf. also note 496 supra. On Pha-bong-kha, one of the most sacred sites in Tibet, cf. Femri, p. 42, n. 86. 770 The specific reference to twelve bolts pinning down the demoness is lacking from all the primary or parallel sources, except by a somewhat distorted parallel found in Nel-pa. The presentation and division of the scheme of the twelve temples of Ru-gnon, mThal-'dul and Yang-'dul in GLR is when compared against the other versions - somewhat misplaced. Consequently, our discussion and possible identification of each temple will follow under the respective notes, nos. 832-858 i e a . GLR's present version of the scheme is decidedly distorted. Firstly, the author, Bla-ma dampa, or perhaps a later redactor of the text?, has confused the mTha'-'dul bzhi scheme with that of the Ru-gnon bzhi (cf. next note) here in the present quote as well as later in this cbapter. In the light of new sources which have surfaced since the publication of Aris' study on this interesting scheme in 1979, loc. cit. pp. 3-33 (with tables), we may now augment Aris' listing of ten sources that delineate this concentric diagram. Contrary to what is commonly assumed, it was Hummel who first made a very brief description of this scheme, cf. Hummel, 1962. As already noted by Aris, op. cir. pp. 8-9, this gwmantic classification constitutes a key subplot in the narrative of Srong-btsan sgam-po's Vita and yet, tracing the individual temples and their locations, there are, in my eyes, cogent reasons - albeit still with some scepticism - to accept the rough outline of this scheme and its historicity. For an expansion of the lists of the scheme drawn from new sources, cf. Appendix, note 770. 771 AS adduced in the previous note the following four temples should not be subsumed under tbe mTha'-'dul, but should be classified as the Four Ru-gnon temples, in accordance with the general conception of this scheme, cf. Aris and Appendix, note 770. Taming [the area] Beyond [the Border] (yang [mthal 'dul gyi lha [I] Gong [= Kongl-po Bu-chu'i lha-khang, [2] 'Khon [= Khol-mthing gser gyi lha-khang, [3] Byams-sprin dGe-rgyas kyi lha-khang, [4] sPra-dun-[r] tse'i Iha-khang. In case this [should] not be enough [to suppress her], then raise Four Temples Suppressing the [Four] Horns (ru [glnon gyi lha k h ~ n ~ Namely, ) ! ~ ~ ~ [I] [2] [3] [4] In Khams, Klong-thang sGron-ma [lha-khang], Bum-thang sKyer-chu'i lha-khang, mTshal-rigs Shes-rab sgron-ma'i Iha-khang, Tshang[s]-pa Rlung-[glnon gyi lha-khang. These [four] must first be erected! Although [you] should not be able to fulfill [the task], be sure to attain the kila @hur-[bu]) ritual of the soil! If you proceed accordingly, you will [certainly] encounter no obstracles when raising [your] temples. In space, the eight-spoked wheel [is seen], on earth the eight-petal lotus, and the sides [of the mountains] the eight auspicious tokens [are seen].774 The very spot [upon which we now stand] is the very heart of the [prostrate] demoness. [You] must proceed successively in accordance with the previous auspices (rten 'brel)! As to the first [act, the] choking up (bsubs pa) of the lake [of '0-thang]: [Your mistress] must fill [it] up by loading [dug-up earth] upon white goats! Upon that [dried-up and filled-in] lake you must [then] erect [your] temple! D o not succomb to any adverse view of jealousy!" w i t h ] these [words] the Chinese princess taught the maid-servant of the Nepalese princess properly.775 Now, when the maid-servant arrived in the presence of Khri-btsun, she ot the [mantic] message [tendered by princess Kong-jo all] mixed up (phrin gong 'og 'dzol).' After having [related properly] about how to eliminate the previously [mentioned] [geomantic] impediments [how] to S U I S S the terrestrial antagonists [anent] the existence of the [propitious] attributes (yon tan) and [anent] the erection of the mTha'-'dul and Yang [mtha'l-'dul temples, she forgot the detailed descriptions concerning the very means, [i.e.] 772 Cf. note 770 supra. 773 The temples listed here are generally conceived to pertain to the Yang-'dul bzhi scheme, cf. the notes 770-771 supra. 774 Y K B E (Ca) 130a5-6, 133a2, 135b4, (Cd) 198a4-5; KCHKKHM-2 203.4-6, 213.15-17,222.911; KCHKKHM-3 437.5,441.2-3; CHBYMTNYP 248bl-2,251b3-4; MBNTH 5 8 b ; GBCHBY 278.9-12; TSLKHKCH 3b4. Cf. also Appendix, note 726 and note 754ff. 775 MNKB E (Ca) 133a4-5, (Cd) 198b5-6; KCHKKHM-I 756.6; KCHKKHM-2 215.11-13. 776 MNKB E (Ca) 133a3, (Cd) 198b6; KCHKKHM-1 757.4; KCHKKHM-2 215.14-15; CHBYMTNYP 255a3; MBNTH 58b4; DTHZHG 40.12; TSLKHKCH 4b2. 777 Cf. note 728 and Appendix, note 726. 778 Cf. note 728 and Appendix, note 726. the auspices.779When the [princess] inquired about which place was the most approprialc site for raising a temple, [the female maiden] responded that the twelve temples had to be erected first in all directions. "The lake [of '0-thang] must be filled up my] loadin earth on goats (ra la sa khol la mrsho bsubs), upon which the temple was to be erected."7J Khribtsun was doubtful, put] she [nevertheless] loaded earth upon goats in order to fill the lake in accordance with the instruction of the maiden. But [in vain], since she was not even capable of filling up even a trifle part of the lake. She now understood that she had be misinformed by the Chinese princess and [therefore] became jealous and [very] depressed.'" Without even reporting [it] to the king, and lending an ear to [what] some ministers [suggested her], she came to know about a spot [endowed] with an auspicious geomantic probe on the meadow plain (ne'u rhang) of Ladong.782She [consequently] laid the foundation of a temple, but everything she raised during the day was tracelessly razed to the ground during [the following] night by the [local] lhu'dre creatures. This [naturally] made Khri-btsun [very] gloomy (yi mug) and frustrated and, [in despair] she [turned] to the king, to whom she reported [what had happened]. He, [in turn then] declared: "Do not despair! I know a [oracular] source where we can ask for advice. "783 That [very] night the king propitiated the statue of his [personal] tutelary deity (yi dam gyi lha, istadevatd) and from the heart of the statue of the tutelary deity, a ray of light emanated and [was seen] being absorbed into the lake [of '0-thang]. 779 1.e. the terrestrial renovations or cure (bcos kha byed pa); cf. Appendix, note 726, and note 728 supra. 780 MNKB E (Ca) 133a4-5, (Cd) 198b6; KCHKKHM-1 756.6, 757.4-6; KCHKKHM-2 215.1 1-19; 22i. 10-11,269.17-19, 270.12-13; KCHKKHM-3 442.7; CHBYMTNYP 255a3; MBNTH 60b4; good earth was to be camed from 'Phan-yul (KCHKKHM-2 being even more specific: earth was brought from a place named Them-bu Ikog-pa located in dBu-ru 'Phan-yul gyi mdo-smad) being loaded on the backs of a thousand white she-goats. Later a temple, ([Yer-pa] Them-bu kog-pa'i h a khang; so also MBNTH 74b6, KCHKKHM-3 467.5, but MNKB 206a1-2: Khrims-bu kog-pa; KCHKKHM-1 790.2: Them-bu bkod-pa) was erected, being Aised by Zhang-zhung-bza' Li-thigsman. For this temple, cf. note 905 infro. Instead of khol (imp. of 'gel ba, to load) other versions read sky01 (imp. of skyel ha, to carry) and skyos (imp. of skya ba). Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 36a2-3. 781 MNKB E (Ca) 133b1, (Cd) 199al-2 (here Khri-btsun seeks advice from the king); KCHKKHM-1 75j.6-758.1; KCHKKHM-3 443.1 ; CHBYMTNYP 255a3-5. 782 KCHKKHM-1 753.2; KCHKKHM-2 2 11.1- 10; KCHKKHM-3 440.3-4; MBNTH 57a4; GBCHBY 279.21 -280.2; post-GLR: HBCHBY (JA) 35a2-4; DTHZHG 38.16-19; TSLKHKCH 4b3; Tsong-kha-pa rNam-thar, 13b (Kaschewsky, p. 177 wrongly reeds La-gdong Ne'u-thab) (the four latter sources following GLR). Conspicuously absent from M?IKB. This section of GLR is somewhat misplaced in the narrative sequence of the story, as the erection of a temple at La-dong should properly antecede the attempts at erecting the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang upon the lake of '0-thang and should precede the full divinatory calculation contrived by Kong-jo upon the request of Khribtsun as delineated at the inception of this chapter. Probably the author of GLR has been confused by the circumstance that Kong-jo, as demonstrated by almost all the primary sources (cf. e.g. Appendix, note 726), in fact contrived two or rather three successive geomantic probes. The present independent attempt by Khri-btsun to raise a temple at La-dong thus took place after the first geomantic analysis had been completed by Kong-jo, and it was actually the failure of the attempt at La-dong that prompted Khri-btsun to seek advice from the king, who then suggested her to consult her rival, Kong-jo, which then led the latter to conduct her second geomantic probe on behalf of the Nepalese princess. 783 Y K B E (Ca) 134a3-4, (Cd) 199a2; KCHKKHM-1 758.2-3; KCHKKHM-2 217.1-4; KCHKKHM-3 443.3-4; CHBYMTNYP 255a5-6; GBCHBY 280.3-6. [m[The Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang Temple Miraculously Manifested] The king therefore thought that it would be good if the temple was erected upon the filled-up lake, and the king told Khri-btsun: "Saddle [your] horse! Tomorrow the two of us shall go for a leisure. n784 The following day as the king and the queen, the two, repaired to recreate [themselves] at the grassy plain (ne'u thang) along the shore of the lake. The king spoke: "Take off your finger-ring (sor gdub) and throw it into the air! You [must] erect the temple at the plain where it falls down. n785 SOKhri-btsun propitiated the statue of the [king's] tutelary deity and then threw the finger-ring into the air. It enveloped [itself] into a veil of light-rays ('od zer gyi gang bur ' d r i which ~ ~ ~then ~ fell into the lake.787 Khri-btsun then thought: "If I were to erect a temple upon [this very] lake itself, then I shall in no possible way be able to fulfill the task in this very life." When she alighted the horse, she was in a [very] depressed mood, but the king [consoled] her by saying: "You [should] not cry, instead look into the lake! It is [truly a sight of] many wonders!" Khri-btsun wiped away her tears and looked: In the lake a caitya was [to be] seen, [solely] roduced out of a multitude of radiating rays of light and having nine steps (khri 'phang)%' These [rays] [made] the entire lake be connected by a net-work of lightbeams, which appeared with the contour (ri mo) of a temple.789[By this sight] Khri-btsun [relgained [her] confidence and the king moreover promised to assist [her] in erecting the temple. The following day the king, accompanied by an assembly of ministers and by the sounding of music, arrived at the shore of the lake bringing along the self-originated sandalwood statue. In the four directions around the lake the Idla-ritual was carried out (sa phur gtab bo). A large banner was hoisted and prayers were uttered. Khri-btsun propitiated [her] lapislazuli-made begging-bowl (lhung bzed, pindapdtra), whereby food and drink were secured ad infiniturn. The entire Tibetan population'was [then] imposed to work. [The subterranean water flowing from] sKye [ = sKyid?]-chu [that was threatening to flood the edifice] was changed into [harmless] water-bubbles (skye chu sbo ba gdong la bsgy~r).790 In the four 784 MNKB E (Ca) 133a4-b4; KCHKKHM-1 758.4-6; KCHKKHM-2 217.4-1 1; KCHKKHM-3 443.4-5; CHBYMTNYP 253b5-6; GBCHBY 280.8- 10; HBCHBY (JA) 36a4. 785 MNKB E (Ca) 134b5; KCHKKHM-1758.6; KCHKKHM-2 218.13- 16; KCHKKHM-3 444.2-4; CHBYMTNYP 254a2; MBNTH 59b5-6; GBCHBY 280.10-13; HBCHBY (JA) 36a4-5. In these versions it is the king who throws the ring into the air. 786 Or read gang por, i.e. into a lump of [light], as suggested by Jischke, Dict. p. 66. 787 MNKB 135a3-6; KCHKKHM-1758.6-759.1; KCHKKHM-2 218.15-1 6; KCHKKHM-3 444.4-5; c ~ Y M T N Y P254a2-4; MBNTH 59b5-6; GBCHBY 280.10- 13. These versions, contrary to GLR, narrate that the ring first stroke the sattle of the horse and then bounched back into the lake. .. MBNTH: three. 788 MNKB: five parisando-s; 789 MNKB E (Ca) 135a4-5; KCHKKHM-1 759.2-6. 790 The text here in GLR is somewhat distorted, a state of affair it shares with a number of parallel sources which contain other fragments germane to this interesting and semi-obscure passage. Chabspel, op. cit., 1989, p. 191, reads these two lines metrically, i.e. directions around the lake [the workers] were urged to drag [huge quantities ofj stones (mtsho'i phyogs bzhir rdo bskyed [= skya] du bcug) [and to amass them there], whereby the lake [eventually] assumed a quadratic shape (mtsho gm bzhir b c o ~ ) . ~ ~ ' Subsequently, huge blocks of stones (rdo dpe chen po) were pitched in each of the cardinal points of the [square-formed] lake in sets of four. The king then approached these stones and [from there he] perceived a light-caitya in the middle of the lake [whereupon he] offered up prayers. Under the recitation of the Six-syllabic [formula] by the ministers, the stones were then thrown into the water and due to the [magical] strength of the king's prayers a square stone-caitya rose in the middle of the lake, being endowed with nine steps ( f i n 'phang, parisanda) and manifesting [itselfj spontaneously Ijust] like the axle of a mill-stone (rang 'thug gi Zte ba), standing firm, solid and unchangable. m i s scenario] was thoroughly observed [not only] by the king [and the queen, i.e.1 the father and mother, [but also by] the accompanied assembly of ministers, [a sight] which aroused great confidence and veneration in all [those attending]. Subsequently, sixteen long and thick logs stemming from the cedar-tree (shing shug pa) were cut [into shape], the bases (nsa ba) were attached to the huge stone blocks in each of the four comers and the top (nse mo) [of the logs were made to] lean against the selforiginated stone-caitya in the middle of the lake, which thereby resembled the ribs of a canopy (gdugs nsib ma).Thereupon, a large quantity of long and thick timber-logs [ofj the gla-ba tree7 were cut [in shape] and [then] placed atop the [earlier construction] in a chequered pattern (mig mangs ris su Next, the timber[-foundation] was plastered with a [marvellous]adamantine mortar (rdo I bod 'bangs tham cad las la bskul I O skye bo sbu ba gdong la bsgyur I (Note: Chab-spel emends skye chu to skye bo in order to make the cryptic passage understandable, but GLR skye chu = sKyid-chu must be retained). This construction is doubtful, as this couplet would then stand isolated against the rest of the prose-text. For a full discussion of the relevant passages and an attempt to construe the background, cf. Appendix note 790. 791 MNKB E (Cd) 199a4-5; KCHKKHM-1 760.6-761.4; GBCHBY 280.19-281.1 (somewhat different); MBNTH 60a6-bl . 792 MNKB E (Cd) 199a3; KCHKKHM-2 221.3-5; CHBTMTNYP 254b4. The gla ba species of tree is tree of wmmon sight in Tibet, the term gla ba however has apparently gone out of usage at least as a technical-biological term for a specific species, but has probably retained its usage as a common, popular idiom. One looks in vain for any specification or even entry of the gla ba in any Tibetan herbal treatise or any dictionary for that matter. The reason is that it has since long been substituted with its more well-known name star bu, i.e. the Hippophae rhamnoides, or the sea buckthorn, a thorny poisonous tree, cf. Swrensen, 1990, p. 376. According to Shel-gong shelphreng, three species, all thorny, are found, a tall species reaching almost to the second storey of a house, a middle-sized one, having the size of the human body and a small shrubby type of species, growing along and in the marshy banks of lakes and rivers. Here evidently there is reference to the tall species which was used in the construction of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang, cf. also KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. XVIII, 158.19-21: nsig pa shing gla ba; 160.18: gla ba shing chen. It is excellent as building-material. It has nothing to do with m t a or cyperus rotundus = gla sgang etc. as is commonly assumd. Cf. also note 729 supra. a 793 MNKB E (Ca) 135a1-2 (less detailed); KCHKKHM-1 761.2-5 (slightly diferent); KCHKKHM-2 220.4-221.12 slightly differently detailed so also KCHKKHM-3 445.5-446.2; CHBYMTNYP 254b6-255a1. je'i 'jim pa) [originally] acquired by the emanational bhiksu AkaramatiSila, who [once] by magical means had gone to the land of the Niiga-s and [there fetched] the adamantine clay. Being [now] applied to the timber-logs, [the construction] was [made] not to rotten even if it remained underwater for an aeon, made imperishable by fire and [generally] made undestructab~e.~~~ Upon this, [layers of] planks (pang leb) were applied, followed by [layers ofJ bricks (so phag), which then were soldered with melted bronze (khro chus gdamr).795 [Finally ,] on top of this, the [entire] surface was levelled (sa 'Mod snyoms par by@) and thus, in the earth-male-dog year (638 A.D.), the filling up of the lake of '0-thang had been successfully accomplished. In the thirty-third [year] of the Dharmariija [Srong-btsan sgam-pol, the foundation of the successful construction of 1Ha-sa was laid and in the earth-female-pig year (639 A.D.), the temple [itself] was founded, but when the edifice was about half finished, and everyone rejoiced, [the entire temple-construction] was overthrown by the [local] lha 'dre creatures overnight.796 Again, Khri-btsun was plunged in grief and went into the presence of the king, [where] she entreated: "Great king! I am unable to erect a temple upon the filled-in lake. Please come along amd inspect my temple!" The king responded [[with consoling words]: "Do not despair! I have a place we can consult for an [oracular] advice!n797 [VJ [The Eleven-headed AvalokiteSvara] Then the king offered up prayers to the statue of [his personal] tutelary deity, whereby [as an response] an immaterial (gzugs med pa) sound occured [from] out of space: "King! In case you raise an effigy (sku 'bag) of yourself, a [statue of] Jo-bo [AvalokiteSvara] then no 794 MNKB E (Cd) 1 9 9 6 6 ; KCHKKHM-1 760.6-761.2; KCHKKHM-2 221.5-7; KCHKKHM-3 446.1-3; CHBYMTNYP 255a3; MBNTH 60b2-4; GBCHBY 281.2-4; HBCHBY (JA) 36b6-7. 795 MNKB E (Cd) 199a6-bl ; KCHKKHM-1 761.2-3; KCHKKHM-2 221.8- 13; KCHKKHM-3 446.2-3; CHBYMTNYP 255a4-6; GBCHBY 28 1.4-6. 796 KCHKKHM-2 222.3-5; KCHKKHM-3 446.5. The date indicated in GLR, which can only refer to 639 A.D. in our calender, is not much amiss. According to some of these texts, he was born in 617 A.D. (but 569 A.D. according to other sources, cf. note 1046 infra), was thirteen when he came on the throne, and in his twenty-third year the foundation was laid: 639 A.D. Preciser information offers dPa'-bo, who usually slavishly follows or, at least parallels GLR. He states, HBCHBY op. cit. 41b5, that the Nepalese consort Khri-btsun arrived in Tibet in the water-female-dragon year when the king was sixteen years old. This would correspond to 632 A.D (but 634 A.D. acc. to YLJBCHBY 52.7 and HBCHBY itself 27bl-2). When the king was twenty, in the fire-monkey year, the Chinese consort arrived in Tibet: 636 A.D. The lake of '0-thang was filled in a dog year, when the king was twenty-two, i.e. 638 A.D. and the foundation was laid in the earth-female-pig year, when the king was twenty-four: 639 A.D.; cf. also YLJBCHBY 52.7-14, whereas KCHKKHM-2 264.2-3 maintains that the king was thirty-four when Ra-sa was erected. The chronology here thus makes sense in its own right, only it fits badly with reliable Chinese records which inform us that Kong-jo first arrived in Tibet 641 A.D. And although Kong-jo only had little to do with the erection of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang, she allegedly was active in pointing out, geomantically, the site as delineated in this chapter. 797 KCHKKHM-2 222.5-7. omnious factors ('gal rkyen) whatsoever will occur [which may harass] the construction of your templen, whereafter [the sound] disappeared.798 The king then questioned the Nepalese sculptors:799 "Carrying the name: 'My Effigy' (nga'i sku 'bag), Are you capable of erecting [such a statue ofj the Noble Eleven-headed [Avalokiteivara]?" [They] responded: " W e ] are able!" As material [for] erecting (bzo rgyu) [the statue they] gathered numerous wonderous items [all] acquired from India, such as fragments ( d m bu) of [the fragrant] 'snakeheart-sandalwood' (uragasdracandana) , fragments of 'the branches ~ ~ ~ M(Sdkhd) ), from the Bodhi-tree, [fragrant] cowhead-sandalwood' ( ~ O S ~ ~ S U C U 'island-grass' (gle'i 'jag ma, vrrana) from the ocean, [sacred] sand (Sikard) from the river NairaiijanH and earth from the eight great hermitages [in India] etc. When it had been thoroughly grounded and [subsequently] milk from a red cow and a white goat had been applied, then [the material] was made into a large compound of clayish matter ('jim pa'i phung po) which [finally] was deposited on the sleeping pillow (dbu sngar) of the king's jewel-mounted couch ( ~ l r i ) [While] . ~ ~ ~ the king offered up prayers to [the statue of the] tutelary deity, he speculated what kind [of form] among the numerous forms of Avalokita [should] be erected as his [personal] tutelary deity, and [recognizing] that the most superior (lhag pa) [would] be the Eleven-Headed (Ehdaiamukha) [AvalokiteSvara denoted the] WishGranting Gem (CinGmani, Yid-bzhin nor-bu), he thought that it had better] be erected. The king observed [how] all the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas gathered [in a number so infinite] as motes [gather] in a sun-beam, and [how] they were absorbed into [this] compound of clayish matter. The king thought: "Certainly this bless-bestowing (byin rlabs can) tutelary deity of mine is oing to arrive [here]", whereafter he fell asleep on the couch mounted with precious stones.881 At sunrise early in the morning the Ehdahmukha Cintiimqi occured self-manifested 798 KCHKKHM-2 223.7-9 (brief); CHBYMTNYP 255b4-5. 799 MNKB E (Cd) 200a5: lha bzo Khri-pa; KCHKKHM-1 767.2 mentioning that the name of the ~ebalesesculptor was Ha-shang khri-pa; KCHKKHM-2 223.10-1 1; KCHKKHM-3 446.4-5; MBNTH 61b3-4. I construe the present passage as two versified lines. For similar types of idols, named 'my effigy' or 'my likeness', cf. Ferrari, p. 80, n. 366; Ronge, 1990. 800 MNKB E (Cd) 200a6-bl ; KCHKKHM-1 767.4-768.1 ; KCHKKHM-2 223.1 1-224.5; KCHKKHM-3 446.6-447.2; CHBYMTNYP 255b4-256al; MBNTH 61b4-6; GBCHBY 282.4-10; HBCHBY (JA) 37a1-2; TSLKHKCH 5b2-3. 801 MNKB E (Cd) 200bI-6; KCHKKHM-1768.1-769.1; KCHKKHM-2 224.10-225.4; KCHKKHM3 447.2-3; CHBYMTNYP 256al -b2; MBNTH 62a2-bl ; GBCHBY 282.10-15; HBCHBY (JA) 37al; TSLKHKCH 5b4-5; Tsong-kha-pa rNam-thar 13a (Kaschewsky, pp. 176-177). TWOiconographies or idols of an Eleven-headed form of Avalokitdvara carrying the name or representing CintSmani are actually found. As seen in Chap. XI earlier in GLR (note 544), an idol, only not an autogenoLs one, was created. The first or older one is, as alluded to in the present narrative, inserted into the present idol. This 'double' statue, later known as Rang-byon Inga-Idan, later became the idol into which the king and his two principal consorts were absorbed during their ritual apotheosis, cf. note 1064-65 infro. Cf. also Ferrari, 1958, p. 39, n. 40;Macdonald, 1967, p. 479-81. [on the pillow of the couch], wherefore the divine artisans thus did not need to mould [it]. This [statue's] three lowest faces were white with a smiling countenance ('dzum pa, smira) and [displayed] the [ritual] act of appeasing (zhi ba, Sdntika); the three faces above these were of a golden colour, with raging wrathful countenance (mgams pa'i khro) and [displaying] the [ritual] act of expanding (rgyaspa, pausrika). The two faces above these, had a coulour of coral and with a malicious wrathful countenance (bzhad pa'i khro) and [displayed] the [ritual] act of dominating (dbang, vdrkarana). Above these two black faces were [seen] with wrathful countenances and with [the mouth] wide open, [displaying] the [ritual] act of forceful[ness] (drag po, abhicdruka). Above these was the countenance of Amideva (i .e. Amitfibha) with the colour of minium orange (li khri, sindara) [the size of the statue] beneath the countenance of Amideva matched the size of the king's [actual] body. The hand-held emblems (phyag mtshan, hastacihna) of the ten basic hands of the DharmakFiya[-medium]: The two first held together the palms of the hands (thal mo sbyar, pragrhitdfljali) in front of the breast; in the second [hand] to the right a rosary-bead (bgrang phrehg, japamdld) [was held]; in the third a wheel ('khor lo, cakra), in the fourth the [mudrd ofJ bestowing (mchog sbyin, varada) and in the fifth a [statue of) Amitfibha was held. In the two hands to the left [hand] a white lotus was held; in the third a water-pot (ril ba spyi blugs, karakinr); in the fourth a jewel, and in the fifth an arrow and a bow.**02 The thirty-eight'[emblemsattached to] the hands Cyan lag, ariga) of the Sambhogakiya[medium]: In the nineteen hands to the right were successively held: in the first a jewel, in the second a lasso (zhags pa, p d a ) , in the third a begging-bowl (lhung bzed, pdtra), in the fourth a knife (ral gri, khadga), in the fifth a sceptre (rdo rje, vajra), in the sixth a sun-stone (me shel, sliryakdntamani); in the seventh a moon stone (chu shel, candrakdntamani), in the eighth a bow (gzhu, dhanu), in the ninth a rod (lcug ma, latdvallr), in the tenth a [ceremonial] g.yag-tail (mga yab, cdmara), in the eleventh a shield @hub,phara), in the twelfth a bottle (bum pa, ghata), in the thirteenth a hatchet (dgra sta, pardu), in the fourteenth a rosery (phreng ba, mild), in the fifteenth a blue lotus @admasngon po, nilapadma), in the sixteenth a water-pot (spyi blugs, kundikd), in the seventeenth a sun (nyi ma, sarya), in the eighteenth a white 'water-bom' [pudarika] lotus (chu skyes dkar po) and in the ninteenth a com-ear ('bras kyi snye ma, phal&afljari). In the nineteenth hands to the left [the emblems] successively held: in the first a white cloud (spnn dkar, Suklamegha), in the second a water-pot (spyi blugs, kundikd), in the third a lotus, in the fourth a dagger (ral gri, khadga), in the fifth a conch (dung, Sarlkha), in the sixth a skull (thod pa, kapdla), in the seventh a rosery, in the eighth a bell (dril bu, ghanld), in the ninth a sceptre, in the tenth a hook (lcags kyu, arikzda), in the eleventh a staff ('khar gsil, khakhara), in the twelfth a [statue ofJ Buddha in the Nirm2nakiiya-[medium], in the thirteenth a [miniature] temple, in the fourteenth a book (glegs barn, pustaka), in the fifteenth a wheel, in the sixteenth a [statue of] Buddha, in the seventeenth a fruit (shing thog), in the eighteenth a lotus @adma ge sar, padmakeSara) and in the nineteenth a jewel. The thousand minor hands (nying lag, pratyariga) of its Nirm2nak%ya[-medium] appeared most beautiful, In the palm of each hand was an eye of wisdom (ifldnaca~us). Hands and feet were ornamented with golden bracelets (gdu gu, valaya) and snakes. The wrathful countenances were beset with three eyes and the brownish (kham pa) head-hair was 802 "gloss: The hands of the Nim-nakdya-[medium] wereframed by the artisan. When it occured selfmanifested there was nothing besides these basic hands [visible]. Source unidentified. Possibly a personal observation by the glossarist. wound upwards. The bodies were all embellished with precious ornaments, emitting rays of light in all ten directions. The upper part of the body was covered by a skin of the antilope, just covering the left nipple. It was [moreover] adorned with the [thirty-two] marks and [eighty] features [of a Mah%puru?]. As the king observed [how] [the statue] manifested itself so clearly in light, he was filled with great joy. He now addressed [his] Nepalese sculptors: "Although most wonderously this receptacle of yours has already been erected so swift, still this autogenous (rang byon) statue [of mine] made from sandalwood coming from India and these relics of the seven [previous] successive Buddhas (sangs rgym rubs bdun) need to be installed (bzhugs 'jug rgyu yin) in the breast of this receptacle [too]." The sculptors responded: "We have not personally erected this receptacle, it is self-manifest (rang byon)." Immediately after, the statue [began] to move, and the [image's] undergarment (sham thabs, antarvdsa) [covering] the left leg was tussed up above the knee @us mo'i gong du brdzes). Thereafter a ray of light emanated from the breast [of the receptacle, embraced and] guided (spyan drangs) the self-manifested sandal-wood statue and the relics of Buddha whereafter [these items] took up residence in the posture of jfldmatma in its breast. The countenance of AmiCibha slanted slightly (cung yo ba) to the left and the undergarments remained in the position above the knee, which they have even done ever since. The 'snakeheart sandalwood' was [as material] employed as backbone (srog shing) for the heads [of this statue], whereas two [trunks from] the Bodhi-tree (bodhivrkra) were used as backbone for the [erection ofj the feet. The previous[ly mentioned] items 'made u [the material] for the [erection] of the [remaining] torso. [Finally] flowers were strewn.80s Subsequently, the Nepalese sculptors erected [the images ofl the retinue ('Wtor, panvdra) [surrounding the principal self-generated image]: LokeSvara ('Jig-rten dbangphyug), Kharsarp~i,Bhrkuti (Khro-gnyer-can), TZri (sGrol-ma), Mafici ('Od-zer-can), Sarasvati(dByangs-can-ma),A m e n d. a. l i (bDud-rtsi 'khyil-pa) and ~ rHayagriva i (dPal rTamgrin). 804 All directions were thereby filled with auspicious omens and even the soil shook in six directions. Now the king [and queen], father and mother, together with the assembly of ministers carried along various items of offerings and then offered up prayers [to the image]. While [thus] propitiating the king's receptacle [in order] to avert [all] omnious factors ('gal rkyen bzlog) for erecting the temple and [in order] to secure favourable factors (mthun rkyen sgrub) [for its construction], a huge number of 'dre srin spirits and Asura-s gathered at the foot of the trunk of a poisonous tree at [the place] Zla[= Glal-ba-tshal [located in] the western direction.805They argued: "This two-headed [personage] called Srong-btsan sgam-po has 803 MNKB E (Cd) mb5-201a6; KCHKKHM-1 768.6-771.2; KCHKKHM-2 225.5-227.13; KCHKKHM-3 447.3-449.3; CHBYMTNYP 256b2-b6; MBNTH 62bl-63a6; GBCHBY 282.15283.16; HBCHBY (JA) 37a3-6, 38a2-4. The above full description is also found in the other versions, only comparatively briefer. Said to be the first autogenous idol in Tibet. Cf. note 801. 804 GBCHBY 284.8- 13; Tsong-kha-pa rNam-thar 13a (Kaschewsky, p. 177). K B E (Cd) 201a3-5; KCHKKHM-177 1.4; KCHKKHM-2 227.14- 17; KCHKKHM-3 45 1.3805 Y 6; MBNTH 63a6-bl ; GBCHBY 281.18-20,283.17-18;HBCHBY (JA) 37bl-2; DTHZHG 42.1-2; TSLKHKCH 6a 1 . Cf. note 729, but also 792 supra. GLR: Zla-ba-tshal, but read Gla-ba-tshal. A poisonous tree from which these creatures acquired their nourishment ('dre r n m gso byed p 'i dug shing). destroyed our meeting-place ('dm sa) and blocked [our] oft-frequented alleys (rgyu srang). We too shall not allow him to built his temple, [we] shall take the life of those practicing the virtuous path, and [constantly] be bringing about frost, hail and plagues (sad ser ba dang nad yams). [All this] the king knew [through his clairvoyant faculty] and he intensively offered up prayers to the [eleven-headed image ofl Arya [AvalokiteSvara]. As [a response] a ray of light emitted from the smiling countenance of Arya, which turned into fire. [Likewise,] from the wrathful countenance a ray of light emitted which materialized into Hayagriva and Amrtakundali. These two wrathful deities hit the trunk of the poisonous tree at Gla-ba-tshal with [the;;] fire of wisdom (iRdna) just like lightning struck down in the middle of a heap of peas (srang phung dkyil du thog babs pa). Some of the 'dre-demons fainted, some were struck [to the ground] and lamented highly.''' The two wrathful deities then chased these [spirits] away with [their] fire of wisdom, beyond the outer greater ocean and [thus] ascertained that [they could] not return. When the fire of wisdom stroke the rock of Gla-ba-tshal [an image ofJ Kharsapani manifested [itselfJ self-generated on the rock. The following day the king amved in the presence of the self-generated [image] accompanied by a retinue of ministers, where they presented offerings and offered up prayers. A hymn of praise was uttered:808 "AvalokiteSvara, Protector of the World (Lokaniitha), Ornamented with the head-crown of Munindra With an effulgent white body-colour, resembling the glacier mountains, Unstained by emotional affliction like a lotus [in pureness], Imbued with might and great compassion. For all miserable and destituted sentient beings The illnesses and sufferings are allayed. To [this] Protector turned Peing], [we] pay our respects." Although the self-generated [image of Kharsapani] was clearly visible upon the rock, the Nepalese sculptors (lha bto) chiselled it out clearly '[upon the rock] in order to secure the 806 MNKB E (Ca) 137a2-3, (Cd) 201b2-6; KCHKKHM-1 771.2-3; KCHKKHM-2 227.14-228.8; CI-~YMTNYP 258a3-b2; MBNTH 63bl-64a3; GBCHBY 281.19-282.3; HBCHBY 37b1-3; DTHZHG 42.1 -4. 807 MNKB E (Ca) 137a2-4, (Cd) 201a6-202al; KCHKKHM-1 771.2-6; KCHKKHM-2 228.8-19; KCHKKHM-3 450.7-451.5; CHBYMTNYP 258b2-259a3; MBNTH 64al-4; GBCHBY 283.17284.3; HBCHBY (JA) 37b3-5; DTHZHG 42.5-10; bTsong-kba-pa rNam-thar, 13b (Kaschewsky, p. 177). GLR: Zla-ba-tshal, read: Gla-ba-tshal, cf. note 729. Most suprisingly, a reminiscence of this story is retained in a Bon-text, the Legs-bshad-m&od 164al, tr. Karmay, 1972, p. 79. Here the place is spelled mKhar-chung, i.e. sldkar-chung and as Gla-ba-tshal is situated at sKar-chung to the west of Lhasa, cf. notes 729 and 790, Appendix, this identification and its bearing on this narrative incidence is thus ascertained, wherefore Karmay's tentative suggestion to identify mKhar-chung with IHa-sa mKhar-brag can be rejected. 808 F K B E (Ca) 137a4-5 and HBCHBY (JA) 37b6-7. Aside from these texts, this hymn is lacking altogether from the other versions. sentient beings of posterity [a receptacle wherefrom they] can accumulate merits.Then, thinking [now] that there remains no impediment left for [obstructing] the erection of the temple, the lord and [his] ministers all arrived upon the filled-up lake. [They] blessed the spot and [then] drew the [outlline [for erecting the temple] (thig btab bo). At that time a Nlgarlja [denoted] Buddha Bhagavat appeared, [imbued with] a white body-colour and with the head and neck of a serpent (sbrul gyi gdengs ka can) and endowed with three eyes. He presented to the king a white snake's noose (sbrul zhgs) and requested: "In case any harm [should] occur to his temple of the king [from] within a [whole] Microchiliocosm (stong chung ngu'i ['jig nen gyi W l a . ] , cadar~ra[lokadhdtu]),I shall protect it! Please make an image of me [to be installed in your temple]!"810 Again, the Nlgarlja Ananda appeared. He requested: 'If any harm occurs [which threatens] this temple of the king [from] within an [entire] Mediochiliocosm (stong gnyis bar ma 'i ['jig rten gyi khams], dvisdhasra[lokadhdtu]), I shall protect it! Please erect an image of me!"811 Again the Nagarlja Upinanda emerged, who forwarded [the following] request: 'If any aquatic harm occurs [which threatens] this temple of the king [from] within the [entire] Trichiliomegachiliocosm (stong gsum gyi [stong chen po'i 'jig nen gyi kham], trisdharra[mdhasdhasralokadhdtu]),I shall protect it! Please erect an image of me!"'12 Then the Raksasarlja k k a Dabskandha (mGrin-bcu) occured. He presented a tub full of gold and forwarbeb the request: "If any harm from fire [should] occur [which threatens] this temple of the king, I shall protect it! Please [only] erect an image of me! "'I3 Then the Yaksa Nlga Kubera occured, who presented [the king] with a fine golden rope (gser gyi thag[s] bzang) and requested: "If harm originating [from] the four elements [should] occur to this temple of the king, I shall protect it! [Only] please erect an image of me!"814 Also Mah&itla made [his] appearance and requested: 'If any harm inflicted by Asura-s 809 MNKB E Ca) 137a3-5, (Cd) 202a1-2; KCHKKHM-1771.6-772.2; KCHKKHM-2 228.19-229.1 1 ; KCHKKHM-3 451 5 4 5 2 . 1 ; CHBYMTNYP 259a3-5; MBNTH 64a3-5; GBCHBY 284.4-7; postGLR: HBCHBY (JA) 37b5-38a2; DTHZHG 42.10-12; TSLKHKCH 6al-3. The images of Amitibha, KhasarpHni and Hayagriva made themselves manifest on the rock whereafter they were sculptured by NepaleseINewari craftsmen; the place it hit was the rock of ICags-pho-ri according to KCHKKHM-2, Gla-ba-tshal gyi brag according to the other versions and the site was hereafter given the various metonyms: Brag-lha btsun-gdong, IHa-can-gdong, Brag-lhagdong, 'godly face' or spyan-sdong [ = gdong]. 810 KCHKKHM-1 778.6-3; KCHKKHM-2 246.8-247.1 ; KCHKKHM-3 458.3-5; CHBYMTNYP 266a2-4; MBNTH 67b6-68a4; GBCHBY 288.13- 18; HBCHBY (JA) 43a 1-2. 81 1 MNKB E (Cd) 203a1-2; KCHKKHM-1 779.4-780.1; KCHKKHM-2 247.1-7; KCHKKHM-3 458.6-7; CHBYMTNYP 266a5-bl ; MBNTH 68a4-6; GBCHBY 288.19-289.1 ; HBCHBY (JA) 43a2. 812 V K B E (Ca) 138a6 (brief); KCHKKHM-2 247.8-13; KCHKKHM-3 458.7-459.1 ; CHBYMTNYP 266al-3; MBNTH 68a6-b2; GBCHBY 289.2-4; HBCHBY (JA) 43a2. 813 MNKB E (Ca) 138a6 (brief); KCHKKHM-1 780.2-4; KCHKKHM-2 247.13- 18; KCHKKHM-3 459.3-4; CHBYMTNYP 266b5-267a2; MBNTH 68b2-3; GBCHBY 289.10-12; HBCHBY (JA) 43a3-4. 814 MNKB E (Ca) 138a6, Cd) 203a2-3 (brief); KCHKKHM-2 247.18-248.2; KCHKKHM-3 459.1-3; CHBYMTNYP 266b3-6; MBNTH 68b3-4; GBCHBY 289.5-9; HBCHBY (JA) 43d-3. Cf. also note 1035 infia. or foreign border armies [should] occur [which threatens] this temple of the king, then I shall protect it! Please erect an image of me!"815 Also dPal-ldan 1Ha-mo occured, presented [the king] with an iron net (lcags kyi bre ba)'16 and requested: "If any harm inflicted by the human beings and the ma-mo-s [should] occur [which threatens] this temple of the king, then I shall safeguard it! Please erect an image of me! "817 Again the [Buddhist] bla ma-s occured, requesting: "Please erect this temple of the king in [accordance with] the tradition of the [Buddhist] bla ma-s!" The [Tantric] Mantrikas (sngagspa) next occured, requesting: "Please erect this temple of the king in [accordance with] the tradition of the us [Tantric] Mantrikas!" Then the Bon-po-s made [their] appearance, entreating: "Please erect the temple of the king in [accordance with] the tradition of the Bon-po-s!" Then the Tibetan subjects [finally] made [their] appearance, entreating: "Please erect this temple of the king in the tradition of the [ordinary] Tibetan subjects!"818 [All this] greatly rejoiced the king, who promised everybody [to meet their demands]. Satisfying the Tibetan people with food and drink, the king put [them] to labour work, where some tiled, some constructed the building, some plastered with clay. Thus the lower construction of the temple was brought to a c ~ m ~ l e t i o n . ' ~ ~ * ~ ~ ~ 815 MNKB E (Cd) 203a3; KCHKKHM-3 459.4-5; CHBYMTNYP 267a2-4; MBNTH 68b4-6; GBCHBY 289.13-15; HBCHBY (JA) 43a3. The other texts replace Mahagla with Dri-za Zur-phud Inga-pa. 816 KCHKKHM-1 780.4-5: holding twelve lcags kyi bre ba in his hands; KCHKKHM-2 248.8-9 (so also HBCHBY (JA) 43a4): thirty ditto; KCHKKHM-3 459.5 and CHBYMTNYP 267a5: thirtytwo; MBNTH 69al: thirty-six. All the texts read bre ba, which readily does not make any sense. Perhaps we should read bre bo, a vessel or dra ba, a grate or net. 817 MNKB E (Ca) 138b1, Cd) 203a3-4 (brief); KCHKKHM-1 780.4-6; KCHKKHM-2 248.6-12; KCHKKHM-3 459.5-6; CHBYMTNYP 267a4-b2; MBNTH 68b6-69a2; GBCHBY 289.14-17; HBCHBY (JA) 43a4. 818 MNKB E (Cd) 199b1-2; KCHKKHM-2 221.12-18; KCHKKHM-3 446.3-4; MBNTH 60b4-6; HE~CHBY(JA) 41b7-42al. Cf. also the notes 827-28 infra. 819 MNKB E (Ca) 138al; KCHKKHM-I 773.7-774.6; KCHKKHM-2 236.3-237.13 (more detailed); CI-~YMTNVP 263a2-4; MBNTH 65b1-5; HBCHBY (JA) 42al-2, 42b1-3. 820 *gloss: From the foundation of the 1Ha-sa edijtce until the ordination of 'Tshal-ba Kun-dga ' rdo-j e , 745 years have passed. This is maintained by the sage (rtogs Idon) sNgo-nyal-ma. The chronology is also here corrupt, since according to this calculation, the ordination (rub byung) of Kun-dga' rdo-rje alias dGe-ba'i blo-gros (author of DTHMP), who lived 1309-1364 A.D., would take place: 639 (the approx. date of Ra-sa's foundation, cf. note 796 above) + 745 = ca. 1383-4 A.D. According to Dung-dkar, 1981, p. 1, dGe-ba'i blo-gros took his full ordination (bsnyen rdzogs) in 1328 A.D. and by predating his ordinary ordination a few years, it would, following the above figures, indicate that Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang was founded ca. 580-90 A.D., which is equally absurd. Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan, the ascetic (rtogs Man, kun spangs) nicknamed sNgo-nyalma, 'Blue-sleeper'(?) or rather 'Early-sleeper', is a noted disciple of Bo-dong Phyogs-las rnam-rgyal (1306-1386 A.D.) and of Kun-dga' rdo-rje. Source unidentified. Perhaps a scholium added by a glossarist, who either had personal knowledge of a calculation made by sNgo-nyal-ma or it has been added by this religious figure personally. On this figure, cf. also Myang chos-'byung (Chin. ed. 10.9-14). Thereupon a huge amount of trunks of the cedar-tree (shing shug pa) were cut [into shape] and the king created one hundred and eight emanational bodily epiphanies, who [had] the door to the temple guarded. Inside [the temple] the king [again] created one hundred and eight emanational carpenters [all] carrying an axe and [they all] being engaged in carpentry. No other than the Nepalese princess brought along any fare (bsang bu). [While] the time coincided with the offerings presented to the [personal] tutelary deity [by] [princess] Khribtsun, the king's fare was handed over to the maid-servant [in order to bring it to the king]. But when the maid-servant opened the door [to the temple] and proceeded [inside [she] found instead of the king one hundred and eight emanational[ly created] carpenters8 [all] carrying axes, and dressed up in identical costumes (cha lugs dbyer mi phyed pa) being [currently] engaged in carving out the nose of [some wooden] lions. Unaware of whom she should serve the food, she returned and handed over the f d to the Nepalese princess.822 The maid-servant thought [to herselfl whether the contention that the king knew [the art ofJ creating emanational epiphanies really could be true or not and after Khri-btsun had left in order to serve food to the king, she [wanted to make sure and so she went and] looked by lurking behind the door (sgo phag nas bltas pa) and [thus came to realize] that all [the carpenters] were emanational epiphanies. "He, he", she said laughing and this distracted the king's attention (spyan g.yengs pa dung) [so much] that the axe-blade slipped (sta kha 'chor) [out of his hand] and so the axe-blade of all the carpenters [simultaneously] slipped [out of their hand] and the nose of [all] the lions were cut off.8u Now further some [carpenters] chiselled out (kaba bcos) pillars, some whittled out the cross-beams (gdung ma gzhog), some shaped the spars into a quadrangular form ( I c m gru bzhir bcos). Again others erected the pillars, some placed the beams [over them], and others arranged the spars [over them]. Some [then] placed the planks (spang leb brang) and [finall ] the roof was placed (thog phub) whereby [the entire edifice appeared] most b e a u t i f u ~ . * ~ ~ * ~ As thus the king had procured [a number ofJ emanational epiphanies, the [outer] walls were erected within four days, the carpentry was completed within six days, the roof was laid within two days. In sum (dril bas), it lasted twelve days before the ground-construction ('og 1' r 821 Other texts mention the figure: five thousand emanational created beings (a cherished figure also found in Chap. XI1 and XI11 supra) resp. three hundred carpenters. 822 KCHKKHM-1775.1-6; KCHKKHM-2 237.5-239-1 1;KCHKKHM-3 452.6-453 -3,454.4-455.2; CHBYMTNYP 263a2-264a1; MBNTH 65b5-66a2; HBCHBY (JA) 42a.2-4; DTHZHG 42.14-17. 823 MNKB E (Ca) 138al-3; KCHKKHM-1775.6-776.3; KCHKKHM-2 239.12-240.3; KCHKKHM3 455.2-7; CHBYMTNYP 263a2-264a1; MBNTH 66a2-bl; GBCHBY 287.1-12 (slightly different); HBCHBY (JA) 424-7: mentioning, inter olio, that not only the noses of a hundred lions were cut off, but also one hundred holes were by mistake made and the corner of hundred pillars were damaged; DTHZHG 42.1 8- 19. 824 MNKB E (Ca) 138a3-4; KCHKKHM-1773.7-774.6; KCHKKHM-2 240.3-244.7; KCHKKHM-3 455.7-457.4; CHBYMTNYP 263a2-264a5; MBNTH 66b1-4; DTHZHG 42.20-22. 825 *gloss: In the gTer-yig chen-mo of Jo-bo-j e [i.e. Atifa] it is stared that the erection of the groundfloor ('og khang) war completed within two days. What is meant is the roofing. Cf. also YLJBCHBY 53.2; HBCHBY (JA) 41a2-3, 42b1-3. It remains enigmatic which source hereby can be meant. Most readily one would suspect the gter ma of Atiia i.e. KCHKKHM, in which case one would suspect that the author would have used that title. Since this information is added by a glossarist, and probably not by the author Blama dam-pa, it cannot be excluded that the person in question employed this appellation. But in KCHKKHM-2, cf. next note, it is stated that the ground-flor was finished in seven days. khang) of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang was brought to a [full] complete.826 Now further the four doors [of the ground-construction] resembled the shape of a mandala, .. the [Buddhist] priest-monks (bla ma) rejoiced. Since the pillars [of the ground-construction] were shaped as a ritual-dagger @hurba), the Mantrika-s (sngags pa) rejoiced. Since the quadrangular [structure] (zur bzhi) resembled the form of a Svastika (g.yung dmng), the Bon-po-s rejoiced. [Finally] since the [structure] resembled the form of a chequered [pattern] (re'u mig), the Tibetan populace rejoiced.827 The image [about which there has been] said: "Make [us]! *, [they] were all made and so the Dharmapiila-s, the Nsga-s, the Raksasa-s and the Yaksa-s etc. [all] rejoiced. Furthermore, the [main-]portal of [this'most] miraculous temple ('phml gyi lha khang) [unifyin ] the four contentments (dga' bzhi)828even pointed in the western direction, towards Nepal. sf9 In order to continue [the construction] Khri-btsun summoned many [Newari] artists (bzo bo) from Nepal well-versed in [various] crafts (rig byed), whereafter the upper construction was erected.*830 At the very same time the Chinese princess too summoned many carpenters and sculptors from China, whereafter the Chinese Tiger (rgya stag) Ra-mo-che temple was raised.831The [main] entrance pointed towards the east. 826 KCHKKHM-1 776.3-4; KCHKKHM-2 244.6-7, 262.17-263.3, 267.14-268.11 ; CHBYMTNYP 272a1; MBNTH 74b2: The ground-construction raised by a thousand [fast-working] emanational craftsmen (sprul pa'i bzo pa) was finished in seven days. The Nepalese Khri-btsun summoned one thousand Newari sculptors (bal yul nus pha ming gi bal po lha bzo pa) and assisted by one thousand emanational craftsmen created by the king, the upper construction (or upper floor) (sreng khang), patterned upon the lower construction (or ground-floor), was erected. The upper floor, erected by [slow-working] human craftsmen (mi'i bzo bo), was finished in thirteen years. Twelve years acc. to YLJBCHBY 53.2-3. It was planned to erect three storeys, but only two were actually raised. Cf. also note 830 infra. 827 MNKB E (Ca) 137a6-bl; KCHKKHM-1 761.4-5; KCHKKHM-3 446.3-4; GBCHBY 281.5-7. Cf. the next note. 828 1.e. of the Bla-ma-s, sNgags-pa-s, the Bon-po-s and the Tibetan populace. HBCHBY (JA) 42a4-5. Cf. Chab-spel, 1989, pp. 194-95. Cf. also the notes 818, 827 and Chap. XV, note 874. 829 MNKB E (Cd) 206a4; KCHKKHM-1 762.1 ; KCHKKHM-2 237.4, 256.13-19; 269.15.16; KCHKKHM-3 468.7-469.2; MBNTH 75b2-3; GBCHBY 292.10- 13. These passages all give the explanation for the name-giving of the temple. Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang was modelled upon the Indian rGya'i dhen-khang be-har (rGya'i Hen-khang Bi-ha ra (i.e. vihdra) or rGya'i Ha-shang dPe-dkar ( = vihdra)), cf. CHBYMTNYP 259b6; GBCHBY 281.7-8, 284.1415; HBCHBY (JA) 41a2, 41b6, whereas KCHKKHM-2 222.2-3 merely maintains that it was built being modelled on rgya gar gyi lha khang gang legs, the then best Indian temple. It was initially subdivided into thirty-seven sections (re'u mig) to reflect the thirty-seven bodhipaksa-s of the 74. Vinaya; cf. KCHKKHM-2 222.1-2; HBCHBY 41a1, 41b6-7; cf. also Vitali, 1990, 830 *gloss: [ 7 l e erection ofl the upper construction (steng khang) of the IHa-so [i. e. Ra-sa 'Phrulsnang] temple and Ra-mo-che, the two, lasted for two months before they were completed together. In contradiction to this gloss, see KCHKKHM-2 and YLJBCHBY, ref. in note 826 above. 83 1 The Chinese Tiger. This epithet or supplementary metonym of Ra-mo-che has until now baffled an exact definition. Richardson, in a number of papers, has questioned the right etymology of this name. Considering the fact that such unique and archaic witnesses as the bKal-gtsigs and the hKa'- p. The king too, after having procured [a huge amount] of emanational epiphanies, brought to completion the erection of the [Four] Temples taming the Border ( m r h ' 'duo, the [Four] Temples Taming [the area] Beyond [the border] (yang [mrhul 'duo and the [Four] Temples Taming the Four Horns (ru In order to suppress the right shoulder (dpung pa g.yar) [of] the [prostrate] rakrarfdemoness, the temple [of] sBu [ = dBu]-ru Ka-rtsal [ = tshal] r n i - ' g y ~ rwas ~ ~erected: ~ As [affiliated] branch (lag) temple [of) gSer Shang gi rti834was erected and as [its adjacent] meditation[-cave] (sgrub pa) the rock cave of r ~ s e - n o - g d o n gwas ~~~ installed. In order to suppress the left shoulder (dpung po g. yon), the temple of g. Yo [ = g. Y u]ru Khra-'brug bKra-shis ~ ~ a m s - s n ~ owas m erected. s ~ ~ ~ As [affiliated] branch the temple of mchid of Khri-srong Ide-btsan, both presumably composed around 780 A.D., and both reading Rasa'i rgya brags Ra-mo-che (in dPa-bo's arguably faithfully retained rendition, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 109a2, 109b3), speaks quite strongly in favour of accepting this reading and indeed the frequent occurence in later writings of variant readings like rgya[s] brab and rgya[s] brags Ra-mo-che should urge us to understand it as: Ra-mo-che established bylnamed by or even belonging to the Chinese, i.e. Kong-jo. We shall nevertheless consider these constructions as sensible and meaningful attempts or samples of lecrio facilior, once the original sense of the original metynom fiya-stag at some point either became obsolete, was misunderstood or had fallen into discredit. Our main argument is as follows: MNKB op.cir. 139al has offered an explanation which is as simple as it is evident: The temple hou'sing the image of ShHkyamuni was erected by princess Kong-jo and [since it] was highly variegated [in colour, i.e. striped like a tiger] it resembled [and hence was called the] 'Chinese Tiger' ( h a gcig kong jos !ha shokya mu ni bzhugs pa 'i ha h n g shin tu bkra ba rgya stag 'dra ba zhig bzhengs). Cf. Appendix, note 831 for a fuller discussion. 832 As indicated in the notes 770-773 above, Bla-ma dam-pa or some redactor of GLR confounded the scheme so that the heading of the groupings is distorted. This should most probably be the four Temples of the Four Horns. 833 GLR: sBu-ru Ka-rtsal. HBCHBY (JA) 39b5; cf. Appendix, no. 770 for the various forms. It is located in Mal-gro, cf. Ferrari, p. 44, n. 113 and ill. 14. For the supplementary form mi-'gyur, cf. next note. 834 HBCHBY (JA) 39b5. Unattested in any other source. mKhas-pa IDe'u, GBCHBY 285.2-3, mentions that Ka-tshal's affiliated branch temple is Mi-'gyur dge-ba'i gtsug-lag-khang. One may suspect that the full rendering of the temple in GLR, i.e. Ka-rtsal mi-'gyur, a form only found in this text, thus originally represents two distinct names, i.e. Ka-tshal and perhaps the r h - r j e mi-'gyurl'gyur-med temple, cf. GBCHBY and DCHBY in Appendix, note 770. CHBYMTNYP 261a5 has a r h - r u e ] mi-'gyur temple. Nel-pa Pandita, has as affiliated ( 'chongs) temple to Ka-tshal, a temple named Shihang, cf. Uebach, 1987, 90-91. 835 HBCHBY (JA) 39b5. Unattested in other texts. 836 Probably the oldest temple in Tibet. Where we can entertain well-founded misgivings as to the antiquity or the historicity of a number of the temples listed in this scheme, there is, in my opinion, no doubt that this temple was raised during the time of Srong-btsan sgam-po. The prominent role allotted Khra-'hrug in the Vita of Srong-btsan sgam-po adds very cogent credence as to its actual importance during his life-time. For the various forms of the name of this temple, cf. Appendix, note 770, but see also note 446 supra, where CLR here gives us one form of the temple's supplementary name: bKra-shis Byams-snyoms and thus follows KCHKKHM-2. The first witness is offered by the famous bKa'-g~sigsor edict of Khri-srong Ide-btsan (of 780 A.D.) where Khra-'bmg gi bKra-shis Iha-yul grsug-lag-Wuzng is registered. But its original or contemporary name was in fact Byams-pa mi-'gyur-ba'i h a Wlcmg or p h brang and in all ~ s a n - t h a n g ~was ~ ' erected. As [its] meditation[-cave] ~ h u g - ~ o - c hfunctioned. e~~~ In order to suppress the ri ht hip (dpyi mgo), the temple of g.Yas-m gTsang 'brang [ = 'gram] Byang-chub dge-gnasgf9 was raised. As [its] branch temple, d~e-drun~"Owas ~~' erected. As [its] meditation[-cave] the rock-cave of [ g l ~ s e functioned. In order to suppress the left hip, the temple of Grub-pa [ = Grom-pa rGyang] rGyal likelihood it was raised (perhaps first as pho brang, which later turned into a chapel or lha khang) by king gNam-ri srong-btsan (cf. note 446 and the lengthy exposition HBCHBY (JA) 38a5-39a3), only later it was called (or expanded into) Khra-'brug. As delineated in Appendix, note 92 supra, ancient wall-paintings (from the Nth century or plausibly earlier?) in Khra-'brug allegedly depict the empowerment (dbang bskur) of king Srong-btsan sgam-po when he, aged thirteen, according to Tibetan tradition (cf. e.g. HBCHBY 53b7), took over the reins of power from his father who was then ritually put to death. It cannot, moreover, be excluded that the king actually was born in the pho brang Byams-pa mi-'gyur of Khra-'brug, cf. note 446. In a number of texts pertaining to the Vita-cycle of the king, Khra-'brug is consequently denoted or is conceived to represent thepho brang thugs dam kyi yang snying or pho brang lha khang gi yang snying of this king, i.e. his true, primary or personal tutelary (spiritual bond) temple, or his temple par excellence, cf. e.g. Y K B E (Cd) 199b3, 205al; KCHKKHM-2, op. cit. 299.4-5, 301.18-19 but also KTHDNG (KHA) 160.10; YLJBCHBY 53.10-1 1 and dPal-bo himself HBCHBY (JA) 39a2-4. These references even maintain that Khra-'brug is the earliest built temple in Tibet (bod kyi lha Hang la snga ba de yin). This may very well be the truth, only shortly after its erection it probably fell into abeyance, being, as it was, so intimately associated with the figure Srong-btsan sgam-po. This also accounts for the fact why it is only peripherally mentioned in contemporary inscriptions and documents, where the site is conspicuously disassociated with any political or administrative import. It obviously became eclipsed by Jo-khang and later by bSam-yas for political, geographical or symbolic reasons. We shall also recall that during precisely this period a shift of power took place in Tibet from the Yarklungs Valley to the area around the sKyid-chu river and Lhasa. Anyway, Khra-'brug was, like its approximately contemporary Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang, erected after NepaleseINewari model and by Nepalese craftsmen (cf. MNKB WAM (G) 32b6-33al) during the short pro-NepaleseINewari cultural presence and influence surrounding the Srong-btsan sgam-po court until, at least, 641 A.D. Cf. Appendix, note 836 for further discussions. 837 NGTMTPH: rTsang-thang; GBCHBY has bKra-shis dge-phel; HBCHBY (JA) 39b5: Tsan-thang. Cf. also note 839. 838 Unattested in other versions = DCHBY: Yang-dben Yon-tan Yid-bzhin 'byung-ba'i phug-po-che? 839 HBCHBY (JA) 39b5-6. Cf. Aris, 1979, p. 26; Uebach, p. 90. n. 371. For its various forms, cf. Appendix, no. 770. It is located, according to Klong-rdol, in the Thob-rgyal area at the left bank of gTsang-po. Its supplementary name Byang-chub dge-rgyas is confirmed by GBCHBY, only here it is listed as the name of the branch temple. CHBYMTNYP 379a2-3, KTHZGM (Chap. 21, 131.5-6), PMKTH (Chap. 91,552.10) adduce that e.g. various treasuries and items (rdzas gter) etc. were hidden there; KTHDNG (KHA) (Chap. 18, sect. 31, 202.15-22). 840 HBCHBY (JA) 39b6. Unattested in other sources. Nel-pa has as branch temple, the 'Brom sKyer-chung temple, which is also unidentified. 841 HBCHBY (JA) 39bS. Unattested in other sources and unidentified. GBCHBY, cf. Appendix, note 770, mentioned that later a solitary recluse called Yang-dben Nag-gseb bDe-ldan 'phrul-gling associated with gTsang-'brang was established. Dri-ma med-pa mam-dagU2 was erected. As [affiliated] branch the temple of 'l3reU3 w u erected. As [its] meditation[-cave] the rock-cave of ffiyange44was established. Thereupon the Four Temples to Suppress [the area] Beyond [the Border] (yang [ m t h 7 'dul gyi Iha k h ~ n ~ were ) ~ ~built: ' In order to suppress the right elbow (gre mo g.yus), the temple of 13u-chug4 in Kon po was erected, meing raised] upon the head of the tiger in the east (shar stag gi mgo). 8f7 In order to suppress the left elbow (gre mo g.yon), the temple of mKhon [= KholmthingB4' [in] 1Ho-brag was erected, [raised] upon the crest of the dragon in the south (Iho 842 Also Grom-pa rGyang. HBCHBY (JA) 39b6. Cf. Appendix, note 770 for the various forms of the name. Nel-pa has as its supplementary name rNam-dag sgrib-med. Cf. Uebach, p. 89, n. 363 for a possible identification. GBCHBY has the name rNam-dag khrims kyi ha-khang but there listed as the name of the branch-temple. KCHKKHM-2 261.3-5 maintains that treasuries on don khrid sgom were buried in this place by the king, whereas PMKTH (Chap. 91, 556.12-13), describing a later period, maintains that in this place phyi grer and nang gter were hidden. 843 Nel-pa has also 'Bre'i ha-khang. GBCHBY, cf. previous note. Uebach's linking, op. cit. p. 89, n. 365, of this temple with Ka-brag of the province of Tre is wrong, as this is another temple, which is often listed as a major temple in the schemes, cf. Appendix, note 770. HBCHBY (JA) 39b6. 844 Nel-pa also has rGyang gi brag-phug, cf. Uebach, p. 89, n. 366. GBCHBY, cf. Appendix, note 770, maintains that a solitary recluse named Yang-dben dGyes-tshal dGal-ba'i gling was established, associated to this main-temple. 845 Cf. note 770-773 and 832. This group of four temples should properly be the Four Temples Suppressing the Border. 846 HBCHBY (JA) 39b6. For its various forms, cf. Appendix, note 770. Cf. Wylie, p. 176, n. 572 and P. Tsering, 1976, pp. 146-147. KCHKKHM-2 261.2-3 maintains that treasuries of mantric hrdcryadhdrdni-s (snying po sngags) were buried here during the time of Srong-btsan sgam-po. CHBYMTNYP 379a4 and PMKTH (Chap. 91-92, 553.14-16, 571.15-16) mention (that later) various Indian (?) treasuries (containing) various items (or texts propounding) magic (mthu) and illusion (r&ihi, mdyd); rgya gter rdzu 'phrul sgyu ma sna tshogs) were hidden there. 847 Cf. note 766 supra. Also HBCHBY (JA) 39b6. Some inconsistency prevails as the gray tiger of the east (the gray tiger is usually associated with the western direction, cf. the note referred to above) was represented by a mountain located in the vicinity of Lhasa. Perhaps we here have a parallel imagery related to the cardinal points and connected with temples. Quite contrary to the testimony in GLR, Nel-pa has a temple of Thangshing mhd-pa-can of dPa'-gro and a rh-rje-gur [= r h - r j e mi-'gyur?, cf. note 8341 temple, lying to the south (!) and erected upon the corner-tooth (mche) of the gray tiger, cf. Uebach, p. 91, n. 380. Nyang-ral, in CHBYMTNYP 261a5 likewise has a temple named rDo-rje mi-'gyur but located on the corner-tooth of a white lion (!) in the east! 848 HBCHBY (JA) 39b7. For the various forms of its name, cf. Appendix, note 770. For its location, cf. Femri, p. 57, n. 373; Aris, p. 23. KCHKKHM-2 260.18-261.1 maintains that textual treasuries of g.yung drvng bon were buried in this temple. CHBYMTNYP 379a6; KTHZGM (Chap. 21, 131.10-1 I), PMKTH (Chap. 91, 553.8-9) mention that during Padmasambhava's time bDegshegs 'dus-pa, mdos and ma mo 'i sgrub thabs were hidden there; KTHDNG WHA) (Chap. 18, sect. 33, 203.1 116). 'brug gi ze).849 In order to supress the ri ht knee (pus mo g.yas), the temple of Byams-chen [= Byams[pa] [sprinl-chen] dGe-rgyassgOwas erected, [raised] upon the lumbar [part] of the rooster in the west (nub phyogs bya dmar po 'i sgal). In order to suppress the left knee, the temple of Pra-dan [=dun]-tse [= rtselsS2was erected, [raised] upon the forehead of the tortoise in the north (byang rus sbal gyi dpral).853 Fearing that this should not even be enough [to tame the prostrate demoness] Four Temples of the [Four] Horns (ru gnon gyi Iha khang)B54were erected: In order to suppress the right palm of the [demoness'] hand (lag mthil g.yas), the ~~ was erected after [craftsmen from] Mi-nyag Glang-thang s ~ r o n - r n ain~ [mDo-IKhams functioned as supervisors (lag dpon). In order to suppress the left palm of the hand, the temple of Bum-thang s ~ ~ e r - c h u ~ ~ ' 849 Cf. also note 767 supra. Also HBCHBY (JA) 39b6-7. Nel-pa reads in the south (the eastern direction in other versions, cf. also note 847), upon the feather of the blue dragon, the temples of Ga-chu and Ge-chu were erected, cf. Uebach, pp. 90-91, n. 378. CHBYMTNYP 261aS-6 has the temple of sKyer-chu of spa-gro raised upon the feather of the blue dragon in the south. 850 HBCHBY (JA) 39b7. Cf. Aris, 1979, p. 24, locating it near sKyid-[glrong in Mang-yul. Cf. Appendix, note 770 for the various forms of the name. DCHBY also gives it a supplementary name Yid-'ong dGe-rgyas. PMKTH (Chap. 91,556.6-7; Chap. 92,559.8-10) mentions that twenty sgrub thabs treasuries were hidden there. 851 Also HBCHBY (JA) 39b7. Cf. note 768 supra. Nel-pa: the beak (mchu) of the red rooster. CHBYMTNYP 261a6, (somewhat distortedly) likewise has the beak (mchil = mchu!) of the red rooster [located] in the the western direction [erected in order to suppress] the nature of the element fire (me kha). 852 Also HBCHBY (JA) 39b7. Cf. Aris, 1979, pp. 74-76; 1979, p. 23, locating it to the west of Sa-dga' rdzong in mNga'-ris. This would place it to the west and not to the north, cf. next note. A certain confusion prevails in terms of the cardinal points here. Cf. Appendix, note 770 for the various forms of the name of this temple. CHBYMTNYP 379a2, KTHZGM (Chap. 21, 131.3-4), PMKTH (Chap. 91, 552.12-13) mention that during Padmasambhava's time one hundred and eight nang gter ngan sngags texts of gShin-rje dmar nag etc. were hidden there; KTHDNG (KHA) (Chap. 18, sect. 35, 204.7-10). 853 Also HBCHBY (JA) 39b7. Cf. note 769 supra. So also Nel-pa, cf. Uebach, 1987, pp. 90-91. CHBYMTNYP 261b1, instead of the forehead, Nyang-ral has the back (rgyab, resp. gdan). 854 Cf. note 770-73 supra. This group of four temples represents actually the Four Temples Suppressing the Area Beyond the Border. 855 Also HBCHBY (JA) 39b7. For the various names of this temple, cf. Appendix, note 770. It is located in the district of 'Dan [ma khog] (cf. note 696) in Khams, along the river of 'Bri-chu. In DCHBY, f. ex., the temple is called Klong-thang 'Jig-rten sgron-ma. KCHKKHM-2 261.1-2 maintains that treasuries of arithmeticldivination (rtsis gyi gter) were buried there during the time of Srong-btsan sgam-PO, whereas CHBYMTNYP 379a4, KTHZGM (Chap. 21, 131.7-8), PMKTH (Chap. 91,552.13-141, ascribed to the period of Khri-srong Ide'u-btsan, maintain e.g. that thirteen 'different intermediate treasuries' (bar gter) of rgyud lung and lha nw 'i rgyud were buried there. 856 Also HBCHBY (JA) 39b7-40al. Cf. Aris, 1987, p. 3 et passim for its history and location. Perhaps the testimony in GLR: in the southern direction was erected after the [craftsmen from] To-dkar had taken over [the task of being] supervisors. In order to suppress the right foot (rkang nuhil gym), the temple of mTshal-Rig Shesrab sgron-maas7 was erected in the glorious Kashmir (Kha-che) to the west, after the Nepalese [i.e. Newari craftsmen] had taken over [the task of being] supervisors. In order to suppress the left palm of the foot, the temple of Tshangs-pa ~ l u n ~ - k ] n o n ~ * ~ * ~had ~ taken over was erected in the the northern direction, after sBa d ~ a l d b ~ a nof~ sHor the [task of being] supervisor. Furthermore, in the east the three [temples ofJ Ka-chu, Kang-chu and Gling-chu were erected in order to [reflect] the arrangement of the sun, moon and the lunar constellation (nyi Bum-thang sKyer-chu is a mistake of two temples, i.e. the two 'Bhutanese' temples of the scheme, cf. Aris, p. 30, Bum-thang = Byams-pa lha-khang and sKyer-chu ha-bang. This is evidently the case. The same contraction is made by Bu-ston, CHBY 138b4 (Szerb, 1990, p. 11). See also Appendix, note 770 for the various names of this or these temple(s) and also Blondeau, 1971, p. 88. CHBYMTNYP 379a1, KTHZGM (Chap. 21, 130.17-131.3) maintain that during the period of Padmasambhava, in the sKyer-chu temple, sDe-snod kun- 'dm texts were hidden; in Bum-thang rTsis-lung treasuries of a mentalistic orientation (sem phyogs) were buried and in Bum-thang dGegnas, Mother-tantra texts were treasured; PMKTH (Chap. 91, 552.3-6) maintains that sKyer-chu Iha-khang treasured zab gter, whereas Bum-thang rTsi-lung kept j e grer of a mentalistic orientation (sem phyogs); cf. also KTHDNG WHA) (Chap. 18, sect. 28, 201.7-17): sKyer-chu lha-khang; sect. 29,201.18-202.6: Bum-thang dGe-gnas or dGe-ba'i gtsug lag khang; sect. 30, 202.7-14: Bumthang rTsi-lung. 857 Also HBCHBY (JA) 40al and Nel-pa, cf. Uebach, 1987, p. 91. CHBYMTNYP and GBCHBY as possible parallels have mTshal byir (or Tsha-spe [sic]) dPalchar/dPal-tshad, but cf. note 770. In fact, KCHKKHM-2 261.6-7 mentions that in the temple dPal-chen h a - b a n g to the North many treasuries [containing] fragments of the genealogy (rgyal rubs sil mu) (i.e. genealogical documents?) were buried there during the time of Srong-btsan sgam-po. Otherwise unidentified. 858 Also HBCHBY (JA) 40al where it is also stated that the Newaris functioned as supervisors, prob. confusing it with the previous item, cf. prev. note. The temple Rlung-gnon of the district Tshangs[pa], cf. Aris, p. 23-24. It is confirmed by GBCHBY, cf. Appendix, note 770. Further, we should pay attention to the testimony in KCHKKHM-3: dPal-chad Klu-'dul and CHBYMTNYP: Tsha-spe dPal-tshal Klu-non (where chad or rshal = Tshangs? and klu non = rlung gnon?); but the latter is contradicted by the testimony in GBCHBY, cf. note 770; Klong-rdol places the Rlung-gnon temple in the sNye-thang chos-rdzong area close to Lhasa. 859 This religious figure, as already noted by Uebach, 1987, op. cir. pp. 10041, a. 453, occurs in numerous lists of the IXth century. BZH (Chin. ed. 58.19-22) e.g. interestingly notes that sBa dPaldbyangs was the name of sBa (gloss: Sang-shi-ta) Khri-gzigs prior to his status as a monk, later he was also called (sBa) Ratna. The first identification is also made by Bu-ston, CHBY 141b3 (Szerb, p. 29, n. 15). This information would suggest the identification of what has up to now been assumed to be different figures: 'Ba'/rBa Khri-bzher Sang-shi-ta, cf. BZH (Stein ed. 50-51), occasionally listed as one of the seven Sad-mi (for a discussion of these cf. Tucci, Minor Buddhirr Tats, 11, pp. 12-26). Cf. also note 1203 infro. His identity is uncertain, cf. Uebach, 1987, p. 113, n. 614. r?3a Ratna, Uebach, 1987, p. 10041, n. 450, is another Sad-mi figure, often regarded as the first monk ordained in Tibet. CHBY 141a2 (Szerb, p. 29), in contrast, has an interesting information, namely that a certain Bya Khri-gzigs was the first ordained monk in Tibet. 'lhis figure Bya Khri-gzigs may in fact be identified with the sBa Khri-gigs mentioned in BZH as both texts maintain that this figure was endowed with the five abhvAd-s. zla gza ' skar gtan la 'bebs). 860 In the south the temples of sNyal sNang-gro and ~ l i n ~ - t h a nthe ~ ,two, ~ ~ 'were erected in order to suppress the nature of fire[-element] (me'i kha) by propitiating the Fire-god Rsi .. Agni (me !ha drang srong bsgmbs). In the west the temples of Gu-lang [i.e. PaSupatinBtha] [and] Shing-kun [i.e. ~ v a ~ a m b h i i n ~ t hthe a ] ,two, ~ ~ ~were erected in order to suppress the nature of the water[element] (chu'i kha) b y ] safeguarding the border between Tibet and Nepal. , ~ two, ~ ~ were erected in order to In the north, the temples of dGe-ri and d ~ a l - r i the suppress the nature of the wind[-element] (rlung gi kha) by] oath-binding (dam la brags) the deva-s, ndga-s, the 'dre and srin-demons. By virtue of the empowerment of erecting these [temples], the kingdom below the sun was under and [so enabled] the erection of the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang temple [to become manifest] spontaneously without encountering any mishap or obstruction. Thus Khri-btsun and Kong-jo, the two, jointly completed the erection of the temples of Goat-Site (Ra-sa) 'Phrul-snang and the Chinese Tiger (rgya stag) Ra-mo-che, the two, each [along] with the completion of all possible statues and frescoes (lha ri mo gang dung ci) each within [a period] of twelve months.86s The king too brought the temples of mTha'-'dul, Yang [mTha'-I'dul [and Ru-gnon] to a [full] completion and again, having returned to Khra-'brug, he revered the precious Teaching of Buddha and revered anyone who was endowed with the marks of an ascetic by bowing with [his] head-crown. He issued [the order]: "My ministers and my subjects too must act accordingly!" When [the king] went outside [the temple], he observed an old beggar-priest (sprang ban rganpo), [who was engaged] in looking for lice (shig thu gin 'dug) 860 Cf. Stein, 1959, p. 235 for a suggested identification of these three temples; Aris, p. 25; CHBYMTNYP 261b4: gling chung skyer chu shar nyi zla men [ = mnon] pa 'i phyir; confirmed by mKhas-pa IDe'u, GBCHBY 236.9-10 and DCHBY 116.14-15: Gling-chu, [s]Kam-chung and KotKe-chu, raised in order to suppress the sun, moon and the lunar constellation. HBCHBY (JA) 40al-2. Cf. also Nel-pa: Ka-chu, cf. Uebach, p. 90, n. 378. 861 Also HBCHBY (JA) 40a2. Both unidentified. GBCHBY 286.11 -12 and DCHBY 116.15-16; CHBYMTNYP 261b4-5 all have Bum-thang and Kong- or Glong-rtse temple instead. Nel-pa combines by having Bum-thang and Gling-thang, cf. Uebach, 92-93, n. 397-98. Bum-thang here undoubtedly represents the Byamspa ha-khang, cf. Aris, pp. 5-8ff. 862 Confirmed by NGTMTPH (Uebach, p. 93, nn. 400-01); HBCHBY (JA) 40a2; however, CHBYMTNYP 261b5-6: The Dhe-shan temple was built using the Gu-lang temple as model; the Hab-sha temple was built using the Shing-kun temple as model; GBCHBY 286.12-13, DCHBY 116.19-20: The Shang Iha-khang and Hab-shang Iha-khang were erected in order to safeguard the border. Unidentified. 863 Nel-pa has sGye-ri and sKyer-chu and the text only mentions that they were erected in order to oath-bind ISvari (dBang-phyug-ma); CHBYMTNYP 261b5-6 has Gye-re and Gyer-chung raised in order to suppress the Yaksa-s; GBCHBY 286.1 1-12 and DCHBY 116.18-19 have dGe-re (resp. sGe-ri), dGyer-chu (resp. sGyer-chung) and Hor-chu (resp, sDe-chu), the three, raised in order to rely (brten) on the Yaksi-s. HBCHBY (JA) 40a2-3. For Gye-re, cf. also the notes 444, 456. 864 Cf. Uebach, p. 95, n. 424 for a relevant discussion on the concept 'below the sun' (nyi 'og, aparcinrakam). 865 F K B E (Ca) 138b2-3; KCHKKHM-2 253.1- 14; KCHKKHM-3 461.7-463.3; MBNTH 69b570a6; GBCHBY 291.1-6. in his ragged garment (bla gos hrul po) being spread out in front of a five-pointed cairya erected [as an atonement] to expiate the killing of a snake. He recognized that the beggarpriest was endowed with the signs of an ascetic, wherefore the king showed him [due] respect. 866 The king spoke: "Although I am a king who holds under [my] sway a kingdom, I [earnestly] want to make the sun of the Buddha's Teaching shine in this barbarous Snow-clad borderland [too]. I have [already] raised a number of temples and installed many receptacles [representing] the body, speech and mind of the Buddha in these temples to which respect [must] be paid. Furthermore, [we] have vowed to pay [our] homage to anyone who merely possesses the marks of an ascetic. Is it not most marvellous?" The old beggar-priest rose, threw the ragged toga over his shoulder and declared: 'It is [truly] most marvellous that you, 0 king, after showing concern with the Buddha's Teaching, pay [your] respects to ascetics and show me honour, a beggar-priest, but is it not [equally] wonderful that I am present here?" Thereafter he took hold of the five-pointed caitya with the five fingers of his right hand and circumambulated it. The king felt a little apprehended [in view of] this, whereafter he took off his turban (la thod), demonstrated the countenance of Amideva (Amiabha) and said: "That [demonstration of yours] is indeed amazing, but this [display] of mine is it not most marvellous too? " Again, the beggar-priest opened the 'door' to his breast (brang sgo), with a pointed instrument [he] cut open his breast, whereby [he] revealed all the gods [adhering to] the Omniscient (kun rig, sarvavid) Vairocana poised inside the inner cavity of mis own] torso867 and spoke: "King, for you there is only one god, whereas to me exist as many as these. Is it not most marvellous!" Now, the king rejoiced greatly and became pious and so he made [this beggar-priest his personal] chaplain (mchod Thereafter the king ordered: "As regards the ascetics, whether [they wear] ragged togas or whatever their apppearance or conduct, [everyone] must revere [them highly] without generating any wrong ideas about them (log par lta ba ma byed pa)!" The Successfil Erection of the Temples of mTha9-'dul, Yang-[mtha '-1 'dul, 'Phrul-snang and Ra-mo-che. 866 MNKB E (Ca) 139b4-5, E (Cd) 205a2-6, WAM (G) 32b4-33b3; KCHKKHM-I 763.1-765.3. 798.3-799.1 ; KCHKKHM-2 297.4-298.13, 299.4-301.17; KCHKKHM-3 474.7-476.1 ; CHBYMTNYP 287al-b4; MBNTH 78b4-79b4; GBCHBY 294.16-295.7;HBCHBY (JA) 39a6-b4. PMKTH (Chap. 92, 555.9-10) even adduces that this five-pointed cairya at Yar-klungs Khra-'brug (in the lengthy version in MNKB WAM, it is located close to Lhasa) treasured many hybrid troves of zab gter and r d z a gter. AS morove; corroborated by KCHKKHM-2 (which states that it is the earliest five-pointed caitya or stdpa in Tibet) and further by dPa'-bo's HBCHBY (JA) 39a1-5, we have reason, stripping this narrative off its mythological layers, to believe that this fec@acle (erected by Newari craftsmen?) is the earliest Buddhist shrine raised in Tibet being erected simultaneously with or just prior to Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang. Cf. Appendix, note 866 for a fuller discussion. 867 The other texts have: The godly assembly of the Guhyasamsja (gsang ba 'dm p ' i lha fihogs). 868 Cf. note 835. The mention of the beggar becoming the chaplain is lacking from the other versions. The Act of Consecration after the Successful Completion of the Two vemples ofl IHa-sa and the mTha'-'dul, Yang-[mtha'-l'dul Temples etc. ~ e x t , Khri-btsun '~~ and Kong-jo, the two, brought the erection of [their resptive] temples to a successful finish. After having been invited by the king, [Khri-btsun] arrived at the summit of [Mt.] Potala [in l ~ a - s a a ] . ' ~ ~ The following day Khri-btsun offered [the king] a sight-seeing of her temple 'Phrulsnang, and she invited the king along with his retinue of ministers and accompanied by musical entertainment and the burning of] incense. When Khri-btsun opened the gate to the temple, the king was requested to go inside, but [he] observed all the reflections on the ceiling [mirroring itself] on the lime floor (mthil gyi zha la) which had a watery colour. He consequently thought that the water of this previous [subterranean] lake was [still] gushing forth. Not [daring] to enter [the temple], Khri-btsun [felt compelled] to take off her finger-ring and throw it [into the air] and [when it hit the floor] it made a sliding sound (Wlrol gyis song) like throwing a little stone onto the surface of ice (khyag thog khar). As soon as the king beheld this, he became very confident and went inside. 871 He then addressed Khn-btsun: "This temple of yours appears to be miraculously [created] ('phml du snung)!" First earth was loaded upon goats to fill up the lake, subsequently the king expressed that it manifested [itself] as miraculously [created in terms of non-human manpower and of craftmanship], therefore it became universally known as Rasa 'Phrul-snang Temple.872 m [Excursion inside the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang Temple] Thus, the king inspected [exhaustively] [all] the great wonders (ngo mshar che ba mams) inside the temple, viz.873 869 Prosecuting the theme in the previous chapter, this chapter offers an exposition in form of a detailed dkor chug or guide to the newly established Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang temple. Most of the primary sources and texts show a remarkable textual and sequential congruence, whereas Bla-ma dam-pa's witness in some minor details proves to be unique. 870 Cf. note 455 supra. 871 MNKB E (Cd) 206a3-4; KCHKKHM-1 790.6-791.5; KCHKKHM-2 268.19-269.15; KCHKKHM-3 468.1-4; CHBYMTNYP 272b3-273a1; MBNTH 75a4-bl; GBCHBY 292.11-13; HBCHBY (JA) 45a2-3. 872 MNKB E (Ca) 138b6-139a1, (Cd) 206a4; KCHKKHM-1 762.1, 792.3-4; KCHKKHM-2 237.4, 256.13-19; 269.15-270.1 ; KCHKKHM-3 468.7-469.2; CHBYMTNYP 273a4-bl; MBNTH 75b23; GBCHBY 292.10- 13; HBCHBY (JA) 45a4-55. These passages all offer an almost similar-worded etymological explanation for the name-giving of the temple. 873 This lengthy description of the various chapels inside Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang is in GLR rendered in metrical form but in most of the other versions it is found in narrative prose. dPa'-bo's exposition of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang in HBCHBY offers the most detailed version. AS to the prose narrative, all other versions, albeit of different length, share over lengthy passsages an identical witness and they all doubtlessly draw from a common original, a proto-version which may also account for the metrical version behind GLR. Bla-ma dam-pa's version is somewhat less detailed, whereas KCHKKHM-2 at places displays still other details diverging from dPa'-bo and Bla-ma dam-pa's versions. "The divine mansion (gzhal yas khang) of the Victor [i.e. Ra-sa 'Phrulsnang], wonderous and peerless Is superbly embellished by limitless properties; The spontaneously manifested square ground structure (gzhi ma) [Is endowed with] four grand niches (zur chen) [in the] pattern of a svastika; And constructed with four doors like a mandala. .. Its cement-floor is lapis lazuli-coloured, [In which] the drawings [on the ceiling] above (steng) [i.e.] the fish and water-creatures Are just like reflections in a mirror. All the pillars of the ground floor and the upper floor Are most beautifully crafted being made [configured in form] of a thunderbolt-dagger (rdo rje phur pa, vajraklla); The capitals (ka gzhu), columns (gdung dung gdung khebs) and entablatures (gab spangs) are erected [in the form of a] caitya; The refinements of the craftman[ship] (bzo yi mum 'gyur) were [most] astonishing and without peer ('gran zla med); Upon all the external and internal capitals and entablatures the [Buddhist] tales of ancient [times] (sngon gyi sgrung rgyud) were distinctly embossed as relievos ('bur du b ~ k o s ) ; ' ~ ~ On the hems of the rafters (lcam s m ) of the upper and lower galleries (mthongs kha) White lioness' [were found, being decorated] with turquoise[-coloured] manes (g.yu ral) and ornaments, One hundred and eight [lioness' in all] were to be seen in the posture of For a discussion of Jo-khang, cf. Richardson, 1979; Taring and Shakabpa, 1982 and in particular the valuable study by Vitali, 1990, pp. 69-83. Cf. also Tsong-kha-pa's rNam-thar (ed. Kaschewsky, fols. 15a-17a, pp. 180-184 foll. mainly GLR). 874 Not only embossed but mainly drawn or painted; KCHKKHM-I 783.4-784.1; KCHKKHM-2 5.15-6.18, 252.12-253.13, 254.11-256.8, 258.2-14, 268.3-4; KCHKKHM-3 462.4-463.3; CHBYMTNYP 269a5-b2; MBNTH 74b1-2; GBCHBY 291.1-6; HBCHBY (JA) 9a1, 44a1-3, 44a7-b2; DTHZHG 43.24-44.1 ; TSLKHKCH 12b4-6. See also note 391 supra. Vitali, op. cit. pp. 77-78 attempts to make a significant point out of a reference given in Nyang-ral's MBNTH which allegedly should indicate the existence of murals on the north-westem (external) protuding wall (nub byang glo 'bur) depicting bsgrub pa lde'u rgyud ris, which according to Vitali inter alia represents the earliest murals discovered in Tibet and in part show, according to recent Chinese excavations in Jo-khang, a group of Buddhist masters wearing caps. Firstly, there is no reference in the above relevant Tibetan sources which describe murals or wall-paintings with Buddhist masters. More pertinent, Vitali's reading is also wrong, while MBNTH 74bl (a compt text in many places) merely reads bsgru [sic]pa lde'u rgyud ris. But what is abundantly clear from all the above passages which describe the same theme (and esp. the lengthy description in KCHKKHM-2), the depiction has nothing to do with Buddhist masters in meditative realization (bsgrub pa) or the like. As already indicated in note 391, the walls and pillars are here plastered with frescoes of sgrung and lde'u, the two literary exponents: tales (incl. many animal-fables) and edifying riddles (of paramount importance in the early dynastic period). Cf. Appendix, note 874 for further discussions. leaping (rnchong ba'i t s h ~ 1 ) ; ~ ' ~ Above that, pearl[-mounted] lattice-nets (dra ba can, jdlin) were [seen], [Alon with] turquoise[-mountedlcoloured]extreme points of balustrades (g.yu bad)896 in the colour of indigo (indranrla); The upper[most] building (rtsigpa) [was endowed with] 'half-nets' (dra phyed, ardhahdra), copings @ha gu), Jewel-ornamented balconies (mda' yab, ovidyana) and balustrades @u shu, hannikd) ; [Further, the edifice was surmounted with] golden pinnacles (gafljira) emitting a thousand rays of light [from splendour]; And numerous turbans (cod pan, rnukuta) [adorned with] various [embossed] silken [designs]; Ornaments [such as] [ceremonial] yak-tails (mga yab, cdmara) and kirikinldrums (dril bu g.yer kha, kirikino. All the walls (Wzor yug) were cbnnected with wire-chains. Thus, [possessing] endless wonders and being arrayed with embellishments, In [this] divine [mansion] (gzhal yas [khang] of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang), the central (dbm ma) chapel (btsan [= gtsang] khang, gandhakmr) [located] on the lower [level, i.e. ground-level]: Endowed with the hand gesture rnudrd) of bestowing protection (skyabs sbyin) safeguarding the worldlings,*87 Being superbly adorned by the [thirty-two minor] features (mrshan, laham) and [eighty major] marks (dpe [ b y a , anuvyaltjano) [of a ~ a h ~ ~ u&d r u ~ ] being splendent qua Peing endowed with] the two [accumulative] equipments (tshogs, sambhdra),878 [The central image of this chapel was] Buddha Dipamkara (Mar-me- 5 875 For these architectural details, cf. analogously, KCHKKHM-2 253.3-5; HBCHBY (JA) 44a2-5. Cf. also note 455 supra. 876 Bad = bad &a is lexically defined as khang thog pu shu 'dabs sne, i.e. the fridge or tip of the roofbalustrade. 877 *gloss: The principal image (gtso bo) of that time was the Buddha [named:] Mi- 'gro gsung-byon [lit. '[From which] the utterance came: [ I am]not going']. Cf. also Vitali, 1990, p. 78. Some confusion prevails here, the principal statue of Jo-khang and of the'central chapel is Mi-'khrugs-pa or Aksobhya (cf. note 879 inpa) and not the dowry-statue brought along by Khri-btsun, ~i-bskyod-rdo-he(cf. note 883 infro). Mi-'khrugs-pa is said to have been a dar sku, a clay-statue and its soubriquet or epithet Mi-'gro gsung-byon purportedly first came into existence in the XIth century during its temporal removal and a restoration conducted by Zangs-dkar Lo-tsP-ba. At that point, the idol declared that it did not want to he removed (mi 'khrugs pa'i skus Wlo bo @an du mi 'gro gsungs pas), cf. dPal-bo's HBCHBY (JA) 148aS. This epithet thus did not originate simultaneously with its installation as maintained in this gloss. But this is somewhat contradicted by TSLKHKCH 9b4-5, 12a6, where the. Vth Dalai Lama, like CLR, maintains that Mar-me-mdzad is identical with Mi-'gro gsung-byon. Then again, the Vth Dalai Lama occasionally tends to follow GLR uncritically. Adding further to the confusion, YWBCHBY 56.1 in a gloss maintains that the image of AmiGhha (cf. note 880 infro) is Mi-'gro gsung-hyon. 878 Of Gnosis and Merit (ye shes and bsod n a m ) . m d ~ a d ) ~and ' ~ in emanational forms; It was surrounded by a retinue ('&or, parivdra) of the Eight [Great] [Bodhisattva-]Sons (nye ba'i sras [chen] brgyad), Two wrathful [deities] were seen functioning as protecting door-keepers. In the cha el located to the right, [the central image] was Buddha ~mitiibha' O Having a hue of vermilion (li khri, sindhara) and with the hand gesture of mental equipoise (samdhita, rnnyum bzhag); ~ossessing] endless wonders and being embellished by the embellishments [consisting] of the features and marks [of a MahZtpurusa]; The retinue surrounding [him] are: the Eight [Bodhisattva-]Sons: Such as Avalokita and MahBsthBmaprBpta (mThu-chen-thob) etc. [All] poised in the cross-legged posture (rdo rje phyed [= skyil] krung) on a seat meset with design ofl lotuses, [the sun] and the moon; [A statue ofJ Guhyapati (gSang-ba'i bdag-po) was installed to the right of the entrance, Having the colour of space, holding aloof a thunderbolt (vajra) [A statue ofJ Krodha Bhurkumkiita (Khro-rgyal sMe[-ba] b ~ - t s e ~ s [ - ~ a ] ) ~ ~ ' was installed to the left of the entrance, Having a colour of coral, poised in the posture of cleansing defilements (gn'b); In the chapel located to the left [the central image] was the venerable J' 879 MNKB E (Ca) 138a4-6, WAM (G) 20b2; KCHKKHM-1 783.2-4; KCHKKHM-2 244.13-17, 256.17- 19; KCHKKHM-3 457.4-6; CHBYMTNYP 265a3-6 (but 270a2-3: Amitfibha main-image of central chapel); GBCHBY 288.5-8; HBCHBY (JA) 41a5, 42b3-4; DTHZHG 43.13-14. GLR is at variance with the other versions, while they unanimously have as principal image of the central chapel, the TathPgata Aksobhya (Mi-'khrugs-pa) together with his retinue of eight Bodhisattva-s, nine in all (gtso 'khro dgu). In GLR it appears that Bla-ma dam-pa makes Mar-memdzad as the principal deity, when in fact the latter-mentioned image with retinue constitute the accompanying images. This dar sku or clay-effigy idol was installed to the right of the principal image Mi-'khrugs-pa (also a dar sku idol), cf. HBCHBY (JA) 63a2-3. Cf. also note 877 supra and note 883 infra, and Vitali, 1990, p. 78. Thus the main image is not, as generally and commonly assumed, the dowry of Khri-btsun, i.e. Aksobhyavajra or Mi-bskyod rdo-rje. In fact, this principal statue of the Nepalese princess, also known as Jo-bo chung-ba, was initially planned to be installed here in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang, it never took up its rightful position in Jo-khang for long, instead it was exchanged with the Jo-bo ShHkyamuni, or Jo-bo che-ba, the principal dowry of the Chinese princess, which initially was installed in Ra-mo-che. When an alleged (cf. Richardson, 1972; Vitali, p. 86, n. 71) Chinese invasion during the time of Mang-srong mang-btsan was feared that might have led to an abduction of the statue, this mchod g n u was removed and secretly installed in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang (in the southern or central chapel, the sources differ). Later the dowry of Khri-btsun, the idol of Aksobhyavajra was installed in Ra-mo-che, cf. also GBCHBY 298.8-9; TSLKHKCH 9b2-5, 17bl-f 'and foremost Appendix, note 1094 for the fortunes of these idols. 880 KCHKKHM-2 244.17-245.1,257.2-3; KCHKKHM-3 457.6-7; CHBYMTNYP 265b1-2,270a2; GBCHBY 291.13- 14; HBCHBY (JA) 42b4; DTHZHG 43.14- 15; TSLKHKCH 7b6-8a2. 881 Cf. also KCHKKHM-2 256.7-8: The eight (types of) stopo-s were (drawn) behind this statue of Khro-bo sMe-brtsegs; HBCHBY (JA) 42b4-5; TSLKHKCH 8a2-3. It was a dar sku or clay-effigy idol installed in gtsang khang dbus ma. Maitreya ( ~ ~ a m s - p 882 a), Endowed with the hand-gesture (mudrd) of revolving the Wheel of the Law (dhamacakra) , In a colour of saffron (gur gum) and glittering with the splendour of the characteristic features and marks [of a Mahipurusa]; The devl-s encircling [Maitreya] and which offerings externally and internally, w e r e seen] in the manner of stretching [their arms] up, [a scenario] of extreme beauty and wonders beyond measure, Being poised in the cross-legged posture on a seat @met with designs of] lotuses, [the sun] and the moon; In the southern chapel (grsang khang lho ma) [the central image] was Aksobhyavajra (Mi-bskyod rdo- ~ - j e ) , ~ * ~ superbly embellished by the characteristic features and marks [of a Mahfipumsa] and with the hand-gesture of 'earth-witness' (sa gnon, bhmisparia) and mental equipoise (samdhira) Radiating a thousand rays of light like a heap of [glittering] gold; The highly lustrous retinue surrounding [this image]:884 MahZisahasrapramardani (sTong-chen rab-'joms), [with] one countenance (ekamuW2d) and four arms (caturbhujd); MahfipratisarZi (So-sor brang-ma), [with] one countenance (ekamukhd) and six arms (sadbhujd); Yamhtaka Cgshin-rje mthar-byed) being six-legged s*() [respectively with legs] stretched out and drawn in (brkyang bskwn tshul) and With a bodily complexion of an asure-blue and black hue, its six countenances (sanmukha) [displaying] a highly wrathful [mien] and Its six arms (shdbhuja) holding many weapons; Prajfiintaka (~hks-rabmthar-byed) with a white bodily colour [Having] four countenances (carumukha) and eight arms (artdbhuja) poised respectively in the manner of stretching out and"bowing 882 MNKB E (Ca) 1 3 8 6 6 ; KCHKKHM-2 245.2-5, 256.19-257.2: Byams-pa Chos kyi 'khor-lo; KCHKKHM-3 457.7-458.1 : has Mi-skyod rdo-rje (the principal statue of the gtsnng h n g Ulo mu; cf. below); CHBYMTNYP 265b1-2; GBCHBY 291.14- 15; HBCHBY (JA) 42b5; DTHZHG 43.14-15; this idol was a li mo-alloy idol, cf. note 1076. 883 KCHKKHM-2 245.9-12,257.4-5; KCHKKHM-3457.7-458.1 (cf. previous note); CHBYMTNYP 265b3-5, 270a1-3; GBCHBY 288.9-1 1, 291.15-16; HBCHBY (JA) 42b5-6; LYI'HZHG 43.16-17. It must be assumed to be the statue brought along by the Nepalese princess. It was later installed in Ra-mo-che, cf. note 879supra. Cf. also GBCHBY 298.8-9; TSLKHKCH 9b2-5, 17bl3. SO the Jo-bo mentioned in dPa'-bo HBCHBY (JA) 148b3-4, which was temporarily removed from the southern chapel to the central chapel during renovation undertaken in the XIth century by Zangs-dkar and mhl-chung, was the Jo-bo Shikya-muni, the dowry-idol brought along by Kongjo. It was a li mu-alloy idol, cf. note 1075. 884 KCHKKHM-2 245.11 - 12, 257.5-6: Yaksa-s and Dzarnbhala; KCHKKHM-3 458.1 ; CmYMTNYP 265b5, 270a4; HBCHBY 42b5-7. Only GLR and dPal-bo give details and names. The other versions laconically add that the Yaksa-s held bottles [filled with] jewels. [inwards]; Padmataka (Pad-ma mthar-byed) with a bodily [complexion] of a rudy colour (padmardga), Being one-faced (ekamukha) and four-armed (caturbhuja) [with an expressive] mien of extreme wrathfulness. Vighnbtaka (bGegs mthar-byed) with a modily complexion of] azureblue and black hue, [and with an expression] in the manner of wrathfulness (mgams pa), [Being] one-faced (ekamukha) and four-armed (caturbhuja) eliminating the host of [obstructive] vighna-demons; On both sides of the entrance [the image of the Lokapda] VaiSravana (rNam[-thos-Isras) Jambhala [were installed], 885 With a yellow body colour and [poised] in order to eliminate poverty, In the right hand [they] held a jewel (mani) and in the left an ichneumon (ne 'u le); In the N2ga-chapel (klu khang) [located] along the outer entrance [Images of] the three great NPga-s [were found], meing] one-faced and two-handed, [Being] serpent-necked and poised in the pose of uRdna1sattv.a (lye shes] serns dpa 'i skyil krung), [Their] body-colours being white, red and reddish-yellow; In the Yaksa-chapel [located] to the right of the entrance The nine-headed Raksasa . . Laika Daiaskandha (mGrin-bcu) [was installed];887 [Endowed] with a horse-head and the upper body (spangs = phang stod) [tinted] azure-blue; Yaksa-s and Gandharva-s, the two, with a reddish body-colour [~nskledwith] three heads, four arms and in the ~ a t ~ a - ~ o s t u r e ; ~ ~ ~ Above the portal [or vestibule] (sgo khang) [were chisseled images ofJ the Seven [First] Successive Buddhas (sangs rgyas rubs b d ~ n ) : ~ ~ ~ Superbly embellished by the [characteristic] features and marks [of a Mahiipurusa] and installed in the manner of Nirmihakfiya. Along the side[s] of the lower construction ('og khang; i.e. ground floor) were images of the Victor (Jina). On the southern [wall] frescoes (ri mo) [displaying] the continent[s where 885 KCHKKHM-2 245.13-14; KCHKKHM-3 458.1-2; CHBYMTNYP 265b5-6; HBCHBY (JA) 42b7. 886 MNKB E (Ca) 108a6; KCHKKHM-2 257.12-14; HBCHBY (JA) 44a5. On the western walls of the klu khang inside Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang were depiction of the erection of the fortress (sku mkhar) of Brag-lha bkra-iis, the king's pho brang at dMar-po-ri, cf. Appendix, note 557 and the notes 604, 712-4, 900. For some reason, Vitali, 1990 in his study on the earliest structure of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang has overseen this chapel which definitely was part of the original structure. 887 MNKB 108a6; HBCHBY 44a5. 888 One leg stretched out or half cross-legged. 889 KCHKKHM-2 268.4-5. AvalokiteSvara] converted each in a manner best suited to the individual (gang la ci 'dul gling) [were found], [Showing] M a h m n i k a [AvalokiteSvara] [in the form] safeguarding [the sentient beings against the eight apprehensions] ('jigs pa brgyod skyob, astabhayatrdnu), ~ n an d array (bkod pa, vyoho) of the [paradise-]field (ding, hetra) of MaijOghov ('Jam-dbyangs), the principal [image] and retinue,' five [in all] (gtso 'Wror lnga), An m a y of the [paradise] field of Sukhavati @De-ba-can) [etc.] were [all] seen. To the south and west, in the svastika-niches (g.yu[ng] [anmg Wlug pa = sbug pa; i.e. comers) were [depictions ofl Rigs-gsum mgon-po; In the western direction, [upon] columns (katshigs) were [images ofJ the Five Jina Families, And [wall-]paintings of king [Srong-btsan sgam-po's] endless feats for the welfare of the sentient beings. The Buddha-s of the Three Times being surrounded by the retinue Were [found as] frescoes on the [walls of the] western and northern swastika-niches (g.yu[ng] [anmg khug pa); On the wall-paintings between the northern and north-eastern [sides] [Depictions] of the accomplishments of the twelve deeds of the Muni were found; On the eastern wall side were [drawings ofJ TZiri (sGrol-ma), Avalokita (spyan-ras-gzigs) And Muni [in the posture ofJ subduing M&a (bdud 'dul) along with assemblies of [Bodhi]sattva-s [nine in all]. In the eastern and southern svastika-niches (g.yung drung khug pa = sbug pa) Were [depictions ofJ Bhagavat poised in an assembly with the Medicinal King (Bhaisajyariija; sMan gyi rgyal-po); The majority of wall-paintings inside the middle room (bar Wlang; i.e. second floor) [Depicted] TZiri and the white Hayagriva [ffa-mgrin] e t ~ . * ~ ' Drawn in accordance with the [paradise depicted in the collection of] one 890 MNKB E (Ca) 138b2-4; KCHKKHM-1782.5-6; KCHKKHM-2 252.4-9; KCHKKHM-3 462.2-3; C ~ Y M T N Y P269a1-4; GBCHBY 290.15-20; HBCHBY (JA) 43b4-5, 44a5-7; TSLKHKCH 18al. On the details of the frescoes of the southern walls, the witness in KCHKKHM-2, CHBYMTNYP, GBCHBY and HBCHBY are almost verbatim identical, albeit the last two texts have Khasarpani in the form of safeguarding against the eight fears; KCHKKHM-2 records that the image of KhasarpanilKhasarpana was white and in a three-fad and eight-amed fonn adding that it was TPri that was the saviduress protecting against the artabhqa. The drawings and the chisellings were executed by Newari craftsmen. 891 KCHlUCHM-I 783.1; KCHKKHM-2 252.9-1 1, 268.17; K C H K m - 3 462.4; CHBYMTNYP 269a3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 43b7-44a1, 44a4-7; TSLKHKCH 1231. These three idols were painted images (brk sh), cf. the notes 1080-1082. hundred and eight ~e ' u - b ~ m . ~ ~ ~ These variegated drawings with manifold colours, When the king saw these, he [greatly] rejoiced. On the eastern and southern turrets (lcog) open flight of steps (seng gi gru skas byas) were installed; In the svastika-niche (g.yung drung khug pa) a statue of ~ rDevi i (dPal[-ldan] lHa[-mo]) was installed; The northern gandhakarr-chapel (gtsang Hang byang ma), marvellous and po"'pous Had not been taken in possession by any image (lha yi bdag bzung mi 'dug) [yet], so The emanantional created king [Srong-btsan sgam-pol thought [it better when] The self-originated Eleven-Headed [statue of Avalokiteivara] [was brought] from [Mt.] Pota[la] [in 1Ha-sa] Being carried upon a waggon and accompanied by music And then be installed in the northern chapel; That evening the Self-originated [Eleven-faced AvalokiteSvara image], [this] central [figure] and its retinue, After having received a welcome with divine music, And even after having arrived through the air by way of magical faculties Took up residence without [any] seat (lit. throne, gdan Mri) in the northern chapel. 893 [Images ofJ Lokeivara ('Jig-rten dbang-phyug) embellished by [precious] ornaments and Jo-mo Bhrkuti (Khro-gnyer-can), Sarasvati (dByangs-can-ma), ~mpdcuidali(bDud-rtsi 'khyil-ba) were installed to the right side of the en trance. [Images of'J Khasarp-mi, being blue-necked (mgrin pa sngo ba), , the Goddess Marici ('Od-rer-can[-ma]), The venerable TSrS (s~rol-ma) 892 MNKB E (Cd) 208a3-4; KCHKKHM-2 268.4. Cf. also note 874 above. The one hundred and eight be'u-bum allude to depictions of ancient edifying legends and tales originally sung by bards. The be'u-bum genre replete with edifying tales was mainly prevalent in the XIIXIIth cent. (cf. Stein, 1959, p. 417ff). But the term (lit. a 'cow's nipple, (dug from which) the calf (sucks milk,) hence a designation for stories as spiritual nourishment) may arguably be a corruption for dpe 'bum, a 'collection of samples' and this old genre may well turn out to be nothing but an early Tib. equivalent of the Chinese bian-wen or bianxiang genre of pictorial, transformational recitation known e.g. from Dunhuang. 893 M?IKB E 138b4-6; KCHKKHM-1 781.6-782.2; KCHKKHM-2 246.5-8, 248.17-251.18; CHBYMTNYP 265a3-266a1,268bl-3; GBCHBY 288.12-13; HBCHBY (JA) 42b7-43a1,43a5-b3 (detailed). The statue was brought from the king's palace rnKhar-brag Iha-khang (cf. notes 900 and 91 1) lying between the dMar[-po-ri] and lCag[-khalpho-ri] @ho brang dmar lcags bar gyi mkhar brag lha &hang). The statue was installed in a projection (glo 'bur) bulging out from the building, cf. F K B WAM (G) 17a6; KCHKKHM-2 273.3-4; KCHKKHM-2 and HBCHBY are here more detailed than CLR. For the statue cf. the notes 544, 801. Hayagfiva (fla-mgrin), [were seen by] the kin (rgyal [etc. being] installed on the left side of the entrance.8 8 In that [very] instant (mod la) along with the mounmns The ocean-garbed (rgya mtsho'i gos can, samudrdmbard) [earth] shook in six directions; All the gods had a rain of flowers fall down; Subsequently, the king [and the queen], [i.e.] father and mother, [along with] the assembly of ministers, [Their] faces being covered with tears brought about] by the fervour of their faith, And each and everyone carrying [along his] item of offering, Presented [their] offerings and paid [their] respect with deep veneration, whereby they] attained both] the ordinary and the highest [paranormal] attainments (siddhi). For the safeguarding of the [Buddhist] Teaching and [as] Lord of the Soil (gzhi bdag) of this [place], The Niiga-kings Ananda and Uphanda, The Raksasa-king Latika Dahskandha, The yak& and a host of gandharva-s, Kuvera ~ a h and~ ~ afDevi i (dPal gyi 1Ha-mo) etc. Were [all] elected as Lords of Protection (srung ba'i bdag po) [preserving] the [Buddhist] Teaching and the temple [of 'Phrulsnang].w896 Subsequently, the Chinese princess too invited the king to Ra-mo-che and offered [him] a sightseeing, which pleased [the king] very much. [III [The Consecration of the Ha-sa Temples] Then the king, contemplating that [the temples ofJ 'Phml-snang and Ra-mo-che, the two, were to be consecrated (rub tu gnus pa), [he] arranged a wide [range] of items for a feast dong with inconceivably [many] items of worship, canopies, victory banners and music, the king then arrived upon the mandala, .. where he held a flower in his hand and [while] joining 894 In is unclear what rgyal po here refers to. Hardly to a statue of the king. Perhaps, as deduced from the more detailed prose passage in KCHKKHM-2, it is reminiscent of what this text states, op. CU. 251.5-6: bzhugs pa rgyal po blon po 'bangs dang bcos pas mthong, i.e. the installation was observed by the king, the ministers and the [entire Tibetan] population. 895 KCHKKHM-2 250.17-25 1 .6; DTHZHG 43.17- 19. 896 Cf. MNKB E (Ca) 138a6-bl ; HBCHBY (JA) 43a3-b3; TSLKHKCH 1 lbl-3. ~ h notes k 810-817 supra for further ref. Being the Protector of the IHa-sa site, close to the image of the Yaksa Niga-Kubera, treasuries and other costly precious items were concealed as means in order to safepard the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang when or if e.g. a watery menace at some point in the future should threaten the site, cf. Appendix, note 790 and foremost the notes 1023, 1035 infia . the palms of his hands, he declared the [following] truthful words:'" "Principal among the Bipeds, Munendra and Son of SiXkya, Promoting the welfare of the worldlings qua countless emanational creations; The Teacher, Sugata-s etc. Buddhas of the ten directions, pray, me kind and] bestow [upon us] happiness! By the current endowed with skillfulness in means (upayakQuSalya) and compassion (karud) , [They] convert &ch individual according to disposition, bringing [people] to maturity and liberation; The venerable AvalokiteSvara etc. Bodhisattva-s, pray, me kind and] bestow [upon us] happiness! The Promulgation of the Victor, completely pure and immaculate, Propagating Saddharma through the four [means ofJ conversions (bsdu ba[ 'i dngos pol bzhi, catvdri samgraha[vastu]); The Sons of the Victor (i.e. the Bodhisattva-s), the Elder (sthavira) Subhiti (Rab-'byor) etc. The Noble srsvaka-s, pray me kind] and bestow [upon us] happiness! Furthermore, in all the paradises (zhing khams) of the ten directions Of the past, the future and the present Buddha-s, Bodhisattva-s, by all Pray, [be kind] and bestow [your] blessing of empowerment on this place! " phus he] prayed and in a trice the Buddha-s and the Bodhisattva-s, the Heroes and the Heroines along with the Guardians of the Saddharma, [they] all convened as the moles [gather] in the sunbeam and crowded together like cloud and mist. Thereupon all the Buddha-s strewed flowers and performed [their] blessing, the Bodhisattva-s expressed their marigala, whereafter [the places] were consecrated. Gods such as Brahma and sakra had a huge rain of flower fall, and not only the son and daughters of the gods [carried] canophies (gdugs, channa), victory banners (rgyal mtshan, gafljira), banners (ba dun, patdka), ornaments (lhab lhub, vibhuana) and numerous embellishments such as precious rosaries etc., but [they also] let the drum of the gods, the flute (gling bu), the bronze-gong ('khar mga), the small drum (cang te'u) and many kinds of music [accompaniment] sound; the sweet-scenting smells of godly incense too penetrated the ten directions as if wafted by the smooth wind [coming from] Malaya 897 Cf. also identical HBCHBY (JA) 45a6-b2. The custom (sroT)of consecration (rub gnus) with regard to not only the Ra-sa temples but also bSam-yas was first formally introduced at the time of AtiSa, cf. dPal-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 53a6-b2. [whereby] a sweet smell [prevailed all over]. The sons and daughters of the gods proclaimed in unison (mgrin t ~ ) : ~ ~ ~ 'Unifying in one the intent of all the Buddha-s, AvalokiteSvara, endowed with the nature of compassion, In order to propagate the [Buddhist] Teaching in this barbarous borderland, 0 Noble One, you have been born as a Lord of Men. Gloriously exalted by knowledge, extraction and accomplishment, Srong-btsan sgam-po, the emanantional body (nirmdnokltya) of Buddha, 0 DharmarZija, your two temples Are being consecrated by the Buddha-s. The Bodhisattva-s have expressed their marigala All the gods have presented extensive offerings, From space a rain of flowers fell, In the intermediate sphere incense fumigated and congested like clouds. The entire site (sa gzhi thamr cad) was displayed (gcal du bkrum) with jewels; The victory banner of the Teaching of Buddha has been properly planted; The great holy drum of Saddharma has been stroken, Today the sun of Dharma has emerged on the heaven's firmament, Today the lamp of glory permeates everything. Today the king has attained the blessing of empowerment. Like the lotus discloses [its flowers] by the ray of the sun, Today the mental darkness has been fully removed. Like the poor ones unearth a trove of riches, Dharmariija [Srong-btsan sgam-pol , Bodhisattva, you Satisfy the senses of [everyone's] mind with joy and felicity." Thereafter they disappeared. Thus the consecration of the 'Phrul-snang temple and the Ra-moche temple, the two, were simultaneously accomplished in a [most] spontaneous way. A manner [of consecration] like this is not to be comprehended in terms of clarity, but is like a reflection in a mirror or like the moon in the water ((u)dakocdra), [nevertheless] the ruler [Srong-btsan sgam-pol along with all the ministers and the [Tibetan] subjects observed [it] directly. Thus, having prepared a grand feast, a show beyond imagination was given in agreement with the entire Tibetan populace that included [the performance ofJ song and dances. At that time the king was seated upon the jewel[-mounted] throne at the site of the feast. Having [then] risen, uttering words [which resembled] the voice of Brahma, the king 898 Lacking from all other versions. proffered the [following] song of joy:'99 "The Three Jewels (triratna) endowed with the nature of compassion The guide [showing] the path to liberation, Avalokita, With a mind [replete] with reverence [we] offer up prayers [to you], Pray, me kind] and bear in mind [this] song of felicity. Today, in space right above The Buddha-s and the Bodhisattva-s Are seen to take [their] seat like a heap of clouds, Felicity and consecration are [therefore] accomplished [most] spontaneously. The gods such as Brahma etc. Let the cymbal (sil snyan) sound, the voice of music, Had a rain of flower fall, Felicity and consecration are [therefore] accomplished spontaneously. [most] Planting the victorious banner of the Teaching of Buddha Conquering fully [all] nefarious quarters, By the splendour of [possessing] the potency of overcoming the host of Mas, Felicity and consecration are [therefore] accomplished [most] spontaneously. Beating the great drum of Saddharma, Appeasing naturally ignorance [among] the five vices, By the drum sound of the Three Jewels, Felicity and consecration are [therefore] accomplished [most] spontaneously. Today the sun of felicity has risen, A joyous mood is involentarily produced, Enjoyment of all wishes descends like a rain, Felicity and consecration are [therefore] accomplished [most] spontaneously. By the auspice of the tutelary deity, Srong-btsan sgam-po is [teeming] with happiness; Wherefore [I] am [now] singing a song of bliss, Pray, may my Tibetan subjects me blessed] with happiness!" The queen[s] and the ministers, along with [the king's] Tibetan subjects, all rejoiced 899 This seven-syllabic metrical song on happiness is also identically retained in HBCHBY (JA) 45th46a4. and cheered whereafter [they] paid the king their respects and resented [him] with offerings. Next, the king erected a temple at Brag-lha klu-sbugs,5bothe principal [image] king Thub-pa Brag-lha mgon-po,90' to the right [a statue ofl s2riputra and to the left [a statue ofl MaudgalyByana. To the right of the [latter] [a statue ofJ Maitreya and to left [a statue of] Avalokita. Although the principal [statue] and its retinue [of four], five [in all] (gtso ' b r lnga), were clearly visible on the rock, the Nepalese sculptors embossed [them later] in relief ('bur du brkos) in order to secure for the sentient beings of the posterity [a receptacle from where they] could accumulate merit. For the [planned] carving of a circurnarnbulation-path (bskor Wtang = bskor lam) [around the monastery] [along] the rocks, the Tibetan subjects were successful [in] chiselling it [out]. At that time, when salt was sixty [times] dearer [than barley] (tshva la drug cu bed yod pa), the king rewarded [everyone by recompensating] each half (phlyledpa) bre-measure [of hewed] rock-stone powder-dust (brag phye) with a [full] bre-measure of salt. The half bremeasure was even [reduced further] to a quarter (bre phyed t s m phlyled kyang) of stone powder bartered against salt and so [the king] was capable of finishing [all] the images and frescoes [to be installed] in the temple902 whereafter [the entire place] was [properly] consecrated. m e Act of Consecration afier the Successful Completion of the 7bo [Temples of] 1Ha-sa, the mTha '-'dul, Yang-[mrha '-l 'dul Temples etc. 900 MNKB E (Ca) 139a1-2, (Cd) 206~12; KCHKKHM-1790.3; KCHKKHM-2 228.1 1-ff., 23 1.17-18, 270.13-15; whereas KCHKKHM-3 467.7, CHBYMTNYP 272b2 ascribe the erection of the statue Brag-l[h]a mgon-po (Kun tu &l; 'dun zhal [sic]) to Jo-mo rGya[l]-[mol-btsun; MBNTH 64bS-6, 75al; GBCHBY 281.14-15; DCHBY 117.8-9: Zhang-zhung bza' Shi-ku erected Brag-ha'i rtse; Nel-pa, NGTMTPH 9b2, 12a7 mentions that Mong-bza' Khri-lcam erected the cave-temple. But this is a mistake for rnKhar-brag (cf. note 91 1, next Chapter); CHBY 257b5-6, 272b2 (Szerb, 1990). But most of the above texts maintain that it was queen Ru-yong bza' who erected the BragIha temple, which is a cave-temple perched on the ICags-po-ri (cf, Ferrari, pp. 41, 62). So also MBNTH 75al and HBCHBY (JA) 44b4-5 (but see also 37a7-bl). Only CLR holds that the king erected this temple. Cf. also notes 708, 712, 714 supra. The principal image was Vairocana (also called Brag-lha rngon-po), cf. next note. 901 The statue of Vairocana or rNam-par snang-mdzad Kun-tu zhal (Kun-rig? Sarvavid) Vairocana. 902 KCHKKHM-2 270.16; KCHKKHM-3 467.7-468.1; CHBYMTNYP 272b2-3; HBCHBY (JA) 44b4-5: Salt was eighty times dearer (than barley). XVI The Concealment of Treasuries and the Conversion of All Tibetan Subjects to Buddhism in order to Ensure the Emergence of Benefit and Felicity [q [The Birth of Gung-ri gung-btsan] ~ e x t , while ~ ' ~ the Chinese and the Nepalese consorts, the two, had no son born to them, the king married the so-called consort from Zhang-zhung (zhang zhung b ~ a ' )to, whom ~ ~ ~too no son war born. She erected the tem le of Thim-bu skog-pa.905This [temple] was located in the heart (khongs) of lCags-l~ha.~'Then [the king] married the so-called consort of Ruyong (ru yong b ~ a ' ) . ~ "Nor to her was a son born. She erected the temple of Mig-mangs903 The main part of the present chapter introduces, aside from a brief note on the king's consorts and the birth of his son, a celebrated story about two Khotanese monk-novices and a lengthy exposition on the provident burial of treasuries for the sake of the future sentient beings of Tibet. 904 MNKB E (Ca) 1 3 9 4 E (Cd) 206a1-2; KCHKKHM-2 23 1.15-16, 270.11-13; KCHKKHM-3 46j.4-5; CHBYMTNYP 272a4-5; MBNTH 74b6; GBCHBY 276.19-20,298.16-17; Zhang-zhung bza' Li-thig-sman, daughter of the Zhang-zhung king Li-[d]mig[s]-skyatbkra. HBCHBY (JA) 44a4. Cf. also Karmay, 1972, p. 78. According to KCHKKHM-2 208.11-209.5,23 1.7-232.11 : King Srong-btsan sgam-po had six consorts, all listed here in their order of seniority and succession: 1. Pho-gong Moog (or 1Dong)-bza' Khri-lcam (or khri-)btsun-ma, she laid the foundation for the IHa-sa mKhar-brag ha-khang; 2.Zhang-zhung (Boo-p'i bu-mo) Khri-btsun-ma, she laid the foundation for the Them-pu Ikogpa'i ha-khang ; 3. Ru-yong (or Ru-spong) stong-bza' Khri-btsun-ma, she laid the foundation for the Brag-ha mgon-po'i h a - b a n g ; 4. Li-lcam ml'hon-bza' Khri-btsun-ma, she laid the foundation for the IHa-sa Mig-dmangs-tshal gyi ha-khang; (the two above passages differ on the succession of the third and fourth queen); These first four great queens are also called btsun chen bod mu bzhi, while they all came from Tibet (incl. here Zhang-zhung), and while they are believed to be incarnations of Uur-m-s; 5. Bal-mo-bza' Khri-btsun-ma, incarnation of sGrol-ma dkar-mo, she laid the foundation of Rasa 'Phml-snang; 6. ffiya-mo-bza' Khri-btsun-ma Ong-Cong, incarnation of sGrol-ma sngon-mo, she laid the foundation of IHa-sa Ra-mo-che. The two famous queens of foreign origin. In this list the Mi-nyag-bza' is missing, cf. below, a queen only recorded in GLR and HBCHBY (JA) 33b5-6, 44b6 (paralleling GLR). dPal-bo maintains that the king had five queens, cf. also Haarh, 1969, pp. 52-53. The source for introducing this figure remains unidentified, but dPa'-bo suggests that Ru-yong-bza' and Mi-nyag-bza' are one and the same figure. 905 M?IKB E (Ca) 139a1-2, (Cd) 206a1-2: Khrims-bu kog (or 1kol)-pa (one passage ascribes to her the erection of Brag-ha klu-phug); KCHKKHM-2 231.15-17, 270.10-12: Yer-pa Them-bu Lkogpa' i ha-khang ; KCHKKHM-3 467.5; CHBYMTNYP 272a5: Thim-nya Ikog-ma; MBNTH 74b6; HBCHBY (JA) 44b4; DTHZHG 45.9-10. Cf. Karmay, 1972, p. 78. This temple should allegedly have housed a statue of gShen-rab. Cf. also note 780 supra. See also next note. 906 Or the district ICags-ha-khong. Unidentified,however from note 780 supra we learn that Them-palkog is located in 'Phan-yul, whereas KCHKKHM-2 (cf. prev. note) maintains that it is located in Yer-pa (north-east of IHa-sa). 907 T K B E (Ca) 139a2 (maintains that she raised Them-bu Lkol-pa temple, see above), (Cd) 206a2; KCHKKHM-2 23 1.18-19, 270.13-15; HBCHBY (JA) 44b5-6; DTHZHG 45.8-10. She did not erect the Mig-mangs-tshal temple, but erected the Brag-ha mgon-p temple with the image of Vairocana Kun-tu zhal (also called Kun-tu zhal gyi Iha-khang), cf. KCHKKHM-2 228.12ff. and the notes 900-901 in previous chapter. Full name Ru-yong-bza' de-khri-dkar, cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 53. Cf. next note. t ~ h a l , ~which ' ~ was located in ~ o - s h a - g l i n ~ . ~ ' ~ Then [the king] married the so-called consort of Mi-nyag (mi nyag bza 1,910but to her too no son was born. She erected the temple of Kha [= m~harl-brag-gser.91'This is located .~'~ [the king] married the so-called Mongin [the district of] m ~ h a r - ~ n a - g d o n gThereafter bza' ~ h r i - l c a m from ~ l ~ [the district and clan] Mong in s ~ o d - l u n g .To ~ ' ~her was prophesied that a son would be born and when nine or ten months had passed a son called Gung-ri gungbtsan915 was born, [a child] of royal extraction without peer, morn] in the iron-female-snake year (lcags mo ~ b n s Z ) ~in' ~the divine mansion of Brag-lha bkra-~his.~"A grand birth 908 According to the prevailing consensus in the other versions, it was Li-lcam Iha'i sras-mo lDong bza' who erected the temple of Mig-mangs-tshal gyi ha-khang, cf. KCHKKHM-2 270.17-19; Ru-yongbza' erected the Brag h a mgon-po Kun-tu-zhal gyi Iha-khang, cf. ref. previous note. 909 Only GLR offers a precise geographical location of this temple. Otherwise unidentified. 910 Only introduced by GLR and following this text, by dPal-bo, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 44b5-6. Cf. also note 904 above and next note. Cf. also Haarh, p. 53. 91 1 According to the majority of sources, it was the first queen (to Srong-btsan sgam-po) named [Phogong] Mong-bza' khri-lcam (for her diff. names, cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 53 and note 913 infra) who erected mKhar-brag Iha-khang, a temple which was furnished with gold and silver etc., cf. KCHKKHM-2 270.9-1 1; KCHKKHM-3 467.4; CHBYMTNYP 272a3-4; MBNTH 74b6-75al. Hence, the misplaced gser in the name of the temple in GLR appears to be a reminiscence of this. Alternatively, it may be reminiscent of the name-complement gSang, cf. below. But this statement is contradicted by BZH (Stein. ed. 2.13, Chin. ed. 1.17-18, 9.10) where it is maintained that it was raised during the reign of king Khri-lde gtsug-btsan (i.e. Mes-ag-tshoms; cf. note 1115), cf. also CHBYMTNYP 293b5 (where Nyang-ral thus contradicts himself, that is when we assume that m a r - b r a g is not refering to two distinct places!); so also Nel-pa (Uebach, p. 95); CHBY 139b5 (Szerb, p. 15); YLJBCHBY 58.18; HBCHBY (JA) 71a4; DTHZHG 50.8-9: gSang mKhar-brag. Cf. also the notes 1130, 1173 infro. Again, a solution to the problem may be that the queen of Srong-btsan sgam-po founded the mKhar-brag (chapel), but an actual temple was first established during Mes Ag-tshoms' reign. Cf. previous note. 912 Unidentified. But it was definitely located in the IHa-sa area and we may suspect that it is a misprint for Phag-sna-gdong, cf. note 708 and Appendix, note 1094 infra. 913 GLR: Mang. Full name: Pho-gong Mong-bza' Khri-lcam or Khri-btsun-ma; she erected the temple of IHa-sa mKhar-brag (cf. note 911); whereas MNKB E (Ca) 139a1-2 maintains that she erected Brag-rtsa ha-khang , (GBCHBY 276.18- 19: ~ r a ~ l r t Iha-khang), se MNKB 206a2 and HBCHBY (JA) 44b5: Yer-pa'i gtsug-lag-khang. Cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 53 for the different forms of her name. Confirmed Dunhuang Ms 249 (Bacot et al., p. 82.23-24): Mong-za Khri-mo mNyen Idong-steng. 914 This location is only attested in GLR and HBCHBY (JA) 33b5-6. 915 Also called Gung-srong gung-btsan. KCHKKHM-2 268.17- 18, 296.6-7; GBCHBY 298.19-2 1; YLJBCHBY 56.8-9: Gung-srong gung-btsan was son of 'Bro-@]za['] Khri-mo 'bring-stengs; HBCHBY (JA) 46a4-5; DTHMPSM 21b5-6, where bSod-nams grags-pa wrongly criticizes GLR for confusing the succession; DTHZHG 45.11. Dunhuang, Ms 249 (Bacot et al, p. 82.23-24): Gung-srong gung-btsan was son of Srong-lde-brtsan (= Srong-btsan sgam-po) and Mong-za Khnmo mNyen-ldong-steng. For the different forms of his name, cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 53. 916 This iron-snake year can only correspond to 621 A.D. Taking this year as point of departure and following GLR's own computation (cf. note 936 infra), he passed away, aged eighteen, in 638-639 A.D., whereas the Dunhuang material records that he fathered Mang-srong mang-btsan with Kongjo, who however first amved in Tibet 641 A.D. So Gung-srong passed away 646 A.D., and retaining the age eighteen as plausible, he was born 629 A.D., which however would mean, banquet (btsas ston) was prepared and everybody rejoiced. The [queen-]mother and the [prince-]son, the two, raised as [their] spiritual bond (thugs dam du) a temple and a caitya-receptacle at the site of ~ e r - ~ a ,[situated] ~" upon the lap resembling a sitting A r y ~T M and [outwardly] having the form of a rocky mountain. After the Ra-sa ['Phrul-snang temple] had been inaugurated, the father [i.e. the king] offered up prayers at [this very] temple of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang [which in importance] was tantamount to the life-vein (srog nsa gcig pa) of the [Buddhist] Teaching. Then the king,919in order to urge his Tibetan subjects to observe his [secular] laws based upon the ten [Buddhist] virtues, established a court of justice (&rim ra ' c h ) [based upon] horror and intimidation, proclaiming: "Those inflicting harm towards the Buddhist Teaching or act counter to the Tibetan law are to be punishedw,whereafter [the king] created emanational appearances, [i.e.] non-human [spirits] (mi ma yin, amonurya) [who were] chained and battered, [their] eyes pulled out and [their] knee-joint lamed' (bcing ba dung brdeg pa dang mig 'don pa dang sgyid pa gcod pa) etc. Although it did not not actually happen so (don la grub pa med kyang), it served its means of terrifying and frightening everybody, whereafter [they] were converted to the law of the ten virtues. [Q [The Monks from Khotan] At that timeg2' in ICang-ra smug-po of Li-yul [i.e. w hot an],^^^ two monk-novices 917 918 919 920 following a line of argumentation for Srong-btsan sgam-po's chronology placing his birth 617 A.D. (cf. the notes 449, 1046), that Srong-btsan sgam-po fathered Gung-srong at an age of eleven. This, among other things, compels us to suggest that king Srong-btsan sgam-po was born 569 A.D., cf. the notes 560, 562 and 1046 for further discussions. Cf. notes 708 and 900 supra. Corroborated by MNKB, cf. note 913; HBCHBY (JA) 106a7; DTHZHG 45.11-13: on the 'Phagsma sGrol-ma'i dbyibs-can gyi ri, the dPal gyi Yer-pa'i h a khang. Cf. parallel HBCHBY (JA) 46a4-bl. The famous story is found lengthy embodied or briefly referred to: h ? J K B E (Ca) 139a4-b4, E (Cd) 204al-205a1, WAM (G) 33b5-35a2; KCHKKHM-1 785.7-789.5; KCHKKHM-2 302.4305.8; KCHKKHM-34%. 1-478.2; CHBYMTNYP 287b4-290a2; MBNTH 79b4-81112; CBCHBY 252.16-253.12,295.6-10; DCHBY 108.13-14; CHBY 139a2 (Szerb, p. 14); HBCHBY (JA) 46al47b2; DTHZHG 45.19-23. Aside from GLR, the testimonies in Ml!dKB WAM, KCHKKHM-2, CHBYMTNYP and HBCHBY have preserved the most detailed versions. It is a narrative tradition of immense popularity. The story is in the numerous versions almost identically transmitted, albeit at varying length. A number of these sources, moreover, asserts that the present story may be consulted in the treatise entitled: Li-yul lung-bstan chen-mo; now, this work has little to do with the treatise found in the Buddhist Canon and entitled Li-yul lung-bstan-pa (cf. text and tr. by Emmerick, 1967), while we abortively search for any even indirect hint to the present narrative in this work. A plausible hint may he found in another very ancient and small treatise definitely originating from the dynastic period, the Li-yul chos kyi lo-rgyus (also ed. Emmerick, 1967, loc. cir. pp. 78-91 and which in fact contains a li-yul gyi lung-bstan (op. cir. p. 83 (48)), which, if the reference is to same text - which is far from conclusively settled - may have been its original or supplementary title). Cf. note 866 and in particular Appendix, note 920 for a fuller discussion. (sramanera) lived, who for eight years had [tried] to propitiate (bsgrubs pa) Arya MaiijuSfi without any success. A sound [suddenly] appeared from space [above], imparting to [them the following] prophecy: "Between you two monk-novices and MaiijuSfi, there is no karmic bond (las 'brel), wherefore [you would] hardly achieve any supernatural accomplishments (dngos grub, siddhi). The deity of you two is Arya Avalokita and this Arya has now emanationally retransformed [himselfl into the king of Tibet, [reigning] in the Snow-clad realm of Tibet. [You may] go there and pay [this king] a personal visit (zhal dngos su mjal)", whereafter [the voice] disappeared [again]. Merely b hearing this, the tiny hair on the body of both monk-novices shuddered tremendo~sl~.~' Without paying any [respect] to body and life and carrying along provisions of flour, they reached Tibet. There, while arriving at a chasm [which they had to] cross [in order to reach] the Valley (mda )' of s ~ o d - l u nthey ~ , ~observed ~~ along the river-bank many human corpses, [all] beheaded and with the eyes removed [as] they [had been] devoured by dogs. This made the monk-novices entertain some doubts and addressing a Tibetan as to the whereabouts of the king and the reason for the presence of these corpses, the [local] man responded: "[Our] king resides in 1Ha-sa and these corpses are transgressors of the law punished by the king." Both monk-novices [now] grew [strongly] sceptical and [recognized] that Avalokita was [none else but] the [responsible for] killing so [many] people. "We two Detter] have to turn back", [they] said and returned.925 [However,] the king [qua his supernatural clairvoyance] read the thoughts of these two, and the king ordered [his] minister 'Bri Se-ru gong-ston:926"Mount your horse and set off! In the Valley (mda ') of s ~ o d - l u [you n ~ ~will ~ ~find] two men dressed up in a square saffroncoloured robe, being tonsured and [wearing] the marks of a renunciate [i.e. monk] (rab ru byung ba, pravrajyd). [They] were [originally] planning to come into my presence, but [instead] grew sceptical and have [now started to make their] return pack to Khotan], so bring [them] hither by peaceful means!" The minister [was able] to follow [in their] tracks and [initially] both [monks] became very temfied, but [eventually they] were [persuaded] 921 This location is occasionally mentioned in a number of the texts and then in apparent different contexts, without having been properly identified. BZH (Stein ed. 71.7) and CHBYMTNYP 451a2 mention the king of 1Cag-ra smug-po in connection with Khotanese artisans being brought to Tibet in order to assist in erecting king Ral-pa-can's temple of 'U-shang-rdo; Nel-pa, NGTHTPH 8b3, mentions the erection of a temple Li-yul ICang-ra rmug-po to the south-east (of Tibet)! and bShadmdzod has the temple located to the north-east! (cf. Uebach, 1987, p. 91, n. 388), where it refers to the erection of temples by king Srong-btsan sgam-po to pin down the supine srin-mo (cf. GLR Chap. XIV). CHBY 150a5: ICang-ra; PMKTH (Chap. 79,462.3); KTHDNG (KHA) (Chap. VII 119.1-2) mentions that the place was invaded by Tibetans. Cf. also Karmay, 1972, p. 50. 922 This passage is lacking from the other versions. Added by Bla-ma dam-pa, obviously, to dramatize the narrative. 923 MNKB: Yar-lungs.. .dBu-ra (the name refering to the 'enclosure of heads' (dbu 'i ra ba; i.e. from beheaded corpses which even became the name of the place); KCHKKHM-I: Yar-lung Khra-'br~g; CHBYMTNYP: Yar-lung U-ra; MBNTH: Yar-lungs; GBCHBY: Khra-'brug and dBu-ri; HBCHBY: Khra-'brug and sTod-lung mda' . 924 Some of the other versions have here emngly MaiijuSn instead of Avalokitdvara. 925 MNKB E (Ca) 139b1, (Cd) 204bl; KCHKKHM-1 787.3; KCHKKHM-2 303.8; KCHKKHM-3 476.7; CHBYMTNYP 288b3; MBNTH 80a2; GBCHBY 253.2; HBCHBY (JA) 46b7. 926 Only GLR gives the name of the minister. For this figure cf. note 517 supra. 927 Most other texts have Dan-'bag-thang in Lhasa. Others both sTod-lung mda' and Dan-'bag-thaw. with tender words to be brought into the presence of the Tibetan king. There the Tibetan king greeted the two monk-novices, and with a smiling countenance the king inquired [them]:928"You two monk-novices why have you come to Tibet?" The two monk-novices responded: "We two come from Khotan. We have [tried] to propitiate Arya MaiijuSri for eight years, but failing, a voice emerged from space proclaiming: 'The deity of you two is Arya Avalokita. As this Arya presently has retransformed [himselfj emanationally into the king of Tibet, [reigning] in the Snow-clad realm of Tibet, [you may] go there and pay [this king] a personal visit!" So the two of us have come to Tibet without paying any respect to [our own] body and life. En roue (lam kha m)[we] found many human corpses, and when inquiring a Tibetan, it was said to be law-breakers punished by the king. We therefore became temfied and [decided to] return." The king then satisfied the two with food and drink and then took off his crown-turban (thod phud) and [thereby] uncovered the countenance of A-mi de-ba [i.e. Amihbha], declaring: "I am the king of Tibet, the Compassionate One. Ever since I assumed the royal power I have not only rendered beneficial service to the sentient beings up to the present [day] now by bringing [them] unto the path of Liberation and Enlightenment, but [they] have never experienced any harm inflicted py me] even as much as [one may find] on the point of a needle! The Tibetan population descends from [the union] of an ape and a rock-ogress, so [I] have created some forceful emanational manifestations." Snapping his fin ers (se go1 The~ two ~ brdab par), the corpses disappeared like a vanishing rainbow (70' p l ba b ~ h i n ) % monk-novices [regained their] faith and trust [in the king], and requested: "Great king! Be kind and [give us] instructions which summarize the three topics (don gsum la 'dus pa'i g d ~ m s ~ina order ) ~ ~to~[enable us to] understand the [Buddhist] Dharma, [while] the two of us have covered a long distance and underwent [great] hardships [to come here]. The king responded: "[You] two monk-novices pay attention! Summing up entirely the foundations of all [Buddhist] Teachings, [they] can be subsumed under three headings (don): By means of the body, avoid [altogether] taking lives, to take what has not be given or to act unchastely etc. Pay [your] respect in front of [any receptacle pertaining to] the Three Jewels and circumambulate it! Hold in esteem the [precious] jewel of morality, the basis for obtaining a blissful pody] in a happier state! Never and in no way part from the precious ornament, the [three higher] discipline (Silrrll)! By means of speech, renounce [altogether] slanderous lies (rdzun phra ma) and utterance of crude words etc. and recite the Six-syllabic [formula], the highest maxim, the [very] root of all supernatural accomplishments [bringing] happiness and benefit, the trove of all qualities and prosperity, the essence uniting the roots of all teachings, the [very] nature which unifies in one the intent of all the Buddha-s! By means of the mind, abolish [altogether] covetousness ( b m b sem.), ill-will and 928 Most other texts mention that the Tibetan king spoke to them in Khotanese. 929 This last narrative incidence is lacking from the other versions, and only partly retained in HBCHBY. 930 1.e. body, speech and mind (/us,ngag, y d ) . This religious instruction interwoven into the Li-yul story is lacking from the other versions. Its provenance may therefore either be a hitherto unknown gdams-pa portion from a Vita of the king, as yet unidentified, or represents Bla-ma dam-pa's own paraphrase culled from the teachings delineated in the bulky instruction-cycle embodied in Y K B (WAM (F)). The doctrinal content of these teachings given here does not differ substantially from those offered in GLR Chap. IV supra. heretical thoughts etc., and seek refuge in the Three Jewels. Not only should everyone inevitably regard all [other] sentient beings pertaining to the six classes and three sphere (khams gswn rigs drug) as one's own parents (rang gi pha mar ma gyur pa gcig kyang rned pas), but also me endowed] with the zealous wish ('dun pa dragpo) of taking upon oneselves (rang gi rgyud thug tu Zen pa) the unbearable sufferings of these and confer [upon] these [sentient beings] whatever one possesses of benefit and happiness! Be [moreover] endowed with a good thought [in which] oneself should contemplate holding others in esteem! In short, do not even for one moment separate from the precious thought of enlightenment (bodhicitta), affection and compassion! A benign inclination (bsum bzang) surpasses a pious one (chos bzang). If [you] are equipped with these three points then [you] will acquire the status of Buddhahood within one [single] existence and one [single] body. If [however your disposition] lacks these three points then, you may hold all the satra-s and tantra-s of [Buddha's] promulgation and of scripture and manuals (lung man ngag) in [your] mind, but it [would] be hypocrisy (Ma chos) and be without substance (snying po rned)." Then the king preached to the two monk-novices the three cycles of Mahiikiirunika [AvalokiteSvara], the [Saddhama]Pundarikastitra, and the benefit of the six-syllabic [formula], and [thus] brought [them firmiy] on the path of Liberation and Enlightenment. Subsequently, the two monk-novices were pleased and rejoiced and [they] paid [their] respect my bowing] to the feet of the king. [They] requested accordingly:931 "Alas! Dharmarsja, emanantional body Compassionate Aryapdo Since [we] are to travel mack to our] country, we ask for an escort." The king responded:932"Do you two [really] want to reach [your] country in an instant and unimpeded?" The two monk-novices spoke: " By all means [we] would like to reach [our] country effortlessly (dka' tshegs med par)." The king therefore anointed the skirts of both with one bre-measure of sand each and [then] graced [them with] an alchemical blessing (gser 'gyur gyi byin gyis brlabs). Placing his hand on the head of both, he proclaimed: "Use whatever baggage [you] have as cushion (yo byad gang yod sngm su chug) and [now] go to sleep while recollecting the country of the both of you!" The two having acted accordingly, they] [instantly] went to sleep (gnyid thumpa song) and [thus arrived] in their own country.d3 The sand-dust on [their] skirts turned into gold and in [their] subsequent existence they both attained the fruit of ~ r h a n t s h i ~ . ~ ~ ~ [a[Gung-ri gung-btsan] Thereafter, when the prince Gung-ri gung-btsan reached the age of thirteen, he assumed royal power, entered matrimony and the son called Mang-srong mang-btsan was born in the fire931 Lacking altogether from the other versions, except HBCHBY (JA) 46a6-7. 932 Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 46a7-b2 slightly different. 933 This element also shared by KCHKKHM-2, CHBYMTNYP and MBNTH, but lacking in HBCHBY. 934 MNKB E (Cd) 205al; KCHKKHM-2 305.2-3; MBNTH 81a2. male-dog year.935 [King] Gung-ri gung-btsan held the power for five years, and at the age of eighteen936he passed away in the [royal palace at] Potala. "Gung-ri gung-btsan passed away prior to [his] father; His tomb was built in Don-mkhar-mda'; As to succession it was placed to the left of gNam-ri-srong-btsan['s tomb] ,937 Its name was Gung-chen gung-ri.938So it is told." A ain, the [old] king assumed the royal power [again] and brought about happiness [in Tibet]. 959 [ N ] [Burial of Treasuries] The king then again thought: "My Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang temple and the rGya-stag Ra-moche temple, the two, must be equipped with uncountable properties [in order to] stand just as long as the Buddhist Teaching durates." So [in order to make these two temples] resemble a precious continent, [where] Buddha-s, Bodhisattva-s, d m - s and jiiSnad&ini-s each [had] transformed [themselves] emanationally [into] the lowest gestalt [i.e.'human beings] and had taken up permanent residence [there], and in order to make [the two tetnples] surpass all [other] Tibetan temples and to be equipped with numerous unmeasurable qualities, [in order to] make the [amount ofJ comfort for the trainees (vaineya)[active there] equal to space, [to make] whatever [one] wishes come true according to [one's] wishes, to make all the affluence [found in] the 935 Cf. also GBCHBY 299.5-9; DCHBY 118.12; DTHMP 17a5; YLJBCHBY 56.15-57.4: He mamed 'A-zha [b]za['] Kho-'jo Mong-rke khri-dkar ti-shags. This can only refer to 626 A.D., but in fact king Mang-srong mang-btsan ruled from 650 until his death 676 A.D. As discussed earlier (cf. e.g. note 449) the chronological data conserved in later Tibetan historiography are beset with serious problems when comparing it with other material. According to the present narrative, Gung-ri gung-btsan was born 621 A.D. (cf. note 916), which makes it impossible to ascribe to him the fathership of Mang-srong mang-btsan in 626 A.D. Mang-srong mang-btsan was son of Gung-srong gung-btsan and consort Kong-jo Mang-mo-j e Khri-skar (i.e. Wencheng Gongzhu), cf. Dunhuang Ms 249 (Bacot er of. p. 82.25-26), which suggests that he was born between 641 and 646 A.D., when king Gung-smug passed away and Srong-btsan sgam-po took over his second tern of rule. 936 CHBYMTNYP 292a3: Gung-srong gung-btsan son of Mang-srong mang-btsan!; GBCHBY 299.14; DCHBY 118.8-9; BGR 198a4-5; NGTMTPH 5b5-6 (Uebach, pp. 76-77); DTHMP 17a4; YLJBCHBY 56.8- 12; GBYTSH 122a2-3; HBCHBY (JA) 46b2; DTHZHG 45.15- 16; DSYML 57.8-10. Gung-srong gung-btsan most likely ruled from 641 until his death in 646 A.D. Cf. previous note. 937 DCHBY: to the right. 938 DCHBY 118.10-1 1; YLJBCHBY 56.13-14; GBYTSH 122a3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 47b3-4. Cf. Panglung, 1988, pp. 336-37. 939 His second term of rule from 646-649 A.D. neighbouring [states] to be gathered at this place, to [ensure] victory over all [neighbouring] border [countries], and [in order to make these temples and their idols installed there] without peer in Tibet, [in order to make their] light and rays permeate all ten directions, [so that their] repute and fame cover all places on earth, [in order to make their] blessing equal to the light of the sun and moon, [in order to make] jewels, riches, grain, gold, silver, wealth (dbyig), ornaments, clothes and [other] material comfort fall like a rain, and in order to make [them] be endowed with numerous [other] properties, [the king decided it was] necessary to hide treasuries after [he] had examined [properly] the auspicious features of the [Tibetan] territory (sa 'i yon tan bltar). So for example just like the Wish-granting Gem, which, relying on its power, provides wealth [for] every town and city along the coast of the ocean, the origin of all wishes, so also in this place which is possessive of treasuries of precious stones, wealth and material comfort will come about [all] by itself. Therefore, [to provide similar circumstances] for the sake of the Tibetan people of the posterity the treasuries [that were] hidden [in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang were as follows]: At the place near the pillar with a vase-shaped [capital] (ka ba bum pa can) [texts and writings ofJ the [Buddhist] Saddharma were hidden. The benefit (yon tan) of this [concealment]: In the future the Teaching of Buddha would emerge like the rising sun here in country of Tibet [whereby its population] would have [full] enjoyment of ~addharma.~~' At the place near the pillar [with the capital ornamented] with leaf-carvings (ka ba shing lo can) gold and silver and precious troves were hidden. The benefit of this [concealment]: All the wealth of the [neighbouring] border[-countries] would be gathered centrally [i.e. in Tibet whereby the Tibetan population] would have [full] enjoyment of gold and silver.94 At the place near the pillar with a snake-head-shaped [capital] (ka ba sbml mgo can) [texts containing] powerful mantric formulae and conjurations (drag sngags mthu) were hidden. The benefit of this [concealment]: [all neighbouring] border-armies, the vighna (bgegs)- and vindyaka (log 'dren)-spirits [thus] refrain from appearing.942 940 MNKB E (Cd) 208a5; KCHKKHM-1 784.4; KCHKKHM-2 259.8-16; KCHKKHM-3 465.3-6; CI-~BYMTNYP 270b3-27 1a1 ; GBCHBY 292.2; DTHZHG 46.8: treasuries of human precious jewels. Cf. next note. These sources, being briefer, differ uniformly from GLR. KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. VIII (the 4. section entitled: grer byang mdzod kyi lde mig rgyud las them pa 'i 'og dung ko ba bum pa can) 157.15-159.8: This lengthy description confirms that the treasuries kept under this pillar were precious objects. Only GLR and HBCHBY (47b5, following it) maintain that religious texts were buried. 941 MNKB E (Cd) 208a4; KCHKKHM-2 258.14- 16,259.7-8; KCHKKHM-3; CHBYMTNYP 270a6b3;' GBCHBY 291.19-20: the items hidden here were religious troves (chos kyi grer) i.e. religious texts; whereas KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. XVIII (6. section entitled: kha byang mdzod kyi lde mig rgyud las ka ba shing lo can) 159.23-160.14: sahana to avert hail (ser ba) etc.; KCHKKHM-2 255.4- 13, incidentally, maintains that along the sides of the pillars with leaf-ornamented capitals, Swastika-Bon frescoes (g.yung drung bon gyi rgyud ris) were drawn. GLR and HBCHBY ( J A ) 47b5-6 concur in maintaining that precious objects were hidden there. dPa'-bo moreover maintains, op. cir. 48a3-4, that Ka-bkol-ma says that the troves hidden there were religious text-troves. Followed by the Vth Dalai Lama's DTHZHG 46.6-7 and TSLKHKCH 13al; cf. previous note. 942 MNKB E (Cd) 208a4-5; KCHKKHM-1 784.2; KCHKKHM-2 258.19-259.2; CHBYMTNYP 270b3; GBCHBY 291.20; KTHDNG O(HA) Chap. XVIII (7. section entitled: kha byang m d z d kyi lde mig rgyud las ka ba sbrul mgo can) 160.15-161.5; HBCHBY (JA) 47b6; DTHZHG 46.6-8; TSLKHKCH 13al-2. At the place near the pillar with a lion-head-shaped [capital] (kabu seng mgo can) [the king's written] benedictions (g.yang yig) were hidden. The benefit of this [concealment]: The dairy breed (bzhon phyugs) multiplied and the dairy produce (dkar thog bcud) would be ensured.943 The precious ratna deva was inserted into a small chest of onyx (gzi) which was then rolled into five different sorts of silk-brocade and then hidden beneath [the statue of] ~ z a m b h a - l a The . ~ ~ benefit ~ of this [concealment]: [It ensured] the occurence of all [kinds ofJ ornaments, cloth, riches and grain etc. ad libitwn (gang la ci 'dod). The precious stag-sha deva was covered with the hide from a snake and hidden in the ~ i i ~ a - c h a ~ eThe l . ~benefit ~' of this [concealment]: The harvest and the cattle (lo [thog dung] phyugs) were [to be] bountiful and the rain [to be] timely (dm su), [wherefore] the harm [caused by] the spirits of the soil and the ndga-s were abolished. The lapis-lazuli begging-bowl filled with unmeasurable kinds of food was hidden in the Yaksa-chapel. The benefit of this [concealment]: The occurence of all one could wish for in terms of material comfort of food and drink, skuring [for the Tibetans] nutritious food (m bcud) .946 If demolishment (zhig rat) were to threaten the [two] Ra-sa temple[s], then in order to [ensure their] restoration (gso ba) [in the future] and [to ensure] lasting offerings, a great kettle was filled with gold, silver, various sorts of precious objects, and [subsequently] . . whereafter prayers were offered to karmically favourably hidden underneath a great mandala fated individuals.947 Furthermore, in order to ensure a bright temtory, a seasonable rain, the harvest of sundry grains, the abolishment of drought, frost, hail, blight and famine and [in order to ensure] the abolishment of [any] damage [in form] of plague or of military [invasion from neighbouring] border-countries, [in order to ensure] the prosperity [to prevail] at all times and in [all] circumstances, [in order to ensure] the entire country to be permeated by felicity, previous objects, gold and silver etc. were wrapped up in sundry kinds of silk-brocade, inserted into a precious basket and then hidden [along] the inner circumambulation-circuit [in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang around] the Yaksa-chapels, the ndga-chapels and the [other] chapels.948 These [details given here] are'merely a resume (zur tsam), so if you want to know in 943 MNKB E (Cd) 208a4; KCHKKHM-1 784.3-4; KCHKKHM-2 259.2-7: KCHKKHM-3 465.3-4; GBCHBY 291.21-292.1; DTHZHG 46.8: Underneath the ka ba seng ge lag zan ma t-uries were hidden [containing magic formula to] avert [evil]; KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. XVlII (the 5. section entitled gter byang mdzod kyi lde rnig rgyud las ka ba seng ge can) 159.9-22: Texts and items of mhu. HBCHBY (JA) 47b6-7 corroborates GLR, followed e.g. by TSLKHKCH l3a2. 944 MNKB E (Cd) 208a6; HBCHBY (JA) 47b7; TSLKHKCH 13a2-3. 945 MhJKB E (Cd) 2086-6; KCHKKHM-1 784.6-785.1; KCHKKHM-2 260.5-9: HBCHBY (JA) 47b7; DTHZHG 46.6-9; TSLKHKCH 13al-3. One version has it, that it was hidden in the thumb (mrhe bong) of the Nigarija Buddha Bhagavat, after the precious stag sha deba had been covered by a piece of snake-hide and deposited in a small onyx-box. 946 IblNKB E (Cd) 208a6-bl ; KCHKKHM-2 260.10-15; HBCHBY (JA) 48al; DTHZHG 46.9-1 1. 947 1.e. hoping that they would find these treasuries sometimes in the future; F K B E (Cd) 2086-6; KCHKKHM-1 784.4-6; KCHKKHM-2 259.16-260.5; CHBYMTNYP 27 la1-2; KTHDNG O(HA) Chap. XVIII, 156.7-11 ; HBCHBY (JA) 48al-2; LlTHZHG 46.9-10. 948 KCHKKHM-2 260.14-16, 261.8-262.7; KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. XVIlI (the 3. section entitled: gter byang mdzod kyi Me mig rgyud la dkyil 'Wtor 'og), 156.6-14; HBCHBY (JA) 48a2-3. [even greater] detail the way how treasuries were concealed (gter sbas lugs), [you] may look [it] up in the rGyal-po bKa9i thang- ig!949 Subsequently, the king spoke:9 O "The benefit from concealing these treasuries: The fame and renown of my temple would cover the place reached by the sun and the moon. In the world ('dzam bu gling) it is unrivalled. [The number of religious] trainees (gdul bya) [arriving here] and the [amount ofJ religious service will expand fully, all the [neighbouring] border-people will come under [our] dominion and the magnificence [of Tibet] will equal the sky. In the future, when my grandson, [his] queen, ministers and the entire Tibetan subjects [ever should] wish to erect temple[s], then [they] should make a first-offering of earth and stone (sa phud dang rdo phud bskyal) here at this Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang temple of mine, and the consecration would be accomplished spontaneously. [These temples] would [then] prosper and be endowed with numerous attributes without being obstructed by M a a or Viniyaka-s." Then the king placed his hand on the head of the grandson Mang-srong mang-btsan at the plain of 1Ha-sa and [he] explained accurately the [content and meaning of the sijtra of] spang-skong phyag-brgya-pa, [Saddharma]Pundarikasltra ( d o Padma dkar-po), Saddbanna Candradipa (Zla-ba sgmn-ma), the'sahana-cycle-s (sgrub skor) and the explanatory tantra-s (bshad rgyud) of the Avalokita[-cult], [his exposition denoted] the 'Revelation on the Hidden [for] the Future' (Ma- 'ongs-pa Gab-pa mngon-parphyung- b ~ ) , ~ " [how] to render service to [the sanctuaries in] 1Ha-sa, [how] to pay one's respect and [how] to make offerings [to the images inside the temples], [how] to circumambulate [the receptacles] and [he] demonstrated the merit of beholding, listening to, recollecting and of touching [the images], [how] to repair the outer embarkment (phyi'i rags gso) [along the sKyid-chu and gTsan-po river to prevent any klu-perpetrated inundations], and [finally explained to him] the benefit of rendering service to the images [found] inside [the temples]. 952 sY 949 This may refer to rGyal-po bKa'i thang-yig (also called rGyal-po'i dkar-chag Thang-yig chenmo), in casu probably identifiable with KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. XVIII: Ma- 'ongs rgyal-brgyud nor skal sbas-pa dang sngags- 'chang bla-mchod man-ngag rgyas btab-pa, 153.1-208.18: This lengthy chapter consists of 44 minor sections (le'u) delineating the items of treasury concealed during the dynastic period at various locations, in the main but not exclusively within the period of Srong-btsan sgam-po. Alternatively, yet less likely, it may refer to an earlier, perhaps more detailed version of this latter text; cf. also KCHKKHM-1 785.1-6; whereas in CHBYMTNYP 271a2-bl, Nyang-ral states that the many details on the treasury-burying (cf. prev, note) may be looked up in the testament-scroll (bka' chems shog ril) [of the King] (but not = KCHKKHM-2, as it is equally fairly brief, an indication that KCHKKHM-2 is probably not the long-sought large-sized protoKCHKKHM, but without further material it is impossible to answer this interesting question properly). Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 48a3: bKa' yi thang-yig. Cf. finally note 500 supra. 950 Paralleled in HBCHBY (JA) 48a5-b3. Only dPa'-bo's version is in metrical form. The allusion in this passage to sa phud and rdo phud offerings being made here in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang when other temples should be erected naturally refers to king Ral-pa-can's erection of the temple at 'U-shangrdo (cf. the notes 1445-1448). This suggests that this part of king Srong-btsan sgam-po's Vita, at the earliest, was composed at the time of this king. 951 Cf. KCHKKHM-2 276.8-12; HBCHBY (JA) 54a7. For the cycles of Avalokita, cf. note 490 supra. Both above sources do not mention the last source, i.e. Gab-pa mngon-phyung, for which see next Chapter, note 961. 952 Cf. briefer HBCHBY (JA) 48b3-5. Cf. also note 1023ff. infra. The punya-rewarding enterprise of rendering service to Dharma, in casu by internally restoring the temple of Ra-sa and externally erecting embarkments etc. is The son wrote down [the exposition given by the father] which was [then] hidden as a treasury in the ~aksa-chapel.953 Furthermore, [the king] declared:954 'In the fifth generation from me a king will appear [with the name-elements] khri and Ide. At that time numerous pandita-s will come from India and translate all [the books and writings] of Saddharma and [subsequently] put [these writings] in proper order. Many temples will be erected and the Teaching of Buddha will spread and propagate. The ordained [monks] will be fully ornamented by the [mastery ofl the three disciplines and many [individuals] wearing the saffron-yellow victory banners (ngur smrig gi rgyal mtshun gsol ba mangpo; robes, i.e. monks]955will come into existence. [They shall] function as court chaplain (dbu'i mchod gnas) of m [future] grandson[s], their livlihood will be provided by the court ('tsho ba bla nus sbyorJs6 [whereby] all [kinds ofl benefit and felicity will appear." Minister mGar immediately wrote down [this prophetic declaration] on a co per tablet (zangs kyi byang bu) and subsequently concealed it in a trove at 'Phying-phu.9 5 f Furthermore, [the king] propounded uncountable instructions relevant to world[ly affairs] successively to the minister of the exterior and interior and to the men and women of the Tibetan population down to the children and qua the generative [meditative] stage (bskyed rim, utpannakrama) of M a h w n i k a [these instructions] were t r a n s f e d into the 953 954 955 956 repeatedly stipulated in the relevant literature. According to the transmission-line of F K B (dKarchag) 1lb4-5, many of the text-holders of the king's Vita were known as embarkment-builders (ra sa 'i chu rags pa). V K B E dKar-chag, 1la5-12al (no mention of the son, only its discovery); HBCHBY (JA) 48b5. This is a somewhat contracted rendition (also with a different wording) of a prophetic testamentary proclamation given by the king and foreseeing the arrival of different kings and the development of Buddhism in Tibet during the rest of the dynastic period. The lWlJKB WAM (F + G) is replete with numerous similar, mainly versified, prophetic testaments, see mainly the next chapter, note 1044 inpa. The present brief prose-written testamentaiy manifesto is also found in BZH (Stein ed. 1.1-9, Chin. ed. 1.1-9 slightly different in wording); nJBCHBY 54.11-55.1 ;HBCHBY (JA) 48b6-49al (metrical), 52b5-6 and 70b7-71a3. A prediction containing similar statements, mostly kept in metrical form, is found in other versions: MNKB E (Cd) 209b5-210a3, WAM (G) 21b6-22a3, 25b6-30b3; KCHKKHM-1 793.6-794.4; ' KCHKKHM-2 274.18-276.12, 278.13-289.5; KCHKKHM-3 469.7-470.6; CHBYMTNYP 273b6-284b3;MBNTH 76b4-77a3;GBCHBY 293.614; DTHMPSM 22a4-6. Also in BZH, the same passage being cited in HBCHBY glosses rgyal mrshan with na bza'. The renunciates or monks (prawajyd), as mentioned in the slightly lengthier version of the prophecy in the other versions, are also defined as dbu reg and i$&s den, i.e. tonsured and unshod. Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 51.5ff., Chin. ed. 59.13); MBNTH 120a2ff. Cf. also Nel-pa NGTMTPH 10bl-2 (Uebach, 1987, pp. 100-101, nn. 463-464): dbu 'i mchod g n u = bla'i mchod gnus, royal objects of veneration as Uebach translates, but this must be specified: royal or rather court (bla)-commissioned chaplains (mchod g m ) . The same passage also mentions that two types of mchod gnus found: lha and mi, i.e. divine sanctuaries, i.e. idols, books, temples, or objects of Triratna and the human mchod gnar, here chaplains or priests. The term bla, rather that meaning just the king or even 'higher authorities' (Obrigkeit) more precisely refers to the power-executing court which also included the ministers. 957 BZH (Stein ed. 1.1-2, Chin. ed. 1.1-3); YLJBCHBY 54.18-55.1 ; HBCHBY (JA) 48b7-49a1, 52b5-6, 70b7-71al. Cf. note 1121 infra. teaching of the Six-syllabic [formula].958*959 Furthermore, even the king's own biography was made in three [versions i.e.1 a large, mediocre [and minor], and having made three text-rolls (shog drit) and concealed [them] underneath the pillar with the [capital] shaped like a vase (ka ba bum pa can).960Prayers were offered to karmically favourably fated individuals [to find them at a suitable time]. Then all the activities of the king and the queen were completed. [They] resemble parents providing hope for the population of Tibet, [they] resemble the caravan-leader rescuing the worldlings, [they] resemble a jewel, the origin of [all] wants and wishes and [they] resemble the impartial sun and the moon [shining on all alike]. Being wise in actions and means, no exterior enemy [threatens Tibet], being gracious and good, the domestic population is safeguarded. All the Tibetan subjects under [their] sway thus became wealthy and [lived] in comfort and joy. The Concealment of Treasuries and the Conversion of all Tibetan Subjects to Buddhism in order to Ensure the Emergence of Benefit and Felicity. 958 Cf. briefly HBCHBY (JA) 49al. 959 "gloss: This too had been written down by minister 'Bri Se-ru gong-ston in order to benefit the Tibetan subjects in the future. Acc. to HBCHBY (JA) 49a1, it was written down by Thon-mi. 960 HBCHBY (JA) 49al-2: no mention o f the king's testament; TSLKHKCH 13a4-13bl: underneath ka ba shing lo can. XVII [How] King [Srong-btsan sgam-pol and [his Two] Queens, Father and Mother[s], having fully Accomplished their Mission, were Absorbed into the Heart of [the Statue ofJ the Self-originated Eleven-faced [AvalokiteSvara] Om mani padme horn. Homage to the deity Mahiikihnika. The [following] morning (mng par),961when the sun had risen, prince Gung-srong gung-btsan,962 [son of] king Srong-btsan sgam-po, the Protector of the Dharma and an incarnation of MahdGmnika [AvalokiteSvara], from the upper story of the topmost point [of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang] by using his own garment as a seat for his father, the great king, served [him] numerous dishes of food, paid [him] his respect and circumambulated [him respectfully], whereafter he addressed [him] with the following "Alas! The karmic activity of all Buddha-s The compassion of Amitiibha The messenger of Sukhivati The refugium of the entire Tibetan population. [I,] ordinary meing finally] came to meet [personally] with [you,] the Victor, [You] who [perpetually] look upon all of us [mortals] with compassion; Although [the mind of your's] appears to be a deep mind, The compassion [in] truth [reflecting] Reality (dharmutd) (chos nyid don kyi thugs rje), Without hiding [it] in the [profound] mind of the Victor, [You] [instead] have disclosed the hidden (gab pa mngon du phyung) [nature of things and of your profound mind]: Pray [0king] [therefore], be kind and demonstrate the self-manifestation (rang snang) and objectless (yul med) wltimate Nature of things (chos, dharma)] ;964 Pray, be kind and demonstrate the inconceivable (blo 'dm) [state of things] and [its] [state of sheer] inactivity (byar m d = bya [balr med pa);965 961 The present chapter consists of a lengthy quote from a particular text-cycle which constituted a sort of religious and philosophical manifesto and legacy ascribed to king Srong-btsan sgam-po entitled Ma-'ongs Gab-pa mngon-phyung 'Revelation of the Hidden [for] the Future'. Cf. Appendix, note 961 for a fuller discussion. The chapter finally includes a narrative of the king's ritual absorption into the statue of his tutelary deity, the king's last act. 962 MNKB WAM 12a3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 49b1-2. 963 The following versified request forwarded by prince Gung-srong gung-btsan is found faithfully embodied in MNKB WAM (G) 12a4-6; HBCHBY (JA) 49b2-4. All three versions are, aside from minor variants, identical, consisting of sixteen seven-syllabic lines. The scene set here with the exchange of words between father and son is naturally intended to bear a strong resemblence to the exchange between a bodhiram interlocutor and Buddha known from siitric scriptures. 964 Cf. e.g. also MNKB WAM (F) 12a.2, HBCHBY (JA) 47a7: All the entities or phenomena (dharma) of s a ~ d r and a 'nirvana are self-manifested and non-referential (var. baseless; 'khor 'ah gyi chos thams cad rang snang yul med (var.: gzhi med)). For the term, gzhi [rtsa] bra1 = srong h nyid, cf. Ehrhard, 1990, pp. 274, 289. 965 Cf. also MNKB WAM (F) 12a2; HBCHBY (JA) 49a7. And yet even after [you] have demonstrated [this] in a genuine fashion, Pray, [I] beg [you] to inculcate [this] in our mind (blo la sbyar) Which has risen out of the power of the three bodies, Residing [itselfJ in a state of inactivity (byar med)." [Q [Revelation of the Hidden (Gab-pa mngon-phyung)] Thus [he] requested while paying his respect. Then the king responded:966 "Great Devaputra, pay heed! I am the karmic activity emboding all Buddha-s, Further, [I have] taken my vow in the presence of Amit2bha: Qua [my] mental orientation [towards] Enlightenment (bodhicitta) welfare to the Tibetan population will come about; I and the Victor (Jina; Buddha) are non-dual; [All] the worldlings are my trainees (gdul bya, v[a]ineya); All ye are the blessing of Arya [AvalokiteSvara]; The [following advices (gdams pa) of the] profound mental intent (dgongs rgyud) of the Victors Are the vehicle (lam steg[s]) [leading anyone] to the paradise (zhing khams) ofJ Arya[-~valokiteivara],but The [instructions (man ngag) anent the] compassion which [in] truth (don) [reflects] Reality (dhamzatd),967 Although it is improper to demonstrate [these precepts] to those [following] the Lesser Vehicle, Out of a loving disposition, [I shall propound] the [following] Revelation of the Hidden [Nature] (gab pa mngon phyung) [of Buddha's intent]: 966 This very lengthy versified expos6 offered by the king and couched in a religious-philosophical diction of indubitable rDzogs-chen provenience is found almost uniformly transmitted in the other versions. The locus classicus is MNKB WAM (G) 12a6-14a6, but it is also, parallel to GLR, repeated HBCHBY (JA) 49b4-5 la1 . ' ~ o t hM N k B and GLR have one hundred and fifty-three lines (GLR: of which the initial three lines are nine'-syllabic, the rest seven-syllabic; MNKB: the sixteen first are nine-syllabic, the rest seven-syllabic) whereas dPal-bopsversion has one hindred and fortyseven lines (of which the three initial lines are nine-syllabic, the rest seven-syllabic; lacking six lines due to contraction). The versions are, aside from minor variants, totally identical. In the subjoined notes all essential variant readings have duly been registered. To note also is that we have occasionally included words and phrases into the text (and then always inserted within square brackets) being culled from the parallel MNKB, added to our text in order to clarify a specific point in question. 967 For a lengthy sMhana on Great Compassion, cf. MNKB E (D) lb3-36a6, Mah&irur$ka or mahdkarund (thugs rje chen po) is found in two forms: A; truly manifesting Reality itself ( C ~ Onyid S don kyi thugs j e chen po) and as the emanationally manifested (i.e. active aspect) compassion (thugs j e sprul pa'i thugs j e chen po). These forms are then again further divided and discussed in details, pursuing tenets and using a diction in vogue in rNying-ma scriptures. The paradise alludes to bDe-ba-can or the Sukhivati of Amitiibha. The term lam steg[s] may in fact allude both to a resting-place and a vehicle or camer. Non-comprehension (ma nogs) is the basis of [irreal] superimposition (sgro ['dogs], samarbpa) and [irreal] denigration (skur ['debs], apavdda); For the shelterless ones (skyabs me4 keep it ever secret (ye gsang ~hod)!~~' Retain the mind (citta) in the middle of the heart! The [precepts (gdams pa) propounding the perfect] exhaustive state (zad par [= sar] skyel) of Reality (dharmatd), as well, I shall demonstrate it accurately [to you], so pay heed! The multifariousness [of phenomena] (SM tshogs dag) is [nothing but] sheer self-manifestation (rang smng); The non-referential (yul me4 [state] is transcendent (blo las 'das, *acintya), The transcendent [state] is [sheer] inactivity (byar med), It rests in a state of conventional appearance (ji bzhin pa) [which ultimately reflects Reality]; Remaining [totally] non-fixed (gnu pa med pa) is the acme of leisure (lhod pa 'i mchog); [For] individuals comprehending accordingly: To cut the discursive expansion (spros pa, prapafica) [of] the endless [flow of concepts and imaginations] Is [what] by name [is] called a view (Ira ba). To loose tor)^^^ the grasping of self-effulgence Is [what] by name [is] called meditative cultivation (sgom pa). To be without (med pa) absence of object[ives] (don) Is [what] is by name called conduct (spyod pa); To demolish the grasping of [what is to] be renounced (spang [bar bya bar]) and [what is to] be accepted (blang [bar bya bar]) Is [what] by name [is] called [true] fruit[ion] ('bras To promote the welfare of the living beings effortlessly Is [what] by name [is] called compassion (thugs je); Not to feel [any] weariness concerning that Is [what] by name [is] called great[ness]; Working for the welfare of the sentient beings, without being defiled by [any] vice Is [what] by name [is] called the Noble One (Arya); To exercise [full] control over compassion Is [what] by name [is] called 'the Victorious One' (i.e. king (rgyal po); To govern the world[lings] justly, 968 T K B and HBCHBY read in lieu of skyabs med the karmic ill-fated ones (skol med [ l a 'phro] mums), which perhaps is a better reading altogether. The phrase ye gsang chod is enigmatic, my tentative translation is a pis-aller. 969 GLR A/B: to empty (stong). 970 This fourfold division into lta ba (darfana),bsgom pa (bhdvana), spyod pa (cdrya) and ' b r a bu @hala) is common-place within the rNying-ma and rDzogs-chen literature. Cf. e.g. F K B W g (F) 5b5-6 and 8aS-9a5 and generally, Ehrhard, 1990, p. 74 et pusim. Is [what] by name [is] called 'rightous-mighty' (srong btsan); Explaining whatever beneficial of the mind Is [what] by name [is] called instruction (gdums ngag); Leaving behind a memorandum (bjed tho) Is [what] by name [is] called 'transmission of word' (bka' brgyud); Guiding pious (dang ba) people Is [what] by name [is] called 'science' (gtsug lag); Releasing conceptualization (mum rtog) spontaneously (rang sar) Is [what] by name [is] called Buddha; Conducting the sentient beings unto the path Is [what] by name [is] called Saddharma; To apply oneself without any activity (byar me4 Is [what] by name [is] called a monk (dge slong, bhihu) To rest [in one's] own [natural] condition effortlessly Is [what] by name [is] called inactivity; To transform the conception of the ordinary [people] (tha ma1 rtog pa bsgyu r ba) Is [what] by name [is] called the generative stage (utpannakrama, bskyed rim) [in meditation]; The various forms of mental guidance Is [what] by name [is] called to practise the dhama; To cognize internally [what] is without basis (rtsa bral nang du shes pa)971 Is [what] by name [is] called understanding; Having no more than one object[ive] and understanding Is [what] by name [is] called single[ness]. r h a t which] is the unique own-nature (ngo bo gcig pa) [behind] the manifold[ness] [of phenonema] Is [what] by name [is] called the Absolute Body (dhamakdya). Pure vision (dag snang) assuming [the form of] deities,972 Is [what] by name [is] called the Enjoyment Body (sambhogakdya). To guide [people] by sundry means Is [what] by name [is] called the Emanational Body (nirmdnakdya). Apprehending naturally (rang sa tin) the non-discursive (nirkalpand) [cognition of phenonema] Is [what] by name [is] called immediate manifestation (mngon 'gyur). As all appellations are [merely] name[-giving] Abandon altogether the clinging to names! As all thoughts are [merely the product ofJ the mind Renounce altogether the modus operandi (byed pa) of the mind! The so-called [expression]: 'Renounce!' [too] is [merely] a word, 971 Translation and sense uncertain. Should rrsa bral be construed as rtsallrtsol bral? or as rrsa 'grel (i.e. root (text) and commentary)? Or retain rrsa bral and conceive it as a contraction of gzhi bral, for which of. e.g. Ehrhard, 1990, pp. 54, 274, 289. 972 F K B : dug snang lha ru gsal ba la; but HBCHBY: rang snang lha ru shar ba la. For the term dug snang, cf. Prats, 1982, p. 77; Ehrhard, 1990, p. 85. So abandon altogether the clinging to words! The so-called [concept]: 'Abandon!' [also] is [merely] mind [at work]; [So] conceal the workings of mind in the [ultimate] sphere (dbyings; i.e. [dharmaldhdtu)! The activity of concealment [itselfl is an idea of [something of] good [use] : [The unaffected state of mind] remains (khad de ha) without any [difference between] good and bad; [Remains] distinct (Iha[ng] nge ba) without any [actual] hiding and concealing; Remains clear (gsal le ba) without [any actual] going and coming; Remains plentiful present (Ihug ge ba) without [anything] being rejected or accepted; Dazzling (phyam me ba = lcam me ba) without [any spacial] W a l i t y (phyogs ris); Flowing together (khyil le ba) without giving or receiving [anything]; Being [spontanmusly] distinct (Ihang nge ba) beyond any [apparent] clarity or obscuration (gsal 'grib med pa); Being alert (tur re balcha le ba) without any [recourse to mental] forgetful[ness] or diversion (bjed yengs med pa); Remaining clear (val le ba) without any rejection or abandoning; Regard the object which surpasses the mind! Regard the word which surpasses the meaning! Regard the object[ive] ( ~ u Z ) ~ ' ~which surpasses good and bad! Regard the mind which is without [distinctions such as] outer or inner! Regard the mind (sems) which is bereft of [distinctions such as] female and male gender! Regard the mind which is devoid of grasping duality! The so-called 'meaning' (don) is inconceivable (blo lus 'h); Without pursuing the track of [what has already been] passed ('dmpa), Regard the nature (ngang) devoid of intellect and word (blo t s h ~ ~ ) ; ~ ' ~ w a t in reality] is bereft of an object of regarding, See Reality (chos nyid, dhannatd) by remaining [in a state] of nonregarding, Let mind itself (sems nyid) establish [itself] by remaining [in a state] of non-realization! [Letting the Absolute Nature] liberate itself spontaneously without grasping or giving [anthing] (ma g~od)!975 For an individual perceiving like that: [He can say:] By me the duality of the cycle of transmigration (samdra) and extinction (nirvdna) is not seen! 973 Var. lect.: the causelsubstance and sphere (rgyu, dbyings). 974 Var. lect.: bjod tshig. 975 Var. lect.: glod pas. By me the duality of [being either] virtuous [or] sinful is not seen! By me the duality of [being either] good [or] bad is not seen! By me the duality of lasting and transitory is not seen! By me the duality of happi[ness] and sorrow is not seen! By me the duality of being [or] non-being is not seen! By me the duality of close[ness] [or] remote[ness] is not seen! By me the duality of [being] high [or] low is not seen! By me the duality of [being] lucid or defiled is not seen! From the very state (ngang nyid nas) of not seeing The occurance of multifariousness [of phenomena] is the [ultimate] nature [itself] (rang b ~ h i n ) , ~ ~ ~ Leave the multifariousness [of phenomena] [as it is] without [attempting to] obstruct [it]! Leave the multifariousness [of phenomena] [as it is] without [attempting to] grasp [it]! Leave the multifariousness [of phenomena] [as it is] without [attempting to] reject or take [it]! The multifariousness [of phenomena] being ungrasped is the Absolute Body (dhannakdya) [itselfl . Un-obstructed transparency is the Enjoymen t Body (sambhogak@ya) [itself]. The absence (bra1 ba)977 of the multifariousness [of phenomena] is the Emanational Body (nirmdnakdya) [itselfl. of ordinary people (tha ma1 nog med) Devoid of the c~nce~tuali~ation is the Absolute Body (dharmakdya).978 To accept ('dod pa) the Reality (dhannatd) constitutes [what is being] ordinary.979 The transcendent (blo las 'dm) [nature] is Reality (de nyid = de kho na nyid, tartva) [itselfl. If [one] is bereft of craving ('dod dung braZ), [one] meet with the object[ives] (don dung phra6).980 If [one] is liberated from grasping the duality [of phenomena], [one has] penetrated [to] the place [of Reality] (gnas su b ~ o Z ) . ~ * ' If [one] is bereft of rejecting and appropriating, one has attained the [paranormal] perfections (siddhi). If [one] works for the welfare of beings, [one] has accomplished one's karmic [tasks]. If [one] is determined, [one] attains one's ends. If no place to proceed to, that is penetration (no1 ba). 976 977 978 979 980 981 GLR reads: rang nyid. Var. lect.: liberation (grol b a ) . Var. lect. : chos nyid (dharmatd). T e x t , sense and translation here highly tentative. GLR: don dung bral. GLR B: gnas su rtogs. For an individual [realizing] accordingly, All cognition (rig pa) is self-cognition (rang rig); All knowledge (shes pa) is self-knowledge (rang shes); All liberation (grol) is self-liberation (rang grol); All effulgence (gsal ba) is self-effulgence(rang gsal); All emptiness (stong) is self-emptiness (rang stong); All being ('dug pa) is self-being (rang 'dug); All sojourning (gnu pa) is self-sojourning (rang gnus); All happiness (bde ba) is self-happiness (rang bde); All suffering (sdug bsngal) is self-suffering (rang sdug); Everything is self-cognition (rang rig) and self-manifestation (rang snang) [of itself]; As there is nothing to be [mentally] cultivated, there is nothing to be thought over; In the stream [of consciousness] there is nothing to be activated,982 nothing to be diverted; Nothing to be left behind, nothing to be abandoned; Nothing to be forgotten, nothing to [cause] deranging; The gnosis (ye shes) is uninterrupted; In contemplation (samddhi) there is no intervals (thun mtshams); [One will] find neither rejection and appropriating in objectification (dmigs pa); Nor in conceptualization any [real] good or bad; [One will] find no outer or inner in mental object[ive]s; Nor [any] outer or inner in [what] is without any substance; If one has given up [all] hope and fear, one is without error. When [one] is without any craving, [one] shall not gain [anything]; By being effortless, one [can] cleanse [one's] faults; When there is no person with [any] ho (re mkhan) for a fruit, that constitutes the very intent (dgongs pa thig) of the Buddha. 9g Since the thought and utterance [of Buddha] are inconceivable, it is beyond [the range of our] speech of expression. Consequently, when [one] attains self-dependency (rang dbang thob) [i.e. is totally free], the transmission [lineage] (brgyud pa) is [uplheld by itself. The share of liberation (grol cha) [within one's own person] must be found from within [i.e. the heart]. 982 Var. lecr.: sbyar med. Nothing to be applied. 983 The following lengthy passage - pursuing the king's religious manifesto denoted Gabpa mngonphyung - is couched in prose, but most likely in some earlier form, we have good reasons to assume that at least parts of it were formulated in verse. Reminiscences of this are retained in GLR A , which has rendered the lines by way of metrical nyi shad-s throughout, and rendered the passage in sets with different metrum. Its present form and its language moreover appear compt, which occasionally makes the argumentation or picture gained from this philosophical expos6 unclear, and certainly the translation offered here most tentative. It is found faithfully preserved, with minor variants, in what must be assumed to be its original version in F K B WAM (G) 14a6-1Sb3 but also rendered in dPa'-bo's HBCHBY (JA) 51al-b6 (who, at places, have a slightly different punctuation). Var. lecr.: re &an: re ba; dgongs pa: 'dod pa. The mark of [dichotomy, i.e.1 object and subject (gzung 'dzin, grahya-grahaka) [is] to be abolished. The manifested [world ofl phenomena (snang srid) is to be known as the transmission of words (bka' brgyud). Practical behaviour [must] become a religious behaviour. [All] seeing and hearing belong to [the range of] the three bodies. Gnosis [shall] protrude from within. All afflictions (nyon mongs, kleSa) [shall] be expurgated [all] by itself (rang sar dug). Faith and devotion [must] enter itself (rang la tshud) [i.e. grow forth naturally]. The root of the cycle of transmigration (samsdra) and extinction (nirvdna) [should] a n d should be known as distinct be recognized as self-cognition (rang rig). ~ a ~ ~ i n e s s ' sorrow recollections (gsal 'debs). The clinging to the self (bdag 'dzin, atmagraha) [finds] liberation in the Absolute Body (dharmak&ya). By seeing the basis (gzhi) [properly], there is nothing [anymore] to [hold] views about (lta ba). By inquiring (nsad chod) [properly], there remains nothing to be mentally cultivated. By retaining one's own place [i.e. leave everything in its own place], there remains nothing to be realized. By recognizing [the true nature ofl one's own mind there is no Buddha[hood] [to be attained]. When analytic insight (prajRd) [itself] arrived self-manifested (rang brdol du byon), [the primeval nature of mind] remains ~'~ (grol ba = grol bas) transparently (valpo) present with no trace (jes med d ~ ) . Liberating the multifariousness [of phenomena] unobstructedly, the perception (tshor ba) shall be cleansed (sangs pas = sangs pa) completely. When the cognition has assumed a state of [natural] bareness (glan sar chags pa),985 liberation [consists in] beholding nakedly (gcer mthong) the Absolute Body. By pursuing cognition (rig pa) singularly (rkyang ded du), the non-dual body (gnyis su med pa'i sku) is left mehind] in a state of great self-manifestation (rang snang chen po'i ngang la lus so).986Since [the cognition] is self-originated, it is spontaneously manifested. Since [it] is transparent per se (rang , g ~ a l ) , ~it ' has ~ emerged indepth transparent (gting gsal). Since [it] is self-manifested, [it] appears clear in light. Since [it] is self-cognition, [it] appears as Absolute Body. Since [it] is self-liberated, [it] appears promptly unobstructed (zang thal du byung).988 Moreover, while [the ultimate nature of things] is not self-made, is it [then] made my] others? [No!] While oneself cannot conceive [it], can [one then] find [it] p y ] demonstrating (mtshon; or = 'tshol, i.e. seeking it among others?) [it] to someone else? [No!] When [you] do not know [it] [yourselfl, [how then] can [you] convert [other] sentient beings? [No!] While [it] is beyond gathering and dispersion ('du 'bral), [then shall one] find it when one search for [it]? [No!] Since there is no forth-going @hyinpa), [then can it be] grasped by staying (bsdad p a in)?^'^ [No!] Since [it] is unsubstantial (dngos po med par), [then can it] be taken by hand? [NO!] As [it] is not beyond description, [then can it] be seen by the eyes? [No!] 984 Var. lect.: GLR A/B: bjed med du. 985 Var. lect.: brling bar chags, bslan sar chags. Text, meaning and translation not transparent. On [glcer mrhong, a popular idiom also in rDzogs-chen, cf. Ehrhard, 1990, pp. 123-124. 986 MNKB has gnyis med gnyis su med pa'i sku and finally 'dm so in lieu of lus so. 987 Var. lect. : rang dangs. 988 For the term zang thal, cf. also Ehrhard, 1990, pp. 257-258. 989 Var. lect.: bdas. As oneself [already] possesses [it], in addition (rang la yod pa'i steng la)990 [should it] be searched [for] among [others]? [No!] Being transparent, [should it] in addition be regarded? [No!] [Or] in addition to [already being] liberated, [should] it [undergo] decay? [No!] In addition to [already] being [intrinsically] pure, should [it be] washed? [No!] While [already] filling [one's] thirst (ngoms pa),in addition [need it] be drunk? [No!] While [already] satiating [one's hunger], in addition [need it] be partaken of? [No!] While [already] warming, in addition [need it] be taken on (gly]on)?991[No!] While [already] being known, in addition [need it] [to make] dim [No!] Thus, since mind (sems) is [intrinsically] bereft of causes and conditions, [it] is devoid of an intellect [preoccupied with] perseverence and acquisition (nsol sgrub kyi blo), so can unsubstantiality be restored by its antidote [i.e. substantiality] (dngos med la gnyen pos bcos su 'dug gum)? [No!] By not seeing the manifestations of being and non-being bod med kyi snung ba ma mthong bas),993 the manifestations (snang ba)994 of eternalness and nihilism are spontaneously purified. Having been liberated [from] the grasping of duality, the extremities of hope and fear are given up [altogether].995 [Any] clinging to attachment (zhen 'dzin)having been librated from [deep] within (nang the unoriginatedness [of the mind and entities] is apprehended spontaneously [all by [of the ultimate nature] being seen itselfJ and the non-conceptualization (rtog ( m t h ~ nfrom ~ ) ~within, ~ ~ the fiendish obstructions [of mind] are tamed spontaneously. Now accordingly, a cognition (rig pa) being vast (rgya yan) [in extent] and being without [any need ofJ an antidote (gnyen po med pa) is said [to refer to] the activity of the self-manifestation of gnosis. Non-conceptualization resting in its own [true] state (flog med rang lugs gnus pa) is said to [mean] being without any[thing] to give up or any[thing] to accept. A gnosis emering from [deep] within [spontaneously] is said [to mean] the selfliberation of conceptualization (mum rtog rang grol). The inconceivable [state beyond] affirmation and negation bin min) is said to [mean] being bereft of refuting and proving (dgag sgrub bral ba). To identify (ngos zin pa) [one's] endeavour ('bad nsol) is said to [mean] the wave[like] gushing forth of the ultimate Reality (chos nyid klong r d o ~ . ~ ~ ~ 990 Var. lecr.: ning [la] throughout. 991 GLR: sreg. Also feasible. 992 Var. lecr.: rhos; GLR: 'thorn, i.e. to grasp (mentally). Equally feasible? 993 W K B : yod med kyi snang ba ma mfhong bas; HBCHBY:yong med kyi blo dung bral bas; GLR: long med kyi snang ba ma rhos pas. The graphemes la and ya are commonly confounded in dbu med Mss, which probably account for these variants. 994 Var. lect.: zug rngu or grief. 995 Var. lect. : sangs. 996 Var. lect. : rang sar [grol). 997 Var. lecr.: rtog 'dzin. 998 Var. lect. : rhengs. 999 HBCHBY adds: med par zin pa. For klong [brdoq, cf. Ehrhard, 1990, pp. 258-59. The unoriginated[ness] of the spontaneity is said [to mean] the self-emergence of fruition [i.e. Buddhahood]. Now accordingly,1W0[at this point] [mundane] understanding (go ba) and [yogic] comprehension (rtogs pa) [become in fact] simultaneous. Cognition and liberation [become] simultaneous. Transparency and seeing [become] simultaneous. Adhersion ('byar) and (reg pa) touching mecome] simultaneous. Moistening (brlan pa) and wetness (gsher ba) [become] coincident. Now, an individual cognizing accordingly,l m l Be clothed in the [garb of the] sky by being impartial in question of dogmatism (lta ba)! Lift up the sun by being without transparency or obscuration in terms of mental cultivation (sgom pa)! Ride the wind by being unimpeded (thogs brdug med) in terms of conduct (spyod pa)! Behold the golden continent by [having an attitude] bereft of accepting or rejecting fruition ('bras bu)! [In reality, however,] for an individual (gang zag)lm2 comprehending [the ultimate nature] accordingly: lm3 View-points are never to be nurtured (lta ba la bltas rgyu gda' ye)! Comtemplation is never to be cultivated (bsgom pa la bsgom rgyu gda' ye)! Conduct is never to be exercised (spyod pa la spyod rgyu gda' ye)! Fruits are never to be realized ('bras bu la bsgrub rgyu gda' ye)! Consequently: Let cognition fall [back] upon [its own] nature (rig pa gshis thog du s g y e ~ ) ! Dismiss ' ~ ~ ~ the marks [of duality] into self-liberation! Destroy the grasping of external and internal [things]! Renounce the acceptance and rejection of good and bad [altogether]! Release the clinging to passion! Give up (thong) self-pride [which is conducive 1000 The following set of collateral sentences may well, similar to the previous passage, originally have been metrical, resp. seven-syllabic and ten-syllabic. This may be adduced from GLR A where each line is framed by nyi shad. It is retained in prose in both MNKB, HBCHBY and in GLR B also, wherefore we have refrained here from conducting any editirial reshuffling. 1001 Cf. previous note. In this ten-syllabic quatrain the topic is the fourfold division into lta ba, sgom pa, spyod pa and 'bras bu. 1002 GLR A/B: yogin (ma1 'byor). 1003 Cf. the previous notes. I construe it as a seven-syllabic quatrain. Noteworthy is also the genuine classical diction. 1004 The following sentences were also originally conceived to be in metrical fonn, but a some point in the transmission of this segment of the king's manifesto, it was converted into prose. Cf. also previous notes. GLR A/B read: sgyel, var. lect.: skyol. Equally possible. '"' to] self-complacency! Release (khrol) jealousy [which is conducive to] a competitative spirit!lw6Extinguish the great fire of hatred (dvesa)! Cleanse away the un-knowing (ma rig pa sangs)lw7 [conducive to] nescience (gti mug, moha)! Remain undistractedly [present] in a state of [utter] inactivity! [Make sure to] seal away in the heavenly dimension (num mWla'i dbyings su rgym thob; i.e. do away with) the mind that clings to duality! Leave [the ultimate nature ofJ things in [its] own place without [taking recourse to] cultivation! Now, an individual [comprehending] a c ~ o r d i n g l y : ' ~ ~ If [you] cultivate (bsgom) [mentally] the [visionary] generative stage (utpannakrama, bskyed rim) transform [yourselfj into [the form ofj the personal tutelary deity (yi dam lha)!loo' If [you] recollect the perfecting stage (nispannakrama, rdzogs rim) eliminate the mark of object-subject (gzung 'dzin rntshan ma zhig) [dichotomy]! If [you] seek a unity [in this dichotomy], behold the rainbow [of) the intermediate sphere (bar snang 'ja' tshon)! If [you] observe the meaning and understanding (don go mthong), remain without worldly concern (tha ma1 chos med sdod)!l0l0 Until [you] see [Reality properly], rely on the teacher transmitting the word (bka' brgyud bla ma)! If [you] practise Dharma, renounce [thereby] attachment to one's own wishes! If [you] seek the armour of intrepidity (mi 'jigs go cha), transform the three doors [of communications] into deities! If [you want to] promote the welfare of other [people], generate a benevolent attitude towards the worldlings! If [you] realize [your] own objective, renounce the bustle and diversions [of worldly affairs]! If [you] tame foes and obstructions (i.e. devils, vighna), generate limitless (rtsa bral) compassion.11011 1005 Var. lect. : Cut off (chog)! 1006 Var. lect.: Postpone (bshol)! 1007 Var. lect. : Remove the darkness (mun pa sol)...! 1008 Like the previous passages, the following metrical segment is found almost identically (aside from minor variants, duly noted) transmitted and embodied in the two other witnesses. F K B WAM (G) 15b4-16al holds nineteen lines (the two penultimate lines being seven-syllabic, ten nine-syllabic and seven eleven-syllabic lines); GLR has eighteen lines (the penultimate line being seven-syllabic, the rest nine-syllabic) and HBCHBY (JA) 51b6-5212, where dPa'-bo in his version has eighteen lines of which ten are nine-syllabic and seven eleven-syllabic. 1009 Var. lect. : snang srid lha in lieu of thugs dam l h . The difference is notable, while the alternative would mean: Transform the visible world [of phenomena] into the god. In the next verse Mr. fcct.: the grasping of duality (gnyis 'dzin) instead of gzung '&in. 1010 GLR reads: tho ma1 chos mi ltos, i.e. Do not behold worldly concerns! 1011 The phrase nsa bra1 thugs j e is not entirely clear. The equation rootless = limitless ( t s w med, mtha' bral) i.e. compassion is tempting, but at best doubtful. Possibly it alludes to the compassion, If [you] seek the fruit of happiness [ofJ the subsequent [existences], then practice austerities in the present [existence]! If [you] want to embrace [the entire] world, [then] act more lovingly against others than towards yourself! If [you] show indifference (snyoms las dran)1°12 [towards the world], [then as an antidote] reflect on the transitoriness [and] mortality [of existence]! If [you] cling to assion and attachment, [then as an antidote] contemplate (b~gom)'~' on [the world of phenomena as mere reflections ofJ a dream and an illusion! If [you] become frightened of the devil [Mira] [causing] obstruction, [then] set [your] own mind in order (gtan la phob) [i.e. hold it]! If [you] act in accordance with Dharma, give up all immoral [i.e. nonreligious things] (chos min)! Not only is there nothing aside from joining me!1°14 But also nothing [superior (lhag than meeting with other Buddhas." [Thus] the king, 1°16 the Dharmapda having disclosed the intent (dgongs pa mngon du phyungs pa) [of the ~ i c t o r s ] ' ~at' ~the very same time liberated everybody, [i.e.] the d e ~ a ~ u t r a , the ' ~ ' ruler ~ and [his] subjects unto the continent (gling du)1°19 of great selfliberation, the self-manifestation of Reality (dharmatd) without [needing to demonstrate any] exertion or labour. Simultaneously, just like people perceive one another [in everyday life], [the persons present] [clearly] envisaged the countenances of the Noble Ones [i.e. the Buddhas], without there [really] being any object being seen or subject seeing (mthong bya mthong byed med par), without there being any counsel [given] for the present or the subsequent [existences], without there being [any choice ofJ good or bad concerning the cycle of transmigration (samsdra) or extinction (nirvana), nor any rejection or acceptance concerning happiness versus misery. Thus, [the king thereby] secured [i.e. manifested] all the people [present] in the thought of self-liberation and self-manifestation of cognition'020 without there [actually] being any seen as the active aspect of gzhi (and gzhi rtsa bral), the basis = ultimate nature of all phenomena. Cf. e.g. Ehrhard, 1990, pp. 128, 244, 289. 1012 Var. lecr. : sgyid soms ngang la l a . 1013 Var. lecr. : lros or sbyongs. 1014 HBCHBY adds yun tu. The additional line in M?IKB reads: nga dung bral yang de l a med. 1015 GLR A adds: lhag pa. 1016 For the following prose-passages: MNKB WAM (G) 16al-5; HBCHBY (JA) 52a2-5. Aside from the usual minor variants, the like othkr narrative segments, are verbatim congruous. 1017 As we have seen at the inception of this chapter, the king evinces the intent of the Jina, and thereby of himself. HBCHBY renders thugs brnag instead of dgongs pa. 1018 Interestingly, the version of MNKB here leaves out lha sras, whereas dPa'-bo has dbon s r a , grandson, which in this context is a better reading altogether. 1019 Var. lecr.: klong (glong, sic) du, i.e. into the expanse or dimension of. Possiby a better, at least feasible, reading. 1020 Var. lect. : rig pa rang gsal ba. [object] to be settled or [any] subject settling (dgongspa la gzhg bya &ng bzhag byed med par) Next, all [present], the ~evaputra[-prince],~'~~ the ruler and [his] subjects rejoiced and showed [their] grateful[ness] by pleasing the father, the king [Srong-btsan sgam-pol with an extensive [range of] outer and inner offerings. 1022 Then again, for a moment the father, the king himself was absorbed in thoughts (dgongs pa la bzhugs), and refraining [initially] from uttering anything, [his] eyes [kept] gazing into the intermediate space (spyan bar snang la khrol Wlrol mdzad). He then spoke accordingly: Alas! (a ~ i n a ~ u t rlo2' a , pay heed! Once, at the end of time, 1Ha-sa, this my place of residence [i.e. Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang], [Topogra hically] even resembling a fish, a frog, a tadpole and a monkey: Will gradually be cut off [i.e. flooded and destroyed] by water. lo2* When [it is configured] like a fish, it is the own-nature of the Mother of the Victor: b 1021 HBCHBY has dbon sras, grandson, i .e. Mang-srong mang-btsan. 1022 MNKB and HBCHBY add: [bla mar hurl yang 'dzin pa [ci yang] mi mnga '. 1023 The following metrical segment is found identically transmitted, aside from minor variants, in the distinct versions: V K B WAM (G) 16a5-17a1, which holds forty-two almost exclusively ninesyllabic lines; HBCHBY (JA) 52a5-b4,where dPal-bo has forty-one lines again dominantly ninesyllabic with a few seven-syllabic verse-lines interspersed. GLR has forty-three almost excl. ninesyllabic lines. Cf. Appendix, note 1023 for a fuller discussion of this interesting narrative tradition. 1024 Interj. a[g] sum, = a rsa [ma]; 1025 MNKB: Devaputra. 1026 Lacking in HBCHBY. Possibly alluding to the Kaliyuga. 1027 MNKB and HBCHBY: pir in lieu of sprel. The symbolic configuration through these animals were doibtless to be taken at face value as seen below. 1028 Cf. Appendix, note 790 and 952 supra and 1517 inpa, where the bstan snubs or the elimination of Buddha's Teaching by Glang-dar-ma in some sources is depicted to cause the ensuing aquatic destruction of Lhasa. 1029 Here is reference to the Mother bum), the female counterpart of the Victor, here the TathLgata Buddha Aksobhya (Mi-'khrugs-pa/Mi-skyod-pa), called (Prajiia) LocanL or Sangs-rgyas sPyan-ma. She is the Goddess (IHa-mo) of the water element (chu 'iMum), and as such, as here, synonymous with this element. The following line which in GLR reads: ras ris phyogs bcu'i sangs rgyos dngos dung h, displays the following var. lect.: ras brk and rang rikls. To be preferred is rang rigs, perhaps better emended to rang gis. The third line reads in GLR: nyo 'dra &ha ru de dog su y d p. VW. lecr. for the last four words: s e m can sus 'ongs. These ensuing cryptic lines are possibly to be understood accordingly: The merit acquired by people building dykes or, alternatively?, partaking of? the water during the site's fish-resembling, i.e. its pisciform or ichthyoid configurative stage, for them this is (in merit) tantamount to meeting the Buddhas in person. The Jina or Buddha rendering service to the Jina may allude to the above mpport between Mi-bskyod-pa, or here even Mi-bskyod d o -j e , the principal image, moreover, of It is tantamount to meeting oneself the actual Buddha[s] of the ten directions; The Victor (Jina) rendering service to the Victor; Whoever amves atop the fish-resembling [site] (nya 'dra kha m de dag sus 'ongs) ; [For them] there [will] be no difference to touching [i.e. partaking ofJ the Mother of the Victor [i.e. the water]; [Being karmically disposed to] this too, [is due to] having cultivated [merits through studying and listing to the above teachings] in previous times (de yang sngon du sbyangs pa song ba yin), [so] [For him] the miseries'030of the cycle of migration have reached [their] end; [So] [you among my] Tibetan subjects who are [endowed] with purposeful efforts ( 'bad pa don can), [Gather] [any] stone (rdo, small pebbles (gseg ma)) [or] clay about [the size of] a bird's egg, [He who] piles up [these small items as dyke-material] in the direction of this [i.e. gTsang-po river], [Shall] secure benefit (sman pa byas pa) [i.e. contribute to protect] the Buddhas [i.e. the idols inside the temple]; The one [displaying such a meritious conduct], [he shall be] entering the path [leading] to happiness; At the time those of [noble] descent [such as] me (nga'i rigs can) who have been exhorted by me;1032 When [lHa-sa is configured] like a fish, [the site] [shall] be bedecked (sgron) like meing installed] with a fin (gshog) When resembling a frog, [the embarkment] [shall] be put on (b[s]kon) like meing dressed with] a hat;1033 'Phrul-snang (cf. note 879 supra) and his female counterpart (yum) spyan-ma in union. For any individual that amves at the site, for him there would be no difference from touching the Goddess of the element water, i.e. drinking it. 1030 Var. lect. : du kha. 1031 GLR: rdo am gseg ma 'jim pa; Var. lect. better: sa 'am rdo'am' 'jim pa. 1.e. by erecting a rideau from stones and alluvium. 1032 GLR reads nga yi rigslrig can r n a m kyis b[s]kur ba 'i tshe. Var. lect.: nga yis rigs can r n a m b~kul ba 'i tshe. Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 15223, 152b6-7: When the right arm of the gTsang-po is stretching out, the water between the two !Ha-sa [temples] will expand, then the dry-land resembles a fish or the core part of a sling ('ur thog [ = rdo] gi mthil) being oblong in form. This is the Klu-rgyal (Nigariija) Dung-mgrin at play. [The statement that]: "When IHa-sa resembles a fish dressed (sbron = sgron?) with a fin (gshog)" means that the right arm [of the river] must be blocked by an embankment, [and the NSgarSja causing any inundation shall be suppressed by] building an auspicious multi-portal (bkra shis sgo mangs) cairya. 1033 Var. lect. krog in lieu of GLR: gshog and sbron instead of GLR: bsgron. Preferred reading and translation optional and hence tentative. Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 152b7-153al: When the gTsang-po river has been divided into halves [into two branches, gTsang-chu and sKyid-chu?], [the 1Ha-sa site shall] have three dry areas. [The When [the 1Ha-sa site] resembles a tadpole, [the embarkment] [resembles] a seat spread out;1034 At the time [when the embarkment-system] has assumed the form of a monkey (sprel), Prepare grand-scale offerings, while It is preciously [important] [to show] devotion and to offer up prayers (mos gus gsol 'debs gces pa yin). If actin accordingly, [the place of IHa-sa] will remain for a little while; I& If you restore the statues [installed] inside [the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang], it will prove beneficial for the outer embankment @hyi yi rags) [protecting the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang from inundation]; If you restore the outer embankments, it will [eventually] expand the statues [installed] inside [in number]; If you prepare offerings and offer up prayers All the aspirations of the Tibetan population will come true; Although much evil practice may take place at the end of time; The people who behold, listen to and touch [the statues and sanctuaries] of my 1Ha-sa [temples], Will to a large extent be freed from the places [of] the cycle of migration; Moreover, this is the compassion of the Noble Ones [i.e. the Victors]; And be the merit [accumulated] by my Tibetan population; Therefore, [all] my patrons (skyabs g m ) , male or female, May [you all] generate [true] courage effortlessly! May you [be blessed] to behold, listen to and touch [the receptacle and sanctuaries] of my 1Ha-sa.11037 This moreover will be [tantamount to] entering the path fleading] to statement that]: "At the point when IHa-sa resembles a tadpole [sic, not frog] [the embarkments must] be put over [the area] like a hat" means that [this batrachoid site] shall be enclosed from the neck in three corners. Etc. 1034 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 153a1-2 for details on this batrachoid stage in the topographical evolution of the IHa-sa site. 1035 Var. lect: pa rir and pir instead of sprel. Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 153a2-3 for details on the simiad phase. 1036 As is further delineated by dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 153al-15414, basing himself upon an exposition conserved in an early (sngo ma, original?) Yer-pa'i dkar-chag, it is declared how IHa-sa ('Phrul-snang) is the life-tree of Tibet (accounting for the fact why service and restoration must be rendered to the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snanglJo-khang at any cost), Yer-pa, in turn, is the life-tree of 1Ha-sa, wherefore to render service and practice meditation in Yer-pa will ensure that Buddhism will be present in 1Ha-sa (= Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang) for a long time and that the site will be safeguarded from any harass or peril caused by the nature of the elements etc. Tbe overall picture is not entidy clear, but it appears, as already detailed ad Appendix, note 790, that the IHa-sa Yer-pa or Brag Yer-pa district, similar to the abutting Mal-gro district, lying further upstream the sKyid-chu river, was depicted to play a vital role in connection with the duration and preservation of the central I&sa site. Cf. Appendix, note 1036 for further details. 1037 f l K B and HBCHBY read Ra-sa, which possibly documents the antiquity of the text of Gab-pa mngon-phyung . liberation; [Anyone] who takes pleasure in rendering service to my [sanctuaries and receptacles of] 1Ha-sa,lo3* While wanting to realize whatever accomplishments And wanting to remove all misfortunes, [For him] all intentions shall be fulfilled ad libitum; Pray, ask the Victors for whatever [you may] wish for." w i t h these] words, the father, the great king addressed the devaputra-prince. "Great Devaputra! Once [upon a time] when 1Ha-sa is endan ered by water, [Further]: repair will be found to be necessary. Therefore, as means (rheb = thab~)''~' for its [future] restauration (zhig gsos), bury precious treasuries [full ofJ gold, silver etc. !" Consequently, the devaputra-prince too treasury-buried simultaneously a [great] amount of riches such as precious treasuries, gold and silver and [provident] means [usable] for rendering service to [the receptacles and sanctuaries of] 1Ha-sa under the lower part of a silk-dress (dar sham) [swept around] the right thigh (brla g.yas) [of the statue] of Yaksa NPga-Kubera [in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang]. [He] then offered up extensive prayers directed tbwards karmically blessed This [prince] moreover worked for the welfare individuals (las dang sku1 dang ldan pa). of the beings [living] in the southern and western directions. r h u s ] king Srong-btsan sgam-po [offered] his advices (gdams pa) in [form of] a "Revelation of the Hidden" (Gab-pa mngon-phyung). [a[The Ritual Apotheosis of the King and his Two Consorts] Now, the Dharmariija [Srong-btsan sgam-pol held the throne for seventy years in all, lo4' 1038 Cf. previous note. 1039 The last part is also retained in MNKB WAM (G) 17al-2 and HBCHBY (JA) 52b4-6. 1040 HBCHBY: cha rkyen. 1041 Cf. V K B E (dKar-chag), 11as-bl ; Y K B WAM (G) 17a1, but esp. (somewhat out of context), lla4-5; HBCHBY (JA) 149a6-bl; Vth Dalai Lama's gSan-yig, 111, 131.1-5, 150.1 ( = 66a1-5, 75bl). For Kubera, the Protector of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang, cf. note 896. It is maintained that this cycle (skor) of advices or instructions, incl. the Gab-pa mngonphyung, was unearthed from this place by de-btsun ShPkya bzang-po and then handed over to IHarje dGe-ba-'bum. Gab-pa mngon-phyung, like other parts of king's teachings (chos skor), was concealed in Ra-sa. Padmasambhava then found them in the IXth century, disclosing them to King Khri-srong Ide-btsan. Later, this cycle was revealed from its present hiding-place by Shakya 'od (or Shiikya bzang-po). 1042 Hoping that they in the future will find these hidden treasuries. Cf. also previous note. 1043 Cf. note 961 supra. 1044 The last deed of the king, the ritual departure or 'apotheosis' of king Srong-btsan sgarn-po and his two principal consorts by way of absorption into the personal tutelary Eleven-headed image (for this idol cf. note 801 supra) is reproduced in a number of sources. It is found in numerous versions of the King's Vita as seen below, and as explicitly stated by dPa'-bo, aside from the KCHKKHM and Gab-pa mngon-phyung (cf. note 961) also in the non-extant Thang-yig (cf. note 949) as well as to be gleaned from a source denoted Mya-ngan-'das chung, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 54a7ff. In F K B ruling the [entire] kingdom. me] had ensured that the Teaching of Buddha had risen like the sun, had ensured that a rain of sensual objects and material comfort had fallen and [thus] established the entire Tibetan population [firmly] in [a state ofl happiness. [Having then reached] an age of eighty-two, in the iron-male-dog year, lo' on the tenth day of the month kdnika (smindrug), in the northern chapel of [Ra-sa] 'Phrul-snang, in front of the statue] of Arya Avalokita, the emanantional king Srong-b~unsgam-po [took up p o ~ i t i o n ]having ,~~~ on his right the Nepalese queen (Bal-mo-bza') and to the left the Chinese queen (rGya-mobza'), behind [him] the queen Mong-bza' Khri-lam, at the feet [his] grandson (dbon sras) Mang-srong mang-btsan, in front the ministers Thon-mi and mGar, the two, and as doorkeepers to the exterior of the temple Zhang-blon sNa-chen-po and sBas lcangdpal gyi legsbzang, ''ol the two, [functioned] as door-guards, [all] carrying numerous items of worship. [Then] the king in the presence of [the statue ofj his personal tutelary deity presented [his] offerings and offered up prayers. The king then addressed his grandson:1049'Son of Noble Family! I have ruled [my] kingdom in accordance with the religious law, and propagated the Buddhist Teaching, whereby the Tibetan population has been brought to [a state ofj happiness. You too must uncormptedly safeguard this realm of mine in accordance with Dharma! You must render [ample] service to these my two temples [located here in 1Ha-sa] and enlarge [them]! Take over this palace of mine which resembles the abode of the gods and protect it! [In your deportment] act like parents [do towards their children] upon whom the queens of mine, the ministers and the entire Tibetan population can look in hope and embrace [them] with welfare and happiness! yab-yum thugs-khar thim-lugs. MNKB WAM (G) 17aSff. delineates three modes of departure (sku gshegs pa'i &hut) for the passing'of the royal couple: According to those of the highest comprehension, the royal couple's passing was tantamount to an invitation to the Me-tog Padma'i gling by the M n f - s . To those of mediocre intellect, the father and his consorts departed into the heart of the 'image, as delineated here describing the background and circumstances prior and during his ritual absorption (thim pa) into his image. To the individuals of inferior comprehension, they disappeared or passed away in 'Phan-yul, cf. note 1086. 1045 HBCHBY (JA) 53b7 also mentions that Srong-btsan sgam-po took over the reins of rule when thirteen and that he ruled for seventy year. Cf. next note. 1046 This entry corresponds to 650 A.D. which fits neatly with historic facts, such as Dunhuang and T'ang Annals, he died in 649, but 650 A.D. is often conceived as the actual year of his passing due to the fact that it was the year it was publicly announced or recorded according to Chinese sources. This date is probably taken over by Bla-ma dam-pa from Ria-chen-grags' rCya'i debther (cf. note 1467). Reaching the age of eighty-two would place his birth in 569 A.D. (earth-ox year). But Blama dam-pa is in conflict with his own notes, while he states (cf. note 449 supra) that the king was born in a fire-ox year (557 or even 617 A.D.), which in this light arguably should be rectified to the above earth-ox year. Cf. Appendix, note 1046 for further discussions. 1047 MNKB E (Cd) 209a6-b2, WAM (G) 17a6-bl; KCHKKHM-2 272.11-273.8; CHBYMTNYP 273b2-5; MBNTH 76a1-4; HBCHBY (JA) 54b2-4 (citing and following KCHKKHM); CBCHBY 293.3-6. In a number of the above Vita-narratives the present absorption of the king and his consorts follows right after the invitation of the the king to make a sightseeing of Ra-sa 'hrul-snang offered by Khri-btsun (cf. note 871). For the statue, cf. note 801 supra. 1048 Cf. the notes 502 and 507 supra. KCHKKHM-2 and HBCHBY only mention minister sNa-chen. 1049 HBCHBY (JA) 54a1-2; verbatim totally identical. In the fifth generation after me,lo50 A emanational embodiment of MafijuSri, A king named lde will appear;'OS1 He too will spread Saddharma. From him in the second generation, An emanational embodiment of Va'raphi . A king named khri will appear; 1052! He too will spread Saddharma. After him an emanational embodiment of M%a, A king carrying the name of an animal will appearloS3 His heart having been obsessed by a devil (graha) [He] will overthrow [our] temples and annihilate Saddharma, Besides taking the lifes of Basket-holders (pitakadhara-s, i.e. learned Buddhist); Subduing and eliminating everyone practicing the Dharma; Burning all [religious] books By this twirling-stick (dkrugs shing; i.e. disturber) of the Teaching of Buddha The gum-s and the teachers (dcdrya) [shall] be enslaved; The renunciates @ravrajylZ; i.e. monks) and the revered ones (bhadanta) deprived of the Dharma; The spiritual friends (kalydnamitra) [will] be committed to butchery (shun pa bcol); The dress of a Buddhist thrown into the water; Religious objects of the three receptacles (rten gsum; i.e. Triratna) crushed to pieces by stones; [Thus] eliminating even the name of Dharma; Then, in the rocky cave of Yer-pa, An emanational embodiment of Vajra h i , A bhihu called dPal [will appear] IOS! . 1050 Cf. also note 954 supra. The following celebrated testamentary proclamation-cum-advice (lung bstan gdams pa) comprising a eventu prophecies is found faithfully embodied in numerous places, all varying in length and wording. GLR holds forty-one seven-syllabic lines, whereas W K B E (Cd) 209b5-210a3 (brief and prose-verse mixture), WAM (G) 21b6-22a3 (ninteen lines, diff. metrum), WAM (G) 25b6-30b3 (highly detailed prophesizing up to AtiSa, around three hundred mainly ninesyll. metrical verse-lines = KCHKKHM-2 276.13-289.5 = CHBYMTNYP 273b6-284a3 = HBCHBY (JA) 58b6-63al); KCHKKHM-1 793.6-794.4 (brief, seventeen seven-syll. lines); KCHKKHM-2 274.18-276.12 (forty-six seven-syll. incl. prophecies up to AtiSa, 276.13-289.5 prophezising up to AtiSa); KCHKKHM-3 469.7-470.6 (twenty-two seven-syll. lines); MBNTH 76b4-77a3 (twenty-two seven-syll. lines); GBCHBY 293.6-14 (prose and thirteen seven-syll. metrical lines); HBCHBY (JA) 54a2-6 (thirty-three seven-syll. lines). As is seen, the provenance for the at least the lengthy prophetical passage must is found in the phyidar period, in the milieu around AtiSa. Fragments of these prophecies are found in a countless number of later histories. 1051 1.e. Khri-lde btsug-brt[s]an alias Mes-Ag-tshom[s], cf. note 1122. 1052 1.e. Khri-lde srong-btsan alias Ral-pa-can, cf. note 1419 infra. 1053 1.e. Khri 'U-dum-btsan, alias Glang-dar-ma, cf. note 1506 i n t a . 1054 1.e. IHa-lung dPal gyi rdo-rje, cf. note 1534 infro. Who liberated the wicked king. Then [for] a period of eight [twel~e-]year-c~cles'~~~ The Teaching of Buddha was ousted; Alas! Sentient beings are to be pitied! These my tutelary deities too [Must] be buried in this temple like treasuries; Thereafter, at the end of five hundred years, An extinguished flame of the Teaching of Buddha Will be revived from mDo-khams-~gang;'~~~ For the sentient beings of the Snow-clad [country] Like a lamp that illuminates at the point of death, The Teaching will be spread and progagated; The pious ones will present offerings [again] And pay [their] respect and circumambulate [sanctuaries]; Many ordained ones and holy persons [will multiply], But [also] the Teaching of Buddha will diffuse." [Having spoken accordingly, he] entered the contemplation of benevolence (muitrf). These [above extracts] are merely an abbreviated [outline], [if you wish to know] in [further] details [the king's] personal advices for the future, it is elucidated in the Great Testament (Ka-khol-ma che-ba) [of Sron -btsan sgam-pol uncovered from a [hidden] treasury [in Jo-khang] by Jo-bo-rje [AtiSa]. 1f57 Then, after a little while, the king [turned his face and] spoke:loS8"Those [among] my ministers of the exterior or the interior [or ofJ my subjects who are coming to request for an interview with me, king Srong-btsan sgam-po, if they [really] wish to meet me, [they] should request for [meeting instead] Avalokita! Because there is no difference [whatsoever between meeting him or] meeting me." Again, the Nepalese spouse, Khri-btsun too, turning her head, [spoke:]1059 'Those [among] the loyal Tibetan subjects who are coming to request for an interview with me, Nepalese spouse Khri-btsun, if they [really] wish to meet me, [they] should request for . . Because there is no difference [whatsoever between meeting [meeting instead] Jo-mo Bhrkuti! her or] meeting me." The Chinese Kong-jo, too, turned her head [and spoke:]1060 "Those [among] the Tibetan subjects who are greatly devoted to [me] and have a liking for me, coming to request for an interview with me, if they [really] wish to meet me, [they] should request for [meeting instead] de-btsun TZua! Because there is no difference [whatsoever between meeting her or] meeting me." 1055 1056 1057 1058 1.e. ninty-six years. Cf. note 1601 i n t a . Cf. note 297 supra and note 1600 infro. Cf. the introduction note 39ff. hlNKB WAM (G) 16bl-4 (versified, and slightly different); KCHKICHM-3 470.7-471.1; ~ C H B Y (JA) 54b4-5. 1059 MT!IKB WAM (G) 17b4-l8a3 (versified, and slightly different); KCHKKHM-2 273.8-13; KCHKKHM-3 471.1-2; MBNTH 76b2-4 (slightly different); HBCHBY (JA) 54b5-6. 1060 MNKB WAM ( G ) 18a3-6;KCHKKHM-2 273.13-274.1 I ;KCHKKHM-3 471.2-3; MBNTH 7683b2: HBCHBY (JA) 54b6-7. Cf. also Appendix, note 1094. Then minister mGar asked:lo61 'Where, 0 great King, are the father and mother going, the three [of you] who have been uttering instructions as much as these?" and [the king answered]: "The three of us are not going far away!" whereafter the king rose bar la bzhengs) and touching1062his Nepalese spouse Khri-btsun with his right hand, Khri-btsun turned into a white Utpala-lotus which then was absorbed into the right shoulder on the king's body. With his left hand he touched the Chinese Kong-jo, who then turned into a bluegreen Utpala-lotus which was absorbed into the left shoulder on the king's body. Thereupon the king went into the presence of the [image ofJ the Eleven-headed self[where he proffered] the [following] eulogy: originated [AvalokiteSvara], "Out of the very state of emptiness, the Dharma Body, The image raised in order to work for the welfare of the living beings; [Endowed with] four peaceful countenances and seven wrathful ones To the Eleven-headed One [we] pay respect. The three white peaceful countenances [at] the basis Being beautiful and very smiling; [Bringing] to pacification (zhi, *Sdntika) karmic acts and affliction To the countenances of the DharmakSya-medium [we] pay respect. Above [these] with a colour of purified gold Three angry (mgams pa) countenances with laughing splendour; Life, merit and wealth, [these] three [They execute the rites ofJ amplification (rgyas pa, *paustika), .. to [them we] pay respect. Above [these again, with] a red [colour] resembling a coral, The two countenances executing the [ritual] acts of domination (dbang, *va.fikarana); Endowed with an angry frown, displaying fully the teeth To the countenances of the SambhogakSya-medium [we] pay respect. Above [these,] demonstrating the [ritual] acts of violence (drag, *abhicdruka) 1061 Lacking from the other versions. 1062 MNKB WAM (G) 18a6-2; KCHKKHM-2 289.6-1 6; KCHKKHM-3 471.3-6; CHBYMTNYP 284b4-285a4; MBNTH 77a5-b2; HBCHBY (JA) 55al-2. 1063 Here the EkidaSamukha Avalokitdvara in the form Sahasrabhuja-sahasracaksuh. . . 1064 The following eulogy which consists of ninety-two seven-syllabic metrical lines (or rather of twentythree quatrains) is fully congruous transmitted in HBCHBY (JA) 55a2-56al. Avalokitdvara is here addressed in one of its more rare forms, a gestalt with the epithet King of Space (*~kiiiarija),a figure much cherished in the Y K B - c y c l e where a section is found titled Nam-mkha'i rgyal-po mngon-rtogs, cf. F K B WAM (G) lalff. Here in fact we find a non-metrical description (2b46al) of 'Phags-pa Nam-mkha'i rgyal-po being eleven-headed, with twelve basic hands of the Dharmakiya-aspect, thirty-eight hands of the Sambhogakiya-aspect and thousand minor limbs of the Nirmanakiya-aspect in full accordance with ;he one offered in the present eulogy. Cf. also parallel note 803 supra. The two countenances resembling the colour of a cloud of smoke; [Endowed with] three starring eyes [frown with] anger and terror; To the countenances of the Nirmeakfiya-medium [we] pay respect. Above [these], the Emanational Body (nirm&nuk&ya)of the guru The epitome of all (kun 'dus) Buddha-s, vermilion-coloured (li Wlri'i ; Amitiibha, the Protector (ndlha) To the one endowed with crown-ornament of the Victor [we] pay respect. Resembling the leaves of the lotus, the first Two hands having been folded (affjali) in front of the breast The compassions of all the Buddha-s For bringing [these] about [we] pay respect. The four right hands in succession A rosary (bgrang phreng, japamdld, aksamdld), a wheel ('khor lo, cakra), the [mudrd] of granting (mchog sbyin, varodo) And [an image ofJAmitiibha, the Buddha of the Three Times, Were properly held, to [this we] pay respect. The four left hands in succession A white lotus @undarh), an anointing vessel (spyi blugs, kundikd), .. a jewel (rin po che,' mani) [In the fourth] an arrow and bow ( d u ogzhu, Sara cdpa) [symbolizing] the union of Method and Wisdom (thabs shes, updya, prajfid) Were properly held, to [this we] pay respect. In the nineteen limbs [i.e. hands] to the right A jewel (rin chen, mani), a lasso (zhags pa, pdfa), a begging-bowl (lhung bzed, para) and a dagger ([ral] gri, e g a ) , A thunderbolt (rdo je, vajra), the 'sun-stone' (me shel, ~Oryakdntamani), the 'moon-stone' (chu shel, candrokdruomani), a bow (gzhu, cdpa) And a rod (lcug ma, latavallr) were held, to [this we] pay respect. A [ceremonial] g.yag-tail (mga yab, cdmara), a shield @hub, phara), and a good bottle (bum pa, ghata), An enemy-hachet (dgra sta, parhSu), a rosary @hreng ba, mdld), a blue lotus @adma sngo, nflapadrna), An [anointing] vessel (spyi blugs, kundikd), a sun (nyi m, stiryo), a white 'water-born' [pundaflkal-lotus (chu skyes dkar po), A [corn-]ear (snye ma,'haflja@ were held, to [this we] pay respect. In the nineteen limbs to the left, A white cloud (sprin dkar, Suklamegha), an [anointing] vessel (spyi a lotus, a dagger ([rafl gn, khodga), blugs, kundikd), .. A conch (dung, SartWla), a skull (thod [pa], kapdla), a rosary, a bell (dril bu, ghantd), A sceptre (rdo ve, vajra) were held, to [this we] pay respect. An iron-hook (lcags kyu, aitkuSa), a staff ('khar gsil, khakhara), [a statue of Buddha in the] ninndnakdya-medium, A [miniature] palace (khang 'bzang, vimdna), a book (glegs bum, pustaka), a wheel ( 'khor lo, cakra), A statue (sku gzugs, kdya) [of Buddha], a fruit (shing thog), a pistil (ge sar, keiara), And a sceptre were held, to [this we] pay respect. The ten basic hands of its Dharm&ya-medium The thirty-eight limbs ban lag, ahga, i.e. hands] of its Sambhogakiiyamedium And thousand minor limbs (nying lag, pratyaitga) of its Nirm@&yamedium, [in all] possessing King of Space (Nam mkha 'i rgyal po, *kkdSardja), to you [we] bow. In the palm[s] of the [thousand] hand[s] resembling a lotus, The [thousand] eye[s] [of Wisdom] resembling an Utpala-lotus Fully glittering (mum bkra ba) like the stars [in space] King of Space, to you [we].bow. Carrying the crown-ornament of Jina on the head Hands and feets golden bracelets (gdu bu, valaya) ringing, The body with an [exuding] sweet scent of perfume (spos ngad ldan) King of Space, to you [we] bow. Wearing sundry sorts of silk dresses Bedecked with ornaments [embossed with] numerous jewels; An attractive body, by seeing [it, one] never @xcomes] satisfied, King of Space, to you [we] bow. The skin of an antilope, just covering the [left] nipple, The four kinds of limbs @an lag rigs bzhi; i.e. hands and feet) being embellished with snakes, A body sparkling with the splendour of the [thirty-two] marks and [eighty] features [of a Mah2purusa1, King of Space, to you [we] bow. Beautiful like the slopes on the glacial mountain With a little ruddy pigmentation A body emitting the white light of compassion, King of Space to you [we] bow. . . [among] the gods and the Victors [You] the Crown-jewel (manickia) [alike], with] the two feet [of yours] standing elegant (legs par bzhengs), A body stretching high ('gying ba) upon a [cushion with embossed] lotuses and moon [designs]; King of Space to you [we] bow. Of all the Buddhas of the Three Times, Spiritual precious emanational being, You, endowed with skillfulness in means and compassion Pray, me kind and] consider the sentient beings! You, the refugium of all worldlings, Being tormented by numerous sufferings, The sentient beings exhausted and dejected, [upon them] Pray, me kind and] look with [your] eyes of compassion! The sentient beings, ignorant and emng Having attained a bad body qua accumulating bad k a m n , Having fallen into the three lower states [of existence], Pray, [be kind and] seize [them] with [your] hook of compassion!" Taking off the turban, [the king] touched [with his head] the breast of [the image of] the tutelary deity and [then] shed tears out of an ardour of faith. me] uttered: '0 Noble One! Pray, [be considerate and] look [in mercy] upon the dejected sentient beings roaming about in the three spheres!" In a state of intense prayers, the king was dissolved into pure] light and [then] absorbed into the heart of the self-originated Eleven-headed [image]. 106 Although everyone [attending] experienced [a marvel] like that directly, they could not help standing back and look into the face of one another with staring eyes (mig hu re lur). n h e consort] Mong-bza' Khri-lcam thereafter inquired: 'When the king, father and mother, the three are no [more] present [among us] after they have accomplished [their departure] like that, what do [we] do now? In whom do we place hope? Be kind and seize [us] with [your] compassion!" The king peeped out of the breast of the self-originated [image] and addressed [those present] accordingly: 'Ye [all] listen! Firstly, having been born, death is certain. Secondly, the characteristic mark of [all] composite is that [it is] transient. Thirdly, life is precious short [lit. 'there is no time in life'] (tshe la long med pa), 1065 M?JKBWAM (G) 18bl-2; KCHKKHM-2 289.17-290.1;CHBYMTNYP 284b4; GBCHBY 379.910; CHBY 139a4 (Szerb, p. 14); DTHMP 17a4; GBYTSH 121a6-b2; HBCHBY (JA) 56a1-2; DTHZHG 46.16-18, 47.15-49.4. For the statue, cf. the notes 544, 801 supra. 1066 *gloss: The hamis that were folded infront of the breclsr of the Noble One, were [now] even found kept apart. This happened at that very rime. This statement, added as a gloss (by an anonymous scribe?), is as yet unattested. When not gleaned from a literary source, it may most likely be taken as an oral commentary originated in the XIV-XVth century, added to the convenience of the readers of GLR. 1067 MNKB WAM (G) 18b2-4 and KCHKKHM-2 290.2-1 1 (both almost identical, and both differ in wo;ding from GLR); CHBYMW+lYP 284a3-5; MBNTH 76b1-2: Here it is the loyal ministers headed by sNa-chen who inquired. In @KB both sNa-chen and Mong-bza', SO also HBCHBY (JA) 56a2-4. Cf. also DTHZHG 46.18-20. it is [in reality] like dew[-drops] on the grass. Pray, realize that [all] the present actions [of ours] are but a dream and an illusion!" The Nepalese consort Khri-btsun too pee out from the right nipple [of the image] and addressed [those present] accordingly:106eFirstly, life is without certainty, like a rainbow in space. Secondly, speech is without certainty, like a thunder ('bnrg sgra) in the intermediate space. Thirdly, body is without certainty, like a flower in the blooming spring (sos ka, gflsma). Pray, realize that this present action [of ours] is put] like a reflection in the mirror!" The Chinese consort Kon -jo peeped out of the left nipple [of the image] and addressed [those present] accordingly:l~P"Firstly,the impermanence of the corporeal is like the rotten roots of an old trunk. Secondly, the impermanence of life is like a thunder-cloud (glog sprin) in the sky. Thirdly, the impermanence of wealth is like the bee's honey. Pray, realize that this present action [of ours] is but a water-bubble!", whereafter [she] disappeared [again]. Then the two ministers [i.e. sNa chen-po and sBas-lcang dPal kyi legs-bzang] inquired: lo'' "Great King! When [you] are no [more] present [among us] after [you] have made [your departure] like that, [then] what shall we ministers of the exterior and interior and [your] Tibetan subjects [left behind then] do? Pray, be kind and embrace [us] with [your] compassion! " Again the king pepped out [of the image's breast] and declared accordingly: "Listen carefully! Attendants and subjects of mine! This life [of ours] is impermanent, like dew-drops on grass; Do not show [any] unconcern or lethargy about that! The devilish Lord of Death ('chi bdag bdud) is like a cataract (ri gzar chu) Do not regard [it] as lasting or [that] it allows time [enough]! The constituent[s] @hung po, skandha) and the illusory body [of ours] are [but] like a [blossoming] flower of spring; It is uncertain when the flower will be destroyed by frost; Renounce worldly activities and practice [instead] Saddharma! Remember the impermanent and mortal [nature of life] and strive diligently! I and you, [we shall] always remain inseparably united!" [Having said so, he] disappeared [again]. They remained looking at one another, saying: "The father and mother[s], the three, 1068 MNKB WAM (G) 18b4-6; KCHKKHM-2 290.11-17 (slightly different wording); also 292.2-8; C ~ Y M T N V P284a5-bl; MBNTH 76b2-3; HBCHBY (JA) 56a4-5; DTHZHG 46.20-22. 1069 F K B WAM (G) 18b6-19al; KCHKKHM-2 290.17-291.3 (slightly different wording); also 292.8-1 3; CHBYMTNYP 284bl-4; MBNTH 76b2; HBCHBY (JA) 56a5-6. 1070 The following dialogue (with minor variants), cf. KCHKKHM-2 291.3-5; KCHKKHM-3 473.1474.3; HBCHBY (JA) 56a6-7. 1071 F K B WAM (G) 19a3-5 and KCHKKHM-2 291.5-15 @rose and different in wording, with a reference to the six pciramitd-s). MNKB WAM (G) 19b4-5: metrical six- and eight-lines, somewhat different; the same text, op. cit. 16b6-20a3, dontinues with corresponding answers given by Khribtsun and Kong-jo. Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 56a7-b2 (different). are [really] emanational creations, whom [we], while [they] were [still] alive, have paid [too] little respect. " Zhang-blon sNa-chen-po and sBas-lcang dPal kyi legs-bzang,1072 the two, [now] made their appearance and to [their] question being asked three times: 'Whither have the king, father and mother[s], the three departed?", [the other] thought that even when being explained how the father and mother[s], the three had demonstrated [their departure] like that and how they had been absorbed into [the heart of the image of] the tutelary deity, then [these two ministers] would not believable it. So unable to explain [the wonder further] [they just] stood back looking into the face of one another with staring eyes. The two [ministers] [now] got furious and said: 'Three times have [we] asked where the king, father and mother have departed without getting [any] explanation, so [we are now] going to kill you two wicked persons", whereafter they pulled out their sword. But Mong-bza' weepingly said: "The king, father and mother are [real] emanational created beings who departed by being absorbed into the heart of the self-originated Eleven-headed [image]", yet [the two ministers] would still not believe it, wherefore [they] asked the grandson [Mang-srong mang-btsan] who in great detail explained [them] [how the king] at first had offered lengthy instructive expositions (zhal gdams), [how] then the two queen-consorts had been absorbed into the king and [how] [finally] the grand-father, the king too had become absorbed into the heart of the [image ofJ the tutelary [deity] etc. Now the two [ministers] too gained faith [in the story]. Minister Thon-mi explained the reason[s] why the king could be [regarded] as an emanational being: [I] At Khra-'brug [the king] had demonstrated [his] Amideva [i.e. Amiabhalcountenance to an [old] beggar-priest. [2] He had displayed [his] Amideva-countenance to the two novice-monks from Li-yul. [3] At the time when 1Ha-sa [i.e. Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang] was inaugurated the king offered up prayers and in an instant Buddha-s and Bodhisattva-s made [their] arrival manifestedly in space [above] etc. So everyone gained confidence that [the king] in reality was Arya Avalokita. It was said that at the time when the father and mother[s], the three were [still] alive the respect [displayed towards them] was little, [now] it was said that DharmarSja [in reality] was an emanational body1074and everyone tumbled to the ground from grief. The gods too send 1072 For this dialogue, cf. KCHKKHM-2 295.12-296.19; KCHKKHM-3 473.1-474.4; CHBYMTNYP 286a2-b6; MBNTH 78a4-b4; HBCHBY (JA) 63b1-6: Here it is minister 'Bri Se-gu-ston who inquires and minister sNa-chen who is unable to answer and then threatened to be killed by dBas [s]Kyi[d]-stag sna-ring-mo (for these figures, cf. notes 502, 507,517 supra). And Jo-mo Khri-lod (i.e. Mong-bza') expresses the fear that if minister sNa-chen-po is put to death, Tibet would be thrown into chaos. It is further mentioned that the only direct witness (dpang po mngon k]sum) to the miraculous absorption was the king's black cloak (ber nag po), a number of the consorts' phyag rren and as only person Jo-mo Mong-bza' Khri-lcam. 1073 Cf. GLR Chap. M V , note 866, but also note 450. MNKB E (Ca) 139b4-5, E (Cd) 205~12-6,WAM ( G ) 3214-33b3; KCHKKHM-1763.1-765.3,798.3-799.1;KCHKKHM-2 296.17-298.13.299.430 1.17; KCHKKHM-3 474.7-476.2; CHBYMTNYP 287a 1-b4; MBNTH 78b4-79b4; GBCHBY 294.16-295.7; HBCHBY (JA) 39a6-b4, 63b6-64al; PMKTH (Chap. 92, 555.9-10); DTHZHC 47.9-10. Especially on the third point GLR differs from the above versions. 1074 Only retained in HBCHBY (JA) 64a1-2. @a'-bo offers a lengthy versified seven-syllabic farewellprayer dedicated the king, allegedly offered by minister Thon-mi, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 64a2-6%7. down a rain of flowers and the earth shook in six directions. Then eight multi-coloured ra s of light were emitted from the heart of the selforiginated Eleven-headed [image],lJ7' one ray of light was aborbed into the heart of [the image ofl Jo-bo Aksobhyavajra (Mi-bskyod rdo-je)*l" [in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang]; one ray of light was absorbed into the heart of [the image ofJ Maitreya (Byams-pa) Chos kyi 'khorOne ray of light was absorbed into the heart of [the image ofJ Buddha Amiabha ( ' ~ d - d ~ a ~ - m e d )One ; ' ~ 'ra ~ of light was absorbed into the heart of [the image ofl Buddha Aksobhya (Mi-'khrugs-pa);l' one ray of light was absorbed into the heart of [the image of] Krodha Bhurkumkiita (Khro-rgyal sMe[-ba] brtsegs[-pa]); los0 one ray of light was absorbed n e of light was into the heart of [the image ofl the Medicinal Buddha ~ i n ~ ; * ' O ~ ' o ray absorbed into the heart of [the image ofJ the white Hayagfiva (r~a-rn~rin);*'O~~ one ray of ~ ' ~ are light was absorbed into the heart of [the image ofJ rJe-btsun Tiirii ( s ~ r o l - m a ) ; * ~These [known as] the eight light-emanating images.loS4 Again, from the heart of these images rays of light emanated which struck all the statues found inside the [Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang] temple whereby [they] were connected by a net of light. This manifested spontaneously the secret consecration (gsang ba'i rub g n u ) of 'Phrul-snang. loss Thereby all present such as the grandson, the queens and ministers etc. had the[ir] grieving sorrow allayed and were established in exhaustless happiness (zag med kyi bde ba). Subsequently the ministers held counsel. Prince Gung-ri gung-btsan had passed away before his father. As the grandson was an infant it was necessary to erect a tomb. The absorption of the father and motherrs], the three into the heart of the Eleven-headed [Image] was an esoteric [departure]. [In reality,] 'They had passed away at Zal-mo-sgang [in] 'Phan- 1075 For this secret light-consecration of the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang, cf. MNKB WAM (G) 20a4-b5; KCHKKHM-1 798.3-799.1 ; KCHKKHM-2 293.17-295.1 1; K C ~ H M - 3472.1-473.1; CHBYMTNYP 285a4-286a1; MBNTH 77b1-3; and most detailed HBCHBY (JA) 63al-bl; DTHZHG 46.23-47.6. 1076 *gloss: [A] metal-cast (li ma) [statue]. So also HBCHBY (JA) 63a2. Cf. note 883 supra. 1077 *gloss: [A] metal-cast [statue]. So also HBCHBY (JA) 63a2. Cf. note 882 supra. 1078 Instead of Amifibha (cf. note 880), HBCHBY (JA) 63a2-3 has Dipamkara or Mar-me-mdzad, a clay-effigy image (dar sku), cf. note 879. 1079 Cf. note 879 supra. It was a dar sku (clay effigy), see HBCHBY (JA) 63a2-3. 1080 Cf. note 881 supra. A clay-effigy (dar sku), see HBCHBY (JA) 63a2-3. 1081 *gloss: [It is] a painted image (bris sku) found in the south-eastern svastika-niche on the groundpoor. Corroborated by HBCHBY (JA) 63a3. Cf. ad note 891 supra. 1082 *gloss: [It is] a painted image (bris sku) located in the middle room (bar khang) [i.e. upperfloor]. On the western wall, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 63a3. Cf. note 891 supra. 1083 *gloss: [It is] a painted image (bris sku) located in the middle room (bar khang) [i.e. upperfloor]. On the western side, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 63a3. Cf. note 891 supra. 1084 YLJBCHBY 55.13-56.3; DTHZHG 47.5-6. 1085 Cf. ref. ad note 1075. yu]9,1086 [thus] it was proclaimed in the ten directions. In the [district] o f 'Chong-po [ = ' ~ h ~ o n ~ s [in - ~the] o ]Yar-lung ' ~ ~ ~[Valley] the peerless tombs o f [these] three were erected. [How] King [Srong-btsan sgam-pol and [his n o ] Queens, Fufher und Mother[s], having fully Accomplished their Mission, were Absorbed info the Heart of [the Statue] the Self-originated Eleven-faced [AvalokiteSvura]. 1086 Cf. note 1040 supra. MNKB WAM (G) 20b5: 'Phan-yul Za-mo-ra; KCHKKHM-2 308.18-309.6: ~ a gtsug-lag-khang in 'Bum-pa-sgang Zam-bu'i tshal of 'PhanThe king resided in the ~ a m - sgra'i yul. Khri-btsun resided in gTsang-'bring gtsug lag khang of g.Yas-ru and Kong-jo in 'Bum-thang gtsug lag Wlang. It was [officially] proclaimed that the king and his two consorts after one month were ill-stroken. Later again, they grew fatally ill, whereafter it was proclaimed that they had finally succumbed to illness; KCHKKHM-3 478.3: 'Phan-yul Za-mo-'or; CHBYMTNYP 290a3-5: Za-mo-ra of Li-yul (sic, not 'Phan-yul); MBNTH 81a5: 'Phan-yul Za-mo-dar; BGR 198a34 and NGTMTPH 5b5 (Uebach, p. 76-77): 'Phan-yul Zal-mo sgang; DCHBY 117.20-1 18.1: 'Wan-yul Zab-mo'i tshal; GBYTSH 121b4-5; DTHMPSM 22b3-5; dPa'-bo similarly is fairly detailed, HBCHBY (JA) 67b7-68a4: The royal couple resided in 'Od-zer dam-pa'i pho brang in Zal-mo'i sgang in 'Phan-yul. The king there contracted a throat-catarrh (mgur c h ) and was fever-caught. The two consorts of his were eventually also struck with illness and their death was finally proclaimed. Their corpses were dressed in sku bcos no bza ' and effigies or figures (sku 'bag) of the royal couple were deposited upon a piece of tiger-skin and [these bodies/figures] were then transported to and later installed in the king's tomb at Yar-lungs 'Phyong-po; DTHZHG 47.10-14: According to the notions of ordinary people, a maid-servant of Khri-btsun contaminated her with an epidemic disease and she again contaminated the king and Kong-jo. They passed away in 'Phanyul Zal-mo'i sgang and the corpses of the three were brought to and installed in a tomb in Yarklung 'Phyongs-rgyas. Zal-mo'i sgang of 'Phan-yul is not the central Tibetan 'Phan-yul, but refers to an eastern Tibetan location, adjacent to sDe-dge (cf. Stein, 1959, p. 129, 210; Yamaguchi, Acra Asiatica, 19, p. 118) and note 297 above. Aside from this 'ritual' death of the Chinese consort in actual fact she survived Srong-btsan sgam-po by about thirty years, as she first passed away in 680 A.D. 1087 MNKB W A M (G) 20b6-21al; KCHKKHM-2 309.5-14; GBCHBY 377.21 -378.2; DCHBY 118.16; YLJBCHBY 56.4-7; GBYTSH 121b6; HBCHBY (JA) 53b5-6, 68a3. The statement that tombs for the three royal figures were erected simultaneously be taken literally while e.g. the Chinese queen lived until 680 A.D. and was first buried in 683. It cannot exclude, however, that tombs were formally prepared for their subsequent burial. XVIII "Thus, the great emanational Dharmarija Held the throne for seventy years; Erecting temples and diffusing Saddharma, [Rendering] service to [Trilratna and administering the secular law according to religion (bka' khrim chos la sgyur). Reaching the age of eighty-two In order to generate energy [among] the lazy ones, [In order to] bring the indolent ones to Dharrna And to create weariness [among] those clinging to eternal[istic views] (rtag par 'dzin pa, niryagraha), In the northern chapel (btsan = gtsang khang) inside the [Ra-sa] 'Phrulsnang [temple] The king [and consorts], father and mother[s], were fully dissolved into light And [then] absorbed into the heart of the [image of the king's] personal deity. A Buddha emanationally transformed into a human being dedicated the welfare of the world[lings], A [divine] son not different from Avalokita, Endowed with the compassion bringing the sinful ones to Dharma, The unique Protector (mgon po gcig po) of the endless [number ofJ sentient beings, To the emanational body (nirmdnakdya) of the DharmarSja [we] seek refuge. Grant [us] the blessing of the Compassionate Lord! His tomb was established in 'Chong-po [= ' ~ h ~ o n ~ [ s ] - p o ] ' ~ ~ ~ Its size is approximately one yojana, The tomb is quadrangular, the interior being made in a chess-board[chambered] pattern (re 'u mig), From mud mixed with silk and paper An image of the great Dharmarija [Srong-btsan sgam-pol was erected, Transported upon a waggon, and accompanied by music, The image was installed inside the tomb. Inside, all the [chamber-]sections (re mig) were filled with [sundry] riches, Making the tomb known as the 'Interior-ornamented One' (mng rgym 1088 Cf. previous note supra. For a detailed description of the king's tomb, cf. KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. XIII, 145.9-147.7.Most interesting is the testimony in KCHKKHM-2 309.6-16,which partly corresponds with the present description of the tomb, but adds that it was raised by the A-ya Bonpos and that the interior was embellished with frescoes displaying the king's testament, i.e. the bKa'-chems mTho-mthong-ma and Ka-khol-ma, cf. Intro. note 57 above. For a rather late Buddhist devotional ode and description of the king being installed in the tomb see dPal-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 68a5-69a5;MNKB WAM (G)35a2-38a5 = HBCHBY (JA) 656-67b5contain a lengthy ode to the king offered' by minister mGar, who, these texts relate, at the point when the king passed away was active safeguarding the border temtories towards China (rgya 'i so Ma srung ba), and hearing the news of the king's passing, he humed back to Tibet only to find that the king had already passed away, whereafter he composed the ode. can). It was even said that inside five chapels (lha khang) were found, log9 The construction of square tombs originated from then on; As for [its] name too, it was said to be SKU-rismug-po. logo The Buddha-s of the ten directions, the sravaka-s The Bodhisattva-s and Protectors of Saddharma Convened at that place, whereafter [They] performed the [ritual] act of [expressing their] blessing and [conferring their] consecration (bkra shis rub tu g n u ) to the tomb. [Headed by the] grandson Mang-srong mang-btsan etc. Tibetan ministers, along with subjects and retinue, Carrying along inconceivably [many] items of worship, Paid [their] respect and presented offerings at the site. Thus, the peerless tomb of the king The tutelary deities (lha snsng) of the place were commissioned to work [for protection], After prayers had been presented, [they] made [their] appearance in the site [again] Pervading the ten directions [around the tomb] with the light of welfare and happiness. " [Thus it] is said. [a [King Mang-srong mang-btsan] Having then reached the age of thirteen, the grandson Mang-srong mang-btsan took over the power.1091He married the consort called 'Bro-bza' ~ h r i - m a - l o d 'and ~ ~ ruled ~ the [entire] 1089 DCHBY 118.4: four chapels; GBYTSH 121b6; HBCHBY (JA) 69b4-5 maintains that the tomb with its five chapels outwardly resembled a mountain. 1090 MNKB E (Cd) 221al; DCHBY 118.3-4; GBYTSH 121b6-122a2; HBCHBY (JA) 53b5; DTHZHG 47:13-14. Panglung reads sMu-ri smug-po when reading GLR's text, but GLR has SKU-rismug-po. 1091 BGR 197b2; CHBYMTNYP 292a3: (confusing Mang-srong mang-btsan with Gung-ri gung-btsan); NGTMTPH 5b6; YLJBCHBY 57.1-3; GBYTSH 122b5; HBCHBY (JA) 69b5. Cf. note 935, according to which he was born in 626 A.D. This king is first mentioned in the Dunhuang Annals under the year 650 A.D. and his passing in Tshang Bar-sna (cf. note 1093 infra) is situated in the year 676 A.D. The chronological data of the Dunhuang material and the data offered by the later Tibetan tradition are not compatible as shown most recently by Uebach, p. 79, note 284. Cf. also note 1469 infra. For his various names, cf. Haarh, p. 54. See also Reb-gong rDo-rje-mkhar, 1987. 1092 BGR 197b2; Dunhuang Ms 249 (Bacot, 1940, p. 82.27): 'Bro-za Khri-ma-lod Khri-steng. For this powerful figure, cf. inter alia Beckwith, 1983 and 1987, pp. 69, 73, 78. She died in 712 A.D. as recorded in the Dunhuang Annals. For her various names, cf. Haarh, p. 54. She adhered to the 'Bro or Mo-lu clan (the Yang-dong people) of Western China. For more details on her role during the throne-succession 704-705 A.D., cf. Appendix, note 1137. kingdom. During his [reign] the Chinese emperor got to know that king Srong-btsan sgam-po was no more alive. [King Mang-srong mang-btsan] got temfied [when] reports turned up saying, among [other things], [how the Chinese emperor still vividly] remembered the calamities @hung bar byas pa mums) brought on China by minister m ~ a r l and ~ ' [how he therefore had] dispatched a Chinese army [counting up to] five hundred thousand [soldiers towards Tibet], [with the aim] to subdue Tibet and [forcibly] take [back] the [idol of] Jo-bo Sh%kya[-muni]. The Jo-bo [idol] was [in all haste consequently] brought from Ra-mo-che to 1Ha-sa [i.e. Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang], where it was installed in a mirrored southern door[-frame] [i.e. in a hidden door in the southern chapel] (sgo me long can). The door was [then] plastered over and an [image] of Maiijugho? ('Jam-dbyangs) was erected [i.e. being drawn on the walled door].'094 p h i s king] held the power for fifteen years, and at the age of twenty-seven he passed away in Bar-snang-sgang in gTsang. lwS The tomb of Mang-srong [mang-btsan] was located to the left of the one [of his grand-father, Srong-btsan sgam-pol; This tomb too was filled with precious treasuries; [Its] name was said to be 'sNgo-gzhe hral-po'.1w6 1093 Cf. Chapter XI11 supra. 1094 Cf. MNKB WAM (G) 19al-2; KCHKKHM-2 273.19-274.1 1,312.9-313.5; KCHKKHM-3 478.5~ ~ ~ . ~ ; ' C H B Y M T N291al-b3; YP MBNTH 76a3-b2,81a6-82a3; CHBY 139a3-4; DTHMP 9b4-6; post-GLR: HBCHBY (JA) 69b5-6, 75b2-5; DTHZHG 49.5-14; TSLKHKCH 9b3-5. The transmission and unfolding of this popular narrative describing the shifting of site (bthugs sa spo ba, [b]j e ba) of the two dowry-statues (Jo-bo ShHkya-muni and Jo-bo Mi-bskyod rdo-rje respectively) in connection with an alleged Chinese invasion are far from easy to disentangle because the set of circumstances which gradually has invaded this story or legend from its initial formulation and its labyrinthine journey through Tibetan historiographical tradition is equally nebulous. Since we have already at greater length (cf. GLR Chap. 11-111 and Chap. XI11 supra), dealt with the origin-myths and subsequent fate of these two most holy idols and national palladia in Tibet, we shall also here attempt to unravel the threads of their subsequent fate in Tibet, cf. Appendix, note 1094 for a fuller discussion. 1095 BGR 198a6; GBCHBY 299.6-7; DCHBY 118.12-14: he ruled fourteen years; NGTMTHP 5b7 (Uebach, pp. 78-79); post-GLR: YLJBCHBY 57.3-4; GBYTSH 122a6-bl: gTsang gi Bar-snang (gloss: Shangs kyi pho brang sgang); HBCHBY (JA) 69b6-7; DTHZHG 49.13-14. In the Annals: Bang-sna of Tshang. Unidentified, cf. Uebach, p. 79, note 284. Worthy of note is the gloss in GBYTSH, that Bar-snang refers to a place situated in the tegion of Shangs. Shangs is located in the gTsang province, around Shangs-chu running into gTsang-po east of gzhis-ha-rtse. Cf. also Petech, 1967, Glosse (repr. Selected Papers, p. 268). 1096 GBCHBY 378.5-6; DCHBY 118.17-1 19.1: sNgo-bzher hral-po; YLJBCHBY 57.5-6; G B m H 122b1-2; HBCHBY (JA) 69b7-70al; DTHZHG 49. IS: to the left of the tomb of Gung-srong. The basic source for the metrical exposition of the tumuli is presumably the one denoted gsang-ba Yang-chung, cf. Chapter VIII, Appendix, note 359; Panglung, 1988, pp. 336-337. [Q [King 'Dus-srong mang-po-rje] The son of [king] Mang-srong mang-btsan was king 'Dus-srong Mang-po- rje Rlung-Nam'phrul. Seven days after the passing of [his] father, [he] was born in ~ G r a g s - p h uin, ~ ~ ~ ~ the water-male-rat year. The son of [minister] called mGar gNya'-btsan ldem-bul loo and sTag-[sglra khong-lod, 'lo' the two, acted as [his] ministers and exerted [on his behalf] the 1097 BGR 197b2-3, 198a6; CHBYMTNYP 292a4; GBCHBY 299.10-1 1; DCHBY 119.2-4; NGTMTPH 6al (Uebach, pp. 78-79); CHBY 139a4-5; DTHMP 17a6; post-GLR: YLJBCHBY 57.6-7; GBYTSH 122bl-2; HBCHBY (JA) 70a5-6; DTHZHG 49.14- 16. According to Dunhuang Ms 249 (Bacot, 1940, p. 82.27-28) he was son of Mang-srong mangbtsan and consort 'Bro-za Khri-ma-lod khri-steng. Cf. also the Chronicle @. 112.18-33) for his regency. For his various names, cf. Haarh, pp. 54-55. He lived 676-704 A.D. Cf. also 'Phur-bu tshe-ring, 1987. 1098 BGR 198a6; GBCHBY 299.10-11; DCHBY 119.3-4: sGrags kyi[s] IHa lung; NGTMTPH 6al (Uebach, pp. 78-79); YLJBCHBY 57.8-9; HBCHBY (JA) 70a6. IDe'u Jo-sras' DCHBY has the correct birth-place 1Ha-lung of the district sGregs, as indicated in the Annals. Cf. also Petech, 1967, Glosse (repr. Selected Papers, 1988, p. 263); Beckwith, 1987, p. 43. sGregs1sGrags is the district located along the northern bank of gTsang-po, westward from bSam-yas. Cf. Ferrari, Map. 1099 BGR 198a6; GBCHBY 299.10-1 1 ; DCHBY 119.3; NGTMTPH 6al (Uebach, pp. 78-79); DTHMP 17a6: The water-female-bird year; YLJBCHBY 57.8-9; GBYTSH 121b2. The entry in GLR following here BGR corresponds to 652 A.D., whereas the other texts have the water-female-bird year (confusing byi with bya) or 673 A.D. According to the Annals 'Dussrong was born in the year of the fire-rat, alias 676 A.D and passed away in the dragon year, 7041705 A.D. 1100 GBCHBY 299.20, DCHBY 119.1 1-12: 'Gar bTsan-snye Idomlldem-bu; YLJBCHBY 57.9-10; HBCHBY 70a6; KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 3, 436.19: [mGar] bTsan-snya sdom-bu. Cf. Dunhuang Annals, entry 673 A.D. and Chronicle p. 102.3. HisJoruit should be situated around 670-700. He was both minister and general. Cf. also Beckwith, 1987, pp. 42, 50,56-57 and note 1470 infia. 1101 GBCHBY 299.20 and DCHBY 119.12 both mention instead 'Gar Khri-'bring btsan-rgod and further add that these two were active as ministers for a spell of ten years; YLJBCHBY 57.10: dBas sTag-ra khong-lod; HBCHBY (JA) 70a6. He is mentioned in the Dunhuang Chronicle (Bacot et al., pp 102.11, 113.2-3): sTag-sgra Khong-lod of dBals. Now the identification of minister sTag-[sglra Khong-lod (of the s1'Bal clan or the sBas-clan, prob. not id. with KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 3, 436.11-12: [sBas] rGyal rTa-ra stag-snang) must be differentiated from the more prominent minister and member of the Ngan-lam clan: sTag-sgra Mugong, cf. note 1181 infia. As briefly alluded to by GBCHBY 300.16-17 and DCHBY 120.3-4 the minister Khu Mang-porje IHa-bzungs (who very well may be a contraction of [sTag-sgra] Khu [ [ = Kholng-lod] and minister Cog-ro Mang-po-rje!] became victims of slandery (snyan phra bcug) and minister Khu was accused of disloyalty (later disgraced and executed). This happened in the years around 728-729 A.D. So sTag-[sglra Khong-lod was not minister under this but the following king. See also Beckwith, 1987, pp. 100-106. The above note in the two IDe'u versions indicating that Mang-po-rje was calumniated must be further examined while he is recorded to have been active as a Tibetan general at least ten years later, cf. Beckwith, 1987, pp. 114-118. rule over the [entire] kingdom. [He] married [a queen] called mChims-bza' bTsun-me tog. lo2 Durin [the reign] of this king, seven athletic ministers (blon po nsal po c k mi bdun) appeared: rNgog-ring-po-la-nag-po [was capable] of lifting [high] an elephant. "°1 rNgoggling-khams was [capable ofJ lifting up a three-years old (grur po che) g.yag-ox. lo5 sNon rgyal-mtshan was [capable ofJ cutting the waist of a falcon [in flight] with a arrow endued with a rounded head (mda' ste'u kho ma).' lo6 dBas 'Dong-sgong was [capable of shooting] an arrow the length of three 'distances of an eye-sight' (mig rgyang).' lo' 'Gos g.Yag-chung was capable of fillin a whole skin (rlud phu = rlid bu) of a stag with sand and circle it around the head. Co[g]-ro 'Brong-sher was capable of galloping a wild 'brong-Yak downwards [a mountain-side] and [then] pull it upwards [again] (mthur [ = thur] la rgyugs pa gyen la 'then).''09 sNon Khri-bdun g.Yu-[slbyin was capable [while riding] on a [wild and indocile] horse to leap into an abyss and [then] drag it up again (rta g.yang la mchong ba gyen la 'phen). lo The power (mnga' thang) and [material] prosperity (dpal 'byor) [during his regency] were equal to the gods, with strength and [military] force [this king] was victorious in the four [cardinal] directions. He instituted offerings for the [funeral] memorial of the passing (dgongs dus kyi mchod pa btsug) of the grandfather Srong-btsan sgam-po in 1Ha-sa. pibet] even came [to such power] that [this king] could also hold sway over [neighbouring] borderking[s] (mtha'i rgyal po yang dbang du 'dus pa tsum byung) [so] [this king] was more ''I3 ' f 1102 BGR 197b3; NGTMTPH 3al: mChims-bza' mTshams me-tog and mTshan-rno-stong; HBCHBY 70a6; DTHZHG 50.1 -2. Cf. Dunhuang Ms 249 (102.28-29): mChims bza' bTsan-ma-thog Thog-steng. For her various names, cf. Haarh, p. 55. 1103 DCHBY 119.4- 11; GBCHBY 299.1-2, 299.12-20: During the kings Gung-srong, Mang-srong and especially 'Dus-srong seven astonishing (ya mtshan che ba) ministers occured; also called the seven great athletic men; DTHMP 17a6; KTHDNG O(HA) Chap. 7, 116.13-14 (not listed); YLJBCHBY 57.13-58.1 ;GBYTSH 122b3-123a3; DTHMPSM 23a6; HBCHBY (JA) 70a7-b2; DTHZHG 49.1723. In a number of the above sources, it is related how their occurence is seen as a foreboding that (in the future) a large amount of different types of tea and musicians oa dong rol mo ba 'i mum grangs) would appear in Tibet. This occasioned ~nibhutibhadra, GBYTSH 123a3-126bl. to intercalate a small valuable essay on the origin of tea and porcelain in Tibet; cf. also Chab-spel, 1989(b), p. 255. 1104 GBCHBY, DCHBY, YLJBCHBY: carrying a baby-elephant (all the way from N W ) . 1105 DCHBY: rNgegs gling-kharns. 1106 Herewith is meant an arrow (mdo )' with a head, not being sharp and blunt (rrse, mo) as usual is the case, but axe-rounded and saber-formed edge (ste'u kha ma = sre'u ko ma 113. 1107 1.e. three times the distance one can see with the bare eyes. GBCHBY, DCHBY, YLJBCHBY. DTHZHG: sBas (or Ca) rgod Idonglmdongs-btsan. The two versions of IDe'u instead maintain that he was able to catch a lion. 1108 DCHBY: 'Gos sTag-chung. 1109 All other versions: Cog-ro 'Brong-shor. DCHBY and GBCHBY: He was capable of catchingfholding a wild 'brong-Yak running full s p e d downwards and cast with it ('brong rhur lo dkyus pa bzung n u 'phen). 1110 Also s1gNon khri-gdasllde yuslyul-sbyin. powerful than [any ofJ the former Tibetan kings that have emerged in [direct] succession.l For a [period] of twenty-nine years, [he] was in control of the royal power, whereafter he passed away in the country of Nanzhao (Uang). l l2 The tomb of 'Phrul-rgyal [i.e. 'Dus-srong] was located to the left of [the tomb of'J Mang-srong [mang-btsan]; The tomb being known as the one 'endowed with a divine mountain (lha ,.ican)~.ll13 9 It was raised by a group of Hor-craftsmen (hor gyi mi sde); [Its] name was said to be the 'Lion-held One' (Seng-ge brtsigs-pa). l1l4 [IlIl [King Khri-lde gtsug-brt[s]an] The son of king 'Dur [= 'Dusl-srong Mang-po-btsan was Khri-lde gtsug-brtan, [also] known as Mes Ag-tshom[s]. l l l s In the iron-male-dragon year [he] was born in the [royal] palace of 1111 For a brief mention of the expansion of the temtory during this king, cf. CHBYMTNYP 292a4; GBCHBY 299.22-300.1; DCHBY 119.12-13; HBCHBY (JA) 70bl-3. For a brief survey of the military successes under this king, cf. Beckwith, 1987, Chap. 2-3, pp. 37-83. 1112 BGR 196bl; GBCHBY 299.20-300.2; DCHBY 119.13-16; YLJBCHBY 57.11-12; GBYTSH 126b2; HBCHBY (JA) 70b4. Annaki: In the hare and dragon year (703104-704105 A.D.) Cf. also Petech, 1967, Glosse (repr. Selected Papers, 1988, p. 258); Uebach, p. 79, n. 286. The indication of his age fits neatly, as he was born in 676 A.D. 1De'u Jo-sras especially mentions that this king was put to death (slnongs = bkrongs) by Hor (which here probably refers to the Turks). The country of 1JangI1Jangpreviously indicated the country of Mo-so i.e. Lijiang. But during Tang, as here during a Tibetan military campaign where the king was killed, the area was known as the country or rather the Yunnanese dynasty of Nanzhao (653-902 A.D., also known under the Tibetan ethnonym La-Myva), cf. also note 155 supra and Beckwith, 1983, p. 5; 1987, pp. 64-65, nn. 64-67. 11 13 Cf. Panglung, pp. 338-339, n. 43. 11 14 GBCHBY 378.6-7; DCHBY 119.16-17; YLJBCHBY 58.3-5; GBYTSH 126b2-4; HBCHBY (JA) 70b4-5; DTHZHG 49.23 (last four follow GLR). Cf. Panglung, 1988, pp. 338-339. 1115 Also Khri-lde gtsug-brtanlbtsan. BGR 197b3; CHBYMTNYP 292a5; BGR 197b3, 198b2; GBCHBY 300.3-4; DCHBY 119.19.20; NGTMTPH 3b1,6a2 (Uebach, pp. 58-59,78-79); CHBY 139a5 (Szerb, p. 15); DTHMP 17a7; YLJBCHBY 58.6-7; GBYTSH 126b4-5; HBCHBY (JA) 70b5; DTHZHG 50.1-2. He was enthroned 712 A.D. according to the Annals. Dunhuang Ms 249 (82.29-30): He was son of 'Dus-srong Mang-mo-rje and consort mChims-za bTsan-ma-thog thog-steng. Cf. also Chronicle (p. 113.1-114.9) for details on his regency. For his various names, cf. Haarh, p. 55. He lived 704-7541755 A.D. For the complicated succession to the throne and the take-over by Mes Agtshom, who, due to a political mis-en-scbne by the dowager queen-mother Khri-ma-lod, usurped tbe throne from the heir-apparenr and rightful claimant, his elder brother 1Ha Bal-pm]o, who only managed to rule for a short period, cf. Appendix, note 1137. For an interesting note on the actual aggrandizement of his realm during his rulership, cf. DCHBY 120.2- 18. IDan-dkar. 'I6 Minister ['BallsBd] sKyi-bmg ston -btsan,' 'I7 mChimr fiyal[-gzigs] Shugsstengl' l g and 'Bro Chu[ng]-bzang the three functioned as ministers. He married a consort named Uang-mo K h r i - b t ~ u n . ' This ' ~ ~ king discovered in 'Phying-phu [ = mChims-phu] the [prophetic] testament of the grandfather Srong-btsan sgam-po written on a copper-plate my minister m ~ a r ]12'' and when he read [the prophetic proclamation stating]: "In the time of 'the fifth generation from me [i.e. Srong-btsan sgam-pol, a king [with the name-elements] khn and lde [will emerge]', the Saddharma will spread and many pundits-s .. 'Or[-mang]' "', 11 16 BGR 198b2; GBCHBY 300.14-15; DCHBY 1 19.19.20: pho-brang Lan-dkar; NCTMTPH 6aZ (Uebach, pp. 78-79); DTHMP 17a7; YLJBCHBY 58.6-7; CBYTSH 126b4-5; HBCHBY (JA) 70b5; DTHZHG 50.1-2. The year-indication, again, is partly wrong. According to the Annals, ffiyal-gtsug-ru 1i.e. KhriIde gtsug-brtan] was born in the [wood-]dragon year, i.e. in the winter of 704 A.D. in the place of Kho-brang-tsal ( = ? pho brang rshal, the palace-garden [of IDan-dkar?]). Not identified. IDanIlHandkar is mentioned repeatedly in the ancient Tibetan documents, cf. Uebach, p. 79, n. 288. According to the chronological data given by the Tibetan historians, he was born in 680 A.D. and, according to most of these later sources, he was sixty-two or -three years old when he passed away, which would correspond to 742 A.D, cf. note 1168 inpa. 1117 Better 'Bal sKye-bzang Idong-ts[h]ab. MBNTH 88a3-5; GBCHBY 300.18-19; DCHBY 120.6-7: sBal sKyer-bzang Sra-chab (also rendered dBal sKyas-bzang Lo-tshab mtshan-zhang), who, together with minister La[ngJ-bu mTholmTha' la-[bltsan were calumniated (skyon phab), although being innocent; YLJBCHBY 58.8-9; KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 3, 437.12: 'Bro [sic] sKye-bung Idongbtsan; GBYTSH 126b6; HBCHBY (JA) 70b6 sBas sKye-bzang stong-btsan. As documented in the Annals (pp. 56/62 and 102/132), the Zhol Inscription (South) (Richardson, 1985, pp. 6-7) and BZH (Chin. ed. 8.20-9.9 = HBCHBY (JA) 75b2-4) it is portrayed how the ministers 'Bal sKye-bzang Idong-tshab and Lang Myes-[glzigs, both described as proBuddhist (perhaps by later tradition), made revolt (around 754-755 A.D.), a rebellion which had serious implications for the ensuing decades of internal development in Tibet (BZH: Tibet turned black (bod nag por brang), or became dominated by Bon). They were (made?) responsible for the murdering of Mes Ag-tshom[s]. For some cogent speculations on the complex situation, cf. Beckwith, 1983, p. 2ff. sI1BalsKye-bzang had been active since 729 A.D. and he succeeded 'Bm Cung-bung (cf. note 1119) after 747 A.D. See Beckwith, 1987, pp. 141-42. 1118 Also Zhang mchims-rGyal rGyal-zigs Shu-theng. YLJBCHBY 58.9; KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 3, 437.1: [mChims] ffiyal-gzigs Shud-thong; GBYTSH 126b6; HBCHBY (JA) 70b6: mChims ffiyalgzigs shu-ting. The Dunhuang Chronicle @. 102.15-16): mChims Zhang ffiyal-zigs Shu-teng. He hardly wuld have been minister during Mes Ag-tshoms. He is mentioned in the Zhol-Inscription, South, 1. 57. As Chief Minister he is listed as a sworn-in minister of king Khri-srong Ide-btsan's bKa ' - p i g s (of 780 A.D.), cf. HBCHBY (JA) 109b4-5. According to the Tang-Annals he was dismissed 782 A.D. 1119 Or 'Bro Chung-bzang 'Or-mang. GBCHBY 300.17-18: 'Gro Cung-za 'Or-ma functioned as minister for twenty years; DCHBY 120.6-7: 'Bro Cung-za Bar-ma served twenty-one years. YLJBCHBY 58.9-10; KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 3, 436.12: 'Bro Chung-bzang Ngo-ram; GBYTSH 126b6; HBCHBY (JA) 70b6-7. He was appointed Great Minister in the dragon year (728)-729 A.D. serving at least until (747)-748 A.D., cf. the Annals (entry years: 728-32), Chronicle (p. 82.12) and Beckwith, P- 106. 1120 BZH (Chin. ed. 2.4); n J B C H B Y 59.4-5; HBCHBY (JA) 70b5; DTHZHG 50.13-14. From the petty (Yunnanese) dynasty of NanzhaolLa-Myva (653-902 A.D.), cf. note I 112. 1121 Cf. notes 954-957 supra. will a m v e [in Tibet] whereafter the Teaching of Buddha will diffuse", the king [immediately] thought that it referred to himself.' 122 He dispatched Bran-ka ~ u - l e ' 'and ~ ~gNyags sNya-nam [ = Dziiii-na] ~ u - m a - r a , ' ~ ~ ~ the two, as envoys, being sent off to the snowy mountain Ti-se [i.e. Kailash] [in order] to invite thepandita-s Sangs-rgyas gsang-ba [i.e. ~ u d d h a ~ u h ~12'a ]and ' Sangs-rgyas zhi-ba [i.e. ~ u d d h a f i t a j ; ' 126 but [they] declined the invitation, wherefore [the for former ones] returned ~ ' heart and having put [them] to [to Tibet]. Having learned five ~ a h i i ~ i i n a - ~ i i t r a - s "by writing, five books were made (bzhengs) thereof. [He then] built five chapels for their depository (bzhugs sa), erecting Brag-dmar Ka-ru (= Kva-chu), 12* Kha-che 'Grin- 1122 Cf. BZH (Stein ed. 1.1-3, Chin. ed. 1.1-3); MBNTH 82a6-b4; NGTMTPH 9b3 (Uebach, pp. 9495); YLJBCHBY 54.18-55.1 ; GBYTSH 127al-2; HBCHBY (JA) 48b7-49al,52b5-6,70b7-71al; DTHZHG 50.3-5. Cf. note 1051 supra, the previous note and Uebach, n. 425. 1123 1.e. Bran-ka Miila-koSa (i.e. *rTsa-ba'i mdzod); BZH (Chin. ed. 1.1 1); MBNTH 82b4; CHBY 139a6, 157bl (Szerb, pp. 16, 112); YLJBCHBY 58.13: Mii-le ko[-Sa]; HBCHBY (JA) 71a3. According to Bu-ston, Bran-ka and gNyags are listed as some of the first lotsd-ba-s in Tibet. 1124 1.e. gNyagsIgNyegs JiiHna KumHra (or Ye-shes gzhon-nu!); BZH (Chin. ed. 1.11); MBNTH 82b4; further, Nyang-ral, KTHZGM, Chap. VII, 35.17-38.3, also his CHBYMTNYP 299a3-4, 358a2, 359b5: sNyags Ddna Ku-ma-ra [also called] Dri-med Zla1mDa'-shar; PMKTH, Chap. 57, 348.1350.15, registers him as a bi-lingual lotsdba who was sent to India in order to invite Bodhisattva ~Hntaraksitato Tibet during king Khri-srong Ide-btsan; GBCHBY 318.9-10, 321.11, 322.6-9, 335.20ff: et passim; DCHBY 123.2; CHBY 139a6, 157bl (Szerb, pp. 16-17, 112); KTHDNG (NGA) 404.5; YLJBCHBY 58.13: HBCHBY (JA) 71a3. Cf. also note 1354. Hisfloruir uncertain while he is registered during several rulers. He is recorded to have been a prolific lotsdva, being foremost celebrated as a translator of rDzogs-chen and Tantric treatises. mKhas-pa 1De'u and 1De'u Jo-sras situate gNyags sNya-nam Ku-ma-ra among the three mediocre (or second wave of) translators that came to Tibet and were active during the period of king Ral-pacan. Cf. de Jong, 1972, no. 115. For ref. to new biographical material on this active translator, cf. Ehrhard, 1990, p. 84. 1125 BZH (Chin. ed. 1.12): dPal Sangs-rgyas gsang-ba, or ~ rBuddhaguhya; i MBNTH 82b5; GBCHBY 304.3-13; CHBY 141b6, 156b4 (Szerb, pp. 31, 107); YLJBCHBY 58.14-15; GBYTSH 127al; HBCHBY (JA) 7a13-4. mKhas-pa IDe'u attaches the translation-activity of Sangs-rgyas gsang-ba, the third stage in the translation of Buddhist texts in Tibet, to a much later period close to the erection of bSam-yas, where this lotsdva, together with dBas The-len, Bran-ka Mu-N-ti (cf. CHBY 141bl-3) and 'Jarndpal go-cha, made eight translations. On Buddhaguhya, cf. Tucci, 1949, pp. 87, 257, 381; Dargyay, 1979, pp. 30, 180. 1126 BZH (Chin. ed. 1.12-13). Identical with Sangs-rgyas dPal zhi-ba or BuddhaSriSInta?, cf. MBNTH 82b5; CHBY 156b6 (by Bu-ston listed among the Pandita-s that came to Tibet); YLJBCHBY 58.14-15; GBYTSH 127a2; HBCHBY (JA) 71a3-4. 1127 BZH (Stein. ed. 1.9-11; Chin. ed. 1.14-16): Las rNam-par 'byed-pa [ = Karmavibhanga], TTPE no. 1005, cf. Nishioka, 1980, no. 103; gSer-'od dam-pa'i mdo [ = Suvarnaprabhbottama-sltral cf. 'lTPE nos. 174-76, Lalou, 1953, nos. 87,251, 256; Kriya and upa-ya sha-tsam [ = Kriya & UpHya-Shtra-s?]; CHBY 139a6 (Szerb, p. 17): only two sCtra-s: Las brgya-pa, [*Karmdatakal, cf. Nishioka, no. 74, 'ITPE no. 107 and the above Suvarnaprabhiisottama-sltra; HBCHBY (JA) 71a3-4; DTHZHG 50.5-7. 1128 The K[v]a-chu temple in the Brag-dmar [or Brag-mar] district. BZH (Stein ed. 1.13, Chin. ed. 1.18); CHBYMTNYP 292a5, 293b4: bSam-yas Ka-chu, first denoted a gtsug lag Wlang then a lha khang; in fact, Nyang-ral surprisingly contends that these temples were erected by Chinese hva sang-s functioning as court-chaplains; GBCHBY 296.16, 300.12; DCHBY 120.1, 121.8-9; b l a n g [ ~ ] , " ~1Ha-sa ~ [m]Kha[r]-bng,1130 'Phying-phu [= mChims-phu] am-ra~"~' and ~ m g - g o n ggi lha-khang,1132five [in all]. From the Chinese [Capital] h em- hi)"'^ the NGTMTPH 21a7 (Uebach, pp. 142-143); CHBY 139aS (Szerb, p. 16): sGa-chu Shar-sgo in Bragdmar; YLJBCHBY 58.17-18; GBCHBY 127a2-3; HBCHBY (JA) 71b5, I IOaS; DTHZHG 50.7. For Kva-chu erected ca. 728-739 A.D., cf. the valuable discussion in Vitali, 1990, pp. 2-35. For K[v]a-chu of Brag-[dlmar, cf. the sKar-cblung Inscription, 1. 10-11 (Richardson, 1985, p. 75) and further ref. Uebach, 1987, p. 143, n. 906. Brag-dmar, Red Cliff or perhaps better Brag-mar (cf. the bSam-yas and the sKar-chung rdo ring-s, Richardson, 1985, pp. 28-29, 74-75) is, in a narrow sense, the area in which bsam-yas is situated. Brag-[dlmar functioned as regular royal winter residence at least from 695 A.D., cf. e.g. Petech, 1967, Glosse (repr. Selecred Papers, 1988, p. 265). 1129 mGrin-bzang, similarly situated in Brag-dmar (not Kha-che, Kashmir?): BZH (Stein ed. 1.13,22.23, Chin. ed. 1.17-18, 28.17); CHBYMTNYP 292b1, 293b4: Brag-dmar 'Gran-bzang; MBNTH 83al; GBCHBY 296.16, 300.13; DCHBY 120.1 : Brag-dmar 'Gran-bzang; NGTMTPH 9b3 (Uebach, pp. 94-95); CHBY 1 3 9 5 (Szerb, p. 16): 'Brin-bzang in Brag-dmar; YLJBCHBY 58.17; GBYTSH 127a2; HBCHBY (JA) 71b5, 74b4-7, 76a2, 85b6; DTHZHG 50.7. A certain amount of vacillation between the name mGrin-bzang and 'BrinI1Gran/m-bzang prevails. mGrin-bzang is to be prefered. It was destroyed in the wake of the defeat of the Buddhist faction in the struggle for power around 754-56 A.D., cf. e.g. BZH (Chin. ed. 8.5). Cf. H o h a n n , 1950, p. 294; Ferrari, pp. 44, 113, n. 123. For treasuries hidden there during the royal period, cf. KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. 8, sect. 11, 166.2-16: Brag-dmar 'Gram-bzang. Cf. also next note. 1130 BZH (Stein ed. 1.14, Chin. ed. 1.18, 9.9-10); CHBYMTNYP 272a4, 292b1, 293M: first 1Ha-sa dKar-chu, then IHa-sa m a r - b r a g ; MBNTH 82b6-83al; GBCHBY 296.16-17, 300.13: dBu-ru m a r - p h u g ; DCHBY 121.8-9: IDe'u Jo-sras does not mention this temple among the temples in this list, but registers its (written 'Khar-phrag) destruction by the anti-Buddhist ministers; NGTMTPH 9a3 (Uebach, pp. 94-95); CHBY 1 3 9 5 (Szerb, p. 15); YLJBCHBY 58.18; HBCHBY (JA) 71b4, 76a2; DTHZHG 50.8-9: gSang mKhar-brag. Cf. the notes 91 1 supra and 1173 infro. A mKhar-phrag is registered in the Annals, S.V.year 730 A.D. mKhar-brag (but also mGrin-bzang and K[v]a-chu) having barely been erected, were destroyed in the wake of the abortive Buddhist revolt around 754 A.D. against the ruling Bonministers surrounding the court and which led to the murder of Mes Ag-tshoms, cf. BZH, DCHBY, HBCHBY above and the note 1117. 1131 gNam-ral of mchims-phu. BZH (Stein ed. 1.14, Chin. ed. 1.19); CHBYMTNYP 292b1, 293b4; GBCHBY 300.12; DCHBY 120.1; NGTMTPH 9a3 (Uebach, pp. 94-95): Na-ral; CHBY 139a5 (Szerb, p. 15): gNam-sral; YLJBCHBY 58.18; GBYTSH 127a3; HBCHBY (JA) 71b5; DTHZHG 50.8-9: sNa-ral. Probably we shall make an equation between mChims-phu and [g]Nam-ral in the sense that the mchims-phu temple recorded in the sKar-cplung Inscription, 1. 11 (Richardson, 1985, p. 75) refers to the gNam-ral temple; cf. also Tucci, 1950, pp. 83-84; Ferrari, pp. 45, 115, n. 145. For treasuries hidden there, cf. KTHDNG (KHA)Chap. VIII (sect. 10) 165.12-166.1. 1132 Ma-sa-gong. BZH (Stein ed. 1.14, Chin. ed. 1.19-2.1): bSam-yas Ma-sa-gong; CHBYMTNYP 292b1; GBCHBY 347.6: Ma-sa gong gi pho brang (different context!); NGTMTPH 9a4 (Uebach, pp. 96-97): in a gloss it is said to have been located at the foot of 1Dal-po-ri (which Uebach, op. cir., n. 431, locates close to bSam-yas); YLJBCHBY 58.18-19: Mal-gong; GBYTSH 127a3; HBCHBY (JA) 71b5: Mas-gong; DTHZHG 50.8-9. Otherwise unknown. 1133 YLJBCHBY 58.19-59.1; GBYTSH 127a3: Ker shi bas; DTHZHG 50.10-11: King-shi, i.e. Kengshi or Ch. jingshi, 'capital', Ch'ang-an (cf. notes 123, 562 infro). Keng-shi also registered in the Dunhuang Chronicle (Bacot, 1940, p. 114.29) and in the Inscriptions, such as Zhol (South, 11. 56, 59, 62-63), cf. Richardson, 1985, pp. 12-15. Suvarna-prabhBsomottarna-siitra[mDo gSer-'od dam-pa] and the Vinaya ['Dul-ba] [and?] ~ a r m i v i b h a ~ [Las i ~ a rNam-par 'byed-pa] were translated. Pi-tsi Tsan-dra-Sri [i.e. *Bi'i CandraSfl translated also many [treatises] on [divination-astrology and] medical xience."j' By way of such[like] auspicious conditions (yon tan) [prevailing during the reign of this king], a son was born to [his] consort 1Jang-mo Khri-btsun, Peing endowed] with a very handsome Pody] that resembled a divine bodily stature, [a son] called Uang-tsha Ihad ~ o n .13' As [they] could not find any worthy spouse for him in Tibet [proper], [they] said that the manner [how] the [great] grandfather Srong-btsan sgam-po [himself had a foreign consort] should [also] be followed [in this case]. [Consequently] [an envoy], having been given precious [items] and [sundry] gifts, was dispatched in order to acquire the daughter of the Chinese emperor Dzung-dzung [i .e. Zong-zong], Gyam-shing Kong- The above sources apparently all follow GLR, and a certain confusion prevails here. The two texts mentioned were already brought along and translated by Bran-ka and sNyags, cf. the notes 1123-24, 1127. But from India. In fact, the reading in GLR rGya yul Kern shi nus could also be seen as a distortion of Ku-ma ra, i.e. gNyags Dz5-na Ku-ma-ra (note 1124), who, according to BZH (Stein. 1.9-1l), CHBY 139a6, brought these two texts to Tibet. The stray 'Dul-ba in our text is misplaced. BZH reads *Karmavibhanga, = P 1005, cf. Szerb, 1990, p. 17, n. 4, whereas YLJBCHBY has Vinayavibhanga. Our Text has apparently attempted to combine these readings. 1134 CHBYMTNYP 362b4-5: During the reign of (the father) king Khri-srong Ide-btsan two physicians were active: rGya'i sman pa Ha-shang Te-sha and bla sman pa Myang Tsan-pa-shi; DCHBY 120.78: Ha-shang translated [treatises] on rtsis [from Chinese into Tibetan] and Phrom [ = Khrom?] btsan-pa Shi-la-ha [similarly] translated [treatises] on sman dpyad; GBCHBY 300.4 and 300.20: [during Khri-srong Ide-btsan] Be-ci btsan-pa Ha-la; CHBY 139a6 (Szerb, p. 17); DTHMP 17a8; PMKTH Chap. 54, 341.7; Chap. 55, 345.3-4: rGya-nag mkhas-pa Bi-rje btsan-pa or Bla-mkhyen Bi-rje btsan-pa; YLJBCHBY 59.1-2; GBYTSH 127a3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 70b6; DTHZHG 50.1011. As first documented by Beckwith, 1979, and corroborated by the above sources, the corrupted Pi-tsi CandraSri refers to the activity of a KhromlPhrom (Roman) physician (biji, Sogdian: 'physician') pertaining to the Greek school, and a personal doctor to the Tibetan king, a representative of the Middle-East physician-cum-scholar type that were active at the Tibetan court already from the time of Srong-btsan sgam-po. The present scholar is to be identified with Tsanpdilaha, also known as the rgya nag mkhus pa, the Chinese scholar, which probably indicates that he knew the Chinese language and lore, rather than he himself was a Chinese. 1135 1.e. The Divine (also Royal) Nephew (IHa-dbon) of Nan-zhao-progeny (IJang-tsha). BZH (Stein ed. 2.3-15, Chin. ed. 2.2-10) gives an account of his naming and appearance; CHBYMTNYP 292b3293a1; MBNTH 83a2-6; GBCHBY 300.4-5; DCHBY 120.21-121.2: the oldest son of Mes Agtshom; DTHMP 17a8; YLJBCHBY 59.3-5; GBYTSH 127a5-6; HBCHBY (JA) 71a6-bl ; DTHZHG 50.13-14. For his different names, cf. Haarh, p. 56. According to the Annals: lHas bon died 739 A.D. But see here Appendix, note 1137 and the ref. given there, for identifying the brother of Mes Agtshom[s], IHa Bal-p[h]o with lHas bon and thus with [IJang-tsha] 1Ha-dbon. Cf. also 'Jigs-rued mam-rgyal, 1987. 1136 BZH (Chin. ed. 2.17-18): Emperor Li (clan name) Khri-bzher Lang-mig-ser; BGR 197b4: Emperor Yag-'byam; MBNTH 83a6-b4: Khri-zheng dmigs (mainly following BZH); NGTMTPH 3bl (Uebach, pp. 58-59): in a gloss, Emperor Yag-'dzum; DTHMP (Gangtok ed. 10b7, 17b8, Dungdkar ed. 21 3-1 1): not Zong-zong (rg. 705-710 A.D.), but a brother (nu bo) of his, named Vi-dbang (or Vi[ng]-dzung) i.e. Rui-zong, rl. 710-712, was the father of Kim-sheng Kong-jo; GBYTSH 127a6; HBCHBY (JA) 71b2: Li Khri-bzher Mang-ma; DTHZHG 50.16: Yag-'jam Li Khri-bzher jo [i.e. Jincheng ~ o n ~ z h u ] . 'There " ~ [i.e. at Zim-shing khri-sgo, i.e. Chang-an] the T i h mini~ter"'~handed over the precious objects and gifts and when next the Chinese eminquired whether [his] daughter [wanted to] go or not, Kong-jo invoked (dmod bor) a mirm in [her] possession which showed [her prognostically what was] g o d and bad.1139After she had wiped it thoroughly [clean], she looked [into it] and [came to] realize that [her] destined mate (grogs skal) for this life was to be found in Tibet. Since she saw that this prince moreover was moth] beautiful and charming, she took delight in going to Tibet. The emperor not only handed over [to her] an endless [amount] of dowries, but, while [he] was affectionately attached to [his daughter], he, in company of a large coterie [of attendants], even escorted [her] for a short distance until a territory which was equipped with a huge walled fortification (mkhar rfsig) named Zhing-Pheng-h[v]en [i.e. Shibing xian). ' I u A large tent was pitched in the place, whereafter a grand banquet was prepared [in honour lang-ma. Cf. the notes 165-166 supra and next note. 1137 BZH (Stein ed. 2.15-17, Chin. ed. 2.1 1-13, 2.17-3.3): Gyim-shing Kong-jo; BGR 197b4: Gyimphya Gong-ju; CHBYMTNYP 292bl-3, 294b1-2, 295a2: Gyim-shing Kong-jo; MBNTH 83M: Gyim-shang Ong-co; GBCHBY 297.4, 300.3-4: Mentioning that she erected a dampa'i Ulo Rhong based upon Indian pattern!; DCHBY 120.7-8: Ong-chung; NGTMTPH 3bl (Uebach, pp. 58-59): Gyim-cha Gang-ju; CHBY 139a6-bl (Szerb, p. 17); DTHMP 10b4, 17a8; YWBCHBY 31.17-19, 59.6-8; GBYTSH 127a6-bl; HBCHBY (JA) 71bl-3; DTHZHG 50.13-19. For her descent and lineage, cf. Demitville, 1952, pp. 1-9, 356; Uray, 1978, pp. 568-70; Beckwith, 1983 (where details on her journey to Lhasa are delineated); Beckwith, 1987, pp. 70, 76. She amved in Lhasa 710 A.D. and she passed away 739 A.D. (Annals, p. 25). having stayed in Tibet for twenty-nine years; DTHMP 9b9: She died in 740 A.D. having stayed in Tibd for forty years (acc. to the Dung-dkar ed. of DTHMP 21.13-14: Thirty-one years in Tibet, foll. by YLJBCHBY 3 1.19). For a fuller discussion as to whom she married, cf. Appendix, note I 137. For her different names, cf. also Haarh, 1969, pp. 55-56. Cf. also the notes 167, 831 supra and 1474 infra . 1138 According to BZH (Stein ed. 2.12, Chin. ed. 2.20-21): The Tibetan envoy was minister gNyags Khri-bzang yang-ston; so also MBNTH 83b4-5 and HBCHBY (JA) 71b2-3: gNyags went to China as envoy with an retinue of thirty men; for the possible identification of this figure, cf. note 518 supra. At variance we find YLJBCHBY 59.7-9, GBYTSH 127bl-2 and DTHZHG 50.19-20: Since the daughter of the gNyags-clan was not accepted (as consort for) Uang-tsha IHa-dBon, gNyags Khri-bzang yang-ston (feeling disgraced), expressed his dissatisfaction or anger by killing the heir IJang-tsha. Cf. also GBCHBY 375.21-376.1, where this minister is listed as one of the ten culprits who during the royal period committed regicide, the reason here being that this misdeed was perpetrated because the power was given to Khri-srong Ide-btsan. The source for this is gSang-ba Phyag-rgya-can, cf. Appendix, note 359. 1139 BZH (Stein ed. 2.15-16, Chin. ed. 2.21-3.3): The mirror of 'phrul, i.e. divination, by which one can see [into] the three spheres of existence (srid g s m ) , so also HBCHBY (JA) 71b3; CHBYMTNYP 292b3-4; MBNTH 83b5; GBCHBY 347.18-21,300.5-6: The argentic (dnguldhr) mirror about the size of a litte shield; DTHZHG 50. 17-19. KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 23, 497.1498.22 delineates the modus operandi of this divinational mirror of human existence (srid pa 'i gtsug lag dngul dkar me long) according to Chinese lore. 1140 Only shared by HBCHBY (JA) 71b3-5, where dPa'-bo also reveals the source for these passages: rGya'i deb-ther, cf. note 135 supra. Cf. Beckwith, 1983, p. 6. She left Shibing on March 5, 710 A.D. and arrived in Tibet later the same year. Cf. also Pelliot, 1961, pp. 96-97. ofJ the Tibetan envoys carrying a golden letter (gser yig pa) [of matrimonial petition]. Even the emperor [couldn't help] shedding many tears and gave the daughter many [practical] instructions [pertaining to correct social deportment]. All criminals (nyes pa can) belonging to this fortified [city] were granted amnesty. The Chinese army [was kept from raiding] and [tax-collection for] harvest and cattle ('dab nor) were [all] cancelled for one [full] year [as a good-will gesture]. This fortified [city] was [hereafter] [relnamed Kim-shing-h[v]en [i.e. Jincheng-xian]. 141 Thereupon, a [Chinese] military escort was given [her party] [headed] by two great ministers whereafter [they] proceeded towards Tibet. Amving at the border between China and Tibet, the [heir,] prince [Uang-tsha 1Ha-dbon] had [already] been invited from Tibet by the [escorting Tibetan] ministers [in order to receive her]. [Once] while they all one evening participated in a horse racing [made possible by] the light of the [full]moon, the prince too took part, but was killed by being thrown from [his] horse. [Anticipating] the imminent arrival of [his] consort [Kong-jo], everyone present were overcome with grief that the prince [now] had passed away. '42 ' The tomb of Uang-tsha 1Ha-dBon [was installed] in front of [the tomb ofl the grandfather. 143 It was erected in a circular [form] (zlurn po), and it [should] also contain treasuries. So it is said. ' When subsequently Kong-jo, master and servants, arrived at the border between Tibet and China, Kong-jo, [having received the sad news,] was struck [by] sorrow as if suddenly hit by an arrow in [the middle ofJ the heart. She immediately wiped [her divinational] mirror [clean] and looked [into it], whereby she, instead of the prince [seen] previously [shimmering] with a beautiful bodily appearance, [now] found an old man [reflected], having 1141 Cf. analogously HBCHBY (JA) 71b5, except the last information lacking in all other versions. See also Beckwith, 1983, p. 6; Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 267-268. 1142 Different versions of Uang-sras IHa-dbon's passing is transmitted in the later Tibetan historical sources: BZH (Chin, ed. 3.3-4), aside from corroborating the accident with the horse, states that at 'Phang-thang dGe-ra [in the Yar-klungs Valley] he was exorcistically killed by being hit with an arrow (sngags pas zor mda' 'phangs pa); CHBYMTNYP 293a1 tersely corroborates the horseaccident; GBCHBY (cf. Appendix, note 1137) records that he proved to be insane (or obtuse) and retired; DCHBY 20.22-121.2 merely states that he died; CHBY 139bl (Szerb, p. 17) and DTHMP 17b8: he was killed by ministers; YLJBCHBY 59.7-9, GBYTSH 127bl-2 & DTHZHG 50.19-20: He was killed by the Tibetan minister gNyags (who in some versions also escorted her from China to Tibet), allegedly while his own daughter was not chosen as prospective consort for IJang-tsha, cf. note 1138; HBCHBY (JA) 71b3-5 quotes two versions: the one in BZH and the one reflected in YLJBCHBY. 1143 BZH (Stein ed. 2.15, Chin. ed. 3.5): bang so [slklyle'u [or: bu] rtsig pa; YLJBCHBY 59.9-10; GBYTSH 127b2; HBCHBY (JA) 70b7; DTHZHG 50.21. The latter four sources follow GLR. With mes we would logically expect his grand-father 'Dus-srong, but it could equally refer to Mes Ag-tshom. Cf. Panglung, 1988, pp. 340-41. an ugle countenance filled with hair. ' I M [This sight] made [her] very gloomy and [she] spoke as follows: 14' ' "When [she] saw the symbolic message ( b r h [Ichad) of the mirror, The girl's heart was overcome by melancholy (gcong); [She] shall return to [her] own country, [although] the way is long (shul thug ring); Longing for (snying ring po) the paternal relatives @ha ming) of the girl, The hope for going to Tibet has been given up; The Tibetan ministers are very evil, In a country unknown [she] has been wandering [around] unacquainted with [the localities], The mirror of kaman is [certainly] a deluder (bslu ba mkhan)!" Saying [so], [she] crushed the mirror and wept bitterly]. Thereupon the Tibetan king sent an envoy, [who handed over] a letter addressed to the Chinese [Kong-jo], master and servants, [stating]: "My] son, worthy in birth to you and equal to the gods [in beauty], has passed away due to fatal circumstances. Now, are you returning to your own country? Or [would you perhaps] come for my sake (nged la blras nus 'ongs)!"The Chinese [Kong-jo] answered: "The state of being a bride ('dun ma) is unique, so whatever the fate has in store (skyid sdug ci byung kyang) [for me], I shall go to Tibetw, and [so she] went [to Tibet]. When she next arrived in Tibet, the Chinese Il<ong-jo] declared: 114' 'I [want] to see my aunt's chapel (a ne'i lha Wtang)",whereafter [she] went to Ra-mo-che, but having foupd out that the Jo-bo [Shdcya-muni] was not there, [she] proceeded to 'Phrul-snang [where she] discovered that the Jo-bo [image] [had] been installed in a southern mirrored door. [She] therefore [had] the door opened and took out the Jo-bo [image] from its [hide-out] and requested to have [it] installed [properly] in the Central Chapel (grsmg hang dbur ma) [of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang]. [She then] instituted the [ceremony ofJ 'offerings [through] beholding the countenance of the statue' (lha zhal mhong gi mchod). As the Jo-bo [statue] had been installed for three generations in a dark room (mun hang), the Chinese [consort] [personally] initiated [the custom of tendering] offerings [to the statue]. 1144 Aside from GLR, only retained in HBCHBY (JA) 71b7-72a2. On the story as to why he was nicknamed Mes Ag-tshom[s], cf. also Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP 292b1-293bl; cf. tersely dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 70b6 and DTHZHG 50.21 -22. 1145 Lacking from all other versions aside from HBCHBY (JA) 72a2-3. But reminiscences of this song of sorrow (sdug glu len), although with different wording and with more details partly in verse partly in prose, are given in BZH (Stein ed. 3.1-5, Chin. ed. 3.6-18) also cited MBNTH 84a1-4. 1146 Cf. also CHBYMTNYP 293a4-b3: The old king Mes Ag-tshom offers her three alternatives ('dam ko gsum) to choose between; cf. also HBCHBY 72a1-2 being closer to GLR. 1147 BZH (Stein ed. 3.8-13, Chin. ed. 3.18-23) more detailed; MBNTH 84a6-b4; CHBY 139bl (Szerb, p. 17-18); HBCHBY (JA) 71b6, 72b4-6; DTHZHG 50.23-5 1.2; TSLKHKCH l la4-5. 17bl-2. Cf. also note 1094 supra. Then [Gyim-shing Kong-jo] went to 'Phyin-phu [i.e. mChims-phu] [where] she was [officially] coronated as the queen of king Mes [Ag-tshoms]. 'I4' [IVI[King Khri-srong Ide-btsan] Then, one year having elapsed (lo dur 'khor), as a prince[-child] was carried in [Kong-jo's] body, the senior queen called sNa-nam bza' b ~ h i - s t e n ~ sgrew ' l ~ ~jealous and untruthfully declared: "I too am carrying in my body the king's progeny." ~ born to the When in the iron-male-horse year king Khri-srong ~ d e - b t s a n " ~was Chinese [consort] in the [royal palace of] Brag-dmar, Is' sNa-nam bza' then approached the Chinese consort and affecting very amicable, she abducted the child of the Chinese [consort] and declared falsely (snyon byas): "[The child] has been born to me! " 1148 Cf. also DTHZHG 51.2. It is conspicuous to note the persistence with which some sources claim that Jincheng was consort of Mes Ag-tshoms. Cf. the discussions ad Appendix, note 1137. 1149 sNa-nam bza' Mang-mo-rje bZhi-steng. Confirmed Ms 249 (Bacot, 1940, p. 82.30). For her different names, cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 56; Beckwith, 1983, p. 8. On the family, cf. Aris, 1979, pp. 83-91. According to the Annals, she passed away in the horse year 742 A.D. presumably she died in childbirth after bringing this prince to life. Cf. next note and 1171. 1150 BZH (Stein ed. 3.16,4.1, Chin. ed. 4.8-10): a hare-year; BGR 197b4, 198b2; MBNTH 84b6-85a2 (foll. BZH); CHBYMTNYP 294b2-3,295a2-b6 = KTHZGM Chap. VI, 33.10-34.12; GBCHBY 300.9, 301.2-3; DCHBY 121.2-3; NGTMTPH 6a3 (Uebach, pp. 78-79); CHBY 139bl (Szerb, p. 18): earth-male-horse; DTHMP 17a9; PMKTH Chap. 54, 339.1-342.8; YLJBCHBY 59.15-16; GBYTSH 127b2; HBCHBY (JA) 72a6-b4; DTHZHG 5 1.20-22. The later Tibetan historiographical tradition presents contradictory data. The year iron-horse, i.e. 730 A.D., or just horse-year, is maintained by the majority of later Tibetan historiographies, and it would fit with the dates of Kong-jo'sfloruit, so also the version in BZH: hare year, e.g. 739 A.D., the year Kong-jo passed away. But the Annals @. 26) has [water-]horse year: 742 A.D., only then Khri-srong Ide-btsan cannot be of Chinese extraction (rgya rsha), while Kim-sheng Kong-jo passed away in 739 A.D. (cf. note 1137 above). The mother of Khri-srong Ide-btsan was in fact Mang-mo-rje bZhi-steng of the sNa-nam clan (cf, previous note). While Buddhist tradition evidently has turned the tables and reversed the roles so that Kong-jo, by later tradition always painted as an ardent Buddhist e.g. by offering shelter to Khotanese monks, was ascribed the royal mothership, the information offered in the notes 1152 and 1171 infro, where Ma-zhang (also Zhang-blon) Grompa-skyes of the sNa-nam clan was in charge of the regency during a part of the heir Khri-srong Idebtsan's minority (from ca. 750 until 755, when he reached the age of thirteen years) underpins further the assumption that Khri-srong Ide-btsan was of sNa-nam descent. Cf. also Rig-'grol, 1986; 1Cang-ra, 1986; Chab-'gag rTa-mgrin, 1990(a). 1151 BZH (Stein ed. 3.16, Chin. ed. 4.9): pho brang Brag-drnar 'Om-bu'i tshal; BGR 198b2; MBNTH 85al; CHBYMTNYP 295a3, b4; KTHZGM Chap. VI, 33.13, 34.8; DCHBY 121.2-3; NGTMTPH 6a3; PMKTH Chap. 54, 339.1-342.8; YLJBCHBY 59.16; GBYTSH 127b3; DTHZHG 5 1.-20-22. He was born in the royal palace of Brag-[dlrnar 'Om-bu'i tshal. Brag-dmar is formerly the district Quo wbere e.g. bSarn-yas is located, cf. e.g. BZH (Chin. ed. 12.5). 1152 BZH (Stein ed. 4.5-lo., Chin. ed. 4.16-5.2); GBCHBY 301.4-6: sNa-nam mo sByi-stengs kidnapped the child; CHBY 139b1-2; DTHMPSM 24a3; HBCHBY (JA) 72b5; DTHZHG 51.2252.1. The Chinese [consort] bared her own breast and lamented (smre sngas bton) [loudly the loss], while [the child] squalled (cho nges bos) [for its mother], but the child was not turned over. The ministers were therefore summoned (sbran), [whereafter] the king was [duly] informed. [Fearing] therefore [exposure], sNa-nam bza' too [quickly] rubbed her own breasts with an ointment which [made them] sink down [all] by themselves (rang gi nu ma la rung babs kyi rdzas byug) [as if brimming with milk]. [She moreover] let [some] mother-milk trickle out (nu zho 'ongs pa byas) and showed it [demonstratively] to the ministers so that they too [now] were [full ofJ doubt and at a loss [what to mean]."53 As the child of the Chinese [consort] had been stolen by the senior queen (btsw che ba) [sNa-nam bza'], she [i.e. the Chinese consort] could be no match [to her in terms] of power (dbang shed) [and so] any means of [counter-laction came to a naught (byed thrzbs med par song). The Chinese [consort] thought [to herself]: 'This child now hardly can be of any benefit for me [any more]', so [she] wanted [out of revenge] to perpetrate act[s] that were to be detriment to this [cruel] Tibet (bod 'di phung pa'i lar cig byed dgos): In order [to attempt to] discontinue the king's lineage, she [therefore] painted a cakra with [her] menstrual blood on the top of the king's life-spirit mountain (bla n), which resembles a lion jumping towards the [It subsequently entailed its] suppression by [the installment ofJ a caicya. In order [to prevent] wise minister[s] to appear [in the future], [she] cut the 'nose' [i.e. spur] of the minister's life-spirit mountain by means of liquid bronze. 'Is5 The following passages in GLR delineating the strife between the two contestants as well as the geomantic probe and exposition derive, as mentioned by dPa'-bo, op. cir. 73al, from [bKa'i] Thang-yig [chen-mo], from which both authors quote lengthy extracts verbufim. This text may arguably be a currently no more extant version of Pad-ma bKa'i Thang-yig chen-mo (albeit different from PMKTH, but see e.g. note 1154 below, where reminiscences may have been retained in this text). Identifying therefore this text as the basic source for this kidnappingmyth, we may equally assume a fairly early date for this narrative recast. Nyang-ral's CHBYMTNYP 296111 -6 has retained a reverted version of the story, being closer to the truth we may add. Here it is stated that when the heir (i.e. Khri-srong Ide'u-btsan) reached the age of five, Minister sNa-nam-hang Khrornpa skyes (cf. note 1171) and the sNa-nam clan claimed that the heir was of sNa-nam descent, but as the Chinese Kong-jo was very powerful, the child was kidnapped (by Kong-jo?). That is, in this version the tables are turned. 1153 Also HBCHBY (JA) 73b1-2. Cf. previous note. 1154 Cf. parallel BZH (Stein ed. 78.13-15) = CHBYMTNYP 465b2-3; HBCHBY (JA) 73a2-3. Some confusion prevails while part of this geomantic or topographical description in BZH and in Nyang-ral's version is part of a Libellous characterization offered by Glang-dar-ma, depicting the divinatory probe of the first Kong-jo (i.e. Wencheng), cf. Appendix, note 770 and 1512 infio. As further discussed at greater length ad the notes 455 and 765 supra, this geomantic depiction is ancient and possibly its locus classicus is Thang-yig chen-mo, an hitherto untraced or lost Vitascroll dedicated tofcomposed by Padmasambhava and possibly originating from the dynastic period. Most probably the mountain in question is ICags-kha-ri. Later in the Buddhist tradition, ICagskha-ri (from around the XVth century: ICags-pho-ri) became the bla n of Vajrapa@ as part of a triad of holy mountains towering in the nearest vicinity of Lhasa. For a similar p m a n t i c description involving the suppression of various ill-boding configurations by way of the installation of Buddhist sanctuaries, cf. Chap. XIV, note 726 supra. For f u d e r discussion, cf. Appendix, note 1154. 1155 Cf. = CHBYMTNYP 465b4,466al-2; HBCHBY (JA) 73a2. The reading by dPal-bo is perhaps better, as it has retained the simile: The minister's b h ri BZH (Stein ed. 78.15-16, 79.3-5) [In order to instigate internal upheaval in Tibet],1156[she] even cut the tied-up tailis] of the Tiger-mountain [i.e. dMar-po-ri] and the Lion-mountain [i.e. lCag~-kha-ri].'l~~ In order to have famine (mu ge) break out [in Tibet], [she] cut the 'basis' (rtsa ba) of the mountain of the Yar-lung Me-sna, resembling rice seedlings ('bras kyi ljang pa).l15* In order to have leprocy break out in Tibet, [she] cut the 'lips' (mchu) of the mountain of Mang-mkhar,1159which resembles a great Garuda-bird soaring in the air. These [two ladies] were [then] apprehended and when the child had completed one year [of age], the relatives of the two consorts were summoned from China and sNa-nam [respectively, in order] to [attend] the feast [celebrating] the [first] steps taken [by the child] (zhabs 'dzugs kyi kyi dga ' ston). The [guests of the] sNa-nam [clan] came bringing along toys (yo byad) [intended] to amuse the little infant, ornaments, cloth and flower-rosaries. Thus the paternal relatives of two consorts, from China and from sNa-nam arrived in ~ i b e t . " ~ ' The king [Khri-lde gtsug-btsan] then took [his] seat on the golden throne in the royal palace, [himself being seated] in the middle (gung la), to the right the representatives of sNanarn took their seat, to the left the Chinese [party]. After having filled a golden goblet (gser skyogs) with rice-wine ('bras chang), and [his] son having being [profusely] adorned with numerous ornaments, the king now handed [the goblet] into the hand of [his] son, whereafter the father declared: 16* ' resembles a furious Mongol (blon po 'i bla ri sog po khros p a 'dra ba 'i sna bcad). A overt allusion to the China-fiendish resourceful activities of mGar (cf. Chap. XI11 above). Contrarily and possibly reflecting a slightly different narrative, PMKTH Chap. 56, 347.2-4: A mountain [securing] that many wise ministers will come (in the future) (blon po rig p a can mang 'ong ba'i ri) is the mountain of 'Phying-bar stag-rtse. Cf. previous and next note. 1156 Cf. BZH (Stein ed. 78.15-16, 79.3-5) = CHBYMTNYP 465b4-5, 466a1-2 and HBCHBY (JA): bod nang 'khrung 'byung ba'i phyir. GLR, at places, has a corrupt rendering of these passages from the Thang-yig. In the geomatic-topographical description in PMKTH 347.5-6, a combined description is given: The mountain [which symbolically indicates] that wars ocassionally will break out in Tibet (bod la s h b s su 'khrug p a 'ong ba'i ri) is a black mountain resembling a furious Mongol (ri nag sog po khros p a 'dra ba). Cf. previous note. 1157 Ref. previous note, and for details cf. the notes 455 and 726. HBCHBY (JA) 73b3 adds that Kongjo, in a later attempt to repair these geomantic destructions perpetrated by her here, managed to connect the 'tails' [or life-line] existing between these two hills prior to her death. 1158 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 73a2-3. The mountain is otherwise unattested. dPa'-bo, op. cir. 73b3, mentions that Kong-jo, after having caused this geomantic destruction, was capable, prior to her death, to restore the foundation ( m a ba) of this mountain to some extent. 1159 Could it refer to mDangs-rnkhar? cf. note 756 supra. Otherwise unidentified. 1160 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 73a4. Instead of leprocy , dPa'-bo renders the occurence of damage (caused by) the NSga-s (klu 'i gnod pa 'byung ba), creatures to be true also causing leprocy. 1161 Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 72a4 (abbreviated); DTHZHG 52.4-6. Slightly different BZH (Stein ed. 4.810, 4.21-23) so also MBNTH 85a4-5. 1162 For the preceding prose passage, cf. similarly only slightly abbreviated, HBCHBY (JA) 73a4-5. The following metrical declaration is similarly retained in HBCHBY (JA) 73a5-6, whereas DTWHG 52.7-10 has retained the last three lines. BZH (Chin. ed. 4.18-23) differs, SO also CHBYMTNYP 296a3-4. "[My] only child (bu gcig po) born to two mothers, Although [his] body is small, it is [nevertheless] endowed with the supernatural [noetic] powers (mum 'phrul) of the gods; 163 This golden goblet brimming with wine, Son! Hand it over to the [legitimate] maternal uncle (zhrmg) of yours, Have faith in who [really] is [your] mother!" Having sworn [accordingly], the son, walking [falteringly] as best [he] could, [slowly] approached [the Chinese mother by] taking his [first tiny] steps, ' while the representatives of sNa-nam called upon him by showing him [their presents] such as silk-brocade, ornaments and [colourful] flower-rosaries etc. [Unimpressed,] the [child] refused to go [to their side], and [instead] went to the place [where] the Chinese [were seated], [where he] delivered the golden goblet to the Chinese and declared as follows: 'I6' 'I, Khri-srong lde-btsan, am of Chinese extraction (rgya tshu), [I] want no dealings (don mi 'tshal) with the maternal uncle of sNanam! " - whereafter he climbed the lap of [his] Chinese maternal uncle. The mother, the Chinese [consort] being ovejoyed, uttered as follows:' '66 'Released by ('phen pa yis) [my] kannan [accumulated] in bygone existences (tshe sngon mu), To me, the girl arriving from China, A royal prince, [a son of a] peerless ('gran med) ruler, was born; With a scornful social pehaviour] (srid pa'i rngan can) by whatever karman [accumulated], A son born to me was kidnapped by another; Without listing to [my] truthful words, And although baring my breast, [my son] was not delivered pack]. [It] has deeply seared (gzhob tu thal) the body and mind of mine, the Chinese [consort], 1163 For the difficult term 'phrul,which had more connotations throughout the dynastic period, cf. note 642. 1164 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 73a6 with a slightly different order of the sentences. Here is an allusion to the celebrated first [seven] steps taken by Buddha or a world-monarch, cf. ad note 65. 1165 Cf. DTHZHG 52.12-13; but BZH (Stein ed. 4.9-10, Chin. ed. 4.23-5.1), CHBYMTNYP 296aS-6, MBNTH 85a5-6 and GBCHBY 301.5-6 slightly different, e.g. the last line reads: sNa nam zhang gL ci zhig bgyilci byar yodlci bgyL mchi[s]lcibgyi 'tshal.Rephrased in DTHMPSM 24a6-bl with dgos rned. 1166 The following song of joy is similarly retained in HBCHBY (JA) 73a6-b2; DTHZHG 52.15-17 (the three first lines). In the third verse-line, GLR reads 'dren med, but correct 'gran mcd is corroborated by the above sources. In line four, GLR reads: srid pa'i sngonlsngan chanlchad lo, where it is tempting to retain sngon chod, but this is grammatical impossible, even m.c. Tbe reading in HBCHBY: rngan chen = rngan can, disdain or scorn, is therefore to be prefered. In line seven GLR teads ma gtang bm, whereas dPal-bo reads ma phan bns, equally feasible. Unable to withstand the disease of wrath in [my] mind, [I felt] compelled to deteriorate (nyams su bcug) the [auspicious] mountainous [geo-]mantic configuration (ri dpyad) of the Tibetan country; But [this] time, today the sun of the gods has [risen], Son, you have recognized [your] maternal uncle. The body and mind of mine, the mother can [now] safely lie down; This deteriorated mountainous [geo-]mantic configuration of the Tibetan country: These [deconsecrated] mountains are my me] unemngly to be repaired." Having [now] been [positively] identified as the son of the Chinese [consort], a grand feast of joy was prepared [in celebration]. When the son had reached the age of five, the mother died.1167The father Mes Agtshom[s], being sixty-three years old, passed away in sBal-ba-tshal of ~ar-'brag. 'I6* His tomb [of Khri-lde btsug-brt[s]an] was erected on Mu-ra-ri, In succession it was placed to the left of king ['Dus-srong Mang-po-qe] 'Phrul, [By] name it was called '1Ha-ri gtsug-nam'.1169[So] it is said. 1167 Cf. also HBCHBY 73b3. Firstly, the heir to the throne was not the son of the Chinese queen, who had already died in 739 A.D., while the prince was first born 742 A.D., cf. notes 1 137 and 1150 supra. But following here GLR's own computation: The prince was born in 730 A.D. (lcagspho rta) and Kong-jo passed away in 734-5 A.D. 1168 BZH (Stein ed. 7.17, Chin. ed. 8.17-18): s/rBa-tshal of Yar-'brog, he passed away while riding a horse; BGR 198b1-2: He passed away at the age sixty-three in a water-horse year, in sBas-pa of Yar-'brog; CHBYMTNYP 296b1; MBNTH 87b3; GBCHBY 300.21-22, 301.3 and DCHBY 120.17-18: He passed away age fifty-five at sBal-tshang of Yar-'brog r a p . in a pig-year or in a horse year; NGTMTPH 6a3 (Uebach, pp. 78-79): Age sixty-two at sBal-pa in Yar-'brag; YLJBCHBY: He passed away an an age of twenty-thre at sBal-tsha; GBYTSH 127b4; HBCHBY (JA) 75a7: He passed away at an age of sixty-three at sBal-tshal in Yar-'brog. The Annals is silent while part of the dossier is missing and a horse-year would correspond to 754 A.D. We may assume that in this or the ensuing year the king passed away. The new king was appointed 756 A.D. according to the same source. According to the later Tibetan historians, the data of Mes Ag-tshoms are approx. 680-742 A.D., cf. also note 1116 supra. The place sBal-tshal etc. must be located in the vicinity of the Yar-'brog Lake. However, cf. note 708 above. 1169 GBCHBY 378.7-9 (metrical); DCHBY 120.18-19: Mu-ril ri (prose); YLJBCHBY 59.13-14 (prose); GBYTSH 127b4 (metrical); DTHZHG 53.19; HBCHBY (JA) 75a4-5 (metrical). Cf. foremost Panglung, 1988, pp. 338-340. [v [Introduction of Anti-Buddhist Laws and Persecution] By then the DharmarZija Khri-srong Ide-btsan had assumed the age of eight, so after he had seized power, he ruled over the [entire] kingdom.1170At this point the king had yet not reached adulthood (nar ma son), so ministers such as Ma-zhang Khron-pa skyesl"' etc. who were in op sition to Buddhism (dharma) enacted a Law which prohibited the practice of Buddhism. pp71 Preparation was [consequently] made again to remove the precious IHa-sa'i Jo-bo [i.e. Jo-bo Shikya-muni], but not even thousand men were able to move it, wherefore [it 1170 A number of the sources, (cf. note 1168), maintains that he assumed full power, in accord=, incidentally, with custom at the age of thirteen. Here GLR follows a version embodied in BZH (Chin. ed. 8.17-18) also. The basic source for the following historical narrative ultimately goes back to BZH and possibly bKa'i T h q - y i g mo (cf. the notes 500, 1154). 1171 Better: Khrom- or Grom-pa-skyes. BZH (Stein ed. 4.8-10, 8.1, Chin. ed. 8.18-19, 18.6-7, cr pmsim); CHBYMTNY?' 296a1; MBNTH 87b5; DCHBY 121.6-7: Zhang Ma-zham (= zhaag); NGTMTPH 6a3, 9b4 (Uebach, 96-97); CHBY 14Ua2; KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 3, 437.2-3: [sNanam] Ma-zhang Khrom-pa skyabs; (CA) Chap. 19,489.12-13: Zhang-ma-zhang Khrom-pa skyabs; YLJBCHBY 60.2-4; GBYTSH 128a6; HBCHBY (JA) 75bl, 79b5; DTHZHG 54.2-3. This figure is otherwise nebulous. His person is remarkably absent from the dynastic material, although he indeed played a major role in Tibetan politics. Often he is known through his titles and abbreviations: Ma-zhang or Zhang-blon Ma-zhang. These unusual forms may possibly be explainad either by the fact that he indeed was regarded as the maternal uncle (zhang) of the Mother (ma) sNa-nam bza', the real mother of Khri-srong Ide-btsan, cf. note 1150 and l IS2 supra. Or alternately, it should be conceived as a later Buddhist construction, to be understood sardonically, as the full form Zhang Ma-zhang usually is found in combination with khrims bu chung, the antiBuddhist Laws which he codified, this titulation could therefore be understood as: The maternal uncle (zhang)-nor-maternaluncle (zhang), pejoratively and in retrospect portrayed as an 'unworthy' candidate for this position. Finally, it may be a simple contraction of Zhang-blon Ma-zhang. The official titulation maternal uncle (zhang) was, as is known, accorded to leading members of a clan from which a Tibetan king had chosen a queen who then bore him a heir. Grom-pa skyes does not, as said, figure in the Annals, yet he is in later Tibetan Buddhist historiographical literature depicted as one of the anti-Buddhist culprits responsible for the temporary destruction of Buddhism under the minority of the king (is this negative depiction also a later libel contrived in order to rewrite history to the benefit of the Buddhist Kong-jo?). Hardly, because his anti-Buddhist vendetta was already recorded in the bKa'-grsigs of Khri-srong Ide-btsan (written ca. 780 A.D.), and this d i d was actually issued in order to avoid a recurrence. Cf. dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 108bl. The possibility that he might have held regency (cf. Uebach, 1987, n. 435-436) in the crucial years of Khri-srong Ide-btsan's minority therefore appears quite plausible (the Dunhuang A n d most unfortunately have a gap precisely for these years). It would add further credence to the assumption that he, by blood, was the heir's (real) zhang and that he moreover indeed entertained Bon-sympathies. The latter is confirmed while he is recorded to have been the leading BOOrepresentative in a Buddhist-Bon dispute (cf. Appendix, note 1 1 86). Afler the king had reached majority in 756 A.D. and prior to the dispute where Buddhism gained upper hand again, Ma-zhang was buried alive, cf. note 1183 inpa. 1172 BZH (Stein ed. 7.2-4, 8.16, 68.14-69.2, Chin. ed. 4.16ff.); MBNTH 87b4-6; DCHBY 121.9-10; NGTHTPH 6a3, 9b4 (Uebach, pp. 78-79,96-97); DTHZHG 54.3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 75bl-2. Cf. the informative note in Uebach, p. 96-97, n. 436. Reference is here to the 'Supplementary Laws' ( k h r i m bu chung) codified by the ministers which legitimized their persecution of Buddhism. eventually got] firmly stuck into the ground (sa thams su bcug pas) at mKh~-brag."'~AS a consequence, some of the ministers who were in opposition to Buddhism died after they were caught p y ] insanity (smyo 'bog), some died by having [their] backs broken (rgyab gas)*1174and famine, plagues and many ominous omens occured. All fortune-tellers (ltas mkhan) unanimous1 declared that [the calamities] were caused by the fact that the Indian statue (rgya'i lha)'" had got stuck in the sand, wherefore it was [immediately] unearthed. Contemplating to bring it to India, and being] carried by two mule-beasts the Jo-bo [idol ~ ~that time they [were met with the] message: "The road first] amved in M a n g - y ~ l . " At [ahead] is not passable (lam la ma thar)!" So the Jo-bo [idol] [had] to be installed [there] in Mang-yul for fourteen years. 177 In order [moreover] to escort the Jo-bo Mi-bskyod rdo-rje to China, [they] brought it [as far as] the Plain of Do-mo in the eastern direction, where it was left for seven days.*l1' 3 *' 1173 mKhar-brag. Cf. note 91 1 and especially Appendix, note 1094 (subnote 4, 15). For this, the second removal of the Jo-bo statue bringing it from IHa-sa to Mang-yul, cf. BZH (Stein ed. 8.3 and 28.10, Chin. ed. 8.20 and 35.12); followed briefly or paralleled by CHBYMTNYP 294a2; MBNTH 87b6-88b3; CHBY 139b3-5; HBCHBY (JA) 75a5, 76b2-76a2, 79a3-4; DTHZHG 54.4-5. For a wider context, cf. Appendix, note 1094 (subnote 12ff.). 1174 *gloss: mKhar-ma-[ = sna] gdong. Cf. previous note. 1175 For the present passage, cf. BZH (Chin. ed. 16.18-17.1); MBNTH 88a6-b2; HBCHBY (JA) 79a24; DTHZHG 54.5-7. This could also be understood as the Chinese idol, only here the reason for the original reading is given in GLR and e.g. in BZH (Stein ed. 8.3-6, 15.5-9, Chin. ed. 9.20-10.l), cf. also Appendix, note 1094. 1176 Cf. note 1173. During the anti-Buddhist turmoil, Mang-yul was considered a Buddhist shelter of particular importance as can be adduced from e.g. PZH passim. 1177 *gloss: ThL infonnation is given in the Royal Genealogy (rgyal robs) compiled by the Yar-lung Jobo-s and in other [work]. This interlinear gloss or secunda manus, which altogether does not stem from the hand of Blama dam-pa personally, here obviously refers to YLJBCHBY (written by Yar-lung Jo-bo Shikya Rin-chen-sde, op. cit. 60.3-9), which indeed deals with the topic. This observation is important while we know that his work was written in 1376 A.D. Assuming moreover that the entire set of glosses added to GLR is composed and added by one or more persons, it can be adduced that they were intercalated into GLR between 1376 and 1478 A.D. when the editio princeps of GLR was issued. Only GLR has retained the actual duration of the Jo-bo idol's sojourn in Mang-yul. 1178 *gloss: [7he Chinesefound out that] it refers to another [idol], after it was identified not to be hit. own (khong rang gi; or better read: khong m u m , i.e. their) Jo-bo [idol]. The precise meaning of the gloss here is not entirely clear. Whereas the other main idol was destined to return to India (rgya yul) (cf. Apppendix, note 1094), we art: compelled to interpret the immediate destination of the Mi-bskyod rdo-rje idol to be China (rgya yul). It moreover appears evident that the present passage anent the Nepalese dowry-idol here somehow is intercalated into the present Jo-bo Shikya narrative by Bla-ma dam-pa or by some redactor. As seen from the identical passage contained in HBCHBY (JA) 70a3-4, this narrative passage on Mi-skyod rdo-rje is part of the first legendary removal of this statue allegedly taken away by the Chinese in place of the Jo-bo Shikya idol during a surmised invasion around 670 A.D., cf. Appendix, note 1094 (subnote 9). We may surmise that the above gloss refers to this earlier stratum of the Jo-bo legend, when the Chinese found out that their dowry-idol Jo-bo Shakya was untracable and therefore attempted to abduct the Nepalese dowry-idol. In lieu of the Plain of Do-mo (or Ngo-mo), dPa'-bo reads Ngo-ma. Unidentified, see next note. [This place was later] called ' ~ - r ~ ~ a l - t h a n ~ It. +was ' " ~ ordered installed in Ra-mo-che again. Although the king was devoted to Buddhism, the ministers Ma-zhang Khron-pa' " were very powerful, and nobody else was skyes, l l g O and sTag-[sglra ~ u - ~ o n ~ 'etc. capable of fighting [them]. The king had my] now reached majority and the king and [his pro-Buddhist] ministers concurred [with one another] that Buddhism [should] be practised [again] 82 and by various means [they] were [able] to deceive [their opponents], [with the result] that Ma-zhang [Grompa-skyes] was buried alive in a tomb at 'Brang-phu of s ~ o d - l u n g , " and ~ ~ sTag-[sglra klu- ' 1179 "gloss: [I.e. ] (30s-lung-mda '. 1180 Cf. note 1171. 1181 BZH (Chin. ed. 15.18-19) et passim; CHBYMTNYP 351a1, b2, 37535; MBNTH 89a6, 90a6; GBCHBY 301.12: Ngam [ = Ngan-lam] sTag-ra klu-khong; DCHBY 121.12; KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 3, 437.1 1; Chap. 19, 490.8; HBCHBY (JA) 78b4, 96b6, 109b5. The Dunhuang fironicle 102.16-17. The noted and dynamic minister and general active from ca. 750 until, at least, 783 A.D. For details, cf. foremost Richardson, 1985, pp. 1-6. Famous foremost for the inscription established in his honour. He is usually included among the anti-Buddhist ministers by later Tibetan historians. Cf. also note 1184 and 1304 infro. Also recorded as active during the erection of a black s r u p in bSam-yas and (more surprisingly) recorded as sworn-in minister in the Buddhist bKal-pigs of Khri-srong Ide-btsan (issued ca. 780 A.D.), which may indicate that he turned Buddhist towards the end of his life. Ngan-lam is an old toponym and district (and hence the clan of Ngan-lam), later known as Tshal Gung-thang. Ngan-lam tshal [glsar-pa, or the new garden of Ngan-lam, is registered in the Annals for the year 702 A.D. 1182 BZH (Chin. ed. 14.10-12) = HBCHBY (JA) 78a2-3). 79a2-3; MBNTH 93al; YIJBCHBY 60.56; DTHZHG 55.3-4. 1183 BZH (Stein ed. 14.8-15.2: sNa-nam Brag-phug, Chin. ed. 14.8-19.17: sNa-nam Brang-phu = HBCHBY (JA) 78a2-80a3) proffers a detailed account of this delusion and how Ma-zhang was tricked into self-confinement; MBNTH 92a6-b3; NGTMTPH 9b4 (gloss) (Uebach, pp. 96-97): sTod-lung Brang; CHBY 140a5-6; DTHNGP (I67.21-68.4, , Roerich, p. 42); GBYTSH l28a6; DTHMPSM 25a4-5. Cf. also Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 293-94. The above versions relate how he was lucked up in a building and how the entrance was blocked by a large boulder (pha bong). Interestingly, as confirmed by BZH,the building in which Ma-zhang was confined alive was located at sNa-nam Brang-phu, i.e. in upper Brang of sNa-narn. This would strongly indicate that the sNa-nam clan came from the sTod-lung Valley or had a strong basis there, an assumption also corroborated by the fact that many sNa-nam-pas later were active in the region, such as sNa-nam rDo-rje dbang-phyug who erected a number of temples in this area, cf. N G M P H 21al (Uebach, pp. 140-141). According to BZH (Stein ed. 13.9-10, Chin. ed. 17.9-10) he was either sentenced to a three years living confinement or three years of custody. This may be dated to either 756-758 or 758-760 A.D. Cf. also note 1186. h therefore remains unsettled whether the living confinement actually meant his death or not. In fact, from dPal-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 19b4, we are informed that during the dynastic period, the sNa-nam clan received as territorial appanage @ul gyi dbang ris) the territories of (sTod-lung) Brang and (sTod-lung) Zhong-ba (the Valley of sTod-lung gZhong-ba was e.g. visited by Padmasambhava, cf. PMKTH (Chap. 61, 368.4-7) and DTHZHG 57.12, and a gZhong-phyag (of sTod-lung) is registered in the Annals for the year 71 1 A.D.). These two areas were thus also called sNa-nam-yul. Cf. also Ferrari, p. 73. sNa-nam may originally designate Samarkand. khong was expelled (spyug) to the North. 184 [VTJ [A Bon-Buddhist Controversy] An order was issued to everybody in the wake [of this victory] [allowing] for the practice of Buddhism [again]. Firstly, the Jo-bo Shdcya [idol] was brought from Mang-yul [carried] upon a waggon, being [granted] a reception accompanied by music beyond measure, whereafter [the idol] was requested to take up [its] seat in the Central Chapel of Ra-sa [ ' P h r u l - ~ n a n g ] . ~ ~ ~ ~ At this [very] time a person named Ananda, being a son of a Kashmirian [named] sKyes-bzangs, who was active bartering at a market [called] Dar-tsha s dgung-gseb, [a market located] between Ra-sa [['Phrul-snang]and Ra-mo-che [in 1Ha-sa],lga6 was summoned and appointed translator, whereafter the Buddhists and Bon[-adherents], the two, competed [with one another] in a Dispute. As the [religious] sources [Wzungs, i.e. religious arguments] of the Bon[-adherents] appeared to be weaker (ngan par) [than the Buddhist ditto, the Bonadherents lost the ~ i s ~ u t e ] , " ~wherefore ' all the texts (chos) of the Bon[-adherents 1184 BZH (Stein ed. 30.8-1 1, Chin. ed. 36.23-37.4); HBCHBY (JA) 91al-2. This exile cannot, if at all, have been for long since sTag-[sglra klu-khong was active at least up to 783 A.D. and also reported to have been active in the construction of bSam-yas. Cf. note 1304. A chronological problem may well be involved. It is generally accepted, cf. Richardson, 1985, pp. 1-3, that the Zhol-inscriptions may date from ca. 764 A.D. calculated from internal evidence. If his banishment reflects historical fact, and it clearly shall be seen as a punishment for his Bon sympathies, it may either be dated quite early, say around 756 (and then only for a brief period, while in the ensuing years he earned himself a great name as a brilliant general as stipulated on the above pillar) or, as suggested by Richardson, to the period early in the reign of Khri-lde srong-btsan (c. 800-815 A.D.) where a renewed anti-Buddhist opposition unfolded itself. 1185 BZH (Chin. ed. 35.1 1- 12 = HBCHBY (JA) 90a6): the Jo-bo Shlkya was installed in Ra-mo-che!; MBNTH 100a4; whereas YLJBCHBY 60.8-9 and DTHZHG 57.22-23 follow GLR. 1186 BZH (Stein ed. 16.10-12, Chin. ed. 20.14-16 = HBCHBY (JA) 81a3-4); MBNTH 93b5: dar rshags sgong sog, 102al-3; YLJBCHBY 60.11-13: dar 'bag dgung gseb; variant readings are found, perhaps a better reading than GLR: dar tshags dgung [glseb tshong 'dus sa, is given by BZH: dar rshag[s] sgo[ng] gseglgseb. The real reading is possibly: [A market-place where] [wheat-grain etc.] where sifted into the air? (bdarlrdar btsag dgung gseb), rather than seeing in this phrase a silk-weaver or someone sifting cloth. In the end, Dar-tshags dgung-gseb is a proper place-name. It appears that Bla-ma dam-pa by rendering the present consecutive narrative mentioning the Kashmirian ~ n a n d ain combination with a Bon-Buddhist dispute, either has contrived a contraction of a lengthy narrative embodying these two distinct narrative segments or, less likely, the author has cited a version which records a similar narrow narrative sequence. Nevertheless, in the version embodied in BZH, which we for lack of other material shall regard as the oldest version dating it back to the dynastic period, the present mention of ~ n a n d aand his activities as translator is delineated at great length, only it is nor related to the debate or contest mentioned here in GLR and is thus far from directly associated with the ensuing Bon-Buddhist contest. For a fuller discussion of this point and the crucial question as to the date of the contest, cf. Appendix, note 1186. 1187 Specified in BZH (Stein ed. 28.1-3, Chin. ed. 34.18-19 = HBCHBY (JA) 90al-2): bon khungs ngan l a gtan rshigs chung I lha chos khungs bzang l a rgya che la rno ste); MBNTH 100al-2. I zab l a gting ring I shags bzang subsequently] were treasure-concealed in Brag-dmar etc., some [Bon-texts] were thrown into the water, and aside from [being allowed to conduct religious rites concerning] the avenion of immediate impediments only ('phral gyi 'gal rkyen bzlog pa rsam min pa), [any extensive practice of Bon] was prohibited [altogether]. IB8 Thereafter the king and all his ministers held counsel, and sBa gSal-snang was po, upddhyltya) dispatched to India in order to invite the abbot [and master] (&n Bodhisattva [ ~ h t a n k s i t a [to ] ~ibet],"" peing inspired, while sojourning in Nepal, lo make the journey] through the power of a vow once [tendered] by three young boys in the presence sBa gSal-snang thus invited the abbot and [the of the cairya [named] Bya-rung ha-shor. latter] arrived at the [king's] palace [in Brag-dmar].'191 [Meanwhile] the king, without [even] binding his girdle (sku rags) around his body, took hold of one full bre [measure] of gold-dust and [humed] to amve at the abbot's reception. [It] induced the abbot to declare: "King! The fact that you are wearing [your] turban on the head means that in the upper (srod) [i.e. western, i.e.1 mNgal-ris, the [secular] law will be abolished as much as the [size of your] hat. The fact that [you] are wearing shoes (chag) on [your] feet, [shall] indicate that in the lower (smad) [eastern] mDo-Khams the [secular] law will be abolished as much as the [size of your] shoe. The fact that [the king] has not fastened [his] girdle around his body, [shall] indicate that the king's law is in fear of being quickly abolished here in the central [part of Tibet, i.e. dBus-gTsang]. However, by offering a present of precious stones, it will [still] be possible to practice Buddhism."' 19* The function of a translator in this episode is not entirely clear, and, in fact, as recorded in BZH, the translator is lacking altogether from the narrative. Cf. Appendix, note 1186 for more details. 1188 BZH (Stein d. 28.2-8, Chin. d . 34.19-35.4) = HBCHBY (JA) 90a2-4) details on the extent of the prohibition of Bon-activities; YLJBCHBY 60.14-16. Cf. also Karmay, 1972, pp. 93-97. 1189 BZH (Stein ed. 15.14-16.15, Chin. ed. 19.10-21.5) = HBCHBY (JA) 80b6-8Ia6. Via Mang-yul, sBa gSal-snang's attendants were: Lang-'gro snang-m; sNyer-btaglrtag btsan Idongllhong-gzigs (cf. note 1223) and 'BmnglsBrang ffiya-raIrGyas legs-gzigs; MBNTH 88b2; NGTMTPH 13a5 (Uebach, pp. 112-113); CHBY 140a2-3, 140bl. 1190 Only indirectly retained and alluded to in BZH (Stein ed. 16.16-17.5, Chin. 4. 21.8-13); CHBYMTNYP 327a2-329a5 (the story about the three (the king and the two Indian masters) here situated after the bSam-yas inauguration), 348b4-353al,364a3-4; KTHZGM Chap. 15,86.16-92.2; MBNTH 93b5W, GBCHBY 337.14-20, 340.16-18; PMKTH Chap. 58, 351.1-355.9; DTHNCP (1, 63.12-64.14, Roerich, pp. 38-39); HBCHBY (JA) 83a4ff. Here is a brief reminiscence of the tale of Bya-rung kha-shor, i.e. the legendary account anent the Bodhnath Stiipa in Nepal, an independent text-cycle associated with the life and biography of Padmasambhava. dPal-bo adduces that many lo rgyu and rnam rhar prevail of the invitation. The discovery of this narrative is ascribed to IHa-btsun sngon-mo (cf. note 1595) of the XIIth century, a scion of Yum-brtan and Glang-dar-ma. Cf. Dowman, 1973, The Legend of the Great Stupa. 1 191 BZH (Stein ed. 16.6-7, Chin. ed. 20.5) = HBCHBY (JA) 80b2-3: sTon-khang dPe-har, 1Ha-sa dPe-har, i.e. the IHa-sa vihdra = Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang. First later the abbot was invited to ph-brmg Brag-dmar, cf. BZH (Stein ed. 16.14, Chin. ed. 21.4-5) = HBCHBY (JA) 81a6. 1192 Slightly abbreviated in BZH (Stein ed. 17.5-9, Cbin. ed. 21.13-20) = HBCHBY (JA) 81b2-3. [VIIJ [The Invitation of Padrnasambhava] Thereupon the Kashmirian Ananda functioned as translator, whereafter [the abbot ~Tmtaraksita]preached the Dharma to king and mini~ters."~~ But the malignant demons and creatures' ('dre srin) of a dark [i.e. anti-Buddhist] orientation (nug phyogs) [occupying the Tibetan soil] were displeased [with these sermons] and [they reacted by causing] the occurence of lightning, bad harvest (lo [= lo thog] nyes) and plagues.'194 In order therefore to bind these creatures by oath, the Teacher Padmasambhava was invited from the Land of U-rgyan [i.e. Oddiyiina],' 19' whereafter he bound the demons and creatures of Tibet by oath [plighting the'm to serve and safeguard Buddhism in Tibet], whereby [all inaus icious] impediments [which might threaten] the practice of Buddhism were eliminated. l The Teacher offered the life-water of mecoming a] Vidyadhara to the king, which made those ministers who were in opposition to Buddhism request the king: "Please do not drink [it], since it is [nothing but] poison [in form of'J stupefying water (smyo chu dug) from Mon[yul]!" This too made the king [so] doubtful that [he] refrained from drinking [it]. In order to prevent leprosy to break out as sickness, the Nlgaraja Mal-gro gZi-chen [= can] was bound by oath and [when being] held down my] a thunderbolt (rdo rje bsnun), gZican transformed [himselq emanationally into a little boy who [then] committed [himself]to assist [the king in erecting temples etc.]. Having [moreover] promised to offer the king the supernatural attainments (siddhi) that secured [all] wishes ad libitum, the king accepted the vow after having employed [gZi-can] as intercessor to the N l g a - ~ . ' ~ ~ ~ ' l' 1193 BZH (Stein. ed. 17.9-11, Chin. ed. 21.21-23) = HBCHBY (JA) 81b3-4, 84a2: At thepho brang of Rlung-tshugsltshub (a place visited by KamalaSila on his way to Tibet, cf. note 1370), the doctrines of the ddakufala, the eighteen dhdtu-s and the twelve-chained pratiryasamutpanna were taught; MBNTH 91b6: pho brang Klu-tshugs; CHBY 140a4, 140b3-4. 1194 BZH (Stein ed. 17.10-13, Chin. ed. 21.24-22.2) = HBCHBY (JA) 81b4-5: The pho brang of 'Phang-thang was flooded, dMar-po-ri hit by lightning and human and cattle plagues occured; MBNTH 94b5-95a5; CHBY 140b4. 1195 BZH (Stein ed. 17.13-18.13, 20.8-21.15, Chin. ed. 22.3-23.10, 25.14-27.14) = HBCHBY (JA) 81b5-82a6, 84b7-85b5 (slightly longer); KTHZGM Chap. 8, 38.4-41 .lo; CHBYMTNYP 299a3301b6, 340.5-341.14; MBNTH 95b6-96b6; GBCHBY 302.21 -303.5; CHBY 141al-2; PMKTH Chap. 57-60, 348.1-367.11. In Nyang's version it is gNyegs KumHra (note 1124) and two assistents who are dispatched, during the reign of king Mes Ag-tshoms, to invite the master. mKhas-pa 1De'u's version lists mChims siikya sra-ba (note 1204), Shud-pu dPal gyi seng-ge (note 1299) and sNa-nam rDo-rje bdud-'joms. 1196 BZH (Stein ed. 23.7ff., Chin. ed. 29.7ff.) = HBCHBY 83a4ff.; KTHZGM Chap. 9-10, 41.1 150.16; CHBYMTNYP 301a5ff. ; MBNTH 96b6ff. ;GBCHBY 303.1-20,341.15ff. ; PMKTH Chap. 59-62, 362.1-383.17); KTHDNG (KA) passim. The details on the itinerary or travel by the Tantric master being active subduing the local genii and creatures of the Tibetan soil constitute additional chapters in the usual Vitas dedicated his life. 1197 BZH Stein ed. 24.8-25.1 1, Chin. ed. 30.8-31.20) = HBCHBY (JA) 86b7-87b4; CHBYMIN'P 373a1-377a4 (slightly different). 1198 BZH (Stein ed. 23.14-24.1, Chin. ed. 29.17-22) = HBCHBY (JA) 86b4-6. On the NHgafija TapasviIManasvi (gZi-can) of the Mal-gro district, the most powerful NHgarHja subdued by Again, when the Teacher [Padmasambhava] wished to turn all the upper and lower [lying] sandy deserts [of Tibet] into grassy meadow,"99 the wicked [anti-Buddhist] ministers asked the king: "It is said that the Teacher, qwr [his] magical faculties (rddhi), is not going to stay [here] for long and that it is inproper [what he does], so [one should] not ask him to carry through with it (ring 'di mi gnus shing mi rung ngo zhes zer re m d d par ma zhw)! ~urthermore,*'~O'the Teacher is very powerful, so it is certain that he will harm the ro al rule (rgyal srid), therefore, kindly ask the Teacher to leave for [his own] country! w'20'*' O2 Thereupon the king convoked the [entire] Tibetan populace and since formerly the example of renunciates [i.e. ordained [monks]] Qravrajyd) had not [yet] been [seen in Tibet], and in order to see whether it was possible [at all] for ordained [monks] to appear in Tibet, seven [particularly] sharp-witted sons of the ministers or the people were ordained in the presence of Bodhisattva [shtaraksita]. Among these, [one finds] Ratna, son of Shang-shi of the sBa [clan],1203~ & y bre-ba, a son of A-nu of the mChims [clan],'204Vairocana, son of r Padmasambhava. Cf. for greater details, Appendix, note 790. For its parallel in the Padmasambhava Vita-s: Nyang-ral's KTHZGM Chap. 10, 48.5-12 resp. Chap. 11, 52.16-54.5; Chap. 20, 119.15-123.5; O-rgyan gling-pa's KTHDNG (KA) Chap. 18, 56.9-60.19, Chap. 2 4 , 8 1.9-82.8 resp. Chap. 24,77.1-22,82.4-8 (cf. also Blondeau, 1971 , pp. 8891, 115); KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 17, 485.12-486.8 r a p . Chap. 28, 519.5-19; and his PMKTH Chap. 62, 377.3-16 resp. Chap. 60, 367.5-6; Chap. 62, 380.5-14 (cf. also Toussaint, pp. 248, 258); Nyang-ral again in his huge CHBYMTNYP op. cit. 3 14b1-317a5, finally combines the two related sets of stories; MBNTH 98b3-4. Cf. also briefly, CHBY 141a3; GBYTSH 129a2-b2. 1199 BZH (Stein ed. 25.3-8, Chin. ed. 31.3-15) = HBCHBY (JA) 87a5-6; CHBY 141b5. Chab-spel, 1989(b), p. 298. 1200 *gloss: When the Teacher married the king 's conson mhr-chen-bza ' 'Tsho-rgyal[received by him] as fee for [bestowing] ernpowennenr (dbang yon) [upon the king], all the ministers were very displeased. Reporting slander (snyanphra zhu) [about the Teacher] to the king, the king [hereafier] refrainedfrom listening to the Teacher, wherefore it is said that three major debacles ( 'dzol pa chen po) hit [Tibet] ere. Also cited and further elucidated by dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 88b7-89a2, who on his part cites Sa-skya Bla-ma dam-pa'i Chos-'byung, i.e. GLR.This may indicate that dPa'-bo himself did not have access to the Padma-Vitas delineating the above episode from his life, beyond the information given by Bla-ma dam-pa. Both authors wrote their works at bSam-yas. Cf. also the notes 1229-30. Cf. Chab-spel, 1989(b), p. 300. 1201 This passage is untraced in other sources, but a rough parallel about the intrigues and the route of Padmasambhava leaving Tibet for the border-area may be found in BZH (Stein ed. 26.12-27.9, Chin. ed. 33.1-34.5) = HBCHBY (JA) 88a4-b5. CHBY 141b5-6. 1202 *gloss: In the bSam-yas kyi ka-tshigs it is stared that the Teacher again went to the land of Urgyan, and it is stated that after [he] had held counsel with the king, he took up residence in Tsa-ri etc. [instead] and after Ma-zhang Khron-pa-skyes had been killed, [Padmasambhava] again came to bSam-yas . Cf. previous note for reference. Since this passage is lacking altogether from BZH, it is evident that bSam-yas Ka-tshigs [chen-mo] represents an early and larger version of BZH. Cf. the Introduction to this book. 1203 Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 50.13-16, and esp. Chin. ed. 58.6,19-22: sBa (gloss: Shang-shi-ta) Khrigzigs was called sBa dPal-dbyangs prior to becoming a monk, whereafter he was called sBa Ratna; hlBNTH 117b4, 118a6-118b2;NGTMTPH 10a6, 13a6 (Uebach, pp. 10041, 112-14): Ratna, son of rBa rMang-gzigs; CHBY 141b3, 145al, 157b2 (Szerb, pp. 29, 44, 113): sBa Khri-bzher Sangshi-ta; HBCHBY (JA) 80b6ff. Cf. Tucci, 1958, 11, pp. 20-21. Possibly sBa Ratna and sBa Splang-shi-ta are identical. Ratna of the Pa-gor [clan], 1205 rGyal-ba mChog-dbyangs of the Ngan-lam [clan], 1206 dcd a Rin-chen mChog of the rMa [clan],'207 Klu'i dJ3ang-po bsrungs-pa of the 'Khon [clan]' Og and [finally] Legs-grub of g T ~ a n g , these ' ~ ~ seven were ordained wherefore they b a m e known as the 'Seven Awaken Men' (sad mi mi bdun).1210 Likewise were three hundred sons of the [many] queens, ministers and people ordained. Sharp-witted [individuals] were dispatched to India, send [there] in order to study philology and the [art] of translating. ?' Conflicting accounts as to his identity prevail and the picture is far from pellucid. Cf. the notes 859 and 1363, where sBa is identified with dBa Ye-shes dbang-po. 1204 1.e. sikyaPrabhii (*6ikya 'od). Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 50.3-4, Chin. ed. 58.7-8) = HBCHBY (JA) 1 0 3 6 : sikya, son of mChims A-nu; CHBYMTNYP 473a6; MBNTH 117b4-5; NGTMTPH 10a6 Uebach, pp. 110-111); CHBY 141a1, 142a1-2 (not listed as sad m]; PMKTH Chap. 59, 356.9; KTHDNG (GA) Chap. 2, 233.15, 234.10-18; HBCHBY (JA) 83a6, 104a3. Not always counted among the seven sad mi mi bdun. According to Bon-sources, he is recorded to have been one of the Buddhist representative in the Bon-Buddhist contest, cf. Appendix, note 1186 supra. 1205 Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 50.3, 51.2, Chin. ed. 59.2-3) = HBCHBY (JA) 1036: Vairocana, son of Na-'dod (gloss: also called He-'dod) of Pa-gor; CHBYMTNYP 341b4, 342a1, 346a3,b3, el passim (s.v. Meisezahl index); MBNTH 117b4, 118b2; CHBY 141bl-3, 157b3: Vairocana[raksita] of Pa-gor. Cf. Tucci, 1958, 11, pp. 12-26. For [s]Pa-gor, cf. Ferrari, p. 52, 129. Cf. also note 1326. 1206 Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 51.2, Chin. ed. 52.3-4) = HBCHBY (JA) 103b2-3; CHBYMTNYP 367b1, 368a3, 421a6, 473a4; CHBY 141b3, 149a2-3, 157bl; KTHDNG (NGA) 403.15, (CA) 482.9. Cf. also note 1329 infra. For the Ngan-lam clan and district, cf. note 1181. 1207 Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 51.2-3, Chin. ed. 59.4) = HBCHBY (JA) 103b3; CHBYMTNYP 354a3, 358a2 er passim (s.v. Meizezahl index); MBNTH 118b2; GBCHBY 318.10, 322.5, 328.13, 366.15-17 er passim; NGTMTPH 12b5 (Uebach, pp. 110-11); CHBY 141bl-3, 146a5, 157b3; DTHMP 18a5; HBCHBY (JA) 125a5; Cf. Tucci, 1958, 11, pp. 13-19. His floruit uncertain, while his activities are occasionally registered under the reign of Khri-srong Ide'u-btsan through Glang dar-ma. 1208 1.e. often also *N5gendra[raksita]. Cf. e.g. CHBYMTNYP 42 1b4-5; NGTMTPH 12b5 (Uebach, pp. 110-11); CHBY 141bl-3, 142a4, 157b5: 'Khon Khu'i dbang-po srung-ba; HBCHBY (JA) 125a3. Cf. Tucci, 1958, 11, pp. 13-15. Cf. also note 1356. 1209 Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 64.7) = HBCHBY (JA) 122a6; CHBYMTNYP 341b4-5: rTsang Tho-legs gyi bu gTsang Legs-grub; NGTMTPH 10a6-7 (Uebach, pp. 100-01); CHBY 141b3. 1210 Cf. foremost Tucci, 1958, 11, pp. 12-26 for a comparative study of the seven first 'worldrenunciates' or ordained monks. The list differs markedly within Tibetan historiography, often are only six men mentioned, partly differing from the above list, cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 50.16-54.4, Chin. ed. 58.23-59.10); CHBYMTNYP 334b3-4, 336a4: Bod kyi ban de mi drug; MBNTH 118a6b3. Nevertheless, this present section on the sad mi mi bdun should properly be inserted into the narrative after the erection of the bSam-yas vihdra, while these seven men were first ordained on the eighth day of the first month of spring in a sheep year which can only refer to 779 A.D. Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 102b6-103a2. Nine days later bSam-yas was formally consecrated according to the king's edict. But while, as it has been shown by Yamaguchi, 1984, p. 408, the Tibetan calender started from the first day of the third month of spring, the first month of spring of any given year must, when converting it to a corresponding Western date, be situated in the preceding year, in tau 778 A.D. of our calender. [VW [Preparation for Erecting a Temple] A wish then [came] to the king's mind to erect the dPal bSam-yas mi-'gyur Ihun-gyis grubpa'i gtsug-lag-khang (i.e. the Glorious Inconceivable Immutable Spontaneous Temple), wherefore he held counsel with [his] religious ministers (chos blon) such as minister 'Gos etc. 121' "If [one] does not take recourse to troublesome work [also], Simple work shall not be accomplished!" [It was] said. [Having again] convened the ministers and [entire] Tibetan populace under [his] sway (mnga' 'og), the king declared:l2I2 "I am the great[est] of the Tibetan kings which have appeared hitherto. I therefore must leave behind a great monumentum (far j e s ) [for posterity], so [to meet this end, I ponder whether I] should construct a receptacle (cairya) made from crystal material equal [in size] to the Shar-ri ~ o u n t a i n ? ' ~Or' ~should [I] erect a castle (mkhar) which can be seen from China, the country of [my] maternal uncle?'214 [Again,] should [I] [perhaps] coat the [Mountain ofJ Has-po-ri with copper?'215Or [rather] dig out a well [measuring] nine hundred and ninety fathoms ('dom) [deep] into the [Plain o d ~ a ' - b c u - t h a n ~ Or ? ' ~[try] ~ ~ to fill the [Valley of) Va-lung grog[s]-mo with gold-dust?121 Or [perhaps try] to divert the gTsang-po [river] into a [subterranean] recess (sbubs su 'jug)?1218 Or [finally] erect a [miniature] temple about the size [or measure] of one bre, ? 1211 BZH (Stein ed. 28.10-29.12, Chin. ed. 35.19-36.7, 37.5-7) = HBCHBY (JA) 90bl-3. The source for the following metrical couplet remains unattested (arguably bSam-yas Ka-gtsigs then-mo), but the sense may be deduced from the context of BZH. Cf. also MBNTH 92a5-6, 92bl. For minister 'Gos Khri-bzang yab-lhag, cf. the notes 1221, 1332-33. According to the above BZH-passages sBa gSal-snang first wanted to erect a temple in the Glags Valley (Glag-mda') (of Ba-lam), cf. also BZH (Stein ed. 15.14); MBNTH 88b3,91W, 93W, 100a5; NGTMTPH 13a5 (Uebach, pp. 112-13, n. 611). The geomantic probe was conducted by Bodhisattva ~antarak~ita, cf. BZH (Stein ad. 28.16); GBCHBY 337.21-338.15. 1212 Cf. BZH (Stein ed. 29.10-30.2, Chin. ed. 36.1-14) = HBCHBY (JA) 90b2-6. Cf. also PMKTH Chap. 55, 344.2-345.3 (succession and details differ); GBYTSH 18bl-4 (brief). Cf. note 1235 in@. In Stein ed. of BZH (foll. by MBNTH 10183-b3) this list of possible alternatives given by the king is inserted after the geomantic probe (so dpyad mdzod) contrived by ~ ~ n t a r a k s i twhereas a, the sequence of the Chin. ed. of BZH, HBCHBY and GLR corresponds. 1213 BZH (Stein ed. 29.14-15: Gangs-ri, Chin. ed. 36.9: Shang ri) = HBCHBY (JA) 90W; CHBYMTNYP 297b1; MBNTH 101a6; PMKTH Chap. 55, 344.9-10. 1214 BZH (Stein ed. 29.14, Chin. ed. 36.8) = HBCHBY (JA) Wb4; CHBYMTNYP 297b2; MBNTH 101a5-6; PMKTH Chap. 55, 344.9-10 (text corrupt). 1215 BZH (Stein ed. 29.16, Chin. ed. 36.10) = HBCHBY (JA) 90M-5; CHBYMTNYP 297b3; MBNTH 101bl ; PMKTH Chap. 55, 344.9 (text slightly corrupt). 1216 BZH (Stein ed. 29.16-30.1: dKal-chu'i thang, Chin. ed. 36.12-13: Ka-chu thang) = HBCHBY (JA) 90b5; MBNTH 101bl-2; PMKTH vacat. 1217 BZH (Stein ed. 29.15, Chin. ed. 36.9-10) = HBCHBY (JA) 90M: Va-lung gr~g[s]-PO; CHBYMTNYP 297b5: Val-mo grog-po; MBNTH 101a6-bl; PMKTH Chap. 5 5 , 344.10-1 1. installed with the receptacles of ~ r i r a t n a ? ' ~Please ' ~ choose [for me]!" To everyone the royal command (bka') plunged [itself'Jheavily upon their minds as if [being weighted down] by a golden boulder, and unable to respond [they just] remained starring [at one another in perplexity]. 1220 Thereupon the religious ministers 'GOS,'"' Zhang N ang-bwg'222 and gNyer sTagbtsan 'dong- zi s1223etc. rose and addressed [the king]: '22'"Ruler! What is [the meaning]? (rje ci i t is impossible that a crystall-made] cairya, equal in size to the Shar-ri [mountain], [even] in this [very] life should be accomplished. It is not [even] possible to think about [erecting] a castle [which can] be seen [from] China. And although we collected all the copper which [we possibly could find] inside Tibet, we shall not [have enough to] coat Has-po-ri. w e ] cannot even fill the Va-lung grog-mo [Valley] with sand, [how] then with 1218 BZH (Stein ed. 29.16, Chin. ed. 36.11-12) = HBCHBY (JA) 90b5; CHBYMTNYP 297b5; MBNTH 101bl-2; PMKTH Chap. 55, 344.13. 1219 BZH (Stein ed. 30.1-2, Chin. ed. 36.13-14) = HBCHBY (JA) 90b5; MBNTH 101b2; PMKTH Chap. 55, 344.11-12. 1220 BZH (Stein. ed. 30.2-3, Chin. ed. 36.14-16) = HBCHBY (JA) 90b6: (briefer) Since the king's behest was impressive, the people attending dared not choose, and the population was terrified; MBNTH 101b2-3. 1221 Cf. the notes 1332-1333 for this central pro-Buddhist minister during Khri-srong Ide-btsan's reign. The 'Gos clan received as territorial appanage the district or estate of 'Ching-nga [ = 'Phyingngalba?] in the Valley of 'Phyongs-rgyas. But see differently, Myang chos-'byung (Chin. ed., 77.14-15, 155.8). 1222 Or Zhang Nya-bzangs. BZH (Stein ed. 12.1-4, 14.2, 15.4, 17.4-5, 30.3, Chin. ed. 16.14, 17.22, 22.4,36.16); MBNTH 92a5,bl, 101b3; NGTMTPH 10a7 (Uebach, pp. 100-01); CHBY 140a4-5, 157b4; KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 19, 22-23; HBCHBY (JA) 79a2, b3 et passim. He figures as active pro-Buddhist minister under king Khri-srong Ide-btsan. He was engaged in inviting Indian masters to Tibet and participated in eliminating the anti-Buddhist Zhang-ma-zhang Grom-pa-skyes. His son 1Ha-bu was considered one of the seven sad mi. Cf. also note 1337 infra. 1223 Also sNyer-btaglrtaglstag bTsan-ldong-gzigs. BZH (Stein ed. 16.5, 17.15, 28.14, 29.6, Chin. ed. 20.3, 22.6, 37.6): MBNTH 100a6-bl ,b6: gNyag sTag-btsan gdong-gzigs is listed as one of the three main-responsible for the erection of bSam-yas. GBCHBY 338.5,8. In NGTMTPH 5al-2, 13b7 (Uebach, pp. 28-29, 70-71, 116-117): gNyer sTag-tshal Ihong-gzigs or gNyer sTong-btsan Ihong-gzigs; GBYTSH 111a5; KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 19, 491.7-9: gNyer sTag-mtshan gdonggzigs; HBCHBY (JA) 112b6-7, he is listed as the seventh out of seven wise ministers during the Dynasty. Active pro-Buddhist minister during king Khri-srong Ide-btsan, participated e.g. in inviting mkhan po sintaraksita to Tibet according to some accounts. He is registered to have been one of the Buddhist representatives in the Bon-Buddhist contest taking place in 759 A.D., cf. Appendix, note 1186 supra. Hisfloruit is to be situated in the middle and later part of the VIIIth century, but according to Nel-pa, 13b7, the same minister(?) is also listed as general who was urged to erect, during the reign of Ral-pa-can, the temple of rGya'i Hva-shang as atonement for participating in a military campaign against China. According to HBCHBY (JA) 19a3, the gNyags clan is recorded to have received as territorial appanage or estate, the area of [Yar-lung] Sog-kha during the royal period. 1224 BZH (Stein ed. 30.3-7, Chin. ed. 36.16-22) = HBCHBY (JA) 90b6-91al; MBNTH 101al-b2; PMKTH Chap. 55, 344.14-345.3. The last part of this citation is lacking from BZH. 1225 GLR B: Dear Ruler! ( j e gcig lags). Equally possible, perhaps better as this reading is repeatedly conserved in BZH (Chin. ed.), whereas Stein ed. supports GLR A . Cf. also MBNTH 101bl-6. gold-dust! Nor could [we] even dig a well hundred fathoms [deep], not to [talk] about nine hundred [fathoms]! Whereas the gTsang-po [river] during winter [may be] conducted into a [subterranean] recess, [this is] not [the case] during summer. Compared to that, Better would it be] to erect a [miniature] temple with the size [or measure] of one bre, [which would be] a king's vowed [tutelary] (thugs dam) [temple], the shelter of the population, the foundation of all benefit and happiness. " They all agreed: "It is better to [choose] like that! " The king then asked:1226"Great Teacher! Where are my parents, the two, [now]?" The teacher prophesied: "King! Your [late] father has been [relborn as a great pandita in India. In the time of your grandson,*1227[he] will come to Tibet. As to your [latel'mother, [she] has been [relborn as daughter to a poor married couple (bza ' mi) in Zung-mkhar. Their name (ming)and stock (m)are as follows." Thereafter the king married five consorts, namely Tshe-spong-bza' Me-tog-sgron, lZ2' mKhar-chen-bza' ' ~ s h o - r ~ ~ a l , 'Bro-bza' ' ~ ~ ~ *Byang-chub-~gron,'~~' '~~~ 'Chims-bza' 1Ha1226 Cf. similarly HBCHBY (JA) 99a2-4, where dPa'-bo states that this passage is derived From a different account (lo rgyus) (than the usual ones employed by dPal-bo in this section, foremost BZH, Thang-yig chen-mo), without identifying the source. HBCHBY reads Zur-mkhar instead Zung-mkhar. For Zung-mkhar, cf. BZH (Stein. ed. 25.7-8, Chin. ed. 3 1.14): (different context). It is situated in a tributary valley to gTsang-po, located to the west of bSam-yas. The king passed away there. cf. note 1380. Cf. also, Petech, 1988, Selected Papers, p. 267. .. Dddilo. 1227 *gloss: [He was] prophesied to be[come] pandita Cf. also HBCHBY, ref. in previous note. 1228 BZH (Stein ed. 46.11-12, Chin. 4.54.17-19); BGR 197b4; Tshe-spong-bza' ffiyal-mtsho skar-ma; so also NGTMTPH 3b2 (Uebach, pp. 60-61); CHBYMTNYP 296b2; CHBY 141aS (Szerb, p. 27); PMKTH Chap. 54, 342.1-2: Tshe-spong-bza' ni dMar-rgyan. For her different names, cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 57. Cf. note 1312 infro. She was renown for her role in the throne-succession of Mu-ne btsan-po courting thereby her own fatal end, cf. BZH (Stein ed. 68.4-11) and also the notes 1398-1399. The Tshe-spong clan played a major role in dynastic Tibet; according to HBCHBY (JA) 19b4 the clan received as temtorial appanage and estate Upper and Lower Brag-rum (in the gTsang province), known as Tshe-spong-yul. Cf. also Petech, 1991, pp. 89-90. 1229 Cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 57. The future consort of Padmasambhava. Cf. note 1200 supra and next note. 1230 *gloss: This queen was offered to the Teacher as fee for empowerment (dbang yon) [grantcd]. In fact, as delineated in BZH (Stein ed. 46.2-3, Chin. ed. 54.8) = HBCHBY (JA) 98b1, MBNTH 114a4-5, this queen, like the 'Bro-consort, turned nun and she therefore did not leave any physical legacy @hyag ris = phyag jes) in form of a temple behind. 1231 BZH (Stein ed. 46.3-1 1, 51 .lo-1 1, Chin. ed. 54.8-19, 59.21-22): (detailed) 'Bro-bza' Khri ffiyalmo-btsun, being issueless, turned ascetic and received the name Byang-chub-rje; BGR 197b5: 'Brobza' 1Ha-rgyal gung-skar-ma; CHBYMTNYP 296b2; MBNTH 11485; NGTMTPH 3b3 (Uebach, pp. 60-61, n. 206, 209): A-gza' ITar-rgyal gung-skar-ma; CHBY 141a6: 'Bro-bza' Byangchub sman; PMKTH Chap. 54, 342.2-3. Byang-chub-sgronwas her religious name, her regal name: 'Bro-bza' Khri ffiyal-mo-btsun. She turned nun (ordained 791 A.D. by sBa Ratna as recorded in BZH) and did not leave any temple behind. For her different names, cf. Haarh, p. 57. Cf. the notes 1310-1311 infro. Richardson, perhaps doubtfully, 1980, p. 64, suggests that she was mother to the eldest son of Khri-srong Idebtsan, named Mu-khri, who, according to the Annals, was born 760 A.D. and who died a tender age. The 'Bro clan, i.e. Mo-lu (ethnonym), a people of Yang-dong stock and a country situated in eastern Khams between Tachienlu (i.e. Dar-rtse-mdo) and Batang. The powerful 'Bro clan received as temtorial appanage Upper gTsang (cf. also note 1746 infra). Cf. DemiCville, 1952, pp. 25-33, 372; on her fortunes, cf. also Aris, 1979, pp. 83-91; Richadson, 1985, pp. 32-33. mo-btsan. Further, in order to return the kindness of [his] mother, he married the daughter of the poor married couple, who [then] became known as Pha [= Pho] yong-bza3 rGyal-mo-btsun. 1233*1234 Thereupon the Teacher inspected the geomantic probe, and declared:1235 "The mountain of Shar-ri [around bSam-yas] resembles the king poised on a seat (rgyal po gdan la bzhugs pa). This is a good [sign]. The Ri-chung resembles a brood-hen covering its [young] bird (bya mar bu la sgab pa). This is a good [sign]. The sMan-ri resembles a mound of jewels (ri chen spungs pa). This is a good [sign]. Has- -ri resembles a queen dressed in white silk (btsun mo dar dkar gyi nu bza ' gsol ba).12' This is a good [sign]. Ri-nag resembles an iron nail stuck into the ground (lcagsphur sa la btab pa). This is a good [sign]. Me-yar resembles a mule drinking water (dre'u chu 'thung pa). This is a good [sign]. Dolthang resembles a curtain [made] of white silk drawn (dar dkar gyi yo1 ba). This is a good [sign]. The site [around bSam-yas] resembles a golden tub (gzhong)'237filled with saffronflower. This is [also] a good [sign], so erect the ruler's personal tutelary temple here!", whereafter [an illustrative map] was drawn @hyag bris mdzud). Thereupon, the Teacher bound the wicked demons and creatures by oath, which [thus] eliminated [all] [destructive] impediments [threatening the prospective edifice]. Fifteen young men and women of the noblility and of the respectable class (ya rubs rigs '~~~ btsun), morn] of parents endowed with the six [qualities] @ha ma drug ~ d a n ) , being 1232 BZH (Stein ed. 46.2-3, Chin. 4.54.7); MBNTH 114a4; NGTMTPH lob1 (gloss): 'Chims-bza' IHa-mo-btsan; HBCHBY (JA) 98bl together with the previous consort turned ascetic nun and did not leave any phyag ris behind. Cf. also Haarh, 1969, p. 56. 1233 BZH (Stein ed. 46.13-14, Chin. ed. 54.21-22 (the last text is somewhat corrupt); CHBYMTNYP 296b2; CHBY 141b5. Haarh, 1969, p. 57. Cf. note 1313 infia. 1234 *gloss: In one chronicle it is said that rhis daughter, the [relbirrh of the king-mother, was found in the [river] of Zur-chu in 'Phan-yul. Whatever that may be, [there] is agreement that she is identical with Pho-yong-bza '. Source unidentified. 1235 BZH (Stein. ed. 28.16-29.5, Chin. ed. 37.10-15) = HBCHBY (JA) 91a4-5, cf. note 1212 supra; CHBYMTNYP 297b1-298a1; MBNTH 100b6; CHBY 141a4. As confirmed by some of these sources anent the erection of the king's thugs dam bSam-yas, slob dpon Bodhisattva kintaraksita, himself being a gtsug lag &as pa (BZH Stein ed. 16. l ) , made the geomantic-topographical probe (sa dpyad) whereupon slob dpon Padmasambhava made the appropriate terrestrial ritual (sa chog), cf, note 1239 infia. According to PMKTH Chap. 55, 345.45, noted by dPal-bo also, the geomancy was conducted by Bla-mkhyen (rGya-nag mkhas-pa) Bi-je btsan-pa (cf. note 1134 supra). In GBCHBY 337.21-338.15 and PMKTH Chap. 58, 351.1-355.9. (cf. also note 1242 infra), the chapel of Avalokiteivara was first (attempted) erected and when ~ ~ n t a r a k s iproceeded ta to erect the dBu-rtse central chapel proper, the local genii prevented further prog;ess, wherefore more effective means were demanded, and Padmasambhava was invited. In this description Stein ed. of BZH and GLR correspond, whereas the Chin. ed. (and dPa'bo's version of BZH used) besides being briefer, displays a few variants. 1236 BZH (Stein ed. 29.1-2): btsun mo dar dkar gyi gu zu gsol ba; MBNTH 100b2: btsun mo dar dkar gyi gos chung 'dra. 1237 BZH: a bronze tube ('Wlar gzhong). adorned with ornaments and carrying precious vases filled with auspicious water, [took up position, whereafter Padmasambhava performed the ritual of] planting the [krla-]dagger into the ground, whereby the soil was blessed.'239 [MI m e Erection of the bSam-yas Temple] The king then committed the minister and the entire Tibetan population to labour, and in the centre, taken Meru, the Kin of Mountains, as pattern, the foundation of a Grand Cupola[chapel] (dbu nse chen rno)lg4~was laid, about [the time of which] the reverend b d y T i r i [made] prophecies.1241[In accordance with these] the [chapel of] ~ r y aPalo-gling [was] erected at first. The principal image [of this chapel] was Arya Avalokita. To [its] right [an image of] T2ri and to the left Marici, and again to the right, the Sadaksari and to the left [an image of] ~ rHayagriva i etc., the principal [image] with retinue, hve ii all (grso 'khor lnga), were erected. Above that, [the image of] Amitfibha, principal [image] with retinue, five in 1238 BZH (Stein ed. 30.12: ya rubs kyi bupha ma mes kyi tshang ba, Chin. ed. 37.18-19: yo rubs zhang blon gyi bu tsha pha mes phyi tshang ba bzhi brsan po dung lnga) = HBCHBY (JA) 91b2-3; MBNTH 102a3-4. Cf. also Chab-spel, 1989(b), p. 305. 1239 Cf. BZH (Chin. ed. 37.17-38.6) = HBCHBY (JA) 91b2-5. Cf. note 1235. Here Padmasambhava performed the terrestrial ritual so choglcho go mdzad. CHBYMTNYP 298a2-299a1: It was blessed by ~ ~ n t a r a k @MBNTH ta; 102a3-6. 1240 In the ensuing lengthy description of the erection and the artistic inventory ( d h r chog, byang) which was executed in three differently sized versions (cf. PMKTH Chap. 86) - of the images, sculptures and protectors installed in the different chapels of bSam-yas, GLR embodies a narrative version which is closely identical, both verbally and consecutively, with the version found in BZH. so also the versions of Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP and MBNTH, with the important point that MBNTH is a fair calque on the BZH-testimony, whereas CHBYMTNYP is less detailed and occasionally at variance. The version in GBCHBY and DCHBY conserve a narrative bulk which only to a certain point are closely related. Where mKhas-pa IDe'u's witness in part appears corrupt (due perhaps to a miserable transmission of the only extant copy of the text which has wme down to us rather than it reflects a general faulty rendition of the narrative by mKhas-pa IDe'u), IDe'u JO-sras' version in DCHBY is not only more detailed than his confrkre's, but is in many readings and passages an exact echo of BZH. The slightly later PMKTH too embodies a lengthy version (metrical throughout). It does not differ substantially from the other versions, yet appears slightly shorter, except in the section on the chapels of the queens where O-rgyan gling-pa's witness is uniquely detailed. Yet, as the subjoined notes shall indicate in the sequel, Bla-ma dam-pa's version too does display some individual data. This is an important observation, as we may generally assume that the core part of BZH, at least, originated in the IXth century, and this part of BZH definitely pertains to the matrix of sBa gSal-snang's historical treatise. It may thus support what we already know, namely that the two extant versions of sBa-bzhed are latcr revised versions. And that GLR here relies upon an older or expanded version of BZH, arguably the bSam-yas kyi b K a ' - t ~ h i g ~ chen-mo, cf. note 1379. For the lay-out plan or survey of bSam-yas, cf. Appendix, note 1240. 1241 BZH (Stein ed. 31.3-7, Chin. ed. 38.7-12) = HBCHBY (JA) 9 1 6 6 ; MBNTH 102bl-2. d l , were erected. '242 Thereupon the Teacher [~iintaraksita]bestowed upon the Ling authorization (lung) to propitiate (sgrub pa) Hayagriva. when' [the king subsequently] propitiated [Hayagriva qua meditative realization], the king [succeeded in] realizing Hayagfiva, whereby a neigh was articulated three times, [to the effect] that [it could] be heard in two thirds of Jambudvipa. mhe Teacher] commented: "The king's power shall also be wielded in two thirds of Jambudvipa. " 1243 [XI [The Building of the Central Chapel] Then, in the hare-year, 12M the ground-floor ('og khang) of the great Central Cupola[-temple] (dbu nse chen po) was erected, and as principal image, a self-originated stone[-made image ofJ [ ~ h & ~ a - ] ~ u nbrought i , ' ~ ~ from ~ Has-po-ri and being covered by [layers] of mortar 1242 BZH (Stein ed. 31.7-32.13, Chin. ed. 38.12-40.10, 47.16-22) = HBCHBY (JA) 91b6-92b6; MBNTH 103al-b5; GBCHBY 338.16-339.16, 340.5-341.14. Cf. also note 1235. 1243 BZH (Stein ed. 32.10-13, Chin. ed. 39.22-40.10 (more detailed)) = MBNTH 103b3-5, = GBCHBY 339.17-340.4 = HBCHBY (JA) 92a7-b2. 1244 Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 28.10, 34.9 (the king was thirteen years old!), Chin. ed. 40.11, 54.5-6, 55.11) and MBNTH 100a3-4, 104a33-5, 114a2-3; GBCHBY 355.15-16: In the hare year, the foundation [of dBu-rtse and thereby bSam-yas] was laid, and after a cycle of twelve years, in the ensuing dragon year (the erection) was celebrated (zhal spro mdzad); HBCHBY (JA) 89a3, 89b6, 90a6, 91bl-2, 92b2, 98a1, 99b1-2. Cf. also note 1314 infra. 0-rgyan gling-pa, on the other hand, in PMKTH Chap. 57 and 62-63,65 and KTHDNG (GA) Chap. 1 has partly some most aberrant dates, while the author occasionally attempts to render the full date in the sexagenary cycle. The dates for the foundation and the erection of bSam-yas are disputed. In Tibetan Buddhist historiography a fair consensus extends mainly to stating that it was founded in a hare year and finished in the ensuing cyclic hare year and aside from the symbolic value of the number twelve, this spell sounds reasonable to complete such a huge task. This could open up for 763, 775 or 787 A.D. and the year of celebration to 776 or 788 A.D. Cf. also Tucci, Minor Buddhist Texts, 11, pp. 28-29. However, the sources provide enough material, explicitly and implicitly, to help us dating bSam-yas with a very great amount of certainty. As briefly discussed in Appendix, note 1186 also, the prolonged founding process should be fixed to 763-775 A.D., with due consideration to the entry in CHBYMTNYP (299a2, 317a5,328a3, 329b3-5, 383a3) and his KTHZGM (Chap. 11-12, 54.5- 14,56.16,57.14 -55. l), followed by a number of later sources such as GBYTSH 129al-131a3 etc.: It was founded in a tiger-year when the king was twenty-one and the erection lasted for twelve years. The completion followed in the ensuing sheep year after six years of ritual purification ('byongs pa), before it was finally consecrated in the same sheep year (= shing mo lug). This would fit all too nicely with 762 A.D. for its initial foundation, as the king was born in 742 A.D. Tout court, the chronological frame is therefore provenly certain: 7621763-7741775 A.D. for its erection, 776 A.D. for the celebration and 779 A.D. for the final concecration. For the dBu-rtse specifically, cf. BZH (Stein ed. 34.11--12, Chin. ed. 42.11) = HBCHBY (JA) 93a7. 1245 BZH (Stein ed. 34.10-35.9, Chin. ed. 42.19-43.16) = HBCHBY (JA) 93b2-94al; CHBYMTNYP 317bl-318a1, 319a2-3; MBNTH 104a4-105al; GBCHBY 349.7-17; DCHBY 125.21-126.2; PMKTH Chap. 86, 509.12-510.6: Shakya-muni and the individual idols not mentioned by 0 - w a n gling-pa. [mixed] with [pulverized] precious stones, was installed, being [moreover] endowed with the characteristic marks and features [of a Mahiipurusa]. Flanked to the right, [images of] Maitreya, Avalokita, Ksitigarbha, [Bodhisattva] Kaiy@dri (dGa9-ba'idpal), the Wrathful Trailokyavijaya (Khro-bo Khams-gsum mam-rgyal) etc. [were installed]. Flanked to the left, [images ofJ VajrapMi, MailjuSri, [Sarva-INivaranaviskambhin, The Immaculate U(dGe-bsnyen Dri-ma med-pa), 12" the Wrathful ~ c a l [a~ i - ~ . ~ o -[etc.], b a ] the principal image [and his] retinue, thirteen [in all], were erected in Tibetan style. '247 The paintings seen on the external [section inside] the core [i.e. innermost compound of the chapel] (Ite ba'i [kha] phyi[r] [b]ltaoin m)1248[depicted] [scenes from] the twelve deeds [of Buddha's life]. Murals seen on the inner walls [of the processional circumambulation-circuit ('khor sa)] (kha nang Ira) [depicted scenes from the] [Mahbannipiita-Ratna]ketu[-dhiiranr](['Dus-pa chen-po R i n - p b e ] tog) (tog gi rgyud ris)1249and murals [depicting] the sp~ritualbond (thugs a'um) [image] of the Ruler [on the walls to] the Mantra-Chapel (sngags k h ~ n ~ ) were ' ~ ' ~erected. m e custody of the lower room [i.e. ground-floor]] was dedicated to the Lion-headed ddkin1.'251 The principal image [of the middle floor (bar h n g ) of the dBu-rtse Chapel] is Buddha - 1246 BZH Stein ed. 35.12: *Mahop%aka Licchavi Vimala (dGe-bsnyen chen-p Li-tsa-byi Dri-ma medpa); MBNTH 105a3-4. 1247 BZH (Stein ed. 34.10-35.15, Chin. ed. 42.13-43.16) = HBCHBY (JA) 93a7-94al: The groundfloor ('og h a n g ) was executed in Tibetan style, being made from cedar-wood (shing shug pa) and sandal-wood; CHBYMTNYP 3 17b1, 3 19a2-4; MBNTH 103al, 104a4-105a4, 105bl-2, 106a3-4: Sug p a [ = shug pa] and tsan-dan, the two s p i e s employed, were taken from the district of Yarlung Gad-pa-kha; GBCHBY 350.13; DCHBY 125.20-126.6: The figures (Ucr tsho) on this floor were made from clay ( 'dam pa = 'dag pa). KTHDNG (GA) Chap. 1,232.1 1-14: The ground-floor was executed in Tibetan style being laid out in the fashion of nim-&yo-paradise (zhing k h m ) and shug pa was used [exclusively] as material. PMKTH Chap. 86, 508.8-10: The ground-floor was executed in Chinese style. 1248 GLR AIB only reads: phyi lha'i ri mo, but it should be emended to Wlo phyi[r][b]lta'i ri mo, as corroborated e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 35.15-16, Chin. ed. 44.2-3) = HBCHBY (JA) 94a3-4. MBNTH 105a5-6, maintains that murals depicted: SKU-gsum'byung-ba'i rndo and mNgon-pa 'byung-ba['i mdo] or Abhiniskramana-sCtra; cf. also DCHBY 126.3-4. In contrast to the inner walls (kha nang [bllto) with Ratnakeiu, on the external walls of the circumambulation-path were depicted (scenes from) Saddharmapuneika-siitra. 1249 GLR is somewhat corrupt as it only has tog gi rgyud ris, but clarified by BZH (Stein ed. 35.15, Chin. ed. 44.3-4) = HBCHBY (JA) 94a4: the dhdrani-s from the Ratnaketu. Already translated into Tibetan during the time of king Srong-btsan sgam-p, cf. note 490 supra; CHBYMTNYP 3 18a4-5; MBNTH 105a5-bl ; GBCHBY 350.17-21 where muas-pa IDe'u maintains that there were murals depicting m h - s d e dKon-mchog sprin or Ratnamegha, but places these murals depicting the fin-PO-che tog or Ratnaketu inside the inner walls of the treasury-chapel (dKorkhang), but this must be emended, in accordance with BZH and DCHBY 126.3-4, to bskor k g ( = 'khor so), the circumambulation-path running inside the ground-floor ( 'og khang). 1250 GLR B: sngar h a n g ; BZH 44.19-2 1 = HBCHBY (JA) 94b4; CHBYMTNYP 3 19a4 and MBNTH 105a6-bl : rlsnga h a n g ; GBCHBY 350.19: rnga h a n g ; DCHBY 125.18: mnga ' w g . 1251 BZH (Stein ed. 36.1-2, Chin. ed. 44.5-6) = HBCHBY (JA) 94a4; PMKTH 510.2-3: D h a r m e l a Protrectess d a i n i , the long-maned S i e h a r a (Seng-ge'i khri); CHBYMTNYP 319aS: Guardian: ~ h a r m a ~ ~dfikini l a ' Khro-bo Rol-pa; MBNTH 105bl; GBCHBY 350.13-18: the Lion-headed Dharmapala; ' ~ C H B Y126.8-9. V a i r o ~ a n a . 'To ~ ~the ~ right, [Buddha] Dipamka, to the left Maitreya and in the front [images ofl s2kyarnuni, Bhaisajyaguru (SM& gyi bla) and Amitiibha, the three [were erected]. To the right and left, [images ofl the eight Bodhisattva-sons, the Immaculate (Drima med-pa) UpBsaka, the Bodhisattva KalyeaSri (dGa'-ba'i dpal = dGe-ba'i dpal), the Wrathful Kang-dang-King.1253 The [artistic] craftmanship was [executed] in [accordance with] Chinese style. '254 On the walls-paintings [were] [scenes culled from selected] chapterrs] of the topic (gleng gzhi'i le'u) [found in] the Satasiihasrikii (Yum rgyas-pa). On the facade [depictions ofl the Four Great Kings [of the Four Directions are found]. 1255 Along the walls seen externally [of] the circumambulation-circuit [on this floor] [depictions of] the eight [types ofl cairya-s [were found], wall-paintings with [scenes from Buddha's] ~ i r v i i n a , 'and ~ ~ on ~ the walls as seen [from] inside [there are] wall-paintings [depicting scenes' from] the MahPmegha[-sitm]. 1257 In the Mantra-cella [there were depictions] of the Buddhas of the ten directions, the godly assemblage of gShin-rje gshed [i.e. Yambtaka, Bhairava] and [ofl the masks of the Dharmapda-s [residing] in bSam-yas. [The custody of the middle room] was entrusted to the Dharmaraja King [Pehar], 'The Wood-Bird One' (Shing-bya-can).12'* The rincipal image of the upper room (steng khang) was Buddha Vairocana sarvavidI2 9 , [with four heads], each [head] having two retinues, being [thus surrounded] by P 1252 According to BZH (Stein ed. 36.2-4, Chin. ed. 44.8-9) = HBCHBY (JA) 94a5 and DCHBY 125.11 Vairocana and the other figures on this floor were made from cow-hide (lder rsho'i rgyu bo len gyi ko ba); CHBYMTNYP 318b3-5; MBNTH 105b2-106a3; GBCHBY 350.4-5; PMKTH Chap. 86, 509.4-12: Vairocana and the individual idols not mentioned. 1253 BZH (Stein ed. 36.7, Chin. ed. 44.14-15) = HBCHBY (JA) 94a6; CHBYMTNYP 318b3; MBNTH 105b5-6; GBCHBY 350.6-7: Khro-bo rDo-rje and Kang-king. A fearful form of a ddkini. According to BZH this name Kang-king is of Chinese origin. DCHBY 125.16-17: As door-keepers (sgo srung) were King Kang, the two [sic] (erected); PMKTH Chap. 86, 509.5-6. 1254 BZH (Stein ed. 36.2-12, Chin. ed. 44.7-21) = HBCHBY (JA) 94a5-bl : The first floor or middle room (bar khang) was made from the species Hippopae rhamnoides (shing gla ba) and Acacia Catechu (seng ldeng, khadira), perhaps an allusion to the role played by these species when the first Chinese consort came to Tibet, cf. ad the notes 704 and 729; CHBYMTNYP 3 17b1, 3 18b2-319al; MBNTH 105bl-2; GBCHBY 350.4; DCHBY 125.10-11: Adding that all the figures (lder tsho) on this floor were made from cow-hide. KTHDNG (G) Chap. 1, 232.12-14: The middle floor in Chinese style [made] in the fashion of a sambhogakiya-paradise and the wood employed was willow (lcang ma); PMKTH Chap. 86, 508.9: The middle floor was executed in Indian style. 1255 BZH (Stein ed. 36.8-9, Chin. ed. 44.16-17) = HBCHBY (JA) 94a7; MBNTH 105b6-106al; DCHBY 125.16-18; PMKTH 510.9: rGyal chen rnam gnyis. 1256 BZH (Stein ed. 36.9- 10, Chin. ed. 44.18) = HBCHBY (JA) 94a7: the Abhiniskramana-siitra; MBNTH 106al; DCHBY 125.18. 1257 BZH (Stein ed. 36. 10-11 , Chin. ed. 44.18-19) = HBCHBY (JA) 94a7; CHBYMTNYP 318b5-6; MBNTH 106al-2; DCHBY 126.4-6. 1258 BZH (Stein ed. 36.36.11-12, Chin. ed. 44.19-21) = HBCHBY (JA) 94bl; CHBYMTNYP 318a3b l ; MBNTH 106a2-3; GBCHBY 350.1 1-12: Entrusted to Shing-bya-can and sister (lcam) '(30-ba bzang-mo; DCHBY 125.18-20; PMKTH 509.12. 1259 Somewhat contracted in GLR which merely reads: rNam par snang rndzad kun ru zhal re re la 'khor gnyis re. Preciser in BZH (Stein ed. 36.13-14, Chin. ed. 44.23-45.2) = HBCHBY (JA) 94b2: Sangs-rgyas rNam-par snang-mdzad Kun ru rig pa zhal bzhi 0 ngo bo gcig pa 'o I re re la 'khor gnyis gnyis; CHBYMTNYP 318a6; MBNTH 106a3-4; GBCHBY 349.18-19 and DCHBY 125.3-4; PMKTH Chap. 86, 508.12. the eight Bodhisattva-sons, inside [equipped with images of the assemblage] of gods ( w g gi lha) such as Bodhisattva rDo-rje rgyal-mtshan etc. and [of] the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas of the ten directions,'26o [ofl the Wrathful Acala and P a d m a e i etc. The [artistic] craftmanship was in the Indian style.1261The murals [depicted scenes culled from] the DaSabhlrnika-sltra. [The guardianship of the u per room] was entrusted to the Dharmawa, [the Yaksa-]King, Zangs-ma'i 'Ber-log-can. 1264 he roof was a Chinese [pagoda]-type made in[to] a pattern of silk-brocade (I. 'og r i ~ ) . On ' ~ ~[the ~ side of] the four turrets were [depictions ofj Buddha dGa'-ba'i dpal surrounded by a retinue of Bodhisattvas. [Its protector] were the four blue-dressed Dharmapda [Yaksa] Vajraplini. '264 Next, the middle [pro&ssional] circumambulation-path (('Worso) was erected. In the southern direction a Naga-trove filled with musical instruments [was found]. [Its protection] was commissioned to the Three Brothers, the Yaksa-s holding a stick.1265In the western ~~~ direction, [there were] three religious troves [contahing] siitra- and t a o t r a [ - t e ~ t s ] 'and [they were moreover] filled with Tibetan and Chinese books. [Its guardianshi ] was commissioned to the Three [Brothers], the A-tsa-ra holding rauns in the hand.~~~'Inthe northern direction, three troves with treasuries of precious stones [were found], filled with gold, silver and copper etc. [Its guardianship] was commissioned the Three [Brothers] of Yama (gShin-rje) [the Lord of Death] holding a club in the hand.1268As fresco[es] were 1260 BZH (Stein ed. 36.15-16, Chin. ed. 45.3-5) = HBCHBY (JA) 94b2: Forty-two (images) were erected (in all), incl. Vajrariija (tib. rDo-rje rgyal-po) etc.; GLR: Bodhisattva rDo-rje rgyal-mtshaa. GLR corroborated by CHBYMTNYP 3 18a6-b2; MBNTH 106a5-6; GBCHBY 349.20-350.1 : twenty-six images headed by [an image] of Bodhisattva rDo-rje rgyal-mtshan. In all forty-four images were erected and as depiction the god-assemblage of the Vajradhiitu. DCHBY 125.3-6 corroborates BZH; PMKTH Chap. 86, 508.15-509.2: Forty-one (images in all). 1261 BZH (Stein ed. 36.13-37.5, Chin. ed. 44.22-45.1 1) = HBCHBY (JA) 94bl-4; The wood-species employed on this floor as material was the fire-tree (thong [ma] shing) and pine-tree (gsom shing) and the figures (Ider tsho) were made exclusively from cloth or cotton (rgyu ras pa) and from grass ('jag ma). CHBYMTNYP 3 17a6,318a6-b3;MBNTH 106~13-4; GBCHBY 349.17; DCHBY 125.23: rgya shing and gsom shing. KTHDNG (GA) Chap. 1, 232.13-15: The upper floor was made in Tibetan style in the fashion of a dhad-ya-paradise and the wood employed was gso ma (= gsom); PMKTH Chap. 86, 508.9-10: Erected in Khotanese style. 1262 BZH (Stein ed. 37.1, Chin. ed. 45.6) = HBCHBY (JA) 94b3; CHBYMTNYP 31 8a6; MBNTH 106a5-6; GBCHBY 350.1-2; DCHBY 125.6-7; PMKTHChap. 86, 509.3-4. 1263 BZH (Stein ed. 37.2, Chin. ed. 45.7) = HBCHBY (JA) 94b4-5; MBNTH 1066-bl. 1264 BZH (Stein ed. 37.2-5, Chin. ed. 45.7-1 1) = HBCHBY 94b4-5: Along the four turrets four paintings [depicting] the upper paradises (thing Wlams) with a joyous Buddha dGa'-ba'i dpal (for dGe-ba'i dpal , KalyinaSni) together with a retinue of Bodhisattvas...; CHBYMTNYP 3 18b2-4: (guardian) rNam-[thos] sras, i.e. Vais'ravana; MBNTH 106bl-2; GBCHBY 350.1-3; DCHBY 125.8-10. 1265 BZH (Stein ed. 37.5-7, Chin. ed. 45.12-14) = HBCHBY (JA) 94b4-5; CHBYMTNYP 319aS; MBNTH 106b3-4; DCHBY 126.9-1 1 ; PMKTH Chap. 86, 5 10.4-6. 1266 GLR A/B: three hundred troves; the rest: three troves. 1267 BZH (Stein ed. 37.7-8, Chin. ed. 45.14-16) = HBCHBY (JA) 94b5; GBCHBY 351.7-8; CHBYMTNYP 3 19a6; MBNTH 106b4-5; DCHBY 126.11-13; PMKTH Chap. 86, 5 10.6-8. 1268 BZH (Stein ed. 37.9-10, Chin, ed. 45.16-18) = HBCHBY (JA) 94b5-6: gShin-rje, whereas GLR probably wrongly has gshin-rje gshed (Yamintaka, a terrific form of Bhairava), while be con painted [scenes of Buddha's Vita culled from] the ~alitavistara[-~ltra1.l~~~ In between [these sides] were painted one thousand [respectively] ten thousand Buddha [images] (sangs rgym srong dang khri) etc . 270 When [one further made a] circumambulation along the great circumambulation-path ( 'khor sa chen po), [it could be observed that it was] erected in [the form ofJthe mandala [in which] Vairocana purified [all] the damned existences (ngan song sbyangs ba'i'dkyil 'khor, durgati[pari]Sodhana). 271 On the three sides of the parapets (mda' yab, ovidhyana) were figures (lder [depicting] the Five [Buddha-]Families (rigs lnga, paflcakula) [their] countenances [being] seen from the external [side] (zhal phyir blta), on the interior [side] were [murals depicting scenes from] GhanavyCha[-sltra] (sTug-po brgyan-pa = *GhanHlamkiira[vyiiha]) [and depictions from the story how] Manibhadra (nor bu bzangpo) [supports one hundred and two kalydnamitra-~].'~~~ [Its guardihship] was entrusted to the Dharmapda Nggariija ~ n a n d a .On ' ~ the ~ ~rear side, a stone pillar (rdo ring) was erected, [its guardianship] being entrusted to the Dharmapda the 'Lion-faced' (Simhamukha).'275 [ ~ u r t h e r : ] ~ ~ ~ ~ ' ' 'changlthogs p a or gad&.dhara is an epithet of Yama; CHBYMTNYP 319a5-bl; MBNTH 106b5-6; GBCHBY 35 1.9-10 has gNod-sbyin Yaksa nag-po as the Dharmapila; DCHBY 126.13-15. 1269 BZH (Stein ed. 37.10-11, Chin. ed. 45.18-19) = HBCHBY (JA) 94b5; GBCHBY 350.19-20; CHBYMTNYP 3 19a5; MBNTH 106b6; DCHBY 126.20-21. 1270 A contraction elucidated from BZH (Stein ed. 37.11-13, Chin. ed. 45.19-21) = HBCHBY (JA) 94b-7: Painted were [images] of the thousand Buddhas appearing in this bhadrakalpa [aeon] and after sixty aeons of durgati [is depicted how] in the big wicked kalpa (bskal pa gnyan pa chen PO) [sic] ten thousand Buddhas appeared; CHBYMTNYP 319b3-4; MBNTH 106b6-107a2; GBCHBY 351.16- 17; DCHBY 126.17-20 resembling BZH but reading bskal pa snyan pa chen po. 1271 BZH (Stein ed. 37.13-14, Chin. ed. 45.23-46.1) = HBCHBY (JA) 94b7; MBNTH 107b2-3. 1272 The term lder tsho or lder so, which evidently1are var. lect. of lder bzo, may arbitrarily represent figures made from clay ('dam pa = 'dug pa), cotton (ras pa) or even cow-hide (ba len ko ba) as alluded to above. However, the term may also refer to painted images or figures. 1273 BZH (Stein ed. 37.14-16: one hundred and twelve kalydnamitra-s, Chin. ed. 46.1-4) = HBCHBY (JA) 95al; CHBYMTNYP 3 19al; MBNTH 107a3-4 and DCHBY 127.14-15: sTug po bkod pa'i zhing kham (= the Akanistha-paradise) acc. to the Buddhivatamsaka-sfitra; PMKTH Chap. 86, 510.10-1 1. The titles Ganevyfiha and Ghanavyfiha are often confounded. 1274 BZH (Stein ed. 38.1, Chin. ed. 46.1-5) = HBCHBY 94b7-95al; CHBYMTNYP 319b1-2; MBNTH 107a4-6; GBCHBY 350.20-21 : Dhannapala Anulika [sic]; DCHBY 126.19-20: NHgarija ~ n a n d aUli (somewhat misplaced in this version); PMKTH 510.10-11: A-nan U-li-ka. The expression zhalphyir blta may admittedly also mean: with faces looking back, but, as seen previously, it is to be seen in contrast to the inner side of the parapets. 1275 BZH (Stein ed. 38.1-3, Chin. ed. 46.6-7) = HBCHBY (JA) 95a1-2: On the backside an edict (bka' grsigs) was carved out on a stone pillar with [a capital] embossed with lotus[-leaves] and above this, a lion was poised, [so that this pillar was safeguarded by] the Dharmapila Simhamukha. DCHBY 126.20-21: foll. BZH, but reads Dharmapala Li-ha-ra mu-khe. 1276 Cf. also BZH (Stein ed. 38.2-15, Chin. ed. 46.7-47.1) = HBCHBY (JA) 95a2-5, retained in prose and more detailed. Cf. CHBYMTNYP 3 18al-3 19b3; MBNTH 107a6-108a2; GBCHBY 351.11-1 3 and DCHBY 126.19-127.5. The source for the metrical passage here, as yet untraced, may either be bSam-yas Ka-tshigs chen-mo or [bKa'i] Thang-yig chen-mo. "The three portals of the dBu-rtse [chapel] represented the entrance to complete liberation (mum par thar pa, vimokro), The six flights of steps (gru s k u ) [installed] represented the six transcendences (pdrumitd) The lower floor [was made] from stones, the middle floor being [made] from brick-work, And the peerless upper floor was made from precious metals and wood. All [the items ofJ craftmanship were [executed] in accordance with the manner of the Vinaya; All the murals were [executed] in accordance with the manner of the Sdtra; All the figures (lder tsho) were [executed] in the manner of the [Tantric] Mantra. " IXT] [The Building of the bSam-yas Satellite Chapels] Then, in the eastern direction [from the dBu-rtse main-chapel] three chapels were erected, taking as pattern the three continents of Pfirvavideha (Lus ' hags-po) [located] to the east and viz. being shaped in a cresent form (zla gum, ardhacandra)," In [the chapel named] rNam-dag khrims-khang-gling, the principal image [of which] was sdcya-muni, [installed] with a retinue [of four], five [idols in all]. [Further the chapel held] murals [depicting scenes from the] Abhiniskramana[-sdtra]. [Its guardianship] was ~a) with a conchentrusted to the Dharmapda the M i t e ] ~ r a h r i a( ~ s h h ~ s - 'Equipped turban' (Dung gi thor-tshugs-can).1278 In [the chapel named] mKhyen-rab 'Jam-dpal-gling, the principal image was Arya MGjuSxi with a retinue [of four], five [in all]. As door-keeper (dvarapdla) the two [terrifying forms] of Yamktaka (gShin-je-gshed) [were installed]. [As murals scenes were painted gleaned from] the MaQiuSrimdla-tantra and the [Sarva]durgati[pari]Jodhana-tantra. pts guardianship] was commissioned to the Dharmapda Yama endowed with a [firel-wheel ([me 'i] 'khor lo can). 279 1277 BZH (Stein ed. 38.15-16, ed. Chin. ed. 47.2-3) = HBCHBY (JA) 95b2; MBNTH 108a2-4. In this section, like the previous part forming an inventorial sketch of the cardinal satellite chapels of the bSam-yas vihcira complex, the version embodied in GLR vis-a-vis those of the extant BZH versions and the versions retained in CHBYMTNYP, MBNTH, GBCHBY and DCHBY, PMKTH are almost, with the usual minor discrepancies and cases of reversed succession, an exact echo of one another, all pointing to a common proto-type, possibly the b M - y a s [b]l(a[']-gtsigs chen-mo and the proto-version of [Padma'i] bKa' yi thang-yig chen-po, cf. note 1379 infia. 1278 BZH (Stein ed. 38.16-39.2, Chin. ed. 47.3-5) = HBCHBY (JA) 95b2: Murals from the Zla-'od gzhon-nurgyur-pa'i rgyud, +CandraprabhPkumla-tantra; CHBYMTNYP 3 10a4,319M-6and GBCHBY 35 1.18-21: rNam-dag Khrus-bang-gling (= rNam-dag Khrims-bang-gling; confused with another semi-chapel, cf. note 1297). Murals: MahMPdhi[-sitra]; MBNTH 108a2-3; DCHBY 127.10-12; NGTMTPH lOal (Uebach, pp. 98-99): In this chapel, ordination was conducted; CHBY 142a2; PMKTH Chap. 86,5 12.17-513.4: Murals from the MPdhiriia-sitra. 1279 BZH (Stein ed. 39.3-6, Chin. ed. 47.7-1 1) = HBCHBY (JA) 95b3-4: The principal image is MaiijuSri made from [cowlhide, and with six attendants (seven in all, i.e. the principal image, four Swa- In [the chapel named] brDa-sbyor Tshangs-pa-gling, the principal [image] was muni with retinue, seven [in all]. Murals [with scenes from] the [MabBpari]nirvBna[-sm] [were executed]. [Its custody] was commissioned to the Dharmapda, [ ~ a k ~ a - r a 'Brug j d gi Glog-pa-can. '280 In the southern direction three chapels were erected, patterned upon the three continents of Jambudvipa [located] to the south and having [the shape] of a scapula (sog kha),1281 V ~ Z . In [the chapel named] bDud-'dul sNgags-pa-gling, an idol of [S&ya-]~uni[depicted] in the manner of taming M h was the principal image [erected together with the idols of his] retinue, five [in all]. On [the walls ofJ the core-part (fte ba) [on the ground-floor] murals [were depicted with scenes from] DaSabhlrnika-siitra. [Along the walls of] the circumambulation-circuit, murals [were executed, depicting] the AkiSagarbha[-stitra]. [Its guardianship] was entrusted to the twenty-eight Dharmapda ISvari-s (dBang-phyug-ma).1282 In the [chapel named] Aryapalo-gling, Khasarpqi [was] the principal image [installed with] a retinue, five [in all]. Above, Amiti3bha [was installed] [as] principal image [with] retinue, five [in all]. In a projection, an effigy (sku 'dra) of the king [Srong-btsan sgam-pol [was installed] [made from] sandal-wood and covered [with a layer] of silver. A mural [depicting] a caitya [was erected] [as well as scenic murals illustrating] the Kirandarvyiiha.. sfitra] and Ha-mo stong-rtsa-gnyis. [Its custody] was entrusted to the ~ h & a ~ d aRsi Dharmaraja. 1283 attentants and the two door-keepers); in the core compound (lte ba) of the chapel are [murals with] an array [depicting] the qualities of the buddhaksena of MaiijuSfi and the ground-floor displays murals [with scenes from] the ~ v a t a m s a k a - s l t r a ;CHBYMTNYP 320a1-2; MBNTH 108a4-6; GBCHBY 352.1-5: As door-keeper the two black gShin-rje[-gshed, i.e. Yamintaka]; murals depict the ArnitSbha and [scenes from the] the Gandavylha[-sltra]; .. id. DCHBY 127.11-15; PMKTH Chap. 86, 510.17-51 1.5. As seen, only Bla-ma dam-pa in GLR has the two tantra-s as murals. 1280 BZH (Stein ed. 39.6-8, Chin. ed. 47.12-13) = HBCHBY (JA) 95b4: Murals [depicting] rnDo Rinpo-che sna-tshogs [*Citraratna-sltra] and on the external walls the kitchen for the bhadanta-s, or priests (btsun pa 'i g.yos khanglsa; also known therefore as 'Tsho ba zm kyi gling) is situated; CHBYMTNYP 310a5,320a3-4: Also called Chos kyi 'chad-nyan byed-pa'i gling; MBNTH 108a6b1 ; GBCHBY 352.6-7; DCHBY 127.16-17; PMKTH Chap. 86, 51 3.4-8. 1281 BZH (Stein ed. 39.8, Chin. ed. 47.13) = HBCHBY (JA) 95b4, DCHBY 127.17-18; cf. note23 supra. 1282 BZH (Stein ed. 39.8-10, Chin. ed. 47.13-16) = HBCHBY (JA) 95b5: Murals [depicting] ~ T s u ~ na Rin-po-che'i mdo or Ratnaclda-sltra ( = 0tani 760); CHBYMTNYP 310a5, 3 2 0 6 6 : Guardian twenty-eight chos skyong bia-mo; MBNTH 108bl-2; GBCHBY 352.9-12: The guardians were the twenty-eight Yaksa Ded-dpon-s; DCHBY 127.18-20: Guardianship by twenty dBangphyug-ma-s; PMKTH Chap. 86, 513.8-12. Here, as seen, discrepancies prevail as to the guardianship. 1283 BZH (Stein ed. 39.10-15, Chin. ed. 47.16-22) = HBCHBY (JA) 95b5: Details further that the effigy ('bag, sku 'dra) of the king [i.e. Srong-btsan sgam-PO],made from sandal-wood, had a torso which was enamelled and had a silvery surface (lit. 'skin'); further there were depictions of the hundred thousand [Sloka-s] of the Yum chen-mo; aphra men [ = mu men, sapphire-studded] cairyo and [a mural showing scenes from] the Ddahhlmikasltra. The guardianship was entrusted to &i rDa-ma-ra [ = Dharmarija] accompanied by his entourage; CHBYMTNYP 310a5, 320a6-b3: The Arya-palo chapel (gling) was also designated sGrub-pa'i bar-chad sel-ba'i gling and Thugs-rje rgyun-'byung. Its guardianship was commissioned the pho-nya-s of Chos-skyong dBang-then; MBNTH 108b2-5 mainly follows BZH; GBCHBY 352.12-18: This chapel also housed images of In the [chapel named] sera-sgyur rGya-gar-gling, the principal image was an Indiancast [~ZiIc~a-]~uni, with retinue, five [in all]. As murals [depictions ofj Amitayuh and [depictions] of statues of lots&-ba-s and pandita-s translating mooks were executed]. [Its custody] was entrusted to the Dharmapda ~ a k s aRfhula. 1284 In the western direction three chapels wkre erected, being modelled upon the three continents of AparagodZiniya (Ba-[gllang-spyod) [located] to the west and having a circular (zlum po, mandala) [shape], ''21 viz. In the [chapel named] Vai-[rol-tsa-[nal-gling, [as the principal image] was erected a copper[-made] Vairocana, [as] retinue [were idols ofl the Four Secret Mothers (gSang ba yum bzhi) [erected]. [As] murals [were scenes depicted from] the VairocanPbhisarnbuddha[siitra]. [Its custody] was entrusted to the Dharmapda Yaksa, the Ox-headed One (Glangmgo-can). 1286 In the [chapel named] dGa'-ldan Byams-pa-gling, the principal image [was] NHtha Maitreya [with] retinue seven [in all were erected, incl. the two] door-keepers, [i.e. the idols ofl the two Yamiintaka-s. [On] murals [were executed depictions ofJ the sixteen Sthavira-s, the manner [how] bSam-yas was erected xbzhengs lugs) and a display of the imago mundi ('jig nen ran bzhag). [Its custody] was entrusted to the Dharmapda, the Blue-dressed ~ ~ , 1,2 8if . Rig-gsum mgon-po, rJe-btsun Seng-ge'i sgra (Simhdabda), an ivory[-made] image (ba so) of Jo-mo sGrol-ma. The guardianship, mKhas-pa IDe'u states, was entrusted to the Dhannapgla-s, the vowbound (dam chen (= can)) Envoys @ho nya mum); DCHBY 127.20-128.5; PMKTH Chap 86, 51 1.6-15. 1284 BZH (Stein ed. 39.15-40.1, Chin. ed. 47.22-48.2) = HBCHBY (JA) 95b5-6: specifying that there were also depictions [with scenes from] 'Dul-ba rNam-par dag-pa; the front fresco (rgyud ris) depicts, as already mentioned by GLR, a scene with a many-doored house, in which the [IndoTibetan] translators and pandits [were seen] being active translating b o k s ] ; CHBYMTNYP 3 lOa5, 320b4-5: Also called m ~ ~ o n -Byang-chub ~ar mchog-hl sems bskyed-pa'i gling, adding that frescoes were seen with pictures of the paticahla Jina-s; guardian Yaksa the Goat-headed One (Ra-gdongcan); MBNTH 108b5-6: Principal image was Avalokita and this text also adds that this chapel had murals depicting Amitiyus; GBCHBY 352.19-353.1: (due to a corrupted text the entry for this chapel is missing and mKhas-pa Ide'u records the content of the next temple, the Vairocana-gling temple, cf. below); DCHBY 128.5-7 follows BZH; PMKTH Chap. 86,5 13.12-18: Guardian Yaksa with a goat-skull (Ra-thod-can). 1285 BZH (Stein ed. 40.1-2, Chin. ed. 48.2) = HBCHBY (JA) 95b7; DCHBY 128.7-8. 1286 BZH (Stein ed. 40.2-4, Chin. ed. 48.3-5) = HBCHBY (JA) 95b7-96al; CHBYMTNYP 32Ob5321al: The guardian was chos skyong or Dharmapiila, the Lion-headed One; MBNTH 109al-2; GBCHBY 352.19-353.1 ; DCHBY 128.8-10; PMKTH Chap. 86, 513.19-514.3. The four secret mothers refer either to the four classes of ddkini-s or the four ladies: spyan-ma, Ma-ma-ki, Gos dkar-mo and sGrol-ma. 1287 BZH (Stein ed. 40.4-8, Chin. ed. 48.5-1 1) = HBCHBY (JA) 96a1-2: The murals depict [in details the scenes with] karmic unvirtuous activities, a period during which Buddhism declined and [the world-inhabitants] had an age of ten years [only]. Maitreya my manifesting himself in the world] then induced the worldlings to practise krcSola again, whereby Buddhism again expanded; [further, murals depicting] the twenty-one salutations [or odes] to Ti15 and depictions of god-assemblages with confessing Bodhi[sattvas] [were executed and installed]; and a depiction of the supervisorship by sNa-nam ffiyal-tsha Iha-snang (CHBYMTNYP: Zhang Sya-tsha ha-snang gi skycs rubs (idtaka, earlier existences) was depicted; GBCHBY: sNa-mam rGyal-tsha skyes-pa) when erecting temples (on this person, note 1302 infra). [Its guardianship] was in the hands of a DikinT with a In the [chapel named] Mi-g.Yo bSam-gtan-gling, [images of'j the Five Families @aAcakula) [represented by] Vairocana [etc.] and [as retinue images of the] sixteen ~rlvaka-s [were erected]. On murals depictions [of scenes showing] the little boy falling in the water (Wlye'u chu la 'bebs) [gleaned] from the SuvaqaprabhHsottama[-sltra] [were executed]. , Silver-headed One ( d ~ ~ u l - m g o [Its custody] was entrusted to the Dharmapda ~ i n g the can). 1288 In the northern direction three chapels were erected, being patterned upon the three continents of the Uttarakuru (sGra mi-snyan) [located] to the north, having a square (gru bzhi, carurasra) [shape],1289viz. In the [chapel named] Rin-chen sna-tshogs-gling, the principal image was Shwa-muni with retinue, five [in all]. On murals depictions [were found of scenes showing] Buddha Bhagavat preaching the Dharma to his mother in [the heavenly realm of'j Sukhlvati [gleaned from] the Drin-Ian bsab-pa'i mdo. [Its guardianship] was commissioned to the Dharmapila the King, the Iron-clawed One (1Cags kyi ~ d e r - m o - c a n ) . ' ~ ~ ~ In the [chapel named] Sems-bskyed Byang-chub-gling, the [principal images] were Padmanetra (Pad-ma-can [= Padma'i spyan]), [Sarva-]Niv2ranaviskambhin(sGrib-pa mamsel); Vajrapini (Phyag-na rdo- rje) and Amrtakundalin (b~ud-rtsi'khyil-ba). [On] murals [scenes from] the Mahknegha-sfitra [were] depicted [and edifying scenes how once the weeping monk] Sadlprarudita (flag-tu-ngu) searched for [the book conveying the] Transcendental Wisdom (prajAdpdramitd). [Its guardianship] was commissioned to the Dharmapda, the Dikini with the Lion-head (Seng-ge'i mgo-can). 1291 Silk-embroidered dress (gu ling gi gos can); so also CHBYMTNYP 321a1-5: Also calling it Gangzag lung ston-pa'i gling; MBNTH 109a2-5 calls the chapel: Mi-g.yo Byams-pa'i gling [sic]; GBCHBY 353.2-8: Name Byang-chub khyad-par lung-ston byed-ma'i gling; mKhas-pa IDe'u adds, in addition to the seven images mentioned above, that the turrets had images of Amitibha with retinue, five [in all]. [Its guardianship] was in the hands of mKhal-chung [ = mKha'-'gro-ma] Li'i Be-con [sic!]; DCHBY 128.10-14: follows BZH; PMKTH Chap. 86, 51 1.16-512.7. As is seen, there is no contradiction between GLR and BZH, since the latter's wall-depiction of the decline and rise of Buddhist in fact may well be part of the Buddhist Genesis or world description. 1288 BZH (Stein ed. 40.8-10, Chin. ed. 48.11-14) = HBCHBY (JA) 96a2-3; CHBYMTNYP 310a5, 321a5-b2: Also calling the chapel sGrub-rgyud kyi gdams-ngag 'bebs-pa'i gling (so also GBCHBY), adding, inter alio, murals depicting Amitibha, the purification of durgati, mandala of gTsug-tor-'od and along the circumambulation-corridors ('khor khyams) [scenes frdri] the Avatamsaka [were executed]; MBNTH 109a5-6; GBCHBY 353.9-13: Adding, inter alia, that [this chapel *also holds images of the [Buddha-s] of the Bhadrakalpa-s, the two Wrathful Ones, etc.; DCHBY 128.15-17; PMKTH Chap. 86, 514.3-9. 1289 BZH (Stein ed. 40.40.10, Chin, ed. 48.14-15) = HBCHBY (JA) 96a3; DCHBY 128.18. Here as everywhere lDelu Jo-sras' version evinces a striking dependence on or a parallel to BZH. 1290 BZH (Stein ed. 40.10-12, Chin. ed. 48.15-17) = HBCHBY (JA) 96a3-4: Protector: dByi yilg.Yi'i Par-ra/sBar-ba-can; CHBYMTNYP 310a6, 321b2-4: Also called bSam-gtan sgrub-pa'i gling and adding murals from the Arya-~uvarna~rabh&ottama[-sltra](possibly confounded with previous chapel), guardian: Bya'i sbar-so-can; MBNTH 109a6-b2; GBCHBY 353.14- 18: (again somewhat corrupt, the data entered under this chapel belong properly under the next chapel; cf. next note); DCHBY 128.17-20: Protector: sPyi'i sBa-ra-can; PMKTH Chap. 86, 514.1 1-15. The siitra referred to is the 7habs mkhas-pa chen-po sangs-rgyas Drin-lan bsab-pa'i mdo (P. 1022), tr. from Ch. Da fangbian fo bao'en jing (T. 111, n. 156). 1291 BZH (Stein ed. 40.12-41.2, Chin. ed. 48.17-49.3) = HBCHBY (JA) 96a4-6: The three principal images represented Vajrapani, Vajrakila and Arnftakundalin residing in the palace of Vajrapani in the gesture of safeguarding against obstracles (bar chad srung ba); [further] there were depictions In the [chapel named] Pe-dkar [= Pe-har] dKor-mdzod gling, the principal image was $*a-muni with a retinue [of eight Bodhisatbas], nine [in all]. [On] murals [were scenes (['Phags-pa] Yab-sras mjal-ba['i gleaned from the] [Arya-]~iaputrasa~gama[-s~tra] mdo]). In the projections (glo 'bur) the remaining [troves of] wealth [necessary] for the erection of bSam-yas were [stored] and a written account (rtsis yig) [and inventory] of what was deposited where ('di nu 'di yod) [was similarly found]. Its guardian[ship] was commissioned to the King of Khram-gang [i.e. the Head-Protector (spyi'i srung ma) Pehar]. 1292 As Protector of the [Buddhist] Teaching for the entire PSam-yas] temple[-complex], the Teacher [Padmasambhava] commissioned the Great Master of Life (srog bdag chen po) Pehar, the Great Devotee (uphaka, dge bsnyen) of the Gods [coming from] Za-hor [i.e. Bengal], the Great General of the Demons (bdud kyi h a g dpon chen po) controlling [all] g kyi lha the Eight Classes of Spirits pertaining to the visible World of Phenomena ( s ~ n srid ma srin sde brgyad), [a figure so terrifying that he is capable of] taking [away] the breath [i.e. life] (dbugs Zen) of all the living ones. A receptacle [of Pehar] was installed in the Pedkar [= Pe-harl-gling. 1293 In [the chapel named] The Upper (gong ma) Yaksa Gang-ba bzang-po'i Iha-khang [dedicated as a] Chapel to the Sun (Nyi-ma lhu-khang), the principal image was !$-a-muni [flanked by] the retinue, five [in all]. [On] murals [were painted scenes from the of the amval of Buddha Padmanetra in the sky [above] and bow] through the mediator [SarvalMvaranaviskambhin, the Bodhisattvas of the ten bhrimi-s generate their bodhicinotpMa and bow] the ~ u d d h kgave their blessings, etc.; it guardianship was in the hands of DharmapPla King bSekhrab-can and Dikini Seng-ge'i 'gros-can; CHBYMTNYP 3 10a6, 321b4-6: The chapel also called h usems b bskyed-pa'i gling and rTen [ = gTan-]Me la gnas-pa'i gling, also Ma'Jug-pa ~ ~ a n ~ - c tu chags Pad-ma-can gyi gling; MBNTH 109b2-5; GBCHBY 353.15-18 (text somewhat corrupt, the description is applied to the wrong chapel); Guardianship: D&ni SiqhamukhP (Seng-ge'i gdong can); DCHBY 128.20-129.5; PMKTH Chap. 86, 514.14-15: no details). 1292 BZH (Stein ed. 41.2-5, Chin. ed. 49.3-6) = HBCHBY (JA) 96a6-7; CHBYMTNYP 310a6, 321b6-322al: Also called Byang-chub ('jug-pa) sems bskyed-pa'i gling (so also GBCHBY), adding that the principal Buddha image was dGa'-ba'i dpal (i.e. dGe-ba'i dpal, KalyPnaSni) and murals depicted the lokadhdtu with mDangs-dgal-ba'i bkod-pa, i.e. an army (vyJhu) of the paradise of mNgon-dga' or Abhirati; MBNTH 109b5-110al; GBCHBY 353.19-354.2; DCHBY 129.5-8; PMKTH Chap. 86, 514.15-5; KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. 25, 199.13-18. 1293 This list of epithets of Pe-har is lacking from the other versions. But cf. parallel Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNP 368b2-370b1-2, 377b4-5, where the bsTan-pa'i srung-ma, alias Pe-har is brought from Bha-fa Hot. Pe-har or the king, the Wood-bird-One (Shing-bya-can) is also called bDud Yabzher nag-po (cf. note 1538). Cf. PMKTH Chap. 63, 384.1-385.15 for the story about the king of Hor-yul gNam-the'u dkar-mo (cf. note 1548). who held the entire Tibet under his sway and how this king called Shing-bya-can was invited to bSam-yas and commissioned its protection; id., Chap. 104, 648.1-661.17, where Pe-kar is also called dGe-bsnyen chen-po, Shing-bya-can, Seng-ge dkarmo and bDud-pho yab-rje or nag-po. Cf. parallel HBCHBY (JA) 89a7-b4, 99a4-7. The h a ma srin brgyad ('the eight classes of neither deva-s nor rdcsea-s [i.e. between gods and devils]') are listed e.g. CHBYMTNYP 370b2-4: the white ging (dkorpo ging), the black bdud (nag po bdud), the red btsan (dmar po btsan), the life-taking y&a-s (srog gcod g d sbyin), the (nod gtong ma m),the fierce butching rtShasa-s (shun pa srin po), the disease-causing -is graha-s (drag bo gza 3 and the vicious n a p - s @dug pa Mu). Cf. similarly. DTHZHG 65.2-10. Bhadrakalpika-sltra with] one thousand and two Buddhas. 1294 In [the chapel named] the Lower ('og ma) Yaksa Nor-bu bzang-po'i lha-hang [dedicated as a] Chapel to the Moon (Zla-ba lha-khang), [the statues and] murals were identical with [the ones executed in] the previous In the [chapel named] Tshan -mang Ke'u-gling, an ivory chapel (ba so lha khang) was [installed on] the upper [floor]. 1 2 6 In the [chapel named] Dag-byed Khrus-hang there was a well (khron pa) brimming with sandal-wood. '297 In the [chapel named] mThu-rtsal klu-khang-gling, a mural [was executed, depicting] a huge post [in form ofJ a rose-bush (se ba) having eight [huge] branches, and [upon each of them] the Eight Great NPga[-Kings] [were seen being poised], in the middle of which Vajrapiini [was depicted being active] taming [the Nlga-s] b peaceful means. [Further, there were depictions of] tortoises, fish and sea-monsters etc. 129i Thereupon, a white cairya was erected, a MahBbodhi-cairya in the style of the Srdvaka-s, embellished [i.e. supported] by eight lions, meing raised] after [minister] Shud-pu 1294 BZH (Stein ed. 41 5 7 , Chin. ed. 49.7-9) = HBCHBY (JA) 96a7: Its guardianship was entrusted to himself, i.e. Dharmapila Thang-lha 1i.e. Yaksa] Gang-ba bzang-po (or brnabhadra). The chapel of the Sun and the twin chapel Zla-ba lha-khang were also called Nyi-ma'i gling and Zla-ba'i gling respectively, as they were considered as equivalents (dod) to these planets. Cf. also CHBYMTNYP 310a6, 319b3-4, 322a1; MBNTH 110al-2; PMKTH Chap. 86, 510.13-17. 1295 BZH (Stein ed. 41.8-11, Chin. ed. 49.9-1 1) = HBCHBY (JA) 96a7-bl: Its guardianship was entrusted to himself. Nor-bu bzang-po (*Manibhadra). CHBYMTNYP 310a6, 319b3-4, 322a2; MBNTH 110a3-5; PMKTH Chap. 86, 510.13-17. 1296 BZH (Stein ed. 41.11-13, Chin. ed. 49.15-17) = HBCHBY (JA) 96b2: In the upper part the sleeping-place of the Teacher Bodhisattva [~Hntaraksita]was installed as well as an ivory-made chapel. Underneath a white stove? (dkar thab; DCHBY: kar thab 'cha') [an image of the chapel's guardian?] was installed; DharmapZla Yaksa Dandin 'Holding a stick in the hand (lag nu myu gu [ = dbyug t[h]o] thogs)'; CHBYMTNYP 310a4:' Tshang-dmar sKye-ru-gling; MBNTH 110aS-6; DCHBY 129.19-21; PMKTH Chap. 86, 515.11-13. 1297 BZH (Stein ed. 41.13-15, Chin. ed. 49.17-20) = HBCHBY (JA) 96b2-3: The lower part [of this chapel?] was made from brick-work. Along the sides skeletons (keng rur) were painted [intended as a memento morij to make the ordained [monks] weary [of worldly existence] in accordance with the exposition found in the Vinaya. [Its protector] was DharmapHla Dandin; CHBYMTNYP vacat; MBNTH 110a6-b2; GBCHBY 354.3-8: mKhas-pa IDe'u (text again sbmewhat confounded) states that the main figure was a white Vajrapini in a peaceful aspect, and the walls were full of paintings of klu gnyan etc. and its guardianship has entrusted a Nigarija. (But this description properly belongs to the next chapel, cf. next note); DCHBY 191.21-3: A depiction of the wheel of existence (bhavacakra, srid pa'i 'khor lo) and scenes from a cemetery were painted. Its guardianship was entrusted to the DharmapZla 'Holding a bottle in the hand'; PMKTH Chap. 86, 515.10-1 1 (no details). AS stated GBCHBY 354.3-4 and DCHBY 123.1 1-12, the Dag-byed Khrus-khang-gling was discounted from the twelve regular gling-chapels and it clearly had the status of a semi-chapel. 1298 BZH (Stein ed. 41.15-42. I , Chin. ed. 49.20-50.2) = HBCHBY (JA) 96b3-4: Its guardianship was entrusted to the DharmapHla [the NHgaraja or] sa-bdag rGyu-'dal [ = Klu-rdol = MHtanga?] assisted by nine gnyan (for this figure cf. also Appendix, note 790, subnt. 36); MBNTH 110b2-4; GBCHBY 354.3-8 (cf. previous note); DCHBY 130.3-5: mThu-rtsal Klu-'brug-gling; PMKTH Chap. 86, 515.15-516.5 dPal gyi seng-ge'299 had been charged with the supervisor[ship]. [It] was entrusted [for prot&on] to Dharmapda Yak*[-raja] Ulkiimukha (s~ar-kda9-can= sKar-mda9gdong). '300*'30' A red cairya, a Dharmacakra-revolving [cairya] in the style [of the b&isorrva-s], and decorated with lotuses, was erected after [minister] sNa-nam rGyal-tsha ~ h a - ~ n a n ~ ' functioned as supervisor. [Its custody] was entrusted to the Dharmapila gZa' Ang(Migdmar). 303 A black cairya in the style of the praryeku-buddha-s, was [then] raised by [minister] Ngan-lam sTag-[sglra klu-gong'304 after [he] had assumed the supervisor[ship]. [Its custody] ' 1299 BZH (Stein 4 . 4 2 . 2 - 4 , Chin. ed. 50.3-5) = MBNTH 1IOb4: Shud-pu Nga-mi ffiyal-to-re. Cf. also the Dunhuang Chronicle (100.22-23): Shud-pu ffiyal-to-re Nga-myi. HBCHBY (JA) %b5, where dPal-bo cites BZH verbatim, but possibly a different version, while he states that Shud-pu Mi-rgyal to-re was lag dpon, only to be killed by the gnyan, whereafter Shud-pu Khri-'bring kheng-btsan took over. The form in GLR: Shud-po dPal gyi seng-ge, cf. CHBYMTNYP 473bl; GBCHBY 297.20; NGTMTPH 13b2 (Uebach, 1987, pp. 114-15) is credited for the erection of e.g. the Brag-sna temple. Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 83a7, 101a1 , 102al; He was chos blon under Khri-srong Ide-btsan. KTHDNG (GA) Chap. 2, 233.16, 234.18-235.1; (CA) Chap. 19, 490.20-22. 1300 BZH (Stein ed. 42.2-4, Chin. ed. 50.3-5) = HBCHBY (JA) 96M-5: Guardianship Yaksa sKarmdaP-gdong; MBNTH 110b4-5; CHBYMTNYP 31Obl; GBCHBY 354-10: ~ u a r d i a n s h i ~ : Dharmapala dKar-zla stong; but see also 355.3-9; DCHBY deesr; PMKTH Chap. 86, 516.5-7; KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. 26, 199.20-200.2. For further details on the four cairya-s, cf. Appendix, note 1300. 1301 *gloss: After the Four Great [Guardian] Kings [of the World'Jhad planted the p01e-a.de (srog shing) of the [white] cairya, Buddha-relics (ring bsrel, Sanio) [amounting to] one @lCj Mag&[meusured] bushel (bre 'i khal) , the Secret ghJyen-po, the paternal [ancestor's] tutelary [object] [i. e. ] five slitras were deposited [in the caifya], wherefare [it w regarded a ] highly bless[-bestowing]. The fabulous background of the white cairya as mentioned in this gloss is delineated in details in BZH (Stein ed. 42.13-45.3, Chin. ed. 50.17-53.17 = HBCHBY (JA) 97al-98a4; so also MBNTH 1 11a4-113al), while only briefly CHBYMTNYP 322a2-3. It is left out in the two IDe'u versions. 1302 sNa-nam [Zhang] rGyal-tsha Iha-snang, cf. also BZH (Stein ed. 40.4, 42.5-6) = HBCHBY (JA) 96b6; MBNTH 110b6; GBCHBY 297.20, 358.18, 365.8-9; DCHBY 133.5, 133.8; NGTHTPH 13b2-3 (Uebach, pp. 114-115 for further ref.); The Dunhuang Qlronicle (102.16): sNa-nam Zhang rGyal-tshan Iha-snang; KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 3, 437.2-4: ffiya-tsha 1Ha-snang, one of four ministers of the sNa-nam clan during the dynasic period, the other three: Mang-snya bse-btsan, Mazhang Khrom-pa skyabs (cf. note 1171), bTsan-pa 'U-ring (cf. note 1404); (CA) 490.18-20; HBCHBY (JA) IOla3. He followed sTag-sgra klu-gon as minister and he was also responsible for the erection of the temple of Gr[v]a. He was minister, together with Khri-sum-rje stag-snang, under Khri-srong Ide-btsan and Mu-ne btsan-po. His son dBu-ring was allegedly killed by MU-tigbtsan-po (cf. note 1404). He was chief minister from 782 to, at least, 796 A.D. cf. Haarh, 1960, pp. 162-63 and he is listed among the sworn-in minister in the king's bKal-gtsigs (of 780-781 A.D.), cf. HBCHBY (JA) 109b5. Cf. also the notes 1287 supra and 1478 infra. 1303 BZH (Stein ed. 42.4-6, Chin. ed. 50.5-7) = HBCHBY (JA) 96b5-6; CHBYMTNYP 310b1, 322a4-6; MBNTH 1 10b5-6; GBCHBY 354.1 1-12: Embellished by one thousand lotuses. Guardianship: Diikini, the Iron-lipped One (cf. also next note); DCHBY: deest; PMKTH Chap. 86, 516.6-9; KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. 26, 200.18-23. 1304 Cf. note 1 181 supra. was entrusted to the Dharmapda Yaksa[-riija], 'the Iron-Lipped One' (1Cags-mchu-can).1305 A blue caitya, a Glorious ~od-descending(Sri devdvatdra) [cairya type] in the manner of the rarhdgata-s, and ornamented b sixteen chapel-doors (lha khang sgo mo) was raised after mChims rDo-rje ~Prel-chun~'~'[had accepted to] act as supervisor. [Its custody] was confided the Dharmapda Yaksa[-riija] Siryamukha (Nyi-ma'i gd~ng[-can]).'~~' At this point, the demoness ('dre mo) 'Od-can-ma inflicted [much] harm to all people, so Peing requested,] the Teacher [Padmasambhava] had a light-emitting caitya built at Byarns-pa-glin , whereby the demoness was suppressed and any [future] harm was eliminated. 130.f Thereupon, a wall with many corners (lcags ri zur mangs) [reflecting the] vajra-gait (rdo rje 'gros) [of Padmasambhava] was set up in the [circular] manner of one hundred and eight caitya-s, and in each and every [of these] Buddha-relics were deposited. 1309 Now, [concerning] the three queen-chapels (brsun mo gling): 'Bro-bza' Byang-chubsgron1310built [the chapel ofJ dGe-rgyas Bye-ma'i gling. Buddha Amitiibha was erected [as] principal image with a retinue [of images], seven [in all], [all cast-images made] from the li ma-alloy. To the right [were images] of Rigs-gsum mgon-po. To the left [images of] Bhaisajyaguru (sMan gyi bla), Samantabhadra and Acala were erected. [As this queen] was issueless and her paternal relatives @ha ming) [lived] in a remote distance [from Tibet] and fearing that in the future the chapel [should] fall into ruins and no restorer (gso mkhan) [then] would be at hand, [she ensured that] the edifice was [constructed with] bricks that were applied with molten lead (zha nye 'i chu sbyar), mefore the building finally] was covered with 1305 BZH (Stein ed. 42.6-8, Chin. ed. 50.8-10) = HBCHBY (JA) 96b6: It was embellished with the bodily relics of the Tathigata-s; MBNTH 110b6-l la1 ; CHBYMTNYP 3 10b2, 322a6-b2; GBCHBY and DCHBY silent; PMKTH Chap. 86,516.9-10; KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. 26,200.818. 1306 mChims rDo-rje sprel-chung, cf. also BZH (Stein ed. 42.9; mChims 'Od-bzher spre'u-chung) = HBCHBY (JA) 96b7; MBNTH 111a I. CHBYMTNYP 35 1b3: mDo-zher spre-chung; GBCHBY 297.2 1-298.1; NGTMTPH 13b3 (Uebach, pp. 114-15) where he is also made responsible for the erection of the temple of Bya'uglzug. KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 3, 436.20-437.1: rDo-rje spre-chung of mchims, one of four ministers from the mChims-clan famed during the dynastic period, the other three mchimsministers: Mar-bzher ngan-pa-po, bTsan-bzher legs-gzigs, rGyal-gzigs shud-thong. KTHDNG (CAI Chap. 19, 490.10-12: mChims-pa mDo-bzher rDo-rje spre-chung listed as a Bon-adherent; HBCHBY (JA) 101a2. 1307 BZH (Stein ed. 42.9-10, Chin. ed. 50. 10-13) = HBCHBY (JA) 96b6-7; CHBYMTNYP 3 10b2, 322b2-5: ornamented by sixteen (miniature) chapels stuffed with various exquisite medicinal herbs; MBNTH 1la2-3; GBCHBY 354.13-14; DCHBY deest; PMKTHChap. 84.516.lO-11; KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. 26, 200.2-8. 1308 BZH (Stein ed. 42.10-12, Chin. ed. 50.13-16) = HBCHBY (JA) 96b7-97al. The h a m wrought by this demoness consisted in turning the head and tail (upper and lower part) upside down on sleeping ministers; MBNTH 11 la3-4. 1309 BZH (Stein ed. 45.12-14, Chin. ed. 53.21-54.1) = HBCHBY (JA) 98a5; CHBYMTNYP 3IOb4-6; MBNTH 113b5-6; PMKTH Chap. 86, 516.16-17. 1310 Cf. also note 1231 supra. This is her later religious name as a nun, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 104b2 116a6: Jo-mo Byang-chub. According to BZH (Chin. ed. 54.8-9): 'Bro-bza' Khri rGyal-mo-btsun; CHBYMTNYP 31 lb4: 'Brong-bza' Byang-chub-sman; MBNTH 114a4; DCHBY 130.6: 'Bra-za Byang-chub-rje; KTHDNG (GA) Chap. I , 232.17. a copper[-made] roof. [She finally had] a bell (cong) hung up (brags) [there too].13" Queen Tshe-yang-[= spong] bza' Me-tog-sgron erected the chapel of Khams-gsum Zangs-khang-gling, having taken as pattern the dBu-rtse rigs-gsum [main-chapel] [erected by] the father [i.e. the king, with whom] she had three sons, Mu-ne btsan-po, Mu-rug btsan-po and Mi-mug btsan-po Sad-na-legs [all] born to her.I3l2 Queen Pho-yong-bza' rGyal-mo-btsun [was requested to] erect the chapel of Bu-tshal gSer-khang-gling [raised] in [form ofl the mandala of Vajradhatu. By serving the artisans such as the sculptors each time with thirteen ici'nds of food, [these artisans] made thirteen artistic [masterlpieces in an attempt to repay this goodness. [The upper storey (sreng brig)] was externally without masonry, [yet it was] a refined [piece ofJ craftmanship, steadfast as a diamond. Internally [the chapel was] without any [upholding] pillar, a refined piece of craftmanship, beautiful as a tent. The floor (sa gzhi) was made [entirely] from brass (ra gun), on the turquoise[-blue] beams (gdung ma) [scenes with] horse-racing in golden [colour] [was chisseled in relievo] , on the golden[-coloured] beams turquoise[-blue] dragons [were chisseled in relievo]. The surface of the [azure-blue] Chinese [pagoda] roof [thus] could be seen externally as well as internally. The images inside [the chapel] both had a general canopy [covering all the statues] and an individual canopy. For the openings and closing of the entrance [to the chapel] a golden bird [flew up and] gave signal. [Along the walls in the courtyard (Wlyarns)] [scenes with Buddha's] twelve deeds [were chisseled] in relievo etc., [such kinds ofl wonderous artistic distinctions were executed. 1313 Accordingly, as [first] specimen offering [of material intended to be employed for the execution] of the workmanship (bzophud) [in connection with] the successful erection of the dPal bSam-yas mi-'gyur lhun-gyis grub-pa'i gtsug-lag-khang [and] its precinct (sde skor), a woodwork specimen offering (shing bzo) [was presented] at 1Ha-sa [in form of] a great portal in front of the Central Chapel (gtsang khang dbus ma) [of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang] decorated with an arch gateway (rta babs, torana) and as [first] specimen offering of clay (sa phud) [idols ofJ the Four Great [Guardian] I(ings as door-keepers were offered to be erected. 1311 BZH (Stein ed. 46.3-11, Chin. ed. 9.10-1 1, 54.8-19 = HBCHBY (JA) 76a2-3, 98aI-4); CHBYMTNYP 3 11b4-312a3,325a5-b2; MBNTH 114a4-b2; GBCHBY 297.6-7; DCHBY 130.6-9; PMKTH Chap. 62, 382.9-10, Chap. 86, 522.10-13 (detailed). It is here related that this bell, a rol mor cong, a 'bell for making music' (not identical with the famous Bell at bSam-yas) was first taken from the mGrin-bzang temple after this was destroyed during the anti-Buddhist revolt at the end of the reign of the former king and then initially hidden in the rocky slopes at mChims-phu, before it was hung up in the dGe-rgyas chapel. Cf. also Richardson, 1985, pp. 32-33. 1312 BZH (Stein ed. 46.11-12, Chin. ed. 54.19-55.10 (the present Chin. ed. of BZH is here corrupt, most likely the Chinese redactor of the edition has left out a line, because the data given here properly describes the dBu-tshal temple of Pho-yong-bza', the missing line is retrivable from HBCHBY (JA) 98a4-5); CHBYMTNYP 31 lal-b4, 325a3; MBNTH 114b3-115a4; GBCHBY 297.4-5, 356.5-6: Tshe-spong-bza' dMar-rgyal rose Khams-gsum; DCHBY 130.9-10; PMKTH Chap. 62, 382.8-9, Chap. 86,517.4-519.13 (very detailed); KTHDNG (GA) Chap. 1,232.16-17. Cf. note 1228 supra for this queen. 1313 BZH (Stein 4.46.13-47.7, Chin. 4.54.19-55.10 = HBCHBY (JA) 98b5-99a2); CHBYMTNYP 31 la2,325a4; MBNTH 114b3-115a4;GBCHBY 297.7-8; DCHBY 130.1 1-131.2; PMKTHChap. 62, 382.1-8, Chap. 86, 519.13-522.10 (very detailed). These versions, with slight discrepancies, are identical. Cf. also briefly GBCHBY 356.6-7 and 363.1-3 (with reminiscences of a ditto description of 'On-shang-rdo, 3 18.12-13, cf. note 1443); KTHDNG (GA) 232.17-18. Cf. the notes 1233-34 supra. Thus, in the hare year the foundation of bsam-yas was laid, and [in the subsequent] hare-year, [the erection] was brought to a full complete, having lasted for a [full] [twelve]year cycle (lo skor). 1314 [ X Q [The Consecration of bSam-yas] Now, in order to [perform] the consecration [of the bSam-yas vihdra complex], measureless abundances of food and drink were accumulated, all people under the [king's] sway (mnga' zhabs) were convoked, whereafter a grand banquet was given. 1315 The king then offered the Teacher [Padmasambhava] and Bodhisattva [~Sntaraksita] presents [ofl gold, the king himself had been donned in [ceremonial] robes trimmed with numerous precious stones. [Consequently the two holy masters], having displayed [themselves] in [their] emanational bodies (sprul pa'i sku bstan), performed in a wonderous number of totally seven [successive] times the [act ofl [a sacred] consecration (rub gnus, pratisthd) of the Glorious Inconceivable Immutable Spontaneously-produced Temple [i.e. b ~ a m l ~ aalong s ] with its precinct. l 3 l6 1314 BZH (Stein ed. 46.1, Chin. ed. 54.6,55.11, 58.2) = HBCHBY (JA) 98a7-bl; MBNTH 100a4-5; GBCHBY 355.15-16. Cf. note 1244 supra. For the passage of the first specimen offering, cf. similarly HBCHBY (JA) 91bl. For a parallel in connection with 'On-shang-rdo, cf. note 1445. 1315 BZH (Stein ed. 47.8ff., Chin. ed.55.1 lff.) = HBCHBY (JA) 99b6ff.; CHBYMTNYP 326a4-6. 1316 BZH (Stein ed.49.7-1 1, Chin. ed. 57.9-14) = HBCHBY (JA) 100b4-5: Eight consecrations were made. By being subjected to seven consecrations, the sanctuaries and divine images (rten dung lha sku) [of bSam-yas] were [made so sanctified] that [paying a visit to these sanctuaries and idols] was tantamount to being blessed and [meeting] the emanational bodies (sprul p a ' i sku dngos) [of the Buddha and the distinct divinities] in person; MBNTH 115a4-117a4; GBCHBY 355.17-356.4: Records how first Padmasambhava conducted three successive consecrations; first by way of a circumambulation three times around the white caitya [in bSam-yas] by the entire assemblage of images (lha tshogs); secondly, Hayagriva made three neighings, which could be heard right down to the lowest Brahmaloka; thirdly, a watch-dog, a bitch guarding the local rdo-ring-pillar [in bSamyas] barked three times, so that it could be heard all the way to India, signalling that the translation of Buddhist treatises would never discontinue. It was moreover said that if consecration would be performed seven times [in all], then no desolation would befall bSam-yas. The [last] four [rounds ofl consecration were [then] performed by Bodhisattva [S~ntarak~ita]; Nyang-ral CHBYMTNYP 325b3-326a3: Agreeing in substance, but speaks of it in row of propitious omens; DCHBY 131.2-5: bSam-yas was consecrated eight times. By the number eight is thus to be surmised the ordinary consecration and the seven additional delineated above. It cannot be rejected altogether that the phrase in GLR saying that the nim-naktiya (of the N o holy Indian masters?) was displayed equally well may conceal a play on the above allusion that the sanctuaries and idols, through the seven consecrations, (in sanctity) were tantamount to a living nirmdnakiiya. A similar expression is found in KCHKKHM-2, op. cir. 3.13-14, where AtiSa states that the chapel of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang/Jo-khang is indistinguishable from [the Buddha's] nim-nakiiya, i.e. the chapel itself is conceived to be a direct manifestation of the ~uddha-activity and -grace. The consecration of bSam-yas was performed in a sheep year, unerringly corresponding to 779 A.D. Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 51.9-13, Chin. ed. 59.18-23), HBCHBY (JA) 104b2-3. See also the king's bKa'-gtsigs (of ca. 780 A.D.), cf. HBCHBY (JA) 108b7. Cf. further the notes Appendix, Murals of this [i.e. the consecration and the ensuing festivities] are even [to be found] depicted on the rear portal of the dBu-rtse [rigs-gsum main-chapel] and along the frames of the portal [leading] to its circumambulation-circuit.'3'7*'318 Thus, at the time when celebrating the consecration of the Glorious bSam-yas [temple],'319 At that very place], where [the lake of] mTsho-mo-[mlgur [rests] crosslegged. !320 note 1186 and 1240 supra. 1317 BZH (Stein ed. 48.6-7,46.14-15,49.6-8, Chin. ed. 56.9-10,56.19-20,57.6-10) = HBCHBY (JA) 100a5, 100bl-4; MBNTH 117bl-3. These wall-paintings, these texts declare, did not only depict the consecration ceremonies, but also the allegedly happy and miraculous circumstances prevailing after its erection and witnessed through three spectacles (ltad m gsum). 1318 *gloss: From the bKa'i thang-yig chen-mo. The ensuing metrical section is similarly retained in HBCHBY (JA) 101a2-102a5. This metrical narrative song is briefly referred to in BZH, cf. note 1320 infro, and there is every good reason to assume that this part of this source, an early, no more extant version of a Vita-scroll dedicated the life of Padmasambhava and the erection of the bSam-yas vihdra, like in case of parts of BZH. originated in the IXth or Xth century or draws directly from a material from this period. A parallel narrative on the songs presented in connection with the consecration of bSam-yas is found in KTHDNG (GA) Chaps. 2-4, 233.14-238.3, though it differs substantially from CLR. A number of formulations and themes indicated in the present metrical narrative finds an acho or a parallel earlier in GLR (cf. Chap. X, note 500 and in particular ad note 528 supra), possibly also based upon a [bKa'i] Thang-yig chen-mo (the same?, cf. note 500 supra), but in the former case the happiness prevailing in Tibet is described after the introduction of king Srong-btsan sgampo's legislation. One may suspect, at least not exclude, a common redaction or an incidence of literary borrowing between these narratives. 1319 Cf. the lengthy description in BZH (Stein ed. 47.7-49.7, Chin. ed. 55.1 1-57.10) = HBCHBY (JA) 99b6- 100b5; CHBYMTNYP 326a6-327a1 (briefer); MBNTH 1l5a4- 1 17a5. 1320 A word-play on a Buddha's cross-legged posture (skyil bung, paryariga); what is meant is that the water in this place has flown together to form a lake. The mTsho-mo-[mlgur is closely associated with bSam-yas. Brag-dmar mTsho-mo-mgur, was the place where a religious meeting and dispute was held around 760 A.D., recorded to have determined whether Bon or Buddhism should be practised in Tibet, cf. BZH (Stein ed. 26.12, 27.9-28.9, Chin. ed. 3 1.12, 34.6-35.10) and furLher note 1186 supra. The same text, composed so as to make, by way of a narrative analogy, an indirect portrait of bSam-yas, offers us the allusive background for this place's naming, op. cir. Stein ed. 47.8-15, Chin. ed. 57.13-21; CHBYMTNYP 326a6-327a1; MBNTH 117a4-b3; HBCHBY (JA) 100b5101al: During these festivities, the king sojourned along the bank of the [subterranean?] lake [located] in the bSil-khang (the cool-room, a recreation-house) [pertaining to dBu-rtse rigs-gsum main-temple?], in which a lotus-stalk was found growing (skyes pa) (a word-play on and allusion to Padmasambhava, the 'Lotus-born'). Observing that his thugs dam temple was being purified ('byongs pa), i.e. consecrated, he rejoiced greatly. Thirteen times he sang a song of enjoyment bursting with expressions such as: 'Am 1 happy! This, my dBu-rtse rigs-gsum, does not appear to be erected by [human hand], but appears to have grown [forth all by itselfj (skyes pa; word-play, again, to the above supernatural origin of the lotus stalk and Padmasambhava)." Each end every minister sang a song of pride (nga rgyaf). The toponym mTsho-mo-mgur thus means 'the lake [wherelaboutwhich] songs [were offered]'. These songs, or a part of them, by the king are to be found in the present narrative metrical A site where a lotus-stalk has grown, The king is seated on a golden throne, [His] five attractive consorts too Are [found]] seated, [bedecked] with ornaments [of great] beauty. .. Not only the entire [corps of royal] chaplains, translators and pandita-s [being present] Rejoiced, and made [their] announcements of Dharma, But also all the leading religious ministers (chos blon) [were present], Circumambulating the confines of the seated king. Thus, [all his] subjects submitted to his power (mnga' 'og spyod pa'i 'bangs) From all districts (sde rigs = sde ris) of dBus and gTsang There was a great gathering (ma 'tshogs bya ba gang yang med) [here at bSam-yas]; By a varied abundance of food and drink Everybody had whatever wishes satisfied. Dances of mirth and songs of happiness [Shall] continue unbrokenly day for day, Parasols, victory-banners and standards (ba dun, patdka) Almost covered for the sun in the middle [of space], So that for the birds there was no space to fly; The black-headed [Tibetan] people filled the [entire] site, Music from cymbal[-instruments] roared like thunder; [So thronged] that there was no space for the gyi-ling [breed] of horse to race; All the infant boys and girls Adorned [with ornaments] and holding [ceremonial] [yak-]tails (mga ma) in their hand, Were beating the drum, singing and making dancing motions: p i t h masques ofJ yak-lions (g.yag seng), paper-lions (dar seng), tigerlions (stag seng), [Ordinary] masks ('bag) and [as] lion-cups (seng phrug), the dancers [made their performance], 1321 [And thereby] presented offerings [of such entertainment] in the king's presence (rgyal po 'i sku la). Thus, everybody, ruler and subjects [alike], Could not help (rang dbang me4 [their] bodies [brimming] with joy; The[ir] steps of dancing resembled the rain[-drops] [falling] from segment. One inconsistency (among many, no doubt) should here be recorded, since the name of the place probably first came into being with or after the completion of bSam-yas. But in BZH, as referred to above, the place is recorded prior to the erection of bSam-yas. 1321 Cf. similarly HBCHBY (JA) 101a6-7 and ad 527 supra. What most probably is meant: Dancers are dressed out with huge masks illustrating these animals, although it remains to be settled what kind of hybrid a yak-lion actually looks like. Cf. also Richardson, 1993, p. 106. Another possibility, though less likely, is that it may refer to some animal trainers displaying their trained animals. heaven ; [Their ecstatically] happy mood rendered the control over [their] senses impossible (dran 'dzin med); Each and everyone sang a song of rejoice (mos pa'i glu); The Divine Ruler of Man (mi j e lha)1322having acted accordingly, The DharmarZtja Khri-srong lde-btsan Rose from his throne [studded] with precious stones And sang the song of the king's joy (rgyal po dgyes pa 'i glu): This my dBu-rtse rigs-gsum [main-chapel], Made from the five [kinds ofJ precious stones, Does not appear built my human hand], but appears [self-]originated; [This] most wonderous chapel of mine Indeed, merely by beholding [it] [one] cheers; Indeed, therefore, the mind is content; Having taken the continent of Puwavideha as model, These three chapels in the eastern direction [were raised], Made from the five [kinds ofJ precious stones, Do not appear to be built m y human hand], but appear [self-]originated; [These] most wonderous chapels of mine, Indeed, merely by beholding [them] [one] cheers; Indeed, therefore, the mind is content; Having taken the [continent ofl Jambudvipa as model, These three chapels in the southern direction [were raised], Made from the five [kinds ofJ precious stones, Do not appear to be built my human hand], but appear [self-]originated; [These] most wonderous chapels of mine, Indeed, merely by beholding [them] [one] cheers; Indeed, therefore, the mind is content; Haven taken the [continent ofJ Aparagodhiya as model, These three chapels in the western direction [were raised], Made from the five [kinds ofl precious stones, They do not appear to be built m y human hand], but appear [self-] originated; [These] most wonderous chapels of mine, Indeed, merely by beholding [them] [one] cheers; Indeed, therefore, the mind is content; Having taken the [continent ofJ Uttarakuru as model, These three chapels in the northern direction [were raised], Made from the five [kinds ofJ precious stones. They do not appear to be built m y human hand], but appear [self-] originated; 1322 Cf. note 529 supra. 1323 KTHDNG (GA) Chap. 3, 235.2-234.13: The thirteen joyous songs (dga ba'i glu) of the king (consisting, as here, of thirteen nine-syllabic quatrains) differ markedly from the present version in GLR. Two lines from the first quatrain are found also by 0-rgyan gling-pa, 235.17-18; CHBYMTNYP 326b3. phese] most wonderous chapels of mine, Indeed, merely by beholding [them] [one] cheers; Indeed, therefore, the mind is content; These my two Yaksa-[chapels], upper and lower, Resemble the sun risen [high] in the sky, These my three chapels of my consorts, .. laid out; Resemble a turquoise[-coloured] mandala This my white cairya, Resembles a white conch wounded to the right (daksindvntddrtkha); .. . This my red caitya, Resembles a flame shooting up towards the heaven (gnam la bsnyeg pa); This my blue cairya, Resembles a turquoise[-coloured] pillar erected; This my black caitya, Resembles an iron-nail driven into the ground; [These] my most wonderous caitya-s Indeed, merely by beholding [them] [one] cheers; Indeed, therefore, the mind is content; Suchlike songs of joy [were sung]. Devendra [lha dbang, i.e. ~akra,ruler of the devaloka] of Trayastrimk, Taking the songs of the gods as pattern, Sang [the song] called 'the Turquoise-House [with] the Golden Throne' (g.yu khang gser khri); The Divine Son (devaputra) [Prince] Mu-ne btsan-po Sang [the song] called 'The Lamp of the World' ('jig rten sgron me); The divine Son (devaputra) Mu-tig btsan-po, Sang [the song] called 'the Exalted Lion' (seng ge 'gying The queens sang [their] songs: [The song] called 'the Whirling Turquoise-lake' (g.yu mtsho 'khyil ba) [they1 sang; [The song] called 'A Twig [with] Turquoise[-coloured] Leaves' (g.yo lo [= lo 'dab, lo ma] lcug phran) [they] sang; The chaplains (mchod gnas) sang songs: The Abbot Bodhisattva [~&~taraksita] Sang [the song] called 'The white Rosary of Meditation' (sgam [ = sgom] [ lphreng dkar po); The Teacher [Padmasambhava] Sang [the song] called 'Suppressing the lha 'dre creatures' (lha 'dre zil gnon) ; 1324 KTHDNG (GA) Chap. 4, 236.14 merely states that he sang thousand songs. 1325 According to BZH (Chin. ed. 32.6-7) the abbot explained a man ngag Ira Da'iphreng ba to twentyone chosen persons at the royal palace of Brag-dmar 'Om-bu-tshal. Cf. also MBNTH 99a2-3. 1s it an allusion to this? Corroborated in KTHDNG (GA) Chap. 4, 236.14-15: sgom phreng dkar Po and HBCHBY (JA) 101b6. The Learned ~ a i r o c a n a ' ~ ~ ~ Sang [the song] called 'The modulating Notation' (dbyan s ig khug pa); Nam-mkha'i snying-po, the monk (ban [de])of g ~ u b s l Sang [the song] called 'the Garuda Soaring in the Sky' (mkha' la khyung lding);1328 rGyal-mchog, the celibate (btsun pa, bhadanta) of ~ ~ a n - l a m ' ~ ~ ~ Sang [the song] called 'The haughty Voice ('gying dbyangs) of Hayagfiva ;1330 The learned dPal-bzang [ofJ Sang [the song] called 'All Happy Glory' (skyid pa'i dpal dgu); The ministers sang [their] songs: The great Religious Minister (chos blon chen po) old (rgan) ' ~ 0 s ' ~ ~ ~ Sang [the song] called 'the White Straight Tree' (drang shing dkar ba); l7 1326 Vairocana of [s]Pa-gor. On this person, cf. e.g. CHBYMTNYP passim ab 341b2ff. (s.v. Meizezahl, index); MBNTH 117b4; GBCHBY 302. lff. passim; CHBY 141bl-3, 157b3; KTHDNG (NGA) 403.14. Cf. note 1205. 1327 Or rather of sNubs. On this figure, cf. e.g. CHBYMTNYP pussim ab 334alff. (s.v. Meizezahl index); GBCHBY 304.16, 332.20, 357.21-358.1, 358.8, 367.3; NGTMTPH 12a4 (Uebach, pp. 110-111); CHBY 15la6, 157b6, 159a2; KTHDNG (NGA) 403.15; (CA) 482.10. His f i r n u uncertain, while he is registered to have been active under different kings, including his assistance to IHa-lung, who committed regicide, cf. Nyang-ral, 474b4. 1328 KTHDNG (GA), Chap. 4, p. 236,15: Sang five songs of love ( b y a m pa 'i glu Lnga). 1329 1.e. ffiyal-ba mChog-dbyangs; GBCHBY 358.1-2: He rose the ~ r ~ a - ~sgom a l o grva; CHBY 141b3, 149a2-3, 157bl. Counted as one of the seven first ordained monks (sad mi mi bdun). Cf. note 1206 supra. 1330 KTHDNG (GA) Chap. 4, 236.20: He sang the song [onldenoted] 'unsullied passion' ('dodpa zag m4. 1331 Perhaps a mistake for dPal-dbyangs, alias Khri-bzher Sang-shi-ta of sBa, but then not of the Cog-ro clan, cf. the notes 859, 1302. Or should we read dPal gyi seng-ge of Cog-ro, cf. Karmay, 1988, p. 78, n. 10. Alternatively, it could be a distortion of Cog-m sKyes-bzang [rGyal-gong]? cf. BZH (Stein ed. 8.11, Chin. ed. 9.18-19); CHBYMTNYP 294a1; MBNTH 88b4-5; CHBY 139b4, but according to these testimonies, he was one of the anti-Buddhist ministers who had a sudden death already prior to the erection of bSam-yas; cf. note 504 supra. 1332 mGosI'Gos rgan. Cf. BZH (Stein ed. 13.5, 14.7, 14.10: 'Gos rgan, 28.7: blon 'Gos rgan, 29.7, 50.5, 53.5,65.10, Chin. ed. 16.14, 17.3-12, 18.19: 'Gos rgan, 35.4, 35.15-20,58.11,62.8,82.6); CHBYMTNYP 439b1: 'Gos rgan dPal 'Gar gung-btsan, and 467b6-468a1: Ghos [ = 'Gos] rgan dPal dang ma gu snyan [ = 'ImGar gung btsan?] dang Khri-bzang yal-lhag (two persons); MBNTH 100a2-3, 117b5-6, 120a6, 140b2-3; KTHZGM (Chap. XXV, 151.2); NGTMTPH 5a7-bl (Uebach, pp. 72-75, n. 272); CHBY 4 0 6 ; HBCHBY (JA) 102a1, l l 2 d . In the Annals @p. 56, 60): Blon Khri-bzang; C3rronicle (102.6): mGos Khri-bzang yab-lag. As adduced in the next note, it remains to be settled whether 'Gos rgan [with the name: dPal 'Gar gung-btsan] and Khri-bzang yab-lhag are one or two persons. Minister 'Gos rgan was nevertheless a leading minister, active, in particular, during the first phase of the reign of king Khri-srong Idebtsan. He is in the literature portrayed as a pro-Buddhist minister responsible for eliminating the anti-Buddhist minister Ma-zhang Grom-pa-skyes (cf. note 1183). In deference to his pro-Buddhist activities, he is usually listed (as the sixth out) of seven wise ministers of the dynastic period (cf. Uebach, p. 73), cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 112a7-b6. Cf. next note. The son [of his, i.e.1 Yab-lhag ~ h r i - b z a n ~ l ~ ~ ~ Sang [the song called] 'The Miraculous Key [to] mDzangs-yig' (mdzangs yig 'phrul gyi lde mig); dPal gyi seng-ge of ~ h u d - ~ h u ' ~ ~ ~ Sang [the song] called 'Little Goose, Long Turquoise' (Ngur-chung g.yurings); 1335 General (dmag dpon) 1Ha-bzang k l ~ - d ~ a l ' ~ ~ ~ Sang [the song] called 'Great Sesame Small Sesame' (zar chen zar chung); Nyang-bzang Zhang-po ~ h r i - r ~'337 ~al 1333 Metathesis for Khri-bzang yab-lhag. The question remains whether minister mGos/'Gos rgan (the old) and mGos/'Gos Khri-bzang yab-lhag are one and the same person or not, as claimed in GLR. A fair measure of conflation has from the outset prevailed, as may e.g. be reflected by dPa'-bo, who on one side quotes BZH (Chin. ed. 36.5: Blon Khri bzang), but in loco (BZH cited HBCHBY op. cit. 90b3, renders mGos rgan). On the other hand, similar to GLR, while quoting here bKa'i Thang-yig chen-mo, itself an old witness of considerable authority, dPal-bo renders them as two distinct individuals. 1.e. behind the name 'Gos Khri-bzang yab-lhag, a father (senior, rgan) and son (junior, sras) carrying the same name could arguably be concealed. CHBYMTNYP 350b5 registers minister Khri-bzang yab-hag, to be distinguished from mGos-rgan dPal 'Gar-gung-btsan (cf. previous note). The name-element Yab-lhag means incidentally 'the superior Father', which may allude to the great feats of the father which brought fame and influence to the clan. And as such the name Yab-lhag could equally well have been camed by the son. Now, Myang chos-'byung (Chin. ed., 1983,77.9-14) singles out one 'Gos Khri-bzang, given in full as Khri-'bring khang-bzang, by purporting that he is the father of 'Gos Padma gung-btsan and finally adduces that 'Gos Khri-bzang yab-lhag is the grandfather. In sum, the fact that Nyang-ral and bKa'i Thang-yig chen-mo, two very old witnesses, unmistakably distinguish between a father and a son of 'Gos must carry some weight and compel us to assume their distinct identity. It is however not confirmed in 0-rgyan gling-pa's minister-list: KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 3, 437.3-5: Three ministers of the 'Gos-clan active during the dynasty, i.e. Khri-bzang yab-lhag, Yang-gong bla-ma and 1Ha Gro-gro; (CA) 490.3-5. 1334 Cf. note 1299. 1335 KTHDNG (GA) Chap. 2, 233.15, 234.18-235.1 : Two quatrains quoted, which differ. There he is listed as a sngags pa, not blon po. HBCHBY (JA) 102al reads Dung-chung g.yu-rings, 'Little Conch and Long Turquoise', altogether a better reading. 1336 Of the Tshe[s]-spong clan. Cf. NGTMTPH 14a4-5 (Uebach, pp. 118-119); HBCHBY (JA) 101a1, 130a4, he is listed as one of the ministers present when the sKar-chung edict was sworn in, cf. also Uebach, n. 683. KTI-IDNG (CA) Chap. 19, 490.13-15. He is also mentioned in the De-ga manuscript, cf. Szerb, 1983, p. 378, where Szerb identifies the names in the song, i.e. Zar-hen and Zar-chung as names of temples raised by him, see also Richardson, 1952, p. 41. This has to be substantiated further. Cf, also note 1478 inpa. 1337 Also Zhang Nyang-bzangs. Cf. note 1222supra. BZH (Steined. 13.4, 14.2, 15.4, Chin. ed. 16.1416, 17.22, 22.5, 34.13, 36.16: Zhang sNya-bzang); NGTMTPH 10a7 (Uebach, pp. 110-101): Zhang Nyang-bzangs, and 10b3: Zhang rGyal-nyen Nya-bzangs, so also CHBY 145al. If we make an equation between Nyang-bzang Zhang-po Khri-rgyal and Zhang rGyal-nyen Nyan-bzang it appears that this minister became enrolled as monk. KTHDNG (CA) 490.22-491.1 : Zhang gi Nyabzang; HBCHBY (JA) 101a2. This minister participated, according to a Buddhist version (BZH Stein ed. 27.14), in the Bon-Buddhist Contest ('gran), which most likely took place in 759 A.D. dPal-bo reads seng ge 'gril chen in lieu of seng ge 'grel chen. We may tentatively suggest an emendation: seng ge 'gying can. Sang [the song] called 'the Great Commentary [to] the Lion' (seng ge 'grel chen)?; sBas [s]Kyi[d]-bstan dpal-legs1338 Sang [the song] called 'the Sixty-ei ht Wishes' ('dod pa re brgyad); Khyung-po Dum-tshugs of m ~ a r l ~ Sang [the song] called 'the Soarin Vulture' (bya rgod Ming ba); rDo-rje sPrel-chung of mChims 1381 Sang [the song] called 'The Memorandum-Song of mChimsl (mchims &yi brjed glu); rGyal-tsha 1Ha-snang of s ~ a - n a m l ~ ~ l Sang [the song] called 'The Supreme Godly Cedar-tree' (1Ha-shug gongma); Khri 'Bring 1Ha-'od k h ~ [ ~ ] - c h o s ' ~ ~ ~ sang [the song called] 'Superior, Mediocre and Inferior, the Three mDochod ' (mdo chod rub 'bring tha gsum); Khri-bzang yang-bon of g~yags1343 Sang [the song] called 'The Permeation of the Moon-Light' (zla 'od khyab gdal); sTag-sgra Klu-gong of Li [ = ~ ~ a n - ] l a m ' ~ ~ Sang [the song] called 'The Six-headed Iron-Snake' (lcags sbrel [= sprel] gdong drug); All the principal ones (gtso bo; nobility?) sang songs: Sang [the song called] 'the Wonderous Golden Flower' (ya mtshan gser gyi me tog); The [unmarried] young men (stag sang [their] songs, Sang [the song] called 'the Tiger-mountain Ninefold Piled up' (stag ri I 1338 Probably a contraction of two name for the same minister: sBas Cang dPal gyi legs-bzang [alias] 'Bal sKyid-thag ring-po. So GLR: sBas Kyi [ = sKyid] bstan [ = thag] bzang dPal-legs [ = dPal gyi legs-bzang]. Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 10la2 and for details, note 507 supra. 1339 Cf. similarly HBCHBY (JA) 101a2. BZH (Stein ed. 27.15, Chin ed. 34.16) records one rTsis-pa Khyung-po Dum-tshugs, listed as pro-Bon participant in the Bon-Buddhist contest (cf. Appendix, note 1186). Also corroborated by Bon sources, where one Kyung-po sTag-sgra Don-gtsug is recorded as Bon saint (one of twenty famed Bon scholars) and as participant in the above dispute, cf. Karmay, 1972, pp. 26, 42, 89. The Khyung-clan was in fact reputed as Bon adherents and champions. Otherwise unidentified. The reference to the mGar clan in GLR remains enigmatic. 1340 Cf. note 1306. 1341 Cf. note 1302 supra. 1342 CHBYMTNYP 350b6: Khri-'bring lha-'od; KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 19, 490.15-17: blon po Khri'bring Iha-'od; HBCHBY (JA) 102a3: Khri-'bring IHa-'od Khu-lud. Not to be identified with the famous mGar general Khri-'bring btsan-brod, the son of mGar stong-btsan yul-bzung, who was minister and general under the kings Mang-srong mang-btsan and 'Dus-srong. He may however be identical with Shud-pu Khri-'bring khong-btsan, minister under MU-ne btsan-po, cf. GBCHBY 359.19. 1343 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 102a3. 1.e. Khri-bzang yang-ston of Nyang, cf. note 518 for details. 1344 Cf. note 1181 and 1304 supra. 1345 The term stag shar, 'emerged as tigers' is an euphemism for a young (unmarried) man (= skyes pa dar ma). dgu brrsegs) ; The nuns (mo btsun) sang songs, [They] sang [the song] called ' A Rosary of Flower' (me tog 'phreng ba); ' ~ ~[their] ~ songs, The [unmarried] young women (sman s h ~ r ) sang Sang [the song] called 'The long Tale' (Grong zer ring mo) Further [details] cannot be mentioned (bjod kyis mi lung); 1347 [But] for one full year-cycle [i.e. twelve years] Each and every person sang songs [out of joy].Ig4' In [this] period of happiness, the extend of bliss was prolonged (dpal gyi 'dom brkyangs), and [the Tibetan people] enjoyed a blissful [period] of joy, happiness and felicity. Benefit and happiness permeated all directions like the rays of the sun and moon for a period of one [full] year-cycle [i.e. twelve years]. The king then spoke:'349 "When in this [very] life [you] want to strive for Liberation and Enlightenment, then the happiness and felicity of this [very] life too [must] certainly be deceiving! " Wishing, [accordingly], to spread and to disseminate the Teachin of Buddha [in Tibet], [the king] invited many savants such as pandita Vimalamitra13'~ from India. ITse-mangs Translating lotstshd ba-s [such as] Vairocana, l3'' the ~ashmirianAnanda, [ofl l ~ a n - m a , ' ~Ku-m2-ra '~ [ofJ s ~ ~ adcdrya ~ sRin-chen , ~ mChog ~ ~ [ofJ ~ r ~ a , ' ~Klu'i " 1346 The term sman shar or rather dman shar, i.e. 'emerged as lower [rebirth] ', denotes, parallel to stag shar, a young, unmarried woman (bud med dar ma). 1347 1.e. for lack of space and to avoid verbosity. 1348 CHBYMTNYP 336b6-327al; KTHDNG (GA) Chap. 4, 238.1-3; GBYTSH 131b4-6; HBCHBY (JA) 102~15:dPa'-bo adds the following quatrain: O rta res hang re brgyags pa yin I U shing re'i rtse la dar re phyar I I skyid pa 'i dpal gyi 'dom brkyang ste I I dga' bde'i dpal la longs spyod byas I These sources mention that the ballads were sung daily for thirteen years after the inauguration of bSam-yas at the lake of mTsho-mo-mgullmgur. 1349 This citation is lacking from other versions, possibly it is gleaned from the bSam-yas Ka-gt~igs chen-rno, the basic source for this section, cf. note 1379. 1350 Cf. e.g. CHBYMTNYP 347b5; 354a2-356b6 (on the invitation) er passim; GBCHBY 3 18.3-4ff; HBCHBY (JA) 127a3ff. He was a crucial figure, renown for the paternity and initial spread of rDzogs-cben and in particular the sNying-thig cycle, cf. most conveniently Ehrhard, 1990, passim. 1351 Cf. note 1205 supra. 1352 Cf. also note 1186supra. Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 16.10-12, Chin. ed. 20.14-16); C H B Y m P 421b4: Kha-che sKyes-bzang gyi hla ma A nanta; GBCHBY 301.19; NGTMTPH lob3 (Uebach, pp. 102- 103); CHBY 140b2-3. Cf. also Simonsson, 1957, p. 243. 1353 Cf. e.g. CHBYMTNYP 358a2,421b3: Lo-tsH-ba'i mChan-bu 'Dan-ma rTse-mang; PMKTH Chap. 99, 534.16-17; KTHDNG (NGA) 404.7. Cf. Haarh, 1960. 1354 Cf. note 1124 supra. Cf. here CHBYMTNYP 358a2 et passim. 1355 Cf. note 1207 supra. Cf. here CHBYMTNYP 354a3, 358a2 er passim. dbang-po [srung-ba] [ofl ' K h ~ n . [and] ' ~ ~ ~[s]Ka-ba dPal-brtregs [of ' B ~ O ] , ' ~ Klu'i ~ ' rgyalmtshan [ofl ~ o ~ - rand o 'bande ~ ~ Zhang ~ Ye-shes-sde [ofl s ~ a - n a m ' ~etc. ' ~ functioned as translators. Taking up residence in [the chapel ofl sGra-bsgyur rGya-gar- ling, the three [Buddhist] baskets (sde srtodgsum, tripitaku) were translatad into Tibetul.*13' A community for the congregation (dge 'dun gyi sde) was established, whereby the Teaching of Buddha spread and disseminated like the sun. Then the entire Tibetan population observed the law of the ten wholesome acts, whereby [they] became endowed with happiness and felicity. [XIQ [The bSam-yas Debate] Thereupon, the Abbot (mkhan po) Bodhisattva [santaraksita] declared: 'Since the Teacher Padmasambhava has bound the twelve brtan ma[-spirits] by oath, [the doctrine ofl the heretics (mu stegs pa, trrthika) will not come to Tibet. In a future time, [nevertheless,] a period will come with conflicting internal [schism] and [doctrinal] views (Ita ba, drsti) [within Buddhism] (nang pa dung Ira ba mi mrhun pa 'i dm). When that time [comes], in;;& (gdan drongs shig) my pupil named KamalaSlla! [He] is going to unite these [dissenting] 1356 Cf. note 1208 supra. Cf. CHBYMTNYP 421b4-5. 1357 1.e. [s]Ka-ba dPal-brtsegs of the 'Bro (ethnonym for the Chinese Mo-lu clan); Cf. e.g. CHBYMTNYP 354b2, 358a1, 359a5 et parsim (s. v. Meizezahl index); NCTMTPH I 1a1 , 1 1b3, 15b5; CHBY 142a4, 157b5; DTHMP 17bl; HBCHBY (JA) 124b6, 125a3, cf. also Simonsson, 1957, p. 217. A prolific translator of mainly exoteric writings, who played an important role as compiler of the Mahivyutpatti. 1358 Cf. e.g. CHBYMTNYP 354a3,358al, 359b6-360al etpussim (s.v. Meizezahl index); NGTMTPH 1la5-6, 1lb3; CHBY 152a4, 157b5; DTHMP 17b2; HBCHBY (JA) 123b6-7, 125a3. Famous translator inter alia recorded for his translations of bKa '-brgyad, bKa '-brgyad yongrdzogs and texts on drag sngags to prevent lightning and hail (thog ser). 1359 Often also Jiiinasena. Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 73.5-6): CHBYMTNYP 358a1, 454a1-2 et passim (s.v. Meizezahl index); NCTMTPH I l a l , l lb3, 15b6; CHBY 145a3, 157b5; DTHMP 17al; HBCHBY (JA) 125a3-4. 1360 *gloss: Nine translators are universally known: 7he early group of three (snga tshar gsum), the intermediate group of three (bar tshar gsum) and the later group of three (phyi tshar gswn). Cf. e.g. GBCHBY 301 .18-302.6: Lo tsP ba che 'bring chung ba gsum; che gsum: Zhang Sebtsan Iha-na [sic], rBa Ratna, Shud-pu Khong-slebs; 'bring gsum: IHa-lung Klu-gong, Bran-ka Legskhong, 'Go-bong Yul-gong; chung gsum: [Dan-ma rtse-rmang, 'Gos sNya-bzang and Lo Khyichung. Cf. also differently HBCHBY (JA) 125a3-4: rgan gsum: Vairocana, IDan-ma rtse-nnang, Kha-che ~ n a n t a ;bar p a gsum: gNyags Jiiiina Kumara, Khon Klu'i dbang-po and rMa Rin-chenmchog; gzhon gsum: Ka-ha dPal-brtsegs, Cog-ro Klu'i rgyal-mtshan and Zhang Ye-shes-sde. 1361 The direct wording of this citation is partly retained in Bu-ston, and, as always, by dPa'-bo. A contextual parallel is found in BZH (Stein ed. 56.1-6; Chin. ed. 66.6-12) = HBCHBY (JA) 115b57; CHBYMTNYP 427b3-428a3 and MBNTH 122a5-b3: Here Ye-shes dbang-po quotes slightly lengthier Bodhisattva's testament which corresponds to the passage in GLR; MBNTH 120b2-3; CHBY 142a5-6; YLJBCHBY 61.12- 16; HBCHBY (JA) l l3a4-6. We have reason to assume that the basic source for this part of the bSam-yas narrative is bSam-yas kyi [h]Ka[']-tshigschen-mo. views! " , whereafter he passed into nirvdna. The king [Khri-srong Ide-btsan] thereupon a inted Ye-shes as the in accordance with the abbot's [chief) Dhuma-representative (chor @i ring lugs),lf'and, [i.e. SSntaraksita's] prediction, the monk (ha shang, i.e. heshang) ~ a h ~ ~ iamved n a 'in ~ ~ ~ Tibet from the country of China and so [Buddhism] manifested [itself in] two [branches]: the so-called s ~ o n - m i n - ~and a ' ~the ~ ~~ s e n - m i n - ~ a , [both ' ~ ~ ' representatives of] the view (Ira 1362 BZH (Stein ed. 53.9-1 1, Chin. ed. 62.15-16); CHBYMTNYP 424b4-6; MBNTH 120bl-2; CHBY 142a6; GBYTSH 133bl-2; HBCHBY (JA) 113a6, 114a3. As adduced by these sources ~antaraksitawas severely wounded when he was kicked in the head by a horse (dbu la rra 'phra ba brgyab). Prior to his passing (in 797 A.D.), he had in beforehand handed over his testament to Ye-shes dbang-po. He was buried behind Has-po-ri at bSam-yas. 1363 BZH (Stein ed. 53.11,54.2-3,55.5-6 55.14, Chin. ed. 61 .8,20-3,62.16, 63.22,64.10,72.20-22); CHBYMTNYP 425al-3,438bl-5; MBNTH 120a2; CHBY 140a3, 140b1, 141b2; HBCHBY (JA) 113a7, 113b2, 114a6, 114b3 etc. Ye-shes dbang-po (Jiianendra) of sBas is according to an interlinear gloss in BZH (Chin. ed. 64.16) identical with sBa Ratna, i.e. sBa gSal-snang, an ardent supporter of the tenets of the Indian scholar KamalaSila, cf. note 1203 supra. But this equation is not shared by other Tibetan historians, judged from their descriptions of the period and it ultimately remains to be substantiated. Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP 425al-427a6, MBNTH 121al-6 and dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 114b4-115a1, 1 15a6-b3, provide detailed reports as to how Ye-shes dbang-po prior to the Debate fled due to religious opposition and settled down temporarily in the cave of mKhar-chu-btsan of IHo-brag. Only after repeated requests did he return to attend the Debate. For his role at the Debate, cf. most conveniently Ruegg, 1989, pp. 60ff. 1364 BZH (Stein ed. 53.1 1-13, Chin. ed. 62.16-19): Ye shes dbang po ring lugs su bskos; CHBYMTNYP 425a1-3: Ye shes dbang po chos dpon du ring lugs bskos; MBNTH 120b2-4; DCHBY 131.10-19; YLJBCHBY 61.16-17; HBCHBY (JA) 113a7. For the term ring lugs, cf. Petech, Glosse, p. 270; Samten Karmay, 1988, p. 77; Ruegg, 1989, p. 60. It is thus glossed with chos dpon, dharma-leader or chief monk. Those carrying the title bcom Man 'das kyi ring lugs were in fact abbots of bSam-yas. A slob [ = chos] dpon ring lugs or chief representative received, as delineated in the above sources, as salary each month seventy[-five] khal of barley, compared to a leader of a college (chos grva), who received thirty-five ditto, whereas an ordinary novice (chos slob pa) was accorded twelve measures of barley each month. 1365 1.e. the teacher (hva shang, ho shang, upcidhydya) Mahi y5-na (i.e. Mo-ho-yen). The Chinese protagonist of the quietist Dhy5na or Chan Buddhism. Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 54.5-6, Chin. ed. 64.1 1- 12); CHBYMTNYP 426a4; MBNTH 121a3; NGTMTPH 10b6; CHBY 142blW, HBCHBY (JA) 113blff. The literature on the Chinese representative and his teaching is already enormous, cf. foremost the studies by Kimura, Obata, Imaeda, Ueyama and Gomez. 1366 Also written [sjtonltun minlmun [pa], derived from Chinese: dun-men [pail, i.e. the simultaneist (cig c[h]ar ba), or simultaneous engagement ([glcig c[h]ar gyis 'jug pa) of the Chinese Master heshang Mo-ho-yen. Most of the basic sources for the Debate have retained an almost similarworded pseudo-etymological explanation of the term, cf. BZH (Stein ed. 54.12-13, Chin. ed. 64.1819) = HBCHBY 115a3; CHBYMTNYP 426a6-bl ; MBNTH 121a5-6. Cf. also NGTMTPH CHBY 144b2 (Bu-ston cited by BZH Stein ed. 54.10-12); HBCHBY (JA) 119b5; DTHZHG 66.914. Cf. foremost DemiCville, 1952, p. 19; Stein, 1971, pp. 1-30; Uebach, 1987, p. 103, n. 473; Ruegg, 1989, p. 63 et pussim. 1367 Also Ibrlrseln] minlmun [pa], derived from Chinese:jian-men [pail, i.e. the gradualist (rim gyis pa) ba, darSana, drsti) of the Middle Path (dbu ma, rnadhymda). [The two parties] dis u t d while [they could not agree internal[ly within Buddhism] and on [doctrinal] views. 136g At that point, in accordance with the abbot's testament, Ye-shes dbang- invited the learned Kamalama [from India via Nepal], who eventually arrived in Tibet. lg When [he] approached the shore [at the foot] of the mountain direct opposite [to bSam-yas], ha-shang [MahByiha], having arrived at the hither shore [nearest to bSam-yas], spoke:'370 "I have come to receive the arriving pandita. " ~ a m a l a ~ i l a[on , ' ~his ~ ~side] saw the ha-shang approaching and thought [to himselfl that if this ha-shang possesses [the faculty ofl logic (rigs pa, yukri, nyaya), then I shall definitely conquer [him], but if not [I] shall not me able] to triumph over [him]. In order to test the ha-shang's logic, Kamalama brandished his staff @hyag shing) trice around [his] head in order to signalize by gesture the question: "What is the cause for roaming around in the transmigratory cycle (samsdra) of the three spheres (Wuuns gswn 'khor bar 'khyam pa 'i rgyu)?". This was observed by ha-shang Ih.lahBy&~a] and in order to give an answer saying: "The cause for roaming about in the transmigratory cycle stems from the object-subject dichotomization (gzung 'dzin gnyis lar byung)", [he] took hold of the tail of his cloak (bar gyi thu ba) and threw [it] twice to the ground. phis] made KamalaSlla think [to himself] that the ha-shang was [indeed] endowed with [the faculty] of logic, wherefore 1 shall [be able] to subdue [him], [a thought] which [made] him rejoice greatly. Thereupon [he] amved at bSam-yas where the king said: 1372 "I am greatly devoted to the Teaching of Buddha, wherefore [I] have erected a temple with [its] precincts (sde skor) and invited pandita-s from India. phey] have translated and systematized properly all the books (chos) $the Tripitaka. [I] have established communities for the congregation (dge 'dun gyi sde) and although the intention in [the Buddhist] Dharma (chos) is unanimous (gcig tu mthun pa), after ha-shang had arrived from China, [withlin the Dharma (chos) the [doctrinal] views have been split without [any] agreement [to be found]. So the learned Kamalama has been invited. As it is unsuitable (mi 'ongs par) with two teachers for one or the gradual engagement (rim g y k 'jug pa) of the Indian mKhan-po KamalaSlla. The basic sources have retained a pseudo-etymological explanation of the term, cf. BZH (Stein ed. 54.13-16, Chin. ed. 64.19-65.1) = HBCHBY 115a3-4; CHBYMTNYP 427a1-2; MBNTH 121a6-b2; cf. also NGTMTPH 10b6; CHBY 144b2 (cited by BZH Stein ed. 54.10-12); HBCHBY (JA) 1 19b5. Cf. previous note. 1368 The literature on the bSam-yas Debate is by now enormous. Suffice it to refer to the pioneering study by DemiCville and, most recently and cogently, Ruegg, 1989. Houston, 1980, has compiled a handy source-book employing the standard Tibetan historiographical sources. It is as such useful, but should be quoted with caution due to a number of cases of faulty transcriptions and translations. 1369 BZH (Stein ed. 56.12-13, Chin. ed. 66.22-67.1) = HBCHBY 116a4; CHBYMTNYP 428a4-5; MBNTH 123al-2; NGTMTPH 10b7; CHBY 143al; HBCHBY (JA) 115b7. 1370 This direct citation is lacking from other sources, but cf. parallel: BZH (Stein ed. 56.12-14, Chin. ed. 66.22-67.1) = HBCHBY (JA) 116a4-5: KamalaSila first arrived at [the palace of] Rlung-tshugs (cf. also note 1193 supra), whereafter the Tibetan court went to welcome his arrival at the bank of gTsang-poIBrahmaputra (chab Mar; chab is zhe so for 'water', and a synonym for gTsang-po) followed by Hva-shang and his retinue. Cf. also briefer CHBYMTNYP 428b6. 1371 A parallel to the following passage is found, somewhat briefer, in BZH (Stein ed. 56.14-16, Chin. ed. 67.1-5) = HBCHBY (JA) 116a5-6. 1372 This passage is lacking from other versions, but a briefer parallel is retained in BZH (Stein ed. 57.5-14, Chin. ed. 67.12-68.9) = HBCHBY (JA) 116bl-6; CHBY 143a2-3. teaching[-system], [therefore] conduct a Debate on arguments ([b[s]gros gleng gi nsod pa)1373in order to [re-establish] unity in the intention of [the Teaching] of Buddha Bhagavat! The vanquished must strew flowers to the one being victorious [in] the Debate, [and the triumphator on his side] [should] abstain from [showing] any arrogance!" For [this purpose] a great throne was prepared in the [chapel ofJ Sems-bskyed Byang~ h u b - ~ l i nwhere ~ , ' ~the ~ ~king was seated in the middle, ha-shang, the chief [Chinese competitor] and [his] disciples (dpon [dung] slob[ ma]) were seated to the right and KamalaSila, the chief [Indian competitor] and [his] disciples were seated to the left. When they had disputed, the learned KamalaSila turned out victorious, ha-shang accepted [his] defeat and strewed flowers [to the feet of the victor].1375 Thereupon, when ha-shang [MahBy2na] set out for China again, one of [his] boots was left behind in Tibet, wherefore ha-shang [Mahiiyiina] proclaimed: 1376 "There are [after all] still [going to be] some adherents of my doctrine in Tibet." Thus, the learned pandita-s came from India and the king acted as patron (yon bdag, ddnapati). The king decreed: "[Everybody] should turn to Buddhism, [the doctrine] which has been translated and systematized by the learned translators!" The learned ones [brought] harmony in the intent [of Buddha's Teaching], [causing] the spread and dissemination of the Holy Law (Saddharma). 1373 GLR A: sgrogs lens(?), B: sgrogs gling; rather than reading sgrogs gleng [mdzad pa], albeit feasible, we should possibly construe the proper reading as bgro or gros gleng, to 'contend and argue [in debate]'. 1374 Cf. more detailed and verbatim BZH (Stein ed. 57.1-5, Chin. ed. 67.6-13) = CHBYMTNYP 429al-4 = MBNTH 123a3-4 (briefer) = HBCHBY (JA) 116a6-bl; cf. also CHBY 143a1-2. For Byang-chub-gling, cf. note 1291. 1375 The strewing of flowers as a gesture of defeat and submission, cf. BZH (Stein ed. 62.2-3, Chin. ed. 72.11-12) = CHBYMTNYP 435a6 = MBNTH 123a5 = HBCHBY (JA) 118b7; cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 116b5-6; CHBY 144a6-bl . For the lengthy and detailed exposition of the Grand Debate, omitted in GLR altogether, cf. almost similar-worded BZH (Stein ed. 57.14-62.3, Chin. ed. 68.9-72.12) = CHBYMTNYP 430a2435a6 = MBNTH 123a5-126b3 = HBCHBY (JA) 116b6-118b7; cf, also CHBY 143a3-144bl (Szerb, pp. 39-41). 1376 This valedictory dictum and prophecy by the Chinese hva-shang is lacking altogether from BZH and other earlier sources, except by Nyang-ral, op. cit. 436bl-3, where the prophetic statement by the ha-shang is put in the mouth of some people (la la), adding that the Chinese master had dispaired and left for his homeland; others, again, claimed that the master had put tire to his own head and (thereby) gone to Sukhavati, others that he had committed suicide by beating his own genitalia. All these rumours are rejected by Nyang-ral as not reflecting reality. A similar, and more detailed, declaration by (another) Chinese h[v]a-shang is retained in BZH, only it is not related to H[v]a-shang MahHyHna or to the present episode of the bSam-yas Debate, cf. Appendix, note 1094, ad suhnote 17 for further discussions. While this piece of information is also retained in Nyang-ral, it remains to be settled whether Bla-ma dam-pa is responsible for this piece of literary garbling, or whether this statement verily originates from e.g, the non-extant bSam-yas [b]Ka[']-tshigs chen-mo. BZH (Stein ed. 62.16-63.1, Chin. ed. 76.8-9); CHBYMTNYP 435b5-6, MBNTH 126b3; BZH records that the Chinese master erected a gtsug lag khang and again returned to China, whereas Nyang-ral purports that he went to Vajrisana in India, not China. CHBY 144b2 merely states that he returned to China and his writings were collected and treasury-buried [in Tibet], also maintained by Nyang-ral, 436a5. [Thereupon] the prince Mu-ne btsan-po was commissioned [with] the royal power, 1377 whereafter the father went to the royal palace of sMyug-ma-mkhar [in] ~ u n ~ - m k h aand r~~~* took up residence there. The [above] data are [only] an abbreviated outline, [should you] wish for a detailed [exposition] [you] may look up in the bSam-yas kyi bKa'-gtsigs ~ h e n - m o ! ' ~ ' ~ Thus king Khri-srong Ide-btsan passed away at ~ u n ~ - m k h a . r at '~~ the O age of fifty-six in a wood-female-ox year.13" The tomb of his was raised at Mu-ra-ri, Being located to the right side behind the [tomb of] the father The [tomb] being raised by the [king] himself before [he] passed away, Its name being "Phnrl-ri btsug-snang ,1382 It was installed with a rdo-ring [pillar-inscription]at its foot, The tomb was universally known as the 'External Ornamented One'. [So it is] said. 9 1377BZH (Stein ed. 65.3-4, 65.10-11, Chin. ed. 81.22, 82.6-7) = HBCHBY (JA) 126b2; CHBYMTNYP 439b1. 1378 GLR A: sNyag-ma-mkhar. BZH (Stein ed. 65.13, Chin. ed. 82.8) = CHBYMTNYP 439b2-3 = MBNTH 128b4 = HBCHBY (JA) 123al-2, 126b5: He went there to meditate (sgom du gshegs); YLJBCHBY 62.19-63.1 ; NGTMTPH 6a4 (Uebach, pp. 78-8 1): 'Khar-stong-sna of Zung-mkhar; GBYTSH 141b5. Zung-mkhar is, according to Petech, 1967, p. 247, a tributary valley located on the left flank of gTsang-po, west of bsam-yas. Cf. also Tucci, Tombs, p. 79 and his MBT, I, p. 32. Cf. also note 1226 supra. With this statement BZH's main text comes to an end. While just mentioning that the king went to this location to meditate (and not to pass away), BZH thereby convey the impression that it was composed/compiled around 797 A.D. 1379 This source is currently not extant. This title probably reflects one of (the?) earliest and most detailed verions of sBa-bzhed, which however in many points differ from the extant versions of BZH. Cf. the rNam-thar of Rva Lotsiva (as mentioned by Tucci, TPS, I, p. 143: mNga'-bdog Khrisrong Ide 'u-btsan gyi zhal-chem bSam-yas Ka-brtsigs chen-mo ( = the non-extant rGyal-bzhed) . Cf. the introduction and the present book's colophon. 1380 BGR 198b2 = NGTMTPH 6a4 (Uebach, p. 78-79); KTHDNG (NGA) 406.12-13; YLJBCHBY 62.13. Cf. note 1358 supra. 1381 BGR 198b2 (so also in 'Phags-pa Bla-ma's homonymous Bod kyi rgyal-rabs 361a2; = NGTMTPH 6a4 (Uebach, p. 78-79)); GBCHBY 358.10-14; DCHBY 132.16-17: Age fifty-six; DTHMP 18al; YLJBCHBY 62.12-13; but CHBYMTNYP 440a4: Age sixty-six; CHBY 144b3: Age sixty-nine; DTHMPSM 27b6-28al (Tucci, p. 156); HBCHBY (JA) 126b4-127a3, 131a2-3; DTHZHG 66.15-16: He died in an iron-male-dragon year, i.e. 800 A.D. This would correspond to 785 A.D. since he was, according to GLR's own computation (cf. note 1150 supra) born in 730 A.D. It is a mistake for fire-ox, i.e. 797 A.D. His birth date is ascertained. GLR tallies with most sources. 1382 CHBYMTNYP 440a5: At Yar-lung sGyer-pa; GBCHBY 378.9-1 1: 'Phml-ri gtsug-nam; DCHBY 132.17-19; YLJBCHBY 62.14-18; GBYTSH 141b5-6; HBCHBY (JA) 123a2-3; DTHZHG 66.1920. Cf. Panglung, 1988, pp. 340-342. [ X W l [King Mu-ne btsan-pol Prince Mu-ne b t ~ a n - ~ was o ' ~born ~ ~ in Brag-dmar in the water-male-tiger year. At the age of twenty-eight, [he] seized the [reins ofJ power and exerted [full] control over the [entire] kingdom. [He] married the consort Ru-yong[s]-bza' m ~ o - r ~ ~ ap hl e. ' king] ~~~ adhered to [the Buddhist doctrine of] the ten virtuous [deeds] (ddakufala). In order to fulfill the father's intention, [he] instituted offerings by means of [the Baskets of] Vinaya, Abhidharma and Siitra. He connected the baldachins above the four caitya-sanctuaries with the balcony (bya 'dab) atop the Central dBu-rtse Chapel by way of i r o n - c h a i n ~ . Large '~~~ flags and ornaments were hung up and an unmeasurable [amount of] offerings were presented. The king [then] spoke:13*' "The entire Tibetan population must, aside from horse and cattle and [their] weapons, offer whatever other [items] they may possess of goods such as 1383 We do not know how many sons Khri-srong Ide-btsan fathered. The historigraphical tradition usually speaks of three or four: Mu-khri btsan-po, Mu-ne btsan-po, Mu-tig btsan-po and Sad-nalegs, cf. e.g. BGR 197b4; MBNTH 128a4-5, GBCHBY 358.16-17; DCHBY 133.1-3. In the Dunhuang Annaki, one son is registered as being born in the year 760 A.D. (before the Annaki is discontinued). This may obviously allude to Mu-khri btsan-po, who passed away a tender age. The complicated picture illustrating his sons and the nebulous heir-succession is barely clarified by the literature presented. Reading the numerous Tibetan historiographical sources, we are faced with a wealth of discording and confusing data which are almost impossible to penetrate. The number and names of his sons are therefore still largely unresolved. The delineation in GLR of the following royal figures is no exception to this picture. Cf. the survey in Haarh, 1960, pp. 146ff.; Haarh, 1969, pp. 57-60; Karmay, 1972, pp. 102103; Uebach, 1987, p. 81, n. 294; Panglung, 1988, pp. 355-56. For Mu-ne btsan-po's different names, cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 57. 1384 Cf. BGR 198133 and NGTMTPH 6a4 (Uebach, pp. 80-81): Water-tiger year; GBCHBY 358.17-18; DCHBY 133.3-4: Born in Brag-dmar in a tiger year; CHBY 144b4 (Szerb, p. 42): Bu-ston records the same year for the appropriation of the throne; DTHMP 18al-2; YLJBCHBY 63.9-10; GBYTSH 142a1-2; DTHMPSM 28a1-3; HBCHBY (JA) 126a3-4: The father was thirty-four years of age and age twenty-three he took over power. Following the unanimous calculation made by later tradition, Mu-ne btsan-po was born in 762 A.D. (but no correspondence in the Annals for that year). dPa'-bo claims that the father was thirtyfour years of age when Mu-ne was born. According to the majority of sources (cf. note 1150 supra) Khri-srong Ide-btsan's birth was fixed to 730 A.D. (against the correct 742 A.D.), which then would situate Mu-ne btsan-po's birth in 763 A.D. Tucci, 1950, pp. 76-77, retaining the tiger year as the only reliable yardstick and calculating from the father's factual birth year arrives at 774 A.D., which thereafter, for lack of anything more convincing, has been generally accepted as the birth year of Mu-ne btsan-po, fitting also nicely, incidentally, with the information given by dPa'-bo that he took over power aged twenty-three, i.e. in 796 A.D. (less Tibetico). According to GLR he took over power in 789 A.D. 1385 CHBYMTNYP 440a6-bl: He mamed Ru-yongs-za rGyal-mo age twenty-five; MBNTH 128b5-6: Age fifteen; HBCHBY (JA) 126a5. Cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 57. 1386 BZH (Stein ed. 51.1 1-13, Chin. ed. 59.22-23) = CHBYMTNYP 441a1-2 = MBNTH 129a3-5 = HBCHBY (JA) 104b2-3. 1387 BZH (Stein ed. 66.12-14) = CHBYMTNYP 441bl-3 = MBNTH 129a5-bl; HBCHBY (JA) 126a7-bl . gold, silver, turquoise and pearls etc. to these temple of my father!" and since the king's command was harsh (je'i bka' btsan pas), some [people] offered precious objects [such as] gold and silver, some offered turquoises and cloaks [ofl finest silk (ber dar zab). Others [again] offered cloth and ornaments, some [less wealthy individuals] offered [their] ragged made the king garments ($us hrul po) and [pieces ofl calico (ras slag) etc.'38?his declare: 13* "The difference in the size of faith among the Tibetan population is great indeed: Some have offered measureless amounts of riches, others offered nothing but (min pa mi 'but) cotton rags (re [= ras] hrul) and [pieces ofl calico!" The Tibetan people answered [in unison]:'390 "There is no difference in the size of faith [among us people towards Buddhism], [the difference in presents offered] is caused by [the fact] that the rich peo le have something to offer, whereas poor people have nothing!" [To this] the king reacted: I!~I "That it has come to so much difference between penury and wealth (lrogs phyug) among the people under my sway here is improper!" Levelling three times the [difference between] rich and poor, [the only result yielded was that] except for about one single year (lo re rsam ma gtogs) the rich people were like before rich and the poor people were just like before poor. 1392 This made the king declare: "Although [I] have levelled [the difference between] rich and poor, how come that [there] is [still] so much difference in fliving condition between] happiness and sorrow (skyid sdug)? What is the reason (gang gis fan)?" The chaplains (mchod gruzs) declared: 1393 'These [circumstances] are [caused by] the power of alms [offered in] former lives." [This explanation] made the king gain [renewed] faith in the karmic [law] of cause and effect (las rgyu 'bras). Thus, the king spread and diffused the Teaching of Buddha. The chaplains and the ordained [monks] were carried aloof m y the king] like a headturban, their subsistance being supplied by the court ('rsho ba bla nas sbyor) and the royal power was safeguarded by welfare and happiness. '394 The queen called Pho-yong-bza' r ~ ~ a l - m o - b t s uwas n ~[recognized ~~~ as] a [relbirth of rGya-mo-bza' [Gyim-sheng Kong-jo], the mother to the father, the [old] kin wherefore [she] [had] been [particularly] dear to the father [i.e. Khri-srong lde-bt~an].'~'~When the 1388 BZH (Stein ed. 66.14-16) = C H B m 441b3-6 = MBNTH 129bl-3. 1389 BZH (Stein ed. 67.1-3) = CHBYMYNYP 441b6-442a2 = MBNTH 129b3-4. 1390 BZH (Stein ed. 67.3-4) = CHBYMTNYP 442a2-4 = MBNTH 129M-5. 1391 BZH (Stein ed. 67.5-6) = CHBYhlTNYP 441a4-5 = MBNTH 129b5-6; HBCHBY (JA) 126b7. 1392 BZH (Stein ed. 67.7-14) ( which is both different and more detailed) = CHBYMTNYP 442~36445a4 (folio 442 to 444 are counted as one folio in the Berlin HS!) = MBNTH 129b5-130bl; CHBY 144M; DTHMP 18a2: levelling four times; YLJBCHBY 63.1 1; HBCHBY (JA) 123a4, 126a7-bl ; DTHZHG 66.22-67.1. Cf. also Bogoslovskij, 1972, p. 61. 1393 This statement is lacking in other versions and appears to be Bla-ma dam-pa's own commentary. 1394 BZH (Stein ed. 67.14-16) = CHBYMTNYP 445a2-4. The subsistence proffered by the court to the religious community was instituted already by the former kings, cf. e.g. BZH (Stein 51.7-8, 53.3, Chin. ed. 60.5,62.4); DCHBY 1315 6 ; MBNTH 120a4. Cf. also the notes 954-56 supra. 1395 BZH (Stein ed. 67.16-68.1) = CHBYMTNYP 445a4. Cf. the notes 1233-34 supra. 1396 BZH (Stein ed. 68.1-2) = CHBYMTNYP 445a4-6 = MBNTH 130b2; HBCHBY (JA) l26b2. No mention in these versions that she was considered the rebirth of Gyim-sheng Kong-jo (cf. father [once] resided in ~ u n ~ - r n k h a rshe , ' ~was ~ ~ trusted to the heir [Mu-ne b t ~ a n - ~ o ] . l ~ ~ 8 When the [old] king passed away, the [queen] Pho-yong-bza' refused to take off the ornaments [of regalia] (rgyan ma bkrol), and [she] was accused with libels that [she] was not mourning [as prescribed by her husband's passing] (mya ngan ma byas zer ba la snyad The mother[-queen] Tshe sPong-bza' grew jealous, engaged a hangman (gskd ma bskos) who was sent to assassinate [her rival consort], but the prince-king [i.e. Mu-ne btsan-pol protected [her]. The mother[-queen i.e. Tshe-spong-bza'] [out of anger] generated adverse thoughts (log lta skyes) and served [the young king] [a dish ofJ baneful food (gsol ngan drangs).1400 [As a consequence] the prince-king Mu-ne btsan-po, having marely] ruled one year and nine months, passed away at an age of twenty-nine at Brag-dmar.1401 note 1137). But it is worth noting that in a Bon-text, cf. Karmay, Treasury, this Chinese wife of Khri-srong Ide-btsan, rGya-bza' Kong-cu is said also to be known under the name Pho-yangs-bza' or Gyim-sham-bza'. Yet, the basic source for this equation remains to be found. 1397 Cf. note 1378 supra. 1398 BZH (Stein ed. 68.2-3) = CHBYMTNYP 445a4-6 = MBNTH 130b2-3: At the point of death of the father, [the latter] declared: "[Queen] Pho-yong-bza' must marry the divine son (lha was) [i.e. Mu-ne btsan-pol!" In other words, one of the departing king's queen kept a firm grip of power, one among many factors which led to the ensuing tumult and abruption in the royal succession. dPal-bo tersely states that the king, i.e. Mu-ne btsan-po fell in love with Pho-yong-bza'. 1399 BZH (Stein ed. 68.3-5) = CHBYMTNYP 445b1-2 (slightly different) = MBNTH 130b3-4. This reflects the muddled political situation following in the wake of the passing of the old king and the ensuing turmoil anent the succession. Cf. e.g. Haarh, 1960, passim. 1400 BZH (Stein ed. 68.3-1 1) = CHBYMTNYP 445b1-6 = MBNTH 130b5-131a2: Appointing a minister named SKU-ngasITe-chung1Te-gyu Te-chung as cook @hyag tshang), the queen-mother served the prince-son a baneful dish at the palace of Yum-bu-mkhar. The mother thereupon slowly committed suicide; GBCHBY 358.18, 376.2-3: Killed by the mother before he assumed power; DCHBY 133.6-7; DTHMP 18a3; YLJBCHBY 63.18; PMKTH Chap. 97, 602.3-4; KTHDNG (KHA) (Chap. 7, 1 15.2); GBYTSH 1 4 2 6 6 ; HBCHBY (JA) 126b2-3; DTHZHG 67.4-5. Cf. also Karmay, 1972, p. 102. The source for Bla-ma dam-pa's slightly diverging version remains to be identified. 1401 BZH (Stein ed. 68.8-9): He ruled for seventeen month, and passed away age seventeen = MBNTH 130b6; BGR 197b5, 198b3 and NGTMTPH 6a4 (Uebach, pp. 80-81): At the age of twenty-five one year and nine months of rule he was murdered by his mother, i.e. at twenty-seven years of age; CHBYMTNYP 445b4: After twelve months of rule and at the age of twenty-seven, he died; so also CHBY 144a4 (Szerb pp. 42-43); GBCHBY 358.17: He was poisoned without appropriating power; DCHBY 133.3-7: He assumed power age fifteen and died age seventeen, having ruled one year and nine months; DTHMP 18a2-3: Age twenty-nine he died, having ruled one year and nine months; so also YLJBCHBY 63.9-13; KTHDNG (NGA) Chap. 33, 406.13-14): He ruled twentyfive years, and died in a sheep year, age forty; DTHMPSM 28al-b2: Offering a polemic note that it would be impossible for Mu-ne htsan-po, within a regency less than two years, to carry through three large-scale social experiences; HBCHBY (JA) 126b2-3, 127a3: Having ruled nineteen months, he died in a wood-ox year, 785 A.D. Aside from illustrating the considerable muddle prevailing concerning his data, the calculation offered by Bla-ma dam-pa nevertheless indicates that Mu-ne btsan-po passed away in 790 A.D. (762 + 29). This, however, as most other chronological data in Tibetan Buddhist historiography suggest, tallies poorly with non-Tibetan sources, which suggest that Mu-ne btsan-po must have succeeded his father, albeit briefly, in 797 A.D. Unfortunately neither from Chinese nor from Tibetan sources are the events that follow in the ensuing years chronologically transparent. Cf. also ~hab-spel, + Prince Mu-ne btsan-po's tomb Was located on the right side, in front of the tomb of [Mes] Agtshom[s]. [Its] name was '1Ha-ri l d e m - p ~ ' . [So] ' ~ ~ ~it is said. [XV] [King Mu-tig btsan-pol Thereupon, when the second ('bring po) [prince-]son Mu-tig b t ~ a n - ~ was o ' ~about ~ to be handed over the royal power, Mu-tig btsan-po too was killed by the sNa-nam-pa [clan] as a revenge (ngan lan) for the murdering, [though] innocent (nyes med), of the minister [sNanam] Zhang d ~ u - r i n at~ a' ~time ~ when the late father [Khri-srong Ide-btsan] was alive (snga gong yab bzhugs dm). His tomb was raised in Don-mkhar-mda', 1989(b), pp. 333ff. 1402 BZH (Stein ed. 68.8-9) = CHBYMTNYP 445b5 = MBNTH 130b6: bang so sKyelu/Kye'u Idem bu can brtsigs; GBCHBY 378.15-16; DCHBY 133.7-8: 1Ha ri ldem bu; following GLR: YLJBCHBY 63.16- 19; GBYTSH 142a6-bl ; HBCHBY (JA) l23a4; DTHZHG 67.5: Tomb raised on Mu-ra-ri. Cf. Panglung, pp. 342-43. 1403 This royal figure never ascended the throne. His name is variously transmitted in Tibetan historiography, such as Mu-tig, Mu-rug or Mu-rub btsan-po. Cf. Haarh, 1969, pp. 57-58. The confusion is not decreased by the fact that Mu-tig occasionally was wnflated with the next king Sadna-legs. Cf. Haarh, 1960, pp. 149ff. 0-rgyan gling-pa, PMKTH Chap. 97, 602.4-7, notwithstanding maintains that Mu-tig btsan-po rose to power, mamed trice (such as one Ngangtshul dPal, cf. note 1423 inta) and safeguarded the realm; and dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 126a3 points out that he was born in a water-hare year, i.e. 763 A.D., but as we have seen (note 1383) the data in most later chronicles are fixed one year-cycle too low, wherefore Mu-tig btsan-po's birth tentatively must be fixed to 775 A.D. 1404 BZH (Stein ed. 68.1 1-13) = CHBYMTNYP 445b6-446a2 (slightly more detailed) = MBNTH 131a2-3: Banned to Moo for the murder of the sNa-nam minister, it was decided to invest him with power, and being invited back, he was accused and killed by the sNa-nam clan by having his breast cut open (brang Wla phye); cf. also NGTMTPH 1l a3 (Uebach, pp. 104-05, n. 478); HBCHBY (JA) 126b3-4. For a narrative of the circumstances behind the killing of Blon-po Zhang dBu1'U-ringis] btsan. cf. BZH (Stein ed. 65.4-13, Chin. ed. 81.23-82.8) = CHBYMTNYP 439baI-b3 = MBNTH 128a5-b4; GBCHBY 359.1-6 (see also 376.6-7) and DCHBY 132.8-9: The latter two versions, besides confirming the same background-story for his banishment, add that after his sentence he wentlwas banished not to Mon, but sKyed-tshal (or 'the pleasance') of Shangs (the region situated east of present-day gZhis-kha-rtse; cf. note 1745), where he retired (thong mtshum su phob). 'Uring was son of sNa-nam rGyal-tsha Iha-snang (cf. note 1302 supra). No mention of any execution. cf. also DTHMP 18a3-4; KTHDNC (KHA) Chap. 20, 193.7-15; YLJBCHBY 63.12-14 and DTHMPSM 28b6-29al: He was killed when the sNa-nam-pas frightened his horse. So also HBCHBY (JA) 122b7-123a1, 123a5, 125h2-5; DTHZHC 67.14-68.5. For further sources, cf. Haarh, 1960, pp. 15I, 158-164. Descriptions of his fate thus vary. Zhang bzher 'U-ring or bTsan-pa 'U-ring is listed a sNa-nam minister in KTHDNG (CA) 436.3. Its name being 'Kya-ring kyang-ldem'.'405 [So it] is said. [XVI] [King Khri-lde srong-btsan Sad-na-legs] n ' ~then ~ ~entrusted with the The youngest son Khri-lde srong-btsan Sad-na-legs ' ~ i n g - ~ o was royal power, and [he] ruled the [entire] kingdom, established communities for the congregation and [had] hitherto unavailable siitra-s translated. To the cha lains [of his], the pandita 1407 [one] called ~ a i r o c a n a - r n c h o and ~ ~~amala~lla' ~~~ O9 etc. service was . . vi~vakara, B 1405 BZH (Stein ed. 68.12) = CHBYMTNYP 446a2 = MBNTH 131a3: bang so sKya 'o bzang zanglrGya bo zang zang brtsigs; GBYTSH 142al; HBCHBY (JA) 1236. Cf. Panglung, 1988, pp. 344-45. 1406 BZH (Stein ed. 68.13-69.6) = CHBYMTNYP 446a2-b3 = MBNTH 131a6-b2: In addition to an etymological explanation of his name, it is here claimed that he assumed power age twenty-four (BZH: four!); but Nyang-ral, op. cit. 449a4-5: He was born in a fire-male-dog year, he ruled for thirty-one years, passing away age fifty-four in a fire-bird year. These data by Nyang-ral are pointedly wrong; BGR 198b3 and NGTMTPH 6a5 (Uebach, pp. 80-81): Born in a wood-dragon year in Brag-dmar, he took over power age twenty-four; GBCHBY 359.7-13: Born in a dragon year, age thirteen the father died and he held power for eighteen years; DCHBY 133.10-12: Age twenty-three the father died, and he held power for twenty-five years; CHBY 144b5: He assumed power age four [sic] (so also DTHZHG 68.6-7) possibly inspired by BZH's corruptive entry (mistake for twenty-four); DTHMP 18a4-5: Born in the wood-male-dragon year, age twenty-three he assumed power and he ruled thirty-two years; so also YLJBCHBY 64.1-3; GBYTSH 142b2-3; DTHMPSM 29a1-2 (Tucci, p. 157); HBCHBY (JA) 126a3-4, 127bl: Born in a wood-dragon year and he took over power age twenty-three in a fire-male-tiger year. For his various names, cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 58. Cf. also detailed Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 345382. According to the general consensus, the king was born in 764 A.D. But as indicated by dPalbo, the father was thirty-five at the birth of this prince, so, as suggested by Tucci, 1950, pp. 76-77, another dragon year is preferable: 776 A.D. and as alluded to by dPal-bo, he assumed power in a fire-tiger year, i.e. 786 A.D., but read again the next tiger year, earth-tiger, 798 A.D. Cf. note 1414 infro. 1407 1.e. ViSvakHra. DTHMP 18a5, YLJBCHBY 64.5, GBYTSH 142b6: Bal-po pandita HiimkHra; . . named ViSvakHra registered, the mistake must be c r e d i t i ~ l a - m adarn-pa Nowhere is a pandira or a scribe. 1408 DTHMP 18a5, YLJBCHBY 64.4, GBYTSH 142b6: The Indian pandita Vimalamitra. Again we must assume that Bla-ma dam-pa or a scribe has misqidted a source. Nowhere is a Vairocana-mchog, a combination of an Indian and Tibetan name, attested. Possibly, a clue may be found in the fact that DTHMP in his short listing of religious masters to whom service were rendered lastly mentions rMa Rin-chen-mchog. For Vairocana, cf. the notes 1205 and 1326. 1409 DTHMP 18x5, YLJBCHBY 64.4, GBYTSH 142b6. All following a common source. These sources corroborate that service was rendered to one KamalaSlla etc. during this king's reign. It can only refer, of course, to slob dpon KamalaSlla or Padma'i ngang-tshul, the main Indian proponent in the bSam-yas Debate. A chronological problem is at play, while a number of sources unanimously record that this Indian master was killed by his Chinese opponent and his body-guards in the wake of their defeat. The grand Debate came, in all likelihood, to a close in 794 A.D. only Karnalasla is here registered as chaplain under Sad-na-legs, who, at the earliest, assumed power in 798 A.D. rendered. Offerings and [altar-]lamps were presented to the temples erected by the deceased father. When [he] reached the age of nineteen, [he] married a queen called 1Ha-rtse,1410to whom a son was born. When [he] had assumed the age of thirteen, the father died, the tomb [of which] was erected in Don-mkhar-mda'.l4' Prince l ~ e n ~ - k h r[i.e. i ' ~Khri-lde ~~ [srong-btsan]] took over the royal power at an age of fourteen. To his junior consort, the princes 1Ha-j e and IHun-grub, two [among others], five in all were born.l4I3 [He] established communities for the congregation and [he] rendered service [on] a grand [scale] to the temples raised by his deceased [grand]father[s]. When this king reached the age of fifty-five, he passed away in sGrags kyi phu, 1414 in a firefemale-bird year. 1415 1410 BZH (Stein ed. 69.6-7) = CHBYTNITNP 447a1 = MBNTH I3 l b2-3: Pho-yongs-bza' lHa-btsun and 'Bro-bza' Ma[ng]-motpo IHa-rgyal. BGR 197b5 and NGTMTPH 3b3 (Uebach, pp. 60-61): 'Bro-bza' IHa-rgyal gung-skar-ma (or 'A-gza' ITar-rgyal gung-skar-ma); IHa-rtse is only confirmed by HBCHBY (JA) 130b7-131al (citing GLR). Dunhuang Ms 242 (82.34): 'Bro-za IHa-rgyal Mangmo-rje. In this light, IHa-rtse is arguably a conuption for IHa-btsun or IHa-rgyal. Other data vary. So according to the king's edict (rendered HBCHBY (JA) 129b7-13Oal): Sadna-legs had three consorts: 'Bro-bza' Khri-mo-legs, mchims-rgyal-bza' Legs-mo-brtsan and Cog-robza' brTsan-rgyal. Cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 58. 1411 1.e. king Khri-srong Ide-btsan, cf. the notes 1381-82; Panglung, pp. 344-45. According to this information, this king should have passed away in 788 A.D. 1412 The form IDeng-khri appears to be a metathetical misprint for Kbri-lde ([nor: Khri-ldeng] [srongbtsan] Sad-na-legs), a lapsus calami made by the scribe obviously, rather than Bla-ma dam-pa himself conceived 1Deng-khri as a separate royal head, which, however, from the context cannot be excluded. At least this is the opinion of dPa'-bo, who has retained this curious formlfigure also, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 131al-2, another indication that dPa'-bo slavishly (and uncritically? or draws from a common proto-version sharing this faulty entry?) follows GLR. Further, it is also the opinion of bSod-nams grags-pa, DTHMPSM 29b1-2, who critically comments this entry in GLR. It further aroused some confusion among historians, who registered 1Deng-khri as a separate king, cf. Tucci, 1950, p. 30 and later e.g. Haarh, who also indexed 1Deng-khri as a separate prince. Cf. finally Cha-ris, 1990. 1413 The picture of the five sons of Sad-na-legs is slightly garbled: BZH (Stein ed. 70.9-10): h sras gTsang-ma, khri Dar-ma 'U-dum-btsan, IHa-j e [and?] 1Ha-che-grub [(listed as one or two persons?) and] [as] elder brother [sic] (gcen) Khri-gtsug Ide-btsan [i.e. Ral-pa-can]; CHBYMTNYP 449a6-bl = MBNTH 132b2-3: Khri-gtsug-lde Ral-pa-can, IHa-sras gTsang-ma, Khri Dar-ma 'U-dum-btsan, IHa-rje Ihun-grub and Khri-chen 'De'u; GBCHBY 317.20, 3 18.4-5, 359.14-15 and DCHBY 133.19-134.1 : IDenllHa-rje [and] IHun-grub gnyis, Ral-pa-can, gTsang-ma, Dar-ma; DTHMP 18a6; CHBY 144b5 lists: Ral-pa-can, gTsang-ma, khri Dar-ma 'U-dum-btsan, IHa-rje 1Hun-grub (by Buston conceived as one person!) and Khri chen-po; YLJBCHBY 64.12-13; GBYTSH143b5-6; DTHMPSM 29a6-bl (Tucci, p. 159), where bSod-nams grags-pa registers Bu-ston's faulty equation; HBCHBY (JA) 131a3-4; DTHZHG 69.5-6. Although the majority of sources opts for regarding 1Ha-j e and IHun-grub (who both died a tender age) as two distinct persons, another tradition, upon which Nyang-ral and Bu-ston based themselves, while evidently holding them as one person, offers an additional Khri-chen. Cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 59. 1414 BGR 198b4; NGTMTPH 6a6 (Uebach, pp. 80-81); GBCHBY 359.10; DCHBY 133.16-18; YLJBCHBY 64.7-8; HBCHBY (JA) 127a7 For sGrags, cf. also note 1098 supra. 1415 CHBYMTNYP 449b1: Age fifty-four in a fire-bird year; so also BGR 198b4 and NGTMTPH 61a5-6 (Uebach, pp. 80-81): He died at the age of fifty-four in the autumn of a fire-bird year; His tomb was located to the left of 'Phrul-rgyal, This tomb too was filled with a wealth of precious objects. It was high [i.e. dignified] while [it] was filled with the prowess (chab gang) of the mother (yum kyi chab gang bskang as mtho ba);I4l6 Its name was 'the Tomb [of] rGyal-chen'."7 [So it) is said. [ X W [King mNga'-bdag Ral-pa-can] Now, the eldest [prince-]son g~sang-ma'41became a renunciate (rab tu byung) [i.e. ordained monk] while he took an interest in the Dharma. The [prince-son] Dar-ma [i.e. Glang-dar-ma, on the other hand,] took an interest in vicious [ideas, i.e. the creed of Bon] and therefore was [deemed] unfit as ruler (je'i '0s min). The middle [prince-son] ~ a l - ~ a - c a was nl~~~ [consequently] committed with the power. King mNga'-bdag Ral-pa-can was born in a firemale-dog year.'420 At the age of twelve, the father passed away, whereafter GBCHBY 359.10 and DCHBY 133.16-17, 137.15-16 [sic]: Age fortylforty-four, he died in a sheep year; DTHMP 19a6; YLJBCHBY 64.7-8; GBYTSH 143b3-4 and HBCHBY (JA) 127a7: He died age fifty-four, having ruled thirty-two years and passed away in a fire-female-bird year, i.e. 817 A.D. mKhas-pa IDe'u, GBCHBY 376.4-5, in a unique list (based upon the gSang-ba Phyag-rgyacan) which etiologically enumerates ten recorded cases of regicide and regal fatalities during the dynasty, states that Khri-lde srong-btsan, (who in the list is placed between his two equally ill-fated brothers Mu-ne and Mu-tig btsan-po) by accident was killed by arrow in the darkness (srag [ = smag or less likely sras?] gis mun mda' brgyab). Bla-ma dam-pa does not indicate any birth year for this king, but it is retained in the above sources: Wood-dragon year (cf. note 1404), corresponding to 764 A.D. (but as noted earlier, read fire-dragon, i.e. 776 A.D.) and he thus died in the year 817 A.D. or alternatively 825 A.D. Another calculation, foremost represented by dPa'-bo, maintains that he assumed the age fifty-four and thus, being born in 764 A.D., reigned from 798 and passed away in 817 A.D. Better altogether is the alternative option in the two IDe'u-versions, which suggests the following tentative dates: Born dragon year, 776 A.D. and he passed away in a sheep year, 815 A.D., age forty. 1416 Cf. Panglung, 1988, pp. 344-45, n. 57. for a discussion of this enigmatic phrase (chab gang= chu gang). 1417 GBCHBY 378.11-13; DCHBY 133.17-18, 137.15-16 [sic]; YLJBCHBY 64.9-11; GBYTSH 143b3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 127a7; DTHZHG 68.20. Cf. also Panglung, 1988, pp. 344-347. 1418 BZH (Stein ed. 70.10) = CHBYMTNYP 449a1 etc. For this passage Bla-ma dam-pa seems to rely on DTHMP 18a7. For his fortune, cf. note 1499 infra. Cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 59. 1419 1.e. Khri-gtsug-lde-btsan. BZH (Stein ed. 70.10-1 1): Elder brother (gcen) [sic] Khri-gtsug Ide-btsm alias Ral-pa-can; = CHBYMTNYP 449a6 = MBNTH 132b2; GBYTSH 144al-2; HBCHBY (JA) 133al-2. For his different names, cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 59 and Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 382-410. 1420 CHBYMTNYP 449b2-3: He was born in a water-dragon year (i.e. 812 A.D.), was enthroned at the age of twelve in a fire-bird year (corresp. to 817 A.D.). Nyang-ral's first date is thus incorrect, and if anything, it must be predated to 806 A.D. in conformity with other sources; BGR 198b4 and NGTMTPH 6a6 (Uebach, pp. 80-81): Born in a fire-dog year and enthroned at the age of twelve when the father [i.e. Sad-na-legs] died; GBCHBY 359.16-17 and DCHBY 134.2-4: Born in a dog he assumed the throne.'421 Bran-k[h]a dPal gyi yon-tan1422functioned as Commanding Minister (bka'i blon), [and thereby the king] ruled over the [entire] kingdom. [Ral-pacan] married five senior and junior (che chung) consorts such as Cog-ro-bza' dPal gyi ngang-tshul etc.1423[He] observed the law Dased] upon the ten [Buddhist] virtues ( d d k d a l o ) . (He] invited Indian pandita-s1424such as Dzi-na mi-tra (i.e. ~ i n a m i t r a ) , ' ~SS-lendra ~' bo-dhi (i.e. ~ilendrabodhi),1426 and Da-na shi-la (i.e. ~ i . n a ~ i l a )etc. '~~' year in 'On-ljang-rdo, he was two [sic!]ltwenty-two when the father died; M H M P 18a8 and YLJBCHBY 64.14-15: Born in a fire-male-dog year, when twelve of age, his father died; GBYTSH 144a2; HBCHBY (JA) 133al-2; DTHZHG 70.16- 18. Accordingly, in conformity with the majority of sources, the data of Ral-pa-can are as follows: He was born in 806 A.D., became enthroned in 817 A.D. and passed away in 841 A.D. Cf. note l 501 inpa. 1421 BZH (Stein ed. 70.10- 11): He appropriated the throne at the age of ten years. GBCHBY 349.17 and DCHBY 134.3: Age twelveltwenty-two (nyer = nyi gnyis) he appropriated the power; CHBY l44b6: Bu-ston merely states that he assumed power at the age of eighteen; HBCHBY (JA) 13212: Appropriated power in 817 A.D. Cf. previous note for further sources. According to Bla-ma dam-pa and the majority of sources, Ral-pacan was enthroned in 817 A.D. 1422 BZH (Stein 4 . 7 0 . 1 3 ) = CHBYMTNYP 449b5-6 = MBNTH 132b5: Ban chen-po [ = bande chen po, Great Monk] dPal gyi yon-tan functioned as was Grand Minister of Religion; GBCHBY 359.17-19; DCHBY 134.4-5; NGTMTPH 4a3; cf. also CHBY 145bl; DTHMP 18a7; YLJBCHBY 64.15- 16; GBYTSH 144a3-4; DTHMPSM 30al-2; DTHZHG 70.20. He was, as said, Grand Minister of Dhanna under Ral-pa-can, and he is registered in the rdoring Inscription of the 8211822 Edict, North Inscription, 1. 9 (Richardson, 1985, p. 128) and in the reconfirmatory edict of Sad-na-legs, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 130a2. For his role cf. also Haarh, 1960, and Szerb, 1981, p. 381. For the hapless fate of the first monk who headed the Tibetan state, cf. note 1500 infra. 1423 BZH (Stein ed. 70.1 1-12): gCo-ro-gza' dPal gyi ngang-tshul; CHBYMTNYP 449h3-4: Cog-ro-bza' dPal gyi ngang-tshul-ma, mChirns-bza' Khyung dkar-ma, sNa-nam-bza' A-rje pho-legs, Tshe-spongbza' lHun gyi bu-mo, IHa-lung-bza' Me-tog-ma; MBNTH 132b4; DCHBY 135.5-8: Cog-ro-za dPal gyi ngang-tshul, mChims-gza' Yon-tan sgron-ma, Tshe-spong-gza' Yum-chen btsun-mo-phan; NGTMTPH 4a3; DTHMPSM 30al. According to 0-rgyan gling-pa, PMKTH Chap. 97, 602.5-6, one Ngang-byung dPal [ = dPal gyi ngang-tshul?] was married to Mu-tig btsan-po. Cf. Haarh, 1969, p. 59. 1424 BZH (Stein ed. 73.6-8); CHBYMTNYP 420b6ff, 454a5-6; GBCHBY 3 17.20-318.1; DCHBY 135.12-13; SHBRS 19a5-6; NGTMTPH 1 la4-5 (Uebach, pp. 10445); DTHMP 18a8-9; KTHDNG (NGA) (Chap. 33, 406.16- 17; YLJBCHBY 64.16- 17; GBYTSH 144a4-5; HBCHBY (JA) 132b3; DTHMPSM 30a2-3; DTHZHG 70.23-71.2. This list ofpandita-s and translators, sometimes listed under king Sad-na-legs, sometimes under Ral-pa-can, and in&iriably repeated in most later Tibetan sources reflects a list (ultimately) gleaned from the IXth century glossological manual: sGra-byor barn-po gnyis-pa, cf. ad CHBY 145a2-4 (Szerb, pp. 45-46), Simonsson, 1957, p. 241f. 1425 1.e. the Kashmirian UpidhyPya (mkhan po) and pandita Jinamitra (*rGyal-ba'i bshes-gnyen), who was collaborator on the MahPvyutpatti (cf. ~imons'son,1957, p. 241). Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 73.8); CHBYMTNTYP 421a2,454a5; MBNTH 135a3-4; DCHBY 135.12-13; NGTMTPH 1l b3, 15b6; CHBY 142a2, 145a2, 151b4,6, 152a4,6, 156b5; KTHDNG (KHA) 406.16-17; GBYTSH 144a4; HBCHBY (JA) 105b7, 132b3,5. 1426 Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 73.8); CHBYMTNYP 420b6,454a6; MBNTH 135a4; NGTMTPH I la4; CHBY 145a2, 156b5 (where, e.g., the Tib. form of his name is rendered: Tshul-khrims dbang-po The translators [s]Ka-ba d P a l - b r t ~ e g s , ' Klu'i ~ ~ ~ rgyal-mtshan [of] ~ o ~ - and r o ~ bandhe ye-~hes-sde'~~' translated the Dharma [i.e. Buddhist treatises into Tibetan]. All the [Buddhist] writings (chos t h m cad) were linguistically revised and systematized (skad gsar bcad gyis gtan la phab) and the revised language (bka' = bkas bcad) were made in three codices (mp a gswn du r n d ~ u d ) . ' ~ [Recourse ~' was] even [taken to] bring the bremeasures, srang- and zho-weights in harmony with India[n pattern].1432 [He] [further] established Meditation-colleges (sgom gr[v]a) for studying (thos, Sruta), reflection (bsam, cintd) and contemplation (sgom, bhdvand), the three.1433 [He] established byang-chub); DTHMPSM 30a2; HBCHBY (JA) 132b3. ~ilendrabodhimust be distinguished from Surendrabodhi, who is also listed to have come to Tibet during the same period. 1427 Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 73.8); CHBYMTNYP 454a6; MBNTH 135a4; GBCHBY 317.21; DTHMP 18a8; NGTMTPH lla4; CHBY 145a2, 151b4, 156b5 (rendering his Tibetan name as: sByin-pa'i ngang-tshul); DTHMPSM 30a2; HBCHBY (JA) 105b7, 132b5-7. 1428 Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 73.6); CHBYMTNYP 454a1 = MBNTH 135a2-3; NGTMTPH 1la5 etc. Cf. note 1357 supra. 1429 Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 73.7); CHBYMTNYP 454a2 = MBNTH 135a3; NGTMTPH lla6 etc. Cf. note 1358 supra. 1430 Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 73.7): sNa-nam Ye-shes-sde [gloss: of Ngam-shod]; CHBYMTNYP 454a2 = MBNTH 135a3; etc. Cf. note 1359 supra. 1431 Cf. BZH (Stein ed. 73.10-1 1); CHBYMTNYP 453b1-456b1 = MBNTH 135a4-6; GBCHBY 363.5-7; DCHBY 135.14-17; NGTMTPH 1la6, 1lb4-5; CHBY 145a4-5; YLJBCHBY 64.17; GBYTSH 143a1-2; HBCHBY (JA) 132b5; DTHZHG 71.2-1 6. Bla-ma dam-pa has here committed a chronological peccadillo by assigning the linguistic revision to the reign of Ral-pa-can, whereas it should properly be ascribed the period of Sad-nalegs. As chronicled by dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 105b7-106a2, the enterprise was launched in a dragon year, which must correspond to 812 A.D. The revision was in the main concerned with, aside from a syntactic and grammatical revision of the Tibetan language, a terminological and glossological systematization and codification of the Tibetan language in order meet the demands of, in particular, the rich Indian religious language. Simonsson, 1957, pp. 210-233, 241ff.; Snellgrove, 1987, pp. 441-442. 1432 Verbatim parallel with BZH (Stein ed. 73.1 1- 12) = CHBYMTNYP 456b2-3 = MBNTH 135a6b l : These means were regulated or set in system (gtan la phab) in ShongISho-ma-ra of [s]Kyi[dlshod. For this important administrative seat, cf. note 527 supra. Nyang-ral adds that the measurements were in harmony with the Magadha or Indian system; CHBY 145a5; HBCHBY (JA) 133al. 1433 GLR's testimony here for the thirty Dharma colleges, patterned upon the Indian Sri Nalendra monastic complex, is somewhat concocted and obviously reflects a later attempt at rationalization. In fact, aside from the erection of (twelve) meditation colleges or sgom gr[v]a mentioned here, established, it is said, for silence (smra bcod) and Dharma-thought (sem~chos), (twelve) great teaching-colleges or bshad gr[v]albslab pa 'i grva for rhos, bsam and blo sbyong (corresponding to lung (agarnu), rigs Cyukti) and man ngag (upadeia)) were erected in dBus, Khams and mDo-smad (cf. next note). Finally six vocational or examination colleges, or khyad grva, lrang 'bul gyi grvo, were established (cf. note 1436). Although the sources occasionally are mutually conflicting, while they count and name the colleges differently and even place them under different kings, a fair consensus can be established Cf. CHBYMTNYP 425b1-4 (no names listed, placed under king Khri-srong lde-btsan); GBCHBY 356.18-358.2; DCHBY 131.2-15 and NGTMTPH 1lb5-12a3: (Uebach, pp. 106-108); HBCHBY Exegetical colleges (bshad gavla) [dedicated the study ofJ [exegetical] exposition, [doctrinal] disputation and [literary-scholastic]composition ( ' c h i rtsod mom gsun), the three. 14" [He] established colleges for the concregation, thirty Dharma-colleges (chos gflvla) [in [He] established Vinaya-colleges ( 'dul gr[v]a) [to test] the [degree of intellectual] sagacity, the [moral] iousness and the [altruistic] honesty (mkhas btsun bzang gswn), the three [of the monks]. 143 For rendering service to each single ordained [monk] seventy households ('bangs mi khyim) were [made] responsible. 1437 The king took up [his] seat in the centre, and he fastened a silk ribbon (a'ur yug) to the end of the left and right [pigtail ofJ his [long] mane on [his] head. Distributd to the left and right were rows of seated [members of his] congregation (dge 'dun, samghu). [He thus used to] revere [his congregation of monks] sitting upon these [strips of silk attached to his hairlocks] (de'i steng du dge 'dun bzhugs par mos la) [as if they were sitting on his head], and these two [seated groups] were known as the 'Head-communities' (dbu sde) of the Congregation. 14" Wishing to erect as his personal tutelary (thugs dam du) [temple] of 'U-shang-rdo, the temple of dPe-med bKra-shis dge-'phel ('The Peerless, Auspicious and Virtue-Enhancing 2' (JA) 131b3-4. Cf. also PMKTH (Chap. 85, 506.9-507.10). For a detailed discussion and survey of the thirty Dharma colleges, cf. Uebach, 1987, p. 107 and 1990. 1434 Cf. previous note. Cf. e.g. NGTMTPH 1lb5-7 (Uebach, pp. 106-107): Twelve great bshodgr[v]a were established in dBus, Khams and mDo-smad. cf. Uebach, p. 107. Again the introduction of the triad 'chad rtsod rtsom gsum to reflect the activities of the Buddhist scholar cannot be ascribed to the dynastic period, but appears to be an expression originating with the Sa-skya-pas, in vogue by a writer such as e.g. Sa-skya Pandita. 1435 Cf. note 1433. 1436 The 'dul gr[v]a should properly be counted among the thirty Dharma-colleges as delineated in note 1433 above. The term 'dul grva does not occur in the older parallel texts, f. ex. mKhas-pa IDe'u, IDe'u Jo-sras, Nyang-ral and Nel-pa speak e.g. about twelve mind-training colleges blo sbyong grva and about (six) vocational colleges (Wlyad gr[v]a) aiming at probing i.e. testing whether the monk was ripe for meditation or not (bsgom ran mi ran 'dri ba), possessed (doctrinal) sagacity and (moral) piousness (&as btsun ltang 'bul gyi khyad gr[v]a). In this light the testimony in GLR: &as btsun bzang (an othencise well-known triad) must btsun ltang ['bug, a rephrasing by the author of GLR-compiler to possibly be rectified to &as actualize or enhance the understanding, where the somewhat obsolete tern ltang 'bul (written variously lharlltarlstangs 'bul, due, probably, to etymological uncertainty), probably made limited sense to the XIVth century reader. 1437 BZH (Stein ed. 74.4-8) = CHBYMTNYP 457a5-b3 = MBNTH 135b6-136al: [For the subsistence of each monk] seven households ('bangs khyim bdun) were [made responsible]. Nyang-rd, furthermore, details on the amount and character of implements and utentils supplied annually by the court and accorded not only the chos dpon (i.e. chos kyi ring lugs), but also each sgom chen and chos slob pa etc., cf. CHBYMTNYP 425a1-3, 4294-5 (under Khri-srong Ide-btsan), 437b2438a3,454b3 (as here under Ral-pa-can);GBCHBY 363.19-20; DCHBY 131.10-19; CHBY 145a56 (Szerb, p. 46); DTHMP 18bl; DTHMPSM 30a4; HBCHBY (JA) 133al-2; DTHZHG 73.16- 17. The entry in GLR of seventy household in lieu of seven responsible for the subsistence ('tsho ba), as unanimously given in other sources, is probably due to scribal negligence. 1438 Cf. also DTHMPSM 30a4-6; HBCHBY (JA) 133a2-3. The source for this depiction remains untraced. Temple),'439[the king] summoned craftsmen (bzo bo) well-versed in the art [of construction ([bzo 'i] rig byea')] from Khotan (Li-yul) and from Nepal [he] summoned image sculptors (/ha bzo) and many stone masons (rdo'i bzo ba),lU0 whereafter a nine-storeyed temple was constructed: The three lower storeys were equipped with door-projections (sgo dpe = spe) and made from stone [exclusively]. The three middle storeys were [equally] endowed with door-projections and made from brickwork. The three upper storeys [also] equipped with door-projections were made from wood. 144' The Chinese [pagoda] roof had nine layers (dgu brtsegs). In between the [winged] balconies (bya 'dab) on each roof, ordained [monks] were sitting studying and expounding the Dharma. The topmost roof, equipped with golden and turquoise[-coloured] [figures ofJ dragon, was turning round when agitated by the wind Ijust] like a canopy. 1442 On the intermediate [section] of the building, [were installed] the jewel[laden] copings @ha gu) embellished [with features such as] railings (mda' y a b , ovidhyana) and parapets @u shu, h a m i k d ) , screened with lattice-nets (dra ba, jdlin) and half-nets (dra phyed, ardhahdra) [along with features such as] umbrellas (gdugs, channa), victory-banners (rgyal mtshan, gailjira), jewel-strings (rin po che'i phreng ba, ratnamdld), silken crowns (cod pan, mukuta) and peals of bells (dril bu g.yer kha, kirikinl) sounding. The golden letter (gser 'bru) [fastened] to the summit of the topmost roof was in height equal to the rear mountain [towering behind the temple]. In entire Tibet it was without peer ('gran zla dang bral), mere1 by beholding [it], one [would] become breathless [from awe] (dngangs bar byed p a ) . ~d 1439 For a detailed exposition of Ral-pa-can's thugs dam temple at 'U-shang-rdo, cf. BZH (Stein ed. 70.13-73.5) = CHBYMTNYP 450bl-454al (slightly longer, otherwise verbatim identical) = MBNTH 132b6-134b4; GBCHBY 296.18-20, 318.12-13: g.Yu'i lha khang dgu thog; DCHBY 134.16-17; NGTMTPH 1 1a7 (Uebach, pp. 104-05): 'On-cang-rdo dPag-med legs-pa g. yung-drung gtsug lag khang; CHBY 145b6 (gloss, Szerb, p. 47); DTHMP 18b4 and YLJBCHBY 65.1-2; KTHDNG (KHA) (Chap. 33, 406.15-16); GBYTSH 143a3-5; DTHMPSM 30a6-bl ; HBCHBY (JA) 133a3-b3; DTHZHG 73.20-74.9. The narrative of the erection of 'U-shang-rdo in BZH, CHBYMTNYP, GLR (where Bla-ma dam-pa on the points of the building is slightly more detailed), despite varying length and diverging details, is drawn from a common proto-version. 1440 BZH (Stein ed. 71.5-72.4) = CHBYMTNYP 450b6-452a4 = MBNTH 133a4-134a3; HBCHBY (JA) 133a3. These identical versions contain a lengthy description, absent from GLR altogether, of the invitation of a Khotanese stone mason and the conflict with a Khotanese king of ICang-ra smug-po (for this place, cf. note 921 supra). 1441 BZH (Stein ed. 72.4-5, 72.9) = CHBYMTNYP 452a4-5, 452b2-3 = MBNTH 134a3-4, 134a6: Adding that on the upper storeys material such as copper and hide (ko ba) were also employed; DTHZHG 73.2 1-23; HBCHBY (JA) 1 3 3 6 6 . 1442 BZH (Stein ed. 72.10-1 1) = CHBYMTNYP 452b4 = MBNTH 134a6-bl: Underneath the Chinese rgya phibs roof, the wind set in motion the [Dharmal-wheel (rlung gis 'khor 10s bskor), [around which] many renunciates , i .e. ordained [monks] [perpetually] made circumambulations. Cf. similarly HBCHBY (JA) 133a7-bl . 1443 GLR B: Created devotion (dang bar byed pa). These ornamental details are lacking from BZH and CHBYMTNYP. As confirmed in CHBYMTNYP 453a2-4 (lacking in BZH) and GBCHBY 363.1-3, Ral-pa-can's 'U-shang-rdo temple distinguished (khyad par >hags pa) itself in twelvelthirteen architectural or artistic points (bzo sna; not listed) from all earlier temples hitherto erected in Tibet. The text by Nyang-ral is here somewhat corrupt, cf. also Appendix, note 770, subnote 20. These twelve artistic or architectural [Four] iron-chains were fastened from the four directions around the Chinese roof [against] the gale [blowing] (rlung chen rgya phub kyi phyogs bthir Icugs thg[s] brang) and [then] attached to the stone lions [installed] in the four directions [around] the building. The three upper storeys were housed by the ruler's tutelary [statue] (rje'i thugs dam bThugs) [and other emblems and sanctuaries representing Triratna]. The three middle storeys were the seat of the chaplains [and] the concregation and the three lower storeys were occupied by the ruler, [his] ministers and [their] retinue. A ~ c o r d i n g l y , ~for ~ ~ 'a [first] specimen offering @hud) [of material going to be employed] for the erection of the temple of dPe-med bKra-shis dge-'phel [ofj 'U-shang-rdo, [king Ral-pa-can] offered as clay specimen offering (sa phud) at the IHa-sa [vihdra, i.e. 'Phrul-snang] [clay-images (Ider tsho) of] Brahma and ~ n d r a ; [further] '~~ as a wood ~ ' erected in Ra-sa specimen offering (shing phud), four gnam yangs-pillars (ka b ~ ) ' ~[were 'Phrul-snang] bedecked with precious objects. As a [first] specimen offering for [the execution of] frescoes (ri mo'i phud), in an attempt to repair dilapidated muildings] (mying gso rgyu nyan pa), one hundred and eight be'u bum [were] donated1448and, [finally] for the wonders, in number, resembles the ditto wonders associated with queen Pho-yongs-bza' rGyal-mobtsun's Bu-tshal gSer-khang-gling, cf. note 1313 supra. 1444 This probably refers to the topmost layer of a roof where the wind strikes foremost. 1 here take btang = btod, rtod, i.e, teddered, in lieu of: moved or agitated ( = bskyod, ded). More clear is BZH (Stein ed. 72.11-14) = CHBYMTNYP 452b4-453al = MBNTH 134bl-3 (and HBCHBY (JA) 133b1-2): Four iron-chains [being hung] in the four directions from the balcony (bya 'dab) were tethered (bstod = [blnod) to four great cairya-s, and when the great wind rose from the west, the iron-chain [in] the eastern [direction] slackened (lhod) and the [entire] rgya phibs slanted slightly towards the east, etc. Same procedure at the dBu-rtse chapel in bsam-yas, cf. ad note 1386. 1445 A parallel is retained in BZH (Stein ed. 72.5-8) = CHBYMTNYP 452a5-b2 = MBNTH 134a3-6; HBCHBY (JA) 133a3-4. From the above sources the rather defective passage in GLR can be clarified further. The present narrative relates how king Ral-pa-can, in accordance with king Srong-btsan sgam-po's will, expanded the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang temple. In deference and gratitude to his ancestral forefather and promoter of Dharma (chos srol gtod) in Tibet, Ral-pa-can, as delineated here, presented to Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang a number of so-called first specimen offerings @bud) of various materials to be used in erecting and constructing his own thugs dam temple of 'On-shang-rdo. In fact, this event is actually depicted to be anticipated by king Srong-btsan sgam-po in a prophetic declaration, cf. note 950 supra. Cf. also Vitali, 1990, p. 79. The same procedure was followed during the erection of bSam-yas, the thugs dam temple of Khri-srong Ide-btsan, cf. ad note 1314. 1446 Installed as door-guardians (dvarapdla) of the Byams-pa chapel in the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang temple. 1447 GLR reads gnam yas. Other versions preferably read: gnam yangs, a pillar, aside from being a specific name of a pillar, that refers to a kind of wooden temple-pillar endowed with 'spacious sky' capitals being symbolically painted. Their present whereabouts in present-day Jo-khang are uncertain. But the Vth Dalai Lama, TSLKHKCH lSbl mentions twelve (not four) gnam g.yengs rdo rje rva ba ka ba, albeit an equation here remains to he substantiated. Read differently, one may tentatively suggest to retain gnam yas ka ba and construe it as *gnam yas 'degs pa 'i ko ba, pillars upholding space above, i.e. huge pillars. Anyway, the entry gnam y a in GLR urged Jhchke, Dict. p. 309, followed by Das, Dict. p. 749, to assume that gNam-yas refers to the name of a certain castle or temple in Tibet! 1448 Cf. BZH (Stein ed. 72.7): ri mo'i phud du dar gyi be brwn brgya rtsa brgyad phul = CHBYMTNYP 452a6-bl : ri mo 'i phud du dar du bris pa 'i ma dpe bum [ = ma dpe be 'u 'bum?] brgya rtsa brgyad phul; these one hundred and eight be'u 'bum allegedly painted on silk are [first] specimen offering for the cast[-images] (lugs ma'i phud), bells (lcong = cong) [etc.] were donated. Furthermore, the king's chaplain [named] Nyang [= Myang] Sha'i spyan'449[etc.] and a few ministers erected to the east of Lhasa [the temples ofJ Ka [= d ~ a r l - r u and ' ~ ~rMe~ ru.1451 TOthe south, [they raised] the temples ofJ d ~ a ' - b a ' ~and ' ~ dGa'-ba'i 'od;1453to the north [the temples] of Bran-khang'"* and Bran-khang tha-ma14s5 etc. Thus, king Khri-gtsug lde-btsan Ral-pa-can was [a personage] whose knowledge had manifested [itselfJ in the form of supernatural noetic power ('phml gyi tshul chugs), whose depictions or murals of ancient, often edifying tales and fables originally sung by bards, motifs already found in plentiful in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang. The witness retained by dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 133a4, reads: be'u bum brgya rtsa brgyad gsos, i.e. restored [the murals depicting] the one hundred and eight be'u bum. Cf. the introduction and Appendix, notes 392, 874. 1449 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 133b4: Sha'i spyan-can. He might arguably be identical with NyangIMyang Sha-mi go-cha, who together with his brother, NyangIMyang Ting-nge-'&in bzangpo and NyangIMyang Shi-ti-co etc. raised a number of temples, cf. GBCHBY 297.9-16; DCHBY 135.10-1 1; NGTMTPH 13al-3 (Uebach, pp. 110-113). BZH (Stein ed. 27.14, Chin. ed. 34.14) lists Nyang Sha-milSho-ma as a Dharma-participant in a Bon-Buddhist Contest (of 759 A.D. (cf. note 1186), if identical he must be a very old man indeed during Ral-pa-can's reign) and (Stein ed. 57.11) records Myang Sha-mi as follower of the Chinese hva-shang Mahayana and CHBYMTNYP 426b3 = MBNTH 121b2-3 reports how he inflicted wounds upon his own body (accounting for his name Sha-mi go-cha, '[own] human flesh [as] weapon'?, thereby killing himself?) prior to the bSam-yas Debate. His j7oruit and a conclusive identification are however still unsettled, while he (or a similar-named) figure is mentioned under different kings spanning from Khri-srong Ide-btsan until Ral-pa-can. He is moreover listed as seventh in a line of abbots of bSam-yas in an old Dunhuang document, cf. Karmay, 1988, p. 78. Together with nang blon chen po Nyang (or Rlangs?, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 104a3) Khams-pa gocha, cf. e.g. CHBYMTNYP 427a1; GBCHBY 358.9 and CHBY 157b4 e.g. and his powerful relative Myang Ting-age-'&in bzang-po, the NyangIMyang clan adhered to the most powerful religious figures at the end of the VIIIth and the beginning of the IXth century who cultivated close ties with the court. Many of the temples mentioned here in GLR do not always figure in the long list of temples raised by the kalydnamitra-s, the bla'i mchod g m , and by a number of ministers as their thugs dam gyi rten, found enumerated in most of these older sources, except, in part, by Nel-pa. The source for Bla-ma dam-pa and Nel-pa therefore remains to be identified. 1450 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 133b3; TSLKHKCH 14a4. 1.e. the temple of dKar-ru (White Horn), a temple erected in IHa-sa, adjacent to Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang. No more extant. 1451 Originally the temple of dMar-ru, [Red Horn], nowadays, rMe-ru. NGTMTPH 13al: Raised by Nyang Sha-mi go-cha (but according to GBCHBY 297.10: He raised rGya-tshal gyo Iha khang); HBCHBY (JA) 133b3; TSLKHKCH 14a4. Cf. Ferrari, p. 41, n. 70. For another ancient temple named Ma-ru [of Pha-bong-kha], cf. note 769 supra. 1452 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 133b3; TSLKHKCH 14a4. Unidentified. 1453 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 133b3; TSLKHKCH 14a4. Unidentified. 1454 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 133b3; TSLKHKCH 14a4. Unidentified. 1455 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 133b3; TSLKHKCH 14a4. Unidentified. feats were in accordance with the ways of the gods and whose power and material welfare equalled [those] of the Lord of the Gods Sakra. 1456 By [his] power and prowess [alone] the malevolent demons (bdud) were terrified and he was victorious in [all] four directions holding sway over two third of J a m b u d ~ i p a . ' ~ ~ ~ [XVIII] [The Sino-Tibetan Dynastic Relationship in Retrospect] ~ h u s , ' ~again, ' ~ [as to] the nature of the relationship ('brel tshul) between China and Tibet in former times (snga gong nus): [Generally,] when harmony [prevailed] [in] the history of the successive appearance of kings [and emperors], nephew and uncle (btsan po dbon zhng rim bzhin byon pa nrams kyi lo rgyus), then [there] was a mutual exchange of presents (skyes 'bul res mdzad) metween the royal houses] and when discord [ruled] [they] would mutually wage war [against] one another, [suchlike] incidences [could be] cited in great number (m grangs mang du mdzad). To wit, in the Great Chronicle of China (rGya'i deb-ther chenis ~said] that one mo), [also] called [Thang-]zhu Thu-han chan (Tangshu ~ u f a n ) , '[it~ ~ thousand five hundred and sixty-six years after the nirvdna of the Venerable One (bhagavar), the Chinese emperor [of the Chinese Dynasty] called Thang appeared,1460a contemporary of the Tibetan king gNam-ri srong-btsan. The time of [his] son, emperor Tha'i dzung [i.e. 1456 This reflects an almost verbatim passage gleaned from the so-called Inscription of the Treaty of 821822 A.D. East Face, 1. 51-53: 'phrul gyi lha brsan po khri gtsug lde brrsan zha snga tm II mkhyen pa ni II 'phrul gyi tshul chags II rndzad pa ni lha 'i lugs dung mrhun re II bko ' drin chen pos II phyi nang gnyis su snyom.. .l Cf. Richardson, 1985, pp. 116-117. For the term 'phrul, cf. note 642 supra. 1457 A well-known epithet of this king. Cf. BGR 198b5, NGTMTPH 7a7; KTHDNG (KHA) 117.17. 1458 The following narrative section is evidently intercalated into the general genealogical and dynastic exposition by Bla-ma dam-pa. This can be deduced from the fact that sources such as BZH and CHBYMTNYP,MBNTH, but also later sources such as HBCHBY etc., with which Bla-ma dampa even in details shares the same narrative and thematic sequence, all ultimately relying on the same original, continue the dynastic narrative of Ral-pa-can (cf. note 1488 i e a ) , taken up again in the next section. The single source for the lion share of the following inserted section was a Tibetan-written annotated rendition of the Tibetan or Tufan section of the Tang-Annals and Si-ma Guang's Tong-jian, a work entitled rGya'i deb-ther, critically compiled by Gu-shri Rin-chen-grags, cf. note 135 supra for details. Through this now no more extant work the Tibetans acquired a rare view of Chinese historiography and, not unimportant, of the chronological data found therein, although it possibly only to a limited degree wielded any impact on later Tibetan historians in their calculations. 1459 DTHMP 8b9-12b6; YLJBCHBY 27.6-32.9, 32.15-33.3, 66.12-67.11 ; DTHNGP (I, 73.12-80.7, Roerich, pp. 48-55). In this exposition YLJBCHBY occasionally contains information not shared by DTHMP or GLR. Although they all faithfully contain, roughly spealung, the same historical narrative, individual traits indicate that these authors each had direct access to the original rGya'i debther. The present lengthy extract in GLR taken from rGya'i debther has already been translated by Tucci, 1950, pp. 24-28. 1460 YLJBCHBY 27.6-8. Cf. note 159 supra. Tai-zong] coincided with the period of the Tibetan king Srong-btsan sgam-po.1461[This] Tibetan king send an envoy [to China] to ask for the emperor's daughter. But the Chinese emperor refused to give the daughter [in marriage] and [the envoy had] to return [emptyhanded] to Tibet, [where he, however,] falsely reported to the king: "The Chinese emperor is highly fond of us [Tibetans] and [was about] to give the girl [in marriage], but when the Yellow Uigurs[, i.e.1 the Thu-lu-hun (i.e. Tu-yu-hun, ~ u i - h u n ) '[arrived] ~ ~ ~ and gave slandering reports [about us Tibetans] to the Chinese emperor, [they instead] took [away the princess]. " 1463 The Tibetan king became enraged, and leading a Tibetan army [counting] one hundred thousand [soldiers], [he] reached [as far as] the area called Zung-ciu [i.e. Song Thereafter the [Tibetan] minister called g.~a'-thung'465was commissioned with an army, which was sent to conquer the land[s] of the Tu-lu-hiin [i.e. the A-zha principality]. The people of Thu-lu-hun fled [all the way] to the Blue Lake (mtsho sngon) [i.e. Koko Nor, Qinghai] in the gTsong-kha [i.e. Tsong-kha, Onion Land] District. [All] men and valuables (mi nor) left behind were taken [as booty] by [the] Tibet[ans]. Thereafter, [the Chinese acceded to the alliance and] the Tibetan king charged [his] minister Se-le ~ t o n ~ - b t s awith nl~~~ various forms of precious objects and dispatched him in order to ask for [the hand ofJ the daughter of the Chinese emperor. So, [having escorted the Chinese princess from China, the minister] amved in Tibet, @ringing]along 'Un-shing Kong-jo (i.e. Wencheng Gongzhu), the Jo-bo Shiikya and [her] numerous dowries. In the iron-male-dog year [i.e. 650 A . D . ] ' ~ ~ ~ 1461 Cf. the notes 160-161. 1462 DTHMP 9al-2; YLJBCHBY 25.13. Both texts, basing themselves upon the rGya'i deb-ther, have that envoys from Hor and the Thu-lu-hun asked for a matrimonial alliance with China. This reflects historical truth, since not only the Turks (here Hor) but also the Thu-lulyu-hun requested for and received a princess for their royal houses. The Thu-yu-hun is also called Togon, in Tibetan even A-zha, reflecting Ch. A-chai. Cf. e.g. G. MolC, 1970, The T'u-yil-hunfrom the Northern Wei until the Time of the Five Dynmties. 1463 DTHMP 9al-4; YLJBCHBY 27.10-28.2. GLR reads phra ma zhus pas lan (or: ion). If we retain the reading lan, the sentence may also be construed: the reason (lan, i.e. consequence) [for why we [Tibetans] did not, after all, receive a princess was] because the Yellow Uigurs gave a calumnity [about the Tibetans]. The Tibetan envoy's untruthful report is lacking in DTHMP, but retained in YLJBCHBY. This reflects historical fact. In 634-635 A.D. Srong-btsan sgam-po repeatedly dispatched emissaries to the Chinese court to ask for a matrimonial alliance, but the proposals were both times rejected. As Beckwith, 1987, pp. 21-23, adduces, the Tibetan envoy was initially accorded a welcome at the Chang-an court, but when the A-zha [i.e. Tu-fi-hun] mission amved [in the same errand] the Tibetan legation was affronted by being refused a nuptial alliance. This was duly reported to king Srong-btsan sgam-po upon the envoy's return. In revenge the Tibetan king attacked the A-zhdTu-yii-hun in 637-38, before he raided the Chinese border town of Song zhou in the autumn of 638. 1464 DTHMP 9a2-4; YLJBCHBY 28.5-6. Also mentioned in Annals (p. 39), but under another year-entry: Zong-cu. Cf. also Uray, 1978; Beckwith, 1987, pp. 22-24. 1465 YLJBCHBY 28.2-3. Unidentified. 1466 YLJBCHBY 28.7: Pe-le stong-btsan. 1.e. mGar sTong-btsan yul-bzung. cf. note 516 supra. 1467 DTHMP 9a3-8, 9b3; YLJBCHBY 28.9-1 1 . These two texts record that the princess was given to the Tihetan king in the year of 641 A.D. and that he passed away in 650 A.D. Cf. note 1046 supra. In the Annak, the king died in the earth- king Srong-btsan sgam-po passed away, whereafter an envoy turned up from China bringing along numerous valuable objects [intended] as [funeral] offerings [at] the tomb [of the king].*'468 His grandson Mang-srong mang-btsan took over the royal power at the age of thirteen,1469and being [only] tender in age, [his] governmental achievements were [in] no [way] grand (rgyal srid bya ba cher ma byung kyang) [due to his minority], nevertheless minister mGar safeguarded [on his behalf most victoriously] the law [i.e. Tibetan rule] in the four borders (mthu' bzhi'i khrirns bsrungs). When, at that time, the Chinese army [made its] arrival in Tibet and conquered [the land], Tibet too, making minister mGar general, led an army [counting] two hundred thousand [soldiers] and inflicted a defeat on the Chinese. (The Tibetans] conquered [many Chinese-held] territories (yul 'khor rnam bcom), and minister mGar himself was killed in battle. 0'41 During the time of the son of this king, 'Dur [ = 'Dusl-srong 'Phrul gyi rgyal-po, an envoy arrived [in Tibet] from China carrying along numerous valuable [items to be presented] as offerings [to] the father's tomb. Thereafter the son of mGar, [called] sNya[n]-btsan Idem-bu together with two revolting ministers of the Thu-lu-hun [i.e. of the A-zha principality], leading an army [counting] thirty thousand [soldiers], went to conquer a fortified [garrison-town] (mkhar) located along the banks of the Yellow River (rMa-chu, Huanghe) and [other] prefectures (misde). [There they] encountered the army of the Chinese [general] Li-kying [i.e. Li-jing Xuan] [and?] Henhen.'^^' When [they] fought, the Chinese were defeated. Immediately (de ma khad), Ling- bird year, 649 A.D. 1468 *gloss: In the ffiya'i deb-ther it is [among other things] said that a Chinese army arrived in Tibet, [where they] put the Potala to fire. [;They] searched for the lo-bo Rin-po-chc statue, but were [unable] tofind [it]. [Instead they] carried the Jo-bo Mi-bskyod rdo-j e [away] [the distance] of one @l[J morning-march, etc. [;ThThis happened or the time of this [i. e. Srong-btsan sgam-pol king. Cf. Appendix, note 1094. 1469 DTHMP 9b2-3: Age thirteen; YLJBCHBY 28.15- 18: At the age of twelve years. Cf. note 1091 supra. 1470 Cf. also DTHMP 9b2-6. This alludes to the great offensive launched in 670 A.D. by the Tibetans, headed by General mGar Khri-'bring, at Da-feichuan alias Jima Khol (Annals, 668-670 A.D.: Zi-ma Khol), a river situated in the 'A-zha territory just south of Koko Nor, cf. Petech, Glosse (repr. Selected Papers, p. 270); Beckwith, 1987, pp. 33-36. The enormous number of Tibetan soldiers mentioned in this Tibetan massacre on the Chinese differs in the Chinese sources from 20.000 through 200.000 until 400.000!The indication given that mGar died in battle lacks historical foundation. Actually it is only claimed in GLR, whereas DTHMP merely states that mGar had passed away and that his eldest son then inflicted a defeat on the Chinese, whereas nJBCHBY is silent. mGar Srong-btsan yul-[glzung had already passed away as an old man peacefully at Ris-pu in 667 A.D. ( A n ~ k p. , 32) and his sons, the generals mGar bTsan-snya Idorn-bu (cf. note 1100) and Khri-'bring survived the battle unwounded. The reference here may therefore be to Da[r]-rgyal Mang-po-rje, an 'A-sha prince, cf. Tucci, 1950, p. 80. 1471 DTHMP 9b5-9; YLJBCHBY 28.19-30.1. Both texts falsely record that king Mang-srong died in the year earth-female-hare year ( = 679 A.D.), whereas the Annals has the fire-rat year ( = 676 A.D.). This passage refers, inrer alia, to the Chinese offensive against the Tibetan-held territories in the Koko-Nor area in 678 A.D. Lijing Xuan was appointed Commander-in-chiefof the Tao He d m Expeditionary Army and Inspector of the Shan zhou Military-Governorship in that year, cf. Beckwith, 1987, pp. 43-45. The name Hen-chen, Tucci suggests, op. cir. p. 80, could be to Xian, kying reinforced the [defeated] Chinese army with three thousand [soldiers], and [again] went to battle with [the] Tibet[ans], [with the result] that the Tibetan army [this time] took to flight. 1472 The strength (stobs), might (mnga' thang) and prowess (dbang phyug) of the Tibetan king 'Dus-srong Mang-po-rje were superior [compared] to other [earlier Tibetan kings]. The time [of regency] of Khri-lde btsug-btsan Mes Ag-tshoms, the son of this king, coincided with the time of the Chinese emperor Dzung-dzung [i.e. Zhon -zhong]. 1473 The daughter of this emperor, Gyam-shing Kong-jo [i.e. lincheng Gongzhu], 14' arrived in Tibet. As dowry of the daughter [she] was given many ten thousand [pieces] of fine silk, manuals on every sort of [techniques in the art] of craftmanship (bzo'i rig byed sna tshad) and all sorts of paraphernalia [and provisions] for journeying into the presence of the [Tibetan] king (rgyal po'i mdun du 'gro ba 'i lag cha 'i rigs gang yin), whereafter [a continent counting] many soldiers headed by two emmisaries (mi dpon) named Za-ya-tha'i Byang-kun and g.Yang-gu'i hen [i.e. ~ a n ~ - were ~ usent] to~ escort ~ ~ [her ~ from Chang-an to Tibet] [along with] the recital of amicable proclamations [in her honour on leave-taking] were given (mthun pa 'i gtam byas).1476 The territories (sa cha) of Byang-ngos [i.e. Liangzhou] and Gha [i.e. ~ i a z h o u ]too '~~~ were controlled (bdag byas) by Tibet [for] a period of thirty years [during his reign]. In the time of his son, king Khri-srong lde-btsan, there [were] disagreement between nephew and uncle [i.e. Tibet and China], wherefore wars in turns actually were waged numerous [times] (dmag rgyag res mang du byas 'dug).Zhang rGya-tsha lha-snang and general 1Ha-bzang kluprince of Zhou. Or it may allude to the Korean general Hei-chi Chang-zhi, cf. Beckwith, pp. 45-46. However, having recourse only to the Tibetan transcription of Chinese names, it is well-nigh impossible to determine whether it refes to one or two names. 1472 DTHMP 9b6-7; YLJBCHBY 28.18-29.10. This is a somewhat contracted and inprecise depiction of the events taking place in the years of 676-78 A.D. The supporters and collaborators of the Tibetans are reported to have been, not two revolting A-zha generals, but ArSila Du-zhi, later qayan of the Western Turks and one Li Zhe-fu, who conjointly campaigned against and conquered the Four Gamsons of Western China. The Tanggeneral Lijing Xuan's armies, in 678 A.D., suffered a major defeat in a battle with the Tibetans under the command of mGar Khri-'bring. The retaliating Chinese attack may refer to a provisional assult on the Tibetan camp led by a Korean Hei-chi Chang-zhi that forced the Tibetan contingent to withdraw. Cf. for details Beckwith, 1987, pp. 43-45 with ref. and previous note. 1473 DTHMP 10b3-4; YLJBCHBY 30.11 -13. Cf. the notes 165-166 supra. 1474 DTHMP iob3-4; nmcmy 30. I 1-13. GLR is at variance with the two above sources, which correctly state that the princess was daughter to the brother of the emperor called Vi[ng]-dbang, i.e. Rui-wang. Cf. notes 167 and 1137 supra. 1475 DTHMP 10b5-6; YLJBCHBY 30.13-3 1.1 : Dza g.Yu-tha'i-g.yang/jan [and?] Gung g.Yang-gyu. Cf. Bushell, 1880, pp. 456-458; DemiCville, 1952, p. 1; Pelliot, 1961, pp. 98-99; Uray, 1978, pp. 568-569. 1476 DTHMP and YLJBCHBY both silent. Cf. Beckwith, 1983, p. 6, n. 15. This sentence may in fact also be construed as: [Tibet and China with this mamage alliance] entered negotiation on peace (mfhun pa 'i gtam byas) [i.e. communicated friendly with one another]. Cf. also M. Benedikter, "Ein Gedichtzyklus um die im Jahre 712 nach Tibet verheiratete Prinzessin Chin-ch'engn, Oriens Exrremus, 12 (1965), pp. 11-35. 1477 Cf. the notes 174-175 supra. dpal etc., leading a Tibetan army [counting] twenty thousand soldiers, conquered Shing-hn [i.e. Lin-tao], [the fortified town ofJ Ce'u-mkhar [Te'u Ca mkhar, i .e. Tao zhou City] and the temtorities (yul mams) of sMan-rtse [i.e. Manzi, South China]. 14" mereafter] the nephew and uncle exchanged presents of friendship (mrhun pa 'i skyes phul). Although it was agreed to [negotiate] on friendly terms ('khon rned par chad m'ang), the Tibetan king concluded: "Although [the Chinese] are verbally reassuring that '[they] would [like to] stand on friendly terms with us' (kha la rang re dang mrhun par bya zer kyung), [in their] minds [they nevertheless] appear highly spiteful (sems sin ru gmg par byung)." Thus, even during the time of king Mu-ne btsan-po and Sad-na-legs there were numerous [incidences] where, [at] every occasion when peace [prevailed between the two countries] offerings of [funeral] presents [were being exchanged] and [every time] hostility [prevailed] wars in turn were being waged. ~ c c o r d i n ~ lmNga3-bdag ~ , ' ~ ~ ~ Ral-pa-can also, with [a period] of hostility metween] uncle and nephew [i.e. the Chinese emperor and the Tibetan king], [had] an army [counting] tens of thousand [of soldiers] led, whereafter China was invaded and all provincial fortified [garrisons] (yul mkhar) were conquered. The Chinese monk (ha shung, heshung) and Tibetan chaplains acted as mediators and oath-witnesses (bar dang mnu' dpang mdzaa'), [the Chinese was compellled] to offer presents to please the nephew [i.e. Tibet], and henceforth (do phyis) [it] was agreed that no hostility [was to] prevail. At the border (so mrsharns) Wtween their countries] [at a place] called [Gong-bu] rMe-ru [situated in] China,1480the nephew and 1478 DTHMP 1la1 ; YLJBCHBY 32.2-6; DTHMPSM 27b2-3. The events related refer to the massive invasion made by the Tibetans in the years 756-757 A.D., cf. Beckwith, 1987, pp. 143-146. Cf. also Annals @. 64). For the two Tibetan generals [sNanam] Zhang rGya[l]-tsha[n] ha-snang and [Tshe-spong] IHa-bzang klu-dpal, cf. the notes 1302 and 1336 supra, also recorded to have been active during the construction of bSam-yas. dPa'-bo, HBCHBY 1 12a5-7 chronicles how general Zhang rGyal-tsha Iha-snang overtook the Chinese capital and large parts of China in 763 A.D. 1479 A conspicuous verbatim parallel to the following passage is also contained in BZH (Stein ed. 74.975.2 = CHBYMTNYP 457b3-459a4 (where Nyang-ral are more detailed, especially on the temtories and places occupied by the Tibetans, op. cit. 457b6-458b3) = MBNTH 136a3-b4 = nJBCHBY 65.15-66.7, but cf. note 1484); cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 13213-b2 and DTHZHG 73.1-1 1 (slightly abbrev.). This information is important, while it tells us that a source, perhaps even an older or more original version (of BZH?, bSam-yas Ka-gtsigs chen-rno? containing the appended section (zhabs btags ma) or parts thereof) was in circulation in the XIIth century, being first employed by Nyangral. The content of the following passage is only partly derivable from the treaty as recorded on the rdo-ring inscription in Lhasa, which suggests that late in the dynastic period or at the inception of the phyi-dar period, therefore, a source detailing, inter olio, the Sino-Tibetan treaty and its background was issued. The identity of this source remains unknown, since it cannot have been Gushri Rin-chen-grags' work, a work exclusively (?) presenting the dino Chinese dynastic material. It was first issued in its Tibetan fashion, at the earliest, in 1265 A.D., but more likely in 1325 A.D. (cf. Appendix, note 135). Although the extant appended BZH version in its present form at the earliest dates from the same period (while it quotes Bu-ston's CHBY from 1322 A.D.), the zhabs-brags-m or appendix, like BZH itself, must be considerable older, while Nyang-ral in his magnum opus and in MBNTH has retained a similar-worded parallel to the appendix, cf. ad note 1387 supra. 1480 BZH (Stein ed. 74.12, 75.2): ffiya'i Gong-bu rMe-ru = CHBYMTNYP 458b5, 459a2,4: rGyali Gong-bu Ma-ru = MBNTH 136b2,4: Gong-bu dMa'-ru = YLJBCHBY 65.18. Cf. also HBCHBY uncle, the king [and emperor] each erected a temple, on a boulder @ha bong) [the figure of] the sun and the moon were drawn,14'l [the treaty thus stated]: "In space [above] the sun and the moon [harmoniously form] pair; on earth, the nephew and uncle, the king [and emperor] [similarly rule in harmony]. Beyond rMe-ru of China [downwards] no Tibetan military invasion [shall] be led. [Alternatively,] beyond that [place towards Tibet] [upwards] a Chinese military invasion shall not be conducted. Mutually the [respective] frontiers [shall] be guarded. The lands and stones of [each country shall] rest [at ease] in their [own] bed (sa sa ma1 rdo rdo ma1 du gnus), 14" so a law was made [proclaiming] that Tibetans [shall] be happy in Tibet and the Chinese be happy in China (bod bod yul du skyid rgya rgya yul nu skyid khrims mdzad). The Three Jewels (Triratna), the sun, the moon, planets and stars and the Iha gnyan [spirits] were placed as witnesses and the nephew and uncle swore [their] oath and pledge (dbu snyung dung bro bor)." Accordingly, the text of the treaty (chad ma1 gyi yi ge) was inscribed on three stonepillars (rdo rings). On the two great sides (zheng che ba) of the stone pillar, the texts of the sworn edict made [in form] of a treaty (chad ma1 la bgyis pa'i mna' tshigs [= gtsigs] kyi yi ge) were written by the nephew and uncle, the king [and emperor], the two. On the two minor sides (zhen chung ba) the name and lineage (ming ncr) of the Tibetan and Chinese ministers and the accountants (rtsis pa) adhering to the [royal] command (bka' la gtogs pa; i.e. members of the court council) were written. Thereupon a stone-pillar was erected in 1Hasa, one stone-pillar was erected in front of the Chinese emperor's palace [in Chang-an] and [one stone-pillar] was erected at rMe-ru, at the border between China and Tibet.1483 "In case Tibet conducted an invasion of China, paying no respect to the wording of this treaty and the Chinese three times recited the text [inscribed] on the stone-pillar in front of the palace of the Chinese emperor, then all of Tibet would be ruined. [Alternatively,] were China to invade Tibet, and [the Tibetans] read the text of the stone-pillar in 1Ha-sa trice, then all of China would be lost." [Thus it was declared.] The two kings sealed [it] with [their] seals and the Tibetan and Chinese ministers adhering to the [royal] command placed [their] oath (dmod btsugs). This is only a brief outline, should [you] want [to know] in details the text of the Tibetan and Chinese treaty, [you may] look at the text of the 1Ha-sa rdo-rings.1 1484 Thereupon, an Uyghur (sogpo) general [with his army] amved in Tibet. The [Tibetan] (JA) 132a4,6 and DTHZHG 73.6. Szerb, 1983, p. 380, suggests to identify the place with De-ga g.Yu-tshal. The best reading is possibly dMar-ru. Bon texts register an early Bon centre denoted rGya'i Gong-bu dMar-ru, cf. Karmay, 1972, pp. 41, 48. rGya or China must be conceived as a complement in order to distinguish this temple and site from the IHa-sa dMar-ru or Red Horn temple, cf. note 1451 supra. For further discussions, cf. now Uebach, 1991. 148 1 BZH (Stein ed. 74.14) = CHBYMTNYP 459a2 = MBNTH 136b1-2 = YLJBCHBY 66.1-2: pho 'ong ( = pha bong) la nyi zla'i gzugs byas. Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 132a4-5. This single piece is also retained in GBCHBY 362.19-21. 1482 Cf. Richardson, 1985, p. 125. 1483 BZH (Stein ed. 75.1-2) = CHBYMTNYP 459a4-5 = MBNTH 136b4 = YLJBCHBY 67.5-7; HBCHBY (JA) 132a7-bl and DTHZHG 73.8-9. 1484 YLJBCHBY 67.7-1 1 and HBCHBY (JA) 132bl date the treaty to the sixth day of the middle month of spring in the water-male-tiger year, corresponding to 822 A.D. For the text, cf. e.g. Richardson, 1985. minister ~ h ~ u n ~ - z h awas ~ s killed ' ~ ~ 'and as a result of this, it was said that the relationship between China and Tibet was broken. This Historical Chronicle of China and Tibet (reyo-bod kyi Iergyus d e t ~ t h e r ) ' ~ ~ was compiled by the Archivist (yig m h n ) Su-khyi an'^" [living] during [the reign of] the Emperor Tha'i dzung [i .e. Tai-zong of Song], whereafter it was successively revised. Later it was translated into Tibetan by the Chinese translator 'U Gyangdzu at the large prefecture (sde chen) of Shing-kun (i.e. Lin-tao). Inasmuch as there were some dates which did not correspond and some names of persons of that [dynastic] period which did not conform [in this Tibetan version between the Chinese data and the[ir] corresponding Tibetan renderings], Bla-ma Gu-shfi [i.e. Goushi] Rin-chen-grags, while residing in China, subjectad [the data delineating] the nature of relation prevailing between China and Tibet [as described in the above unpublished translation by 'U Gyang-dzu] to an analytical test (gun rshigs su bzhed) [i.e. a critical collation of the two versions] and published [his recension] in the woodfemale-wood year at the large prefecture of Lin-tao, thus making it universally [accessible] to all. This [exposition given here] is merely a brief rdsumt, if someone wants [to know] the details of the nature of relationship between China and Tibet and the story of the Uncle and Nephew, [you] may look it up in that very printed b k ] ([slpar ma)! [XM] [The Anti-Buddhist Revolt] Thus, the King, the Lord (mnga' bdag) Ral-pacan, being mindful of the precious Teaching of Buddha, handed over the power to the religious community (dge 'dun)'488 and 1485 YLJBCHBY 32.10- 14: In the fire-male-dog year (= 866 A.D.) the Sog-po (here Tangut?) general Pho-ku bTsun came to Tibet and killed minister Khyu-zha, and his decapitated head was given the Chinese emperor [as a sign of submittance], whereafter the relationship between Tibet and China was broken. As confirmed by YLJBCHBY, this refers to the hapless fate of the last known representative of the Tibetan imperial power, general Blon Gung-bzher, a Tibetan die-hard who continued to fight the Chinese in the north-western border regions. He was eventually captured and executed by the Tangut general Tou-ba Huai-pang in 866 A.D. before his head was handed over to Tang. For the possible source for YLJBCHBY maintaining that the assassinator of Gung-bzher was, not Tou-ba Huai-guang, but Pho-ku bTsun = Pugu Jun, cf. Moriyasu, 1981, p. 203 and Beckwith, 1987, pp. 169-172. 1486 Cf. note 135 supra. 1487 AS adduced in note 135 supra, this seems to be a contraction of Su-khyi (the famous Song-qi, 9981061 A.D.) and Han gSi-hu (unidentified). 1488 BZH (Stein ed. 75.3-4) = CHBYMTNYP 425b6,459b4 = MBNTH 135b6-136al. CHBY 145a6; GBYTSH I 45b1-2. BZH (Stein ed. 74.1-8, 75.2-1 1) = CHBYMTNYP 457a4-b3, 459b3-460a6 = MBNTH 136b4-6 provide us with a look into the background for the discontent nourished in the Tibetan society and in leading quarters against the increasingly powerful Buddhist institution. The decisive step taken by Ral-pa-can to hand over the power to the Buddhist congregation was the starting signal for the ensuing revolt that led to his assassination and, before long, to the civil war and the collapse of the dynasty. The dissatisfaction was no doubt two-pronged, the Buddhist religion and its concepts were still largely alien to the Tibetan c d and mentality and, more important, the enormous financial burden required to uphold its ever-expanding institutions, swallowing large part systematized the religious and secular laws, the two. He rendered service to the temples raised by his ancestors such as 1Ha-sa, bSam-yas and d ~ a r - c h u n ~etc. ' ~ * [He] ~ fixed the entire Tibetan population to the law [based] upon the ten virtuous [acts], whereafter the perpetration of theft (rku), robbery (jag) and fraud @.yo zol) were eliminated. All [those] among the ministers and population who were in opposition to Buddhism [thus] had the[ir] '~~~ actions kept strongly within narrow bounds (spyod pa shin tu dog par g y ~ r ) . The[se] people thereafter said to one another: '491 "What is the reason (gang gis lan) for a limitation in our [freedom of'J action like that?" "These [limitations] are caused by these [individuals] (de dug 'di mums kyis lan)!", they resolved inting their fingers towards the [Buddhist] looking [upon them] with envious eyes monks (btsun pa mums lo mdzub mo gtud)lhGd (mig ngan bltas pas). [This] came to the ear of the king and he [therefore] proclaimed: 1493 "It is unjust (mi rigs pas) to be looking [upon] my ordained [monks] with evil eyes after having pointed (sdigs mdzub gtud) at [them]. [It is] therefore [decided] that henceforth (da phyis) whoever should try [such a behaviour again] will have [their] eyes pulled out and [their] fingers cut off!" n'~~~ Thus, it displeased very much the wicked ministers such as sBas s ~ a ~ - r n a - c aetc. of the annual tax revenue, was in the long perspective not sustainable. The attempt to regulate the secular and religious laws mentioned here in GLR alludes to his systematization of mi chos and lha chos, an attempt already made by king Khri-srong Ide-btsan. In an effort to pacify the growing opposition, the above texts tell us, king Ral-pa-can convoked the entire population, lay as cleric. While extolling the divine power of the Buddhist institutions, he simultaneously handed over to the discontented zhang blon-s, a series of mi chos accounts and presents, among others a number of genealogical narratives. Cf. Appendix, note 359 for these texts. Cf. also Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 402-404. 1489 Possibly better sKar-c[h]ung of the rGya[l]-sde district, on the southern bank of sKyid-chu, due south-west of 1Ha-sa (according to dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 128a7 located in the sKyid-shod district). BZH (Stein ed. 69.15-70.6) = CHBYMTNYP 4471448a2-449a2 (Tafel 299.3.2-301.1.2) = MBNTH 132a2-6, render, inter alia, sKar-chung's etymology and details on its construction. The form dKar-chung is also testified from ancient times, cf. also note 729 supra. Famous primarily for the sKar-chung Inscription (cf. Richardson, 1985, pp. 72-81). It was erected by Sad-na-legs. Cf. also GBCHBY 317.19-20; DCHBY 133.14-15. 1490 Verbatim also retained in BZH (Stein ed. 75.4-5) = CHBYMTNYP 459b5-6; HBCHBY (JA) 134b1-2. Cf. also note 1488. 1491 BZH (Stein ed. 75.5-15) = CHBYMTNYP 459b6-460b3: more detailed and diverging. Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 134b2. 1492 BZH (Stein ed. 75.15-76.4) = CHBYMTNYP 460b5-461a2. Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 134b2-3. 1493 BZH (Stein 4.76.2-6) = CHBYMTNYP 461a2-4. Cf. also GBYTSH 145b2-3; HBCHBY 134b23. 1494 The anti-Buddhist minister sTag-rnalsna-can [Tiger-earlnose] [of] the sBas/dBasldBa's clan. Common name rGyal-to-re [of] dBa'. BZH (Stein. ed. 75.15, 77.4); CHBYMTNYP 461b4-5, 462a6, 463a2; GBCHBY 265.9-12: sBas rGya-to-re stag-snang, 361.4, 365.8, 365.18-19, 367.9; DCHBY 137.19-138.1, 138.20; NGTMTPH 4a3, 14a6-7 (Uebach, pp. 66-67 (nn. 225,229), 118119); CHBY 145b2 (Szerb, p. 48); DTHMP 18b4; YLJBCHBY 12-13; KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 3,436.11 - 12: [sBas] rGyal rTa-ra sTag-snang; HBCHBY (JA) 130b2-3, where dBa'as rGyal To-re stag-snya is recorded to have sworn in the king's pro-Buddhist treaty and 134a6-135b1, where dPa'bo offers the detailed background story of this minister's nick-naming. In the Dunhuang Chronicle (Bacot er al., 1940, p. 102 (1. 21). p. 132): dBa's rGyal To-re sTag-snya is registered as the last that the king was extremely pious (dkar ba) regardin Buddhism (chos). They therefore conspired to extirpate the religious laws (chos khrimr).' 95 'If [we] do not kill the king, [we shall] not be able to eliminate the religious laws." Some delared:'496'Although [we] put the king to death, the Devaputra [i.e. the prince] gTsang-ma and the minister Bran-kha dPal [gyi] yon[-tan], the two, are [so] devoted to Buddhism (chos) that [we shall] not be able to eliminate the religious laws." So, it was decided first to have the Devaputra gTsang-ma and Bran-kha dPal gyi yon-tan eliminated (med par bar)followed by the execution of the king. The [court-Iastrolo ers (mo nsis pa) were suborned (bmgan par byin) [so that they] with one voice declared: 149B'If the Devaputn gTsang-ma remains here, [his] life will be in danger (sku tshe la bar chod 'ong) and the royal power shall be destroyed." The Devaputra gTsangma was [accordingly] banished to dPal-gro (= spa-gro) [of] Mon[- ul]. '498 Thereupon, sBas sTag-ma-can r e p o d slander to the king: '41 'The g r a t Chos-blon f figure in the minister-list. As these sources adduce he was, similar to a number of his anti-Buddhist ministers, nicknamed 'devil (the'u rang), here the 'monkey-faced one' (sprel mgo can), while he was involved in slandering the chief minister Bran-kha paving the way for the ascent of Glang-dar-ma, cf. note 1538 infro. mKhas-pa IDe'u reports, op. cit. 265.9-14, that he erected the temple of Khrom-sna I&-lungsrung in order to purge the amount of sin accumulated by having calumniated Bran-kha. 1495 BZH (Stein ed. 76.7-9) = CHBYMTNYP 461a5-6. Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 134b3. 1496 BZH (Stein ed. 76.9-12) = CHBYMTNYP 461a6-b3. DTHMPSM 30b5-6 and HBCHBY (JA) 134b3-4. 1497 Lacking from other sources except HBCHBY (JA) 134b4. 1498 BZH (Stein ed. 76.10-77.1) = CHBYMTNYP 461b1-462a5, and 471a4, 472b1-6 on his activities in spa-gro where he also died; MBNTH 138a1-2; BGR 197b5, 199al; GBCHBY 366.1 1-13, 380.6-7; DCHBY 139.8-9; NGTMTPH 3b3,6bl (Uebach, pp. 60-61,82-83; CHBY 145b1 (Szerb, p. 47): Banished to Gro-mo (Chumbi); DTHMP 18b5; nJBCHBY 66.14; GBYTSH 147a6; DTHMPSM 30b6; HBCHBY (JA) 134a5, 134b4-6; DTHZHG 75.9-10. Various versions of his subsequent fate are preserved in Tibetan literature. A dominant version, first employed in BGR, speaks about him being assassinated with poison by his own mother or even by the sNa-nam clan. Another, foremost represented by Nyang-ral, dwells on his religious activities in Mon (approx. = modern-day Bhutan), where he also passed away. The story with the poisoning displays some remarkable parallels to the story and fate of Mu-tig btsan-po, (cf. note 1404 supra), that a case of literary confusion, itself a phenomenon of trite occurence in this kind of literature, is, as already suggested by Aris and Uebach, near at hand. That this is the case may also be bolstered the fact that this killing is absent from the list of in all tea cases of regicide and pamcide that took place during the entire dynastic period, cf. GBCHBY 375.14-376.14. Deeming the fact that an almost unanimous later Bhutanese tradition regards gTsang-ma, as expressed by M. Aris, 1988, op. cit. pp. 113-114, as 'a fountainhead for all local nobility" (of the area), in other words, all major clan houses boast descent from this Tibetan refugee prince, it is altogether more likely that gTsang-ma, already depicted as a pious ordained monk, succeeded in pursuing his religious activities in Mon-yul. His body is reported to have been be buried and concealed there. Cf. the detailed discussion by Aris, Bhutan, pp. 83-1 14; Uebach, p. 61, n. 209; Chab-spel, 1989@), pp. 407-410. 1499 BZH (Stein ed. 76.13-14) = CHBYMTNYP 461b3-462a3 (slightly more detailed) = MBNTH 138a1-2; GBCHBY 359.19-362.4; NGTMTPH 4a3 (Uebach, pp. 66-67); CHBY 145bl; n J B C H B Y 66.13-15; GBYTSH 147a6-bl ; DTHMPSM 30bl-2; HBCHBY (JA) 134th-7; DTHZHG 75.10-13. ml(has-pa Ide'u, GBCHBY (elements of this story is also retained in HBCHBY (JA) 134aGbl) Bran-kha dPal gyi yon-tan and queen Cog-ro-bza' dPal gyi ngang-tshul, the two, have been indulging in an improper liaison (mi '0s pa'i spyod pa byas)." [As a result] the great Chosblon, having been innocently calumniated, was put to death. lSo0 Thereafter, being [now] thirty-six years of age, in the iron-female-bird year,1501the king, while being [fast] asleep having been served rice-wine, was killed by strangulation (ltag ' ~ ~two. ~ pa bskor) [committed] by sBas sTag-ma-can and Cog-ro l H a - l ~ d , the Until then, there had been twelve and a half happy generations (skyidpa'i gdung r d s ) and five very happy generations.1503 The tomb of mNga'-bdag Ral-pa-can Was erected meing located] in the left comer (g.yon zur) of Don-mkharmda' . This tomb too was filled with troves of precious jewels. Its name was said to have been 'Khri-steng rmang-ri .1504 has retained an unique version of the background behind the Bran-kha's impeachment ([skyon] 'bebs pa'i rgyu mshan) and the intrigues perpetrated by minister sBas rGyal To-re stag-snang which led to his execution. 1500 BZH (Stein ed. 76.14-15) = CHBYMTNYP 461b4-462a2. Cf. also another version of HBCHBY (JA) 134b7-135a6. BZH and Nyang-ral record that minister dBa' repeatedly demanded that Bran-k[h]a be punished and that he was finally put to death at g.Yul/g.Yung-thang in 'Phan-yul. Cf. previous note for further references. 1501 BGR 198b5; CHBYMTNYP 462b3-6 (slightly more detailed); MBNTH 138a3: States that he was killed age twenty-five; GBCHBY 362.13-16: Age forty-one, he was killed by the people ('bangs; in contrast to lha or royals, always indicating non-royals, such as ministers) in a rat year at Landkar; DCHBY 139.4: Age thirty-six killed by the people; NGTMTPH 6a7 (Uebach, pp. 80-81); CHBY 145b2; DTHMP 18b5; YLJBCHBY 66.14-16: Age thirty-six, he passed away in the ironfemale-bird year in [the palace ofj Zhom-par of Mal-gro; GBYTSH 147bl-2; HBCHBY (JA) 135a6-7: Age thirty-six, in the iron-female-bird year; DTHZHG 75.13-14: Killed in the waterfemale-bird year; cf. note 1420 supra for details. As adduced by the large majority of sources, the king was killed in 841 A.D. in Lan-dkar. 1502 BZH (Stein ed. 77.2-4) = CHBYMTNYP 462a6-b4 (slightly more detailed): dBas rGyal rto-ra and Co[g]-ro Legs-sgra-ldong served the king, while he was having his hair washed (dbu skra bsil ba), rice-wine laced with poison, but to no avail, so in turn IDong-btsan and Cog-ro IHa-lod strangulated him at Lan-dkar; GBCHBY 362.13-16; DCHBY 139.4: Killed by the people (cf. prev. note); NGTMTPH 4a4 (Uebach, pp. 66-67): The king was killed by Cog-ro as a vendetta (gsad pa 'i mi sha) [for the death of queen dPal gyi ngang-tshul of the Cog-ro clan]; CHBY 145b2: Killed by sBa rGyal To-re and Cog-ro Legs-sgra; KTHDNG (NGA) 406.19-22: [The king] was killed by the brother [Glang-]Dar-ma at Lan-kha; GBYTSH 147b1-2; DTHMPSM 30b2-3; HBCHBY (JA) 135a6-7: Strangulated by the three wicked ministers sTag-ma-can, Cog-ro IHa-lod and Legs-dug btsan-ste; DTHZHG 75.3- 15. 1503 BGR 196b6-197al: Eight happy and three-and-a-half very happy generations; NGTMTPH 2b5, 3a5-b2 (Uebach, pp. 54-55): Eight-and-a-half happy generations, three-and-a-half very happy generations; DTHMP 18b5-6 twelve-and-a-half happy and four-and-a-half very happy generations; KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 2,435.3-4: Twelve-and-a-half happy generations; YLJBCHBY 66.19-67.2; GBYTSH 147a1-2; HBCHBY (JA) 133b5-7. Cf. Haarh, 1969, pp. 81-87 for further sources and discussions. 1504 GBCHBY 378.16-18: Khri stang smang ri; YLJBCHBY 66.16-17: Khri stengs rmang ri; GBYTSH 147b2; HBCHBY (JA) 1 3 4 6 6 ; DTHZHG 75.15. ~ h e r e u ~ o nthe , ' ~power ~ ~ of the [Tibetan] rulers diminished like the descending [melting] water in winter (dgun kha'i 'bab chu bthin bri). The secular laws (rgyul khrim) [based upon] the ten virtues went into decay like a truss of rancid straw (sog rul gyi phom thug bzhin zhig). The merit of the Tibetan population became like a lamp of which the oil was consumed (snum zocl kyi mar me bzhin song). The benefit and happiness [accruing] from [political] power (chub srid) vanished like the rainbow in space (num mkha'i 'ja' bzhin yal). The activities of a black [i.e. non-Buddhist] art has raised like the turmoil of a tempest (yul ngan gyi ['Itshubma bzhin lungs). The disposition of benevolence (bzang byed gyi bsam blo) was forgotten like a last night dream (mdang sum gyi rmi lam bzhin bjed). To suchlike [conditions] it had come. Without any service rendered to translators, erudites (lo pun) and chaplains, [they] proceeded to [their] distinct lands. The [plans for] continued translations of religious writings were thrown aside. Those [among] the ministers and population devoted to Buddhism were overcome by misery and rendered helpless. [XX] [King Glang-dar-ma] Since the wicked, sinful ministers such as sBas sTag-ma-can etc. now had become very , ' ~ ~ an emanation of Mas, being powerful, king Khri Glang-dar-ma d ~ u - d u m - ~ a n[himself] in opposition to Buddhism and [moreover] endowed with a malicious character, was elected to the throne and thereby gained control over the [entire] kingdom. Cf. also Panglung, 1988, 346-347. 1505 The last passage, consisting of a number of analogies illustrating, from a traditional Buddhist perspective, the depraved situation in Tibet with the decline of Buddhism, is lacking from GLR's presumed sources. Repeated in DTHMPSM 3 1a2-6; HBCHBY (JA) 135b6-136al (metrical). Parallels in the contemporary and older literature are not absent, though listed with a different wording altogether, cf. GBCHBY 363.15-19 364.7-1 1; DCHBY 107.9-14; NGTMTPH 4a6-b4 (Uebach, pp. 66-69). Cf. parallel Bon sources, Karmay, 1972, p. 98. 1506 1.e. Khri 'U-dum-btsan, alias Glang-dar-ma. Cf. e.g. BGR 199a1-2; CHBYMTNYP 463a1-3: Age nineteen he assumed power; MBNTH 138a4: Age nine he took over power; GBCHBY 364.12-18: Born in a sheep year [i.e. 803 A.D.] in 'On-sbang-rdo, age twelve the father died, he ruled one and a half year, age thirty-two he was killed in a tiger year 1i.e. 834 A.D.]; DCHBY 137.17-18; NGTMTPH 6a2-3, 14a6; CHBY 145b2; DTHMP 18b6; YLJBCHBY 67.2; GBYTSH 177b6; HBCHBY (JA) 137a2-3, 139a6: Born three years before Ral-pa-can, in a water-female-sheep year, age thirty-nine, in an iron-bird year, he took over power, and ruling six years, he died age fortyfour in the fire-tiger year; DTHZHG 76.1. For his various names, cf. Haarh, pp. 59-60. The chronological data contained in later Tibetan historical works concerning Glang-dar-ma show, similar to any other figure in the Tibetan royal line, considerable discrepancies. This can be explained not only by the fact that Tibetan scholars pursue different chronological systems, but also because these texts quite often have retained the data in a careless manner replete with simple cases of misquotations and miscalculations. This freqently makes it a forlorn hope to acquire a proper picture of the chronology. According to the majority of pre-GLR texts, ignored by Bla-ma dam-pa in the main text albeit a cormpt attempt is made in a gloss (possibly by a scrihe, cf. note 1541), the chronological data of the Buddhist apostate Glang-dar-ma can be deduced: He was born in 803 A.D. in a (wter)-sheep year, he took over power and persecuted Dharma in an iron-bird year, i.e. 841 A.D. and in the water-dog year, 842 A.D. he was assassinated. At that time the pandita D2naSlla made a retreat (mtshams bcad) in the temple of rMeru in IHa-sa. lSo7 Having difficulties in propitiating Dzam-lha [i.e. Jambhala], thepandita got furious and with the end (ning pas) of his [walking-]staff (mkhar gsil), [he] hit the's'tomach of the clay-made statue of Dzam-lha [i.e. ~ a m b h a l a ] , * ~whereby ~ O ~ a great [amount ofl gold poured out of [the idol's] stomach. Using this as material, [he then] raised as physical receptacle (sku 'i nen) [an idol of] Khasarpana, as verbal receptacle (gsung gi rten) a golden throne and as mental receptacle (thugs kyi i e n ) [he made] an [idol of a] silver-made cooing bird (dngul bya Mun bu can).1509 His disciple (nye gnus), the Kashmirian Utpala raised a silver-made [idol ofJ Maitreya [as well as] [memorial] offerings for the rememberance [of Buddha] were instituted.1510 During that period frost and hail, blight (btsa') and famine (mu ge), animal and human plagues etc. [regularly] occured. lS1 Using this as a pretext (de la snyad byas) [people said], the king's mind got ensnared by a graha @don)-demon, whereafter [he] suppressed the Teaching of Buddha. 1512 Some of the ordained [monks] were appointed as butchers (shun pa 1507 BZH (Stein ed. 77.16-78.4) = CHBYMTNYP 464a6-b5 = MBNTH 138b5-139al; NGTMTPH 12a4 (Uebach, pp. 108-109). Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 137a4. For rMe-ru, originally dMar-ru, cf, the notes 1451, 1634. 1508 *gloss: Ir [i.e. the instrument to hit with] is even said to [have] be[en] an iron vajra. So in BZH (Stein ed. 78.1) = CHBYMTNYP 464b1 = MBNTH 138b6; NGTMTPH 12aS. Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 137a4. 1509 BZH and Nyang-ral read 'khud 'khun bu can, the 'crooked' (?) silvery bird. Further elucidated in MBNTH 139a1, where it is stated that it was a golden bird and dPa'-bo, op. cit. 137a4-5, retains silver, but maintains that gold and silver poured out of the idol's stomach. One would otherwise assume that DHnaSTla employed gold exclusively as material, whereas the use of silver was reserved the disciple Utpala. Nel-pa's witness is unique in glossing that the Khasarpana is today (i.e. the XIIIth century) to be found in the Ser-stur monastery; further, the Arya PaiicavimSatikasahasrikH written in gold (as gsung rren) and a golden bird. 1510 BZH (Stein ed. 78.4-5) = CHBYMTNYP 464b4-6 = MBNTH 139a2; NGTMTPH 12a5-6. The latter text mentioned that the Byams-pa idol today is to be found in 1Ha-sa. 1511 Verbatim also BZH (Stein ed. 78.5-6) = CHBYMTNYP 464b6-465a1 = MBNTH 139a2-3; cf. also NGTMTPH 14a7; HBCHBY (JA) 137a5. 1512 BZH (Stein ed. 77.15, 78.5-81.8) = CHBYMTNYP 465a1-469b3 (slightly more detailed) = MBNTH 139a2-141b5: Details are here provided on the persecution of Buddhism perpetrated by Glang-dar-ma, the accusations launched by this king against the Chinese Kong-jo, her dowry-idol and her gwmantic probes, and allegedly using natural disasters as a pretext to suppress the Buddhist emblems. This eventually prompted the pro-Buddhist circles to conclude that the king was devilpossessed; cf. also briefly NGTMTPH 14a7-bl (Uebach, pp. 118-19); CHBY 145b4; YLJBCHBY 67.4-5; HBCHBY (JA) 137a5-6; DTHZHG 76.2-77.2. In conformity with other sections starting from the description of bSam-yas, BZH and CHBYMTNYP contain the most detailed and mutually almost verbatim versions, here concerning the persecution of Buddhism during the reign of Glang-dar-ma. It is worthy of note, as chronicled by these two old sources, that the blame (lan) for the occurence of these natural calamities by king Glang-dar-ma was ascribed the arrival in Tibet of the dowry-idol, the statue of Jo-bo ~h~kya-muni brought along by the first Kong-jo, herself considered an embodiment of a yaksasi and her illboding gwmantic probes (cf. the notes 1154-57). This could either be understdod as a general attack against Buddhism symbolized foremost by the Jo-bo statue or it may inform us that Glangdar-ma, rather than being seen as a fierce and monstrous anti-Buddhist painted by the Buddhist posterity, should foremost be seen as an anti-Chinese nationalist. Cf. also Appendix, note 1094. The text by Nel-pa as well as by Bla-ma dam-pa convey the impression that it was the bcol), some were deprived of [their] insignia [of religion], some were forced to chase [and ' ~ ~commencement ~ kill] game. Those disobeying were put to death (srog dung p h r ~ l ) . The of the destruction of temples was taken in 1Ha-sa ( l h khang 'jig pa'i sngon ma lho sa la byas). Hearing that the two Jo-bo statues (io bo rnum gnyis) were to be thrown into the water, the [pro-Buddhist] Dharma-ministers (chos blon) took [their] precautions ([hubs bym) and concealed [them] under [their] respective thrones.''14 The idol of Maitreya was wrap up in cotton-linen and [it was] concealed along the bank of the lake of 'O[-ma'i] thang. Intending to throw the [installed] [clay-]statues (Ider sku) inside [the temples] into the water, [the anti-Buddhist ministers] fastened a rope to the neck of [the idol of] Vajrapai, but those fastening [the rope] instantly vomitted blood and died, whereafter the destruction'of the [Buddhist] temples was [promptly] discontinued.''I6 The entrances to 1Ha-sa ['Phrul-snang] and bSam-yas etc. were walled up (sgo r t ~ i ~ ) . * 'All ~ " other minor temples were destroyed. Some books were thrown into the water, some were burned and some were hidden like treasuries.1518 The ministers who were devoted to Buddhism (dhanna) [now] knew that the king's mind had been ensnared by a graha-demon. 1519 Completely overcome with grief [they] cryingly declared:1520 "Great King! It is improper to deride the precious Teaching of Buddha. Consider the good customs of former [times] and look into the documents (yig tshang[s]) of [your] ancestors!" E? emergence of these calamities that prompted people, as pretext, to mean that the king was insane. But from the testimony in BZH, as adduced above, it is the king who used these misfortunes as pretext to persecute the Dharma. On gdonlgraha demons, cf. Nebesky-wojkowitz, 310ff. 1513 BZH (Stein ed. 79.8-10) = CHBYMTNYP 466b4-6 = MBNTH 140a4-5; cf. also NGTMTPH 14bl-2; CHBY 145b4; HBCHBY (JA) 137b3-4. 1514 BZH (Stein ed. 79.16-81.1) = CHBYMTNYP 467b3-469b3 (slightly more detailed); cf. also CHBY 145b4-5; DTHMPSM 33a3; HBCHBY 136a2, 137a7; DTHZHG 76.10-15. Cf. Appendix, note 1094, subnote 18 and 1555 infro. 1515 BZH (Stein ed. 80.10-81.4) = CHBYMTNYP 469a3-b3 = MBNTH 141bl-5 (both more detailed and different); cf. also DTHZHG 76.16-17. 1516 Lacking from all other versions except HBCHBY (JA) 136a3, 137a6-7. 1517 *gloss: Except [the temple ofl rMe-ru [in 1Ha-sa]. Cf. BZH (Stein ed. 79.15-16) = CHBYMTNYP 467b1-2 = MBNTH 140a5-6; cf. also NGTMTPH 14b3; CHBY 145b5; PMKTH Chap. 89, 540.5-14; DTHMPSM 32a3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 136a.5, 137a6-bl; DTHZHG 18-19. For rMe-ru, originally dMar-ru or the temple of the Red Horn in Lhasa, cf. note 1451 supra. GBCHBY 366.8-10; DCHBY 139.5-8: IHa-sa was destroyed by water, dKar-chung by fire and bSam-yas by sand. The testimony in the two 1De'u versions thus contradicts the above evidences, which claim that e.g. IHa-sa and bSam-yas were spared, except having their entrances walled up. 1518 BZH (Stein ed. 79.15-16) = CHBYMTNYP 467b2-3 = MBNTH 140a.5-6; cf. also GBCHBY 366.9-10; DCHBY 139.6-7; NGTMTPH 14a3; CHBY 145b5; PMKTH Chap. 89.539.7-541.10; HBCHBY (JA) 136a.5, 137a1-2; DTHZHG 76.12-13. 1519 BZH (Stein ed. 80.1-2) = CHBYMTNYP 467b4 = MBNTH 140bl-2; NGTMTPH 14b3-4. 1520 BZH (Stein ed. 80.2-5) = CHBYMTNYP 467b4-468a4 (more detailed) = MBNTH 140bl-4; cf. also NGTMTPH 14b4; HBCHBY (JA) 138a1-2 corroborates verbatim GLR. From the above testimonies, aside from Nyang-ral, the impression is conveyed that it was the desperate ministers that read the documents of the ancestors. At that time,lS2l at the meditation college (sgom r[v]a) of Chu-bo-ri, while the monks] dGe-'byung [of] g . ~ o , 1 S Rab-gsal 22 [of] gTsangls2' and Shikyamuni [of] d M a r , [ ~ ~ ~ the three, [sat] meditating, dGe-'byung [of] g.Yo observed [how] a celibate [monk] (brsun pa, bhadanra) changed his religious coat (sham rhabs bjes) [into that of a lay], [how he] took hold of arrow and bow [instead], fastened a bird-feather (bya sgro) to [his] head and leadin a dog near at hand ('phral du khyi Wzn'd), [he saw how this monk] went [off] to chase gameb25'Am [I] old monk deranged (ban rgan 'Wzrul lam)? [Or] is the celibate mad (brsun pa smyo)?", he said. "What has happened?", [his fellow monks] inquired. Pointing out this game-hunter (ri d[v]ags pa) [to his two fellow monks], they declared: "You are not deranged! The celibate is [evidently] mad!" [They then] summoned the celibate to their presence. When [they] asked about the reason [for his unsual behaviour], the celibate responded: "You three [evidently] have not been hit by the king's punishment. You are in great danger indeed!", whereafter [he] told in details the story about the extermination of Buddhism. The three [fellow monks] got terrible scared and without [daring] to stay even for a moment, [they immediately] fled to Khams [setting out] along a northern route and bringing along three mule-loads (drel rgyab gsum) of Vinaya-books. [They eventually] took up residence in the rock-cave of Dan-tig-shel. 1521 BZH (Stein ed. 83.5-7, 89.2) = CHBYMTNYP 477a2-3 = MBNTH 143b1-2, 148a3; NGTMTPH 15a5; CHBY 147a2-3; DTHMP 19a4-5. In the following passage BZH, and the versions compiled by Nyang-ral, Nel-pa and dPa'-bo together with Bla-ma dam-pa are, with slight variants, almost verbatim congruous, all pursuing a common original. This section on the three monks has somewhat been misplaced in GLR, and should properly follow after the following section (XXI) on 1Ha-lung's mission. 1522 1.e. dGe-ba'i 'byung-gnas of g.Yo [of] IHo-brag. BZH (Stein ed. 83.6) = CHBYMTNYP 477a2: Of IHa-bragl'brog = MBNTH 143bl; NGTMTPH 15a5 (Uebach, pp. 120-121): Nel-pa states in a gloss that he is from rBo-dong (later famed for Bo-dong E), which according to Fenan is situated between present-day Phun-tshogs-gling and bKra-shis Ihun-po; CHBY 147b2 Bo-dong-pa g.Yo dGe'byung; DTHMP 19a5; KTHDNG (NGA) 407.6: dGe-chung of g.Yog-po; YLJBCHBY 88.7: BoDong-pa g.Yo dGe-'byung. 1523 BZH (Stein ed. 83.6) = CHBYMTNYP 477a3: 'Jad Khyel gyi gTsang Rab-gsal = MBMH 143b1-2; NGTMTPH 1 5 6 where Nel-pa in a gloss maintains that he descends from 'Jad, which acc. to Ferrari is situated east of Mus-chu, a tributary to Raga gTsang-po, cf. Map; CHBY 147b2: 'Jad kyi Gyel mi gTsang Rab-gsal; DTHMP 19a5; KTHDNG (NGA) 407.6; YLJBCHBY 88.6-7: 'Jang kyi 'Gyel-mi gTsang Rab-gsal. 1524 BZH (Stein ed. 83.5) = CHBYMTNYP 477a3: Shikya-muni ofdMar of Byang g.Yu-ru; MBMH 143bl: g.Yu-ru Byang-thang gi dMar Shikya-mune; NGTMTPH 15a6: dMar-ban [bandel Shakyamuni [of Lungs-smad]; CHBY 147a2: sTod-lung-pa dMar Shakyamuni; DTHMP 19a5; KTHDNG (NGA) 407.7; YLJBCHBY 88.7-8: sTod-lugs-pa dMar Shikya-mune. 1525 BZH (Stein ed. 83.7-9) = CHBYMTNYP 477a3-5 = MBNTH 143b2-4; NGTMTPH 15a6 (Uebach, pp. 122-123); CHBY 147a2. 1526 BZH (Stein ed,. 83.9-10) = CHBYMTNYP 477a5-6 = MBNTH 143b3; NGTMTPH 15a6. 1527 BZH (Stein ed. 83.10-1 1) = CHBYMTNYP 477a6 = MBNTH 143b4; NGTMTPH 14a6. 1528 BZH (Stein ed. 83.10-12) = CHBYMTNYP 477bl-3 = MBNTH 143b4-5; NGTMTPH 15a7-8. 1529 BZH (Stein ed. 83.12-13) = CHBYMTNYP 477b3-478a3 (more details on their flight) = MBNTH 143b5-6; NGTMTPH 15bl-3 (Uebach, pp. 122-123); CHBY 147b4: An-chung gNamrdzong (cf. note 1533) [sic] Dan-tig she1 gyi Yang-dgon; DTHMP 19a5-6; KTHDNG (NGA) In their wake, K[v]a 'Od-mChog grags[-pa]'s30 and Ron -ston Seng-ge rgyalr n t ~ h a n , the ' ~ ~two, ~ taking along many books on Abhidhnnna,1s39fled to Khams where they took up residence in the rock-cave (brag khung) of An-chung gNam-rdzong.'533 [XXIl [The Regicide by Ma-lung dPal gyi rdo-rje] At that time 1Ha-lung dPal gyi rdo-qe'534sat meditating in the rock-cave of Yer-pa. lS3' At 407.7-8: An-chung Dan-tig brag phug; YLJBCHBY 88.9-10. The place Dan-tig she1 is perhaps to be identified with Ri-bo Dan-ti shan (NGTMTPH 16b4) where a sgom gr[v]a, a meditation-college, was established during the reign of Ral-pa-can (cf. Nelpa, s.v.). Located close to rMa-chu, cf. Stein, Tribrrs, pp. 76-77. Bla ma dam-pa's version is highly contracted. Cf. foremost Szerb, 1990, pp. 56, n. 17, p. 57, n. 2 for more details on their flight, the places they visited and further references, Western and indigenous. 1530 NGTMTPH 15b3. Where Bla-ma dam-pa's contracted version leaves us with the impression that this religious figure escaped along with Rong-ston, the more detailed version by Nel-pa disassociates these two figures and delineates their respecive flight. 1531 NGTMTPH 15b4: Rong-ston Seng-ge grags[-pa]. Cf. previous note, according to Nel-pa, Rong-ston's flight to Khams was not undertaken together with K[va] 'Od-mchog, but with a certain IHa-lung Rab-'byor-dbyangs. Indirectly confirmed in GLR, cf. note 1603. Bla-ma dam-pa's version is abbreviated and incomplete. 1532 GLR reads mngon pa dung [sic] mdzod kyipo ti mang, i.e. many books on Abhidharma and K&. Nel-pa merely has Abhidharma. If it not a case of misconstruction, what is meant is perhaps that many books on Abhidharma incl. Vasubandhu's famous Abhidharmakoga. 1533 NGTMTPH 12a2, 15a3 (Uebach, pp. 106-107, n. 524, 122-123): Acc. to Nel-pa's account the site An-chung was not the destination of the two monks mentioned in GLR, but the site occupied by another fleeing group of monks, headed by g.Yo dGe-'byung and dMar Shikyamuni; CHBY 147b34 (Szerb, pp. 56-57): where Bu-ston seems to equate Dan-tig she1 (cf. note 1529) and An-chung gNam-rdzong; DTHMP 19a5-6. Cf. the detailed discussion in Szerb, op. cir. p. 57. n. 2. Anchun was a sgom-gr[v]a erected in Khams during the time of Ral-pa-can, s.v. Nel-pa. 1534 The figure has gone down in Tibetan history as an ardent champion and saviour of Buddhism. Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 81.8); NGTMTPH 14b5; CHBY 145b6. In a Dunhuang document (IOL 689/2), transcribed and translated in Karmay, 1988, pp. 76-80, a list of religious masters is given. Most signally, in the lineage of bSam-yas abbots, IHa-lung dPal gyi rdo-rje is registered as the ninth upholding this position. This fact has gone u ~ o t i c s daltogelher by later Tibetan historians. HBCHBY (JA) 106a3-108a3 provides some details on this figure. He was born in Gung-mo-che in 'Brom-ston and his lay-name was sTag Nya-bzang. 1535 BZH (Stein ed. 81.8-9): Yer pa Phug Be'u = CHBYMTNTP 474a2-3: Yer pa'i IHa ri snying po no sPre'u Se ru ma ru na [sic] = MBNTH 141b5-6; Yer pa'i dPe'u; GBCHBY 368.4-5 and DCHBY 140.18: IHa-ri snying-po of Yer-pa; NGTMTPH 14b5: sP[r]elu Se-ru of Yer-pa; CHBY 145b5-6: IHa-ri snying-po of Yer-pa; HBCHBY (JA) 13215; DTHMPSM 32a6-bl; DTHZHC 77.3-4. As can be deduced from the following notes, Bla-ma dam-pa (and dPa'-bo) follows, for a description of the assassination of the king, basically an original version employed by BZH, Nyangral, Nel-pa and, as we shall see, partly by mlllras-pa IDe'u also. midni~htthe Tutelary Protectress (bstan [pa'i] srung [ma]) of 1Ha-sa, dPal[-ldan] IHa-mo [i.e. SridevrJ appeared [in front of him] and proclaimed:1536uNow there is no other ascetic (siddha) [left] in Tibet except you. King Glang-dar-ma is posing a threat to the Teaching of Buddha. It is time to assassinate the sinful king. I shall assist you! Do not dispair (snying ma chung cig)! " The following morning when [he] questioned his disciples about the background (rgyu mtshan), [it turned out] to be true. Without paying any heed to his own life and being mindful of the Teaching of Buddha, he generated a [volunteering] willingness (spobs pa, pratibhdna) [to carry through] the assassination of the king.ls3' Using various means [such as] smearing a white horse black with charcoal, and dressing PimselfJ in a cloak made black [on] the outside but white from within, wearing a black hat and smearing his face @lack] with cart-grease (sol snum), [he] inserted bow and arrow into his sleeves, rode [his] black horse and set out for 1Ha-sa announcing: "[I] am the Black Fearless (bkrag = skrag med) Demon (bDud sKrag-med nag-po)! " 1536 BZH (Stein ed. 81.9- 10) = CHBYMTNYP 474a3-4 = MBNTH 141b6-142al; NGTMTPH 14b46; GBYTSH 148a4-5; HBCHBY (JA) 137b6-7 (slightly different again); DTHZHG 77.4-5. 1537 BZH (Stein ed. 81.10-12) = CHBYMTNYP 474a4-b3 (more detailed) = MBNTH 142a2; NGTMTPH 14b6; CHBY 154b6; HBCHBY (JA) 136a1, 137b5-6; DTHZHG 77.5-7. In most of the primary and parallel sources, the 1Ha-lung's compassion is stressed, whereas Bla-ma dam-pa stresses his resolution to undertake the task. A number of texts records that his assistants or retinue for this mission consisted of renown figures such as (Myang) Ting-nge-'dzin, and sNubs Nam-mkha'i snying-po. 1538 BZH (Stein ed. 8 1.12-13, 82.6) = CHBYMTNYP 474b5-475a1, 475b4 = MBNTH 142a2-4; cf. also GBCHBY 368.5-8; NGTMTPH 14b6; CHBY 145b6,146a2; HBCHBY (JA) 136b1-2,137b7, 138a4-5; DTHZHG 77.7-8. A fair consensus reigns concerning 1Ha-lung's outfit. The outcry by 1Ha-lung is narrated first to be articulated, according to other versions, when he had already taken to flight and not when he set out on the mission. Two exclamations are articulated by IHa-lung. The present one, identifying himself (sadonically) with the 'Fearless Black Demon' is only confirmed by mKhas-pa IDe'u, whereas the second exclamation, identifying himself with the Divinity 1Ha gNam-the1 dkar-po - here conceived or seen in contrast to (or as a pro-Buddhist complement to) the ditto black anti-Buddhist aspect and being voiced after he had passed through the river on his flight, which in appearance turned him all white (cf. also note 1548), is found in other versions also. An alternative version embedded in BZH, Nyang-ral and Bu-ston etc. record, as a variant of bDud sKrag-med nag-po, that he exclaims that he is bDud Ya-bzher nag-po. As dPa'-bo aptly puts it, in devil's dress (chas) he killed, in godly ditto he fled. This depiction with these demonic embodiments ultimately goes back, it appears, to a common source, a Buddhist apologetic narrative (plausibly originating in the Xth cent.), which partly offered a depiction of king Glang-dar-ma (seng ge'i mgo can) and his three leading ministers s B s rGyal Do-re stag-snya (sprel mgo can) (cf. note 1494), sNa-nam rGyal-tsha Khri-'bum-rje (khra rngo can) and Cog-ro Legs-sgraI1Bal-'khor Zher-legs as demonic embodiments (also designated the four yaksa-brothers). They are depicted not only in their former lives having caused havoc and devastation, but in particular in the present existence, where they had manifested themselves in the form of demons (the'u rang 'gong po) witb various animal-heads leading Tibet in social anarchy (kheng log) and ruin @hung ba) (cf. note 1541 infra). This narrative, of which hitherto only fragments are retained, also relates how the figures gNam-the1 dkar-po, Ber-the1 khra-bo, Sa-thel nag-po and Phung-'gong nag-po eventually took abode in the heart of these ministers who were causing the elimination of the Buddhist tradition. Cf, e.g. CHBYMTNYP 463al-b3; GBCHBY [Arriving] there, [he] approached the spot where the king [Glang-dar-ma] was [busy] reading the text of the pillar[-inscription]. Pretending as if (ltar byas) paying [his] respect, he conjured (dmod btsugs) [his] [personal] tutelary (yi dam) deity and from his sleeves [he] drew forth bow and arrow. With the first bow [of prostration] @hyag dung po la), [he] put the thumb to [the bowstring] (mtheb sprad), with the second [bow] [he] bend the bow (mda' bkang) and with the third [prostration] the arrow hit the king's forehead, whereafter he took to flight. The king, by the second bow @hyag gnyis kyis) gras the arrow [lodged] in [his] forehead and immediately drew it out (mod la drangs so).' 40*'541 Calling in [assistance to take up the] pursuit (ra mda' b o ~ ) ' '[after ~ ~ the assassinator, the pursuers all] hasted in the four directions [simultaneously]. But the people of the eastern direction spoke: "AS [the pursuers] were just about to seize [him] (zin la Wlad yodpa la), [he] escaped unseen when it grew dark (sa sros nar) [i.e. by twilight] via dGa'-mo-gdong." P 364.19-366.10, 367.9-368.2; DCHBY 137.16-139.5; PMKTH Chap. 89, 537.13-17; La-dvags rgyal-rabs (Chin. ed. 39.17-40.3); Kah-thog's MYDTH 182.22-183.19. Cf. similarly a late Bontext, Karmay, 1972, p. 107. Finally, d ~ a ' - b ohas, in addition to the version on IHa-lung's regicide being close to the one kept in GLR, also preserved a diverging version gleaned from old sources and from the Yer-pa'i dkar-chag, cf. op. cit. 138b7-139a6 (cf. also Appendix, note 1036). When IHa-lung therefore proclaims that he, in turn, embodies these demons, the compiler behind the narrative has added the story an ironic bent. This is also corroborated by the alternative form Ya-bzher nag-po who is none other than ffiyal-po Shing-bya-can, i.e. [djPe-bar, the chief protector of bSam-yas, cf. CHBYMTNYP 370a2 and note 1292-93 supra. As principal guardian of bSam-yas and Tibet, IHa-lung's mission, by embodying this figure, is not only depicted as a Buddhist retaliatory endeavour, but it moreover tallies neatly with the information proffered above (cf. 1534) that IHa-lung in fact was abbot of bSam-yas. gNam-the is possible of Mongolian origin reflecting tengri and it was the name under which Pe-har was known to Hor or Bhata-hor, cf. PMKTH Chap. 63, 384.1-2, Chap. 89, 540.14-15; see also Petech, 1990, p. 1 1 , n. 19. 1539 BZH (Stein ed. 82.4-6) = CHBYMTNYP 475b1-3 = MBNTH 142a4-b3; GBCHBY 368.7: Tersely states that the king was killed with a sword (ral grr); NGTMTPH 14b7 (Uebach, pp. 120121): containing a diverging version which maintains that the king was killed with a spear (mdung); CHBY 146a1-2; HBCHBY (JA) 138a2-3 accords with GLR; DTHZHG 77.8-10. 1540 GLR A: mod la g[r]ongs so, i.e. immediately passed away. 1541 *gloss: King Clang-dar-ma was born in a bull year, in a bird year he assumed the throne and withinfive years Buddhism was annihilaed (chos snubs). At the age of thirty-eight, in a tiger year. he passed away. Cormptive data: The bull year corresponds to 7971809 A.D., the bird year to 8291841, and the tiger year to 8341846 A.D. Cf. note 1506 supra. Possibly added by a scribe. 1542 For the escape of IHa-lung, cf. BZH (Stein ed. 82.10-83.3) = CHBYMTNYP 476a2-b6 = MBNTH 142b6-143a2; GBCHBY 368.1 1-18; NGTMTPH 15al-2, CHBY 146a3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 1386-bl . The versions differ in details, particularly in the locations passed by IHa-lung during his escape. Bla-ma dam-pa deviates in particular, and some of the locations mentioned by him are found as sites already geomantically or topographically described earlier in GLR. The narrative pattern with people from the various directions giving witness to the escape, is, aside from GLR. also found in CHBY and HBCHBY. A literary parallel is found in the Srong-btsan sgam-po Vita, where a similar narrative device is used to describe the amval of Kong-jo. Cf. note 7. 1543 This site is lacking in the other versions, except HBCHBY (JA) 138a5. dGal-mo-gdong is located close to Lhasa. Other versions have Drang-srong Srin-po-[ri'il-sna. The people of the southern direction spoke:"44 "[He] escaped unseen in the darkness by way of the lakeside of Grib." The people of the western direction spoke:"45 "[He] exaped unseen in the darkness [of twilight] by way of 'Phrang [i.e. abyss] [of] Shun." The people of the northern direction spoke:''" "[He] escaped unseen in the darkness [of twilight] by way of mDongs-mkhar-gdong." Most certainly [however], [he had] made the horse lie down (Ire = rta nyal byas pas) in the water of mDar-gdong [lake] of rib"^' and so the charcoal smeared on the horse was washed away and [its hue] turned white [again]. He threw away his black hat and washed off the cart-grease from [his] face. He [now] wore [his] cloak by turning the white [side] on the outside. With the p r ~ c l a r n a t i o n : '"I ~ ~am ~ 1Ha gNam-the1 dkar-pow, he went away. The pursuers (ra mda' ba) hasting [after him] in the four directions were un[able] to agree (kha ma 'cham par) [who to pursue], [while] [lHa-lung had] manifested [himself] emanationally in front of each [pursuer], and [each] said:1549"This [must] definitely be IHalung dPal gyi rdo-rje!" and [immediately the pursuers] were sent to look for [him] at the rock[y cavern] of Yer-pa. There, at the rock-cave (brag khung) [of Yer-pa], []Ha-lung] dPal gyi rdo-j e feigned to be in [a state ofJ dhydna-contemplation (bsam gtan la yod pa'i lugs su byas), took hold of a pigeon and made [it] throw down earth-dust (sa rdul 'bebs su bcug). Thereupon [he] let worms (mug ma) and ants (grog sbur) etc. loose so that when the traces of these [animals] (de rnams kyi rjes) were seen by the people [chasing him], [they] realized that no [person 1544 BZH (Stein ed. 82.15) = CHBYMTNYP 476a6 = MBNTH 143a3; cf. similarly NGTMTPH 15al; CHBY 146a3-4 (Szerb, p. 51); HBCHBY (JA) 138a5: Grib-mtsho and Grib bSe-sgrom kyi phu, cf, also note 757 supra. Grib is the district lying opposite to IHasa. 1545 Variant reading: 'Brang [of] Shun. Unattested in other versions, except HBCHBY (JA) 138a6. Shun is attested, cf. the notes 741, 768 supra. The other versions unanimously list via ThelIThan-mo rdoring. 1546 Unattested in other versions, except HBCHBY (JA) 138a6. Interestingly in the vicinity of Lhasa a mDongs-mkhar is attested, cf. note 756 supra. 1547 BZH (Stein ed. 82.11-13) = CHBYMTNYP 476a3 = MBNTH 143al: bDud Ya-bzher gyi mfsho khol m a l b h d Ya-bzher bgyi ba [s]Kyi[d]-chu'i mtsho khol ma, (i.e. the boiling lake of the Demon Ya-bzher, cf. note 1538); NGTMTPH 15al: Grib-mtsho; CHBY 146a3 (Szerb, p. 50): Mi-nag mtsho. 1548 Cf. note 1538 supra for textual ref. This mythical figure, [IHa] gNam-the'ulthel dkar-po, occurs in a lengthy versified prophecy ascribed to and allegedly delivered by Srong-btsan sgam-Po, forecasting e.g. the period of the Dhanna-persecution during the reign of Glang-dar-ma. In this lung bsran gdam pa (for ref. cf. note 1050 supra, e.g. KCHKKHM-2 278.3-12; CHBYMTNYP 275b5-b2), this mythical figure embodies the wicked minister sBas sTag-sna-can (cf. note 14941, perhaps the singly responsible figure behind the elimination of king Ral-pa-can. The testimony given there even mentions that the wicked minister was killed by a sngags pa (which a gloss identifies with Ba-ri dBang-ba dPal gyi yon-tan). The embodied divinity IHa gNam-the1 dkar-po is conceived as the pro-Buddhist counterpart to the anti-Buddhist bDud Sa-the1 nag-polbDud Ya-bzher nag-Po, which 1Ha-lung personified prior to the killing. Cf. also PMKTH Chap. 63. For this figure, cf. Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1975, pp. 97f., 101, 120, etc. 1549 BZH (Stein ed. 82.16-83.1) = CHBYMTNYP 476b1-2 = MBNTH 143a4; GBCHBY 368.11-12 (slightly different); NGTMTPH 15a2; HBCHBY (JA) 136a2, 138a6. could] be [present inside the cave], wherefore [they] turned back. ' 5 5 0 One knowledgeable person (mi rig pa dung ldan pa) [however] [decided to] go inside [the cave]. When [he] [in the darkness falteringly] placed [his] hand on the heart [of IHalung], [he] perceived that the heart was beating [from fear of detection] (snying bdar ba[r] shes). 'Generally, [we] would let [him] escape, but in this special [case], [we] cannot [affort him] to slip away!" (spyi'i tha ba (= thurpa) la sgos su shol (= shor) mi bcog), he said and left. lSs1 [In the wake of this experience], [IHa-lung] was temfied and without even waiting for a moment he fled to Khams. lSs2 [m [Prince 'Od-srung[s] and Yum-brtan] Then, after the murder of the sinful (sdig can) king, the junior queen (btsun m chung ba) was [already] pregnant with a son (sras /to[ bo]r cig byung), [a heir] to [carry on] the [royal] lineage (gdung brgyud). lSs3 This made the senior queen think: 'This [child] would certainly impair my power (mn a ' thang). [She therefore] wrapped up her body in a garment (80s kyis dkris) and declared:lBs4 "I too am pregnant with a son (rrus lto bor [= Itor] cig yod)!", talking falsely about the size of the infant-boy. Now, when the months [of pregnancy] for the junior queen were full, a son was born that definitely was a [legitimate heir of the royal] lineage (gdung brgyud yin nges). lSSS His 1550 BZH (Stein ed. 83.1-3) = CHBYMTNYP 476b3-6 (slightly more detailed) = MBNTH 143a4-6; GBCHBY 368.12- 15; NGTMTPH 15a2-4 (Uebach, pp. 120-121); HBCHBY (JA) 138a6-7. The testimonies in BZH and Nyang-ral and in Nel-pa are largely corresponding. Bla-ma's version similar to dPa'-bo's is, again, deviating slightly, supposing that a different original of this narrative has been employed. 1551 This text piece seems corrupt and the translation is conjectural. Almost verbatim retained in HBCHBY (JA) 138a7-bl which reads: mi nag can gyi mi 'di na 'dug sre spyi'i tho ba la sgos kyi gshol mi bcog zer; but see also differently GBCHBY 368.15-17. 1552 BZH (Stein ed. 83.3-4) = CHBYMTNYP 476b6-477a1 = MBNTH 143a6-bl; NGTMTPH 15a4 (Uebach, pp. 120-121); CHBY 146a4 (Szerb, p. 51); HBCHBY (JA) 138bl. He fled to Khams with the following treatises AbhidharmakoSa (Chos mngon-pa mdzod) or Abhidharmasamuccaya (mNgon-pa Kun-las btus); VinayaprabhPvati ('Dul-ba 'Od-ldan) and KarmaSatakam (Las Ka-rma sha-tam). For an identification, cf. the notes by Uebach and Szerb. 1553 Cf. also GBCHBY 369.9; DCHBY 141.5; DTHMP 18b9; YLJBCHBY 67.19-68.1 ; DTHMPSM 33bl; GBYTSH 148b5; HBCHBY (JA) 139a7: all reading lto barlbor kyi sras. The mother is named g.Yor-mo Tshe-spong-bza' Yum-chen btsan-mo 'Phan. Jaschke, Dict. op. cit. p. 219, adduces, refemng to the present passage, that srm ltor (= Iro bor) should be understood as a bastard, i.e. an illegitimate child. But this is a rationalization and basically unfounded. It just means a belly-child. 1554 Cf. also DTHMPSM 33b1-2. This passage is lacking from earlier sources. 1555 BGR 199a3: Born in the water-female-pig year (= 843 A.D.) in spur-phu, he ruled for three years, and passed away in 'Phangs of Yar-lung in a wood-female-ox year (i.e. 905 A.D.); Bod kyi rgyalrabs, op. cir. 361a6, written by Chos-rgyal 'Phags-pa Bla-ma in 1275 A.D., closely following the homonymous BGR by Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan, adds that he assumed the age of sixty-three (i.e. 905 A.D.); CHBYMTNYP 483b3: Born in a water-female-pig year (i.e. 843 A.D.), he died in a woodfemale-pig year (i.e. 905 A.D.); GBCHBY 370.4-5, 376.10-1 1: Born in a monkey year (i.e. 840 A.D.) in Yum-bu bla-sgang, he died age forty-five in an ox year (sic! = 881 A.D., more than less body was exceedingly excellent. [He was] daily surrounded by people and during night [he] was safeguarded by the light from butter-lamps (mar me 'i 'od gyis bsrun ) wherefore he was called Ruler (mnga' bdag) 'Od-srung[s] ['The Light-Protected One']. Thereupon, the senior queen too bought a newly born son of a beggar and pressing it to [her] breast (sha la sbyar), [she] claimed:1557" I too have given birth to this [child]." Although everybody [present] entertained [their] misgivings, the senior queen was SO powerful that no-one [dared] to say [anything] and since what the [queen-]mother was saying had to be observed [very] firmly Cyum ji ltar gsun s a bzhin brtan du bcug), [the prince] was called Ruler Yum-brtan ['The Firm Mother']. I& LA' Tibetico!) in Yar-lung Phang-thang. He was assassinated by poison; DCHBY 141.6-9, 142.11-12: Born in a monkey year (i.e. 840 A.D.) in Yum-bu bla-sgang, he immediately (sic) took over the power and he died age fifty-five in an ox year (893 A.D.) in Yar-lung 'Phang-dang; NGTMTPH 6a4 (Uebach, pp. 82-83): Born in the earth-female-pig year (mistake for water-pig, i.e. 843 A.D., while Nel-pa usually follows BGR) in spun-dgu, at the age of twenty-four his father (Glang-dar-ma) died and he immediately took over the royal power and he passed away in Yar-lung 'Phang-thang in an wood-female-ox year (i.e. 8451905 A.D.); CHBY 146a2-3 (Szerb, p. 53): Born in the woodfemale-ox year (confused for his death year! 845 A.D.) and he died at the age of sixty-three (907 A.D.); YLJBCHBY 68.8-10: Born in a wood-female-bird year (i.e. 8151875 A.D.) in Yum-bu and passed away age thirty-nine (8531913 A.D.) in Yar-lung 'Phan-thang; GBYTSH 149b3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 139a7, 141ba7-bl: Born in the fire-female-hare year (i.e. 847 A.D.), he passed away age thirty-nine in a wood-snake year (i.e. 885 A.D.). As is seen a considerable dearth of consensus prevails among the sources as to 'Od-srung's dates. Accepting tentatively the assumption that he was born after the assassination of the father, we shall here follow the most convincing testimony offered by BGR for his birth: He was born 843 A.D., took over the power ca. 866-867 A.D. (following here his year of appropriation given by Nel-pa, and ignoring altogether that Nel-pa suggests hisfloruit to be 819-845 A.D. in conformity with Glang-dar-ma's death year 842 A.D.). His death year is completely open. An early death year and age seem appropriate, supported by two points: He was poisoned (claimed by the royal list enumerating the fatal end of royal heads, the reason given there for his assassination was that the senior and junior consorts (of Glang-dar-ma) could not agree). Another point is that the Tibetan civil war (kheng log), which exploded in 869 A.D., (mainly?) took place during the reign of dPal'khor-btsan's and that of Yum-brtan's heirs (cf. e.g. GBCHBY 370.16-19, GBYTSH 153b4-5; also confirmed by Bon-sources, cf. Karmay, 1972, p. 104). The information given by the Sa-skya-pas, followed by Bu-ston, that he assumed an age of sixty-three is nevertheless conspicuous, and would suggest, assuming the most convincing date offered by Nel-pa is trustworthy, at least plausible, that he died 881 A.D. which was an iron-female-ox (not wood-female-ox) year. So 'Od-srung: 843-881 A.D. Cf. foremost, Tucci, 1947 (reprint) pp. 457-59 and the convenient survey of his chronological data listed by Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 448-451 ; see also Golzio, 1984, pp. 45ff. 1556 1.e. Khri gNam-lde 'Od-srungs. GBCHBY 369.10-13: Also called gNam-ri 'Od-srung; DCHBY 141.7-9; CHBY 146a2-3; DTHMP 18b9; YLJBCHBY 68.2-7; DTHMPSM 33b1-2; GBYTSH 148b5-6; HBCHBY (JA) 139a7-bl ; DTHZHG 77.18-21. The sources offer slightly varying explanations as to why the child was so named. 1557 CHBYMTNYP 486a1: Khri-brtan, the son of the king's consort 'Bal-phan-bzal-ma; GBCHBY 369.14-20: The mother was called 'Phan-bza' 'Phan-rgyal, so also DCHBY 141.16 adding that he was born in dBu-ru; CHBY 146a5-6; DTHMP 18b8; DTHMPSM 33b2-3; HBCHBY (JA) 139bl3; DTHZHG 77.21-78.1. Cf. further Richardson, 1971(a) on the question of the mothership. These above versions show a fair correspondence even in the details. 1558 1.e. 'The [One with the] Firm Mother'. CHBYMTNYP 483a6; GBCHBY 369.14-20; DCHBY 141.10-16; CHBY 146a5-6; DTHMP 18b8-9; GBYTSH 148b4-5; DTHMPSM 33b2-3; HBCHBY (JA) 139b21-3. Although both these rulers had [yet] not come of age, [they] were [nevertheless] solicited by the ministers who were devoted to Buddhism (chos, d h m ) [to revive Buddhist practice, and granting their permission], the two Jo-bo [idols] and the Maitreyanatha (Byams mgon) [idol] were excavated from [their hide-out] below the earth and [were again] installed upon their respective thrones, offerings were presented [to them] and the dilapidated temples were again restored. Discord [now] followed as to the rulership (srid), and so 'Od-srung took hold of [the districts] of g.Yo-ru while Yum-brtan seized [the districts pertaining to] dBu-ru, whereafter a strife ensued. 1560 In the earth-female-ox year a social revolt (Men = kheng log) broke out.'561 In the Nyang-ral claims that Yum-brtan was son of consort 'Bal-phan-bza'. Tbe chronological data or even the mention of Yum-brtan have not been transmitted in Tibetan records, aside from stating that he died age thirty-six, cf. BGR 199a4; NGTMTPH 6b5 (Uebach, pp. 84-85); GBYTSH 149b2. This would highly tentatively give 843-878 A.D. However, his historicity is questioned; cf. the discussion in Richardson, 1971(a). 1559 Cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 136b4-5, 139b3-140al. Cf. note 1514 supra. 1560 GBCHBY 369.2-3, 369.21-370.3; DCHBY 141.16-142.5; DTHMP 19al; GBYTSH 148b6; DTHMPSM 35a7-bl ; HBCHBY (JA) 136b5-6, 140al-2; DTHZHG 78.4-8. The mention of Yum-brtan's seizure is lacking from GLR B. Both BGR and NGTMTPH maintain that these two heirs were brothers (spun). NGTMTPH 4b4 (Uebach, pp. 68-69) maintains that most of the local principalities pertaining to the districts of dBu[-ru] and g.Yo[-ru] were (or became) connected to the line of Yum-brtan. Cf. note 1568. 1561 BGR 199a6; CHBYMTNYP 483b5-484a2; GBCHBY 361.14-362.4,365.16-366.4,370.7-374.13; DCHBY 142.13- 146.4; NGTMTPH 4a5-4b3, 6b6 (Uebach, pp. 66-69, 84-85); DTHMP 19al; PMKTH Chap. 89, 538.13-539.3; GBYTSH 149a2, 153b4-5; HBCHBY (JA) 137a1-2, 140al141al; DTHZHG 78.9-15. The royal feud between the two brothers in the mid-IXth century soon paved the way for a veritable kheng log or social eruption which in turn inflicted the ancient institution and order of the old Tibetan dynastic society a crushing blow and led to what in later literature is known as Bod sil bu, the decentralistic fragmentation of Tibet. While the royal feud between the rivalling heirs was restricted to Central Tibet, the civil revolt under the leadership of a ringleader (log dpon) named dBa'as Kho-gzher Legs-steng, as these sources chronicle, broke out in mDo-khams in the earthfemale-ox year (i.e. 869 A.D.), when both brothers were twenty-three years of age (according to dPa'-bo), but soon the rebellion swept across the entire country. As already noted by Uebach, op. cit. p. 62, n. 214, the term kheng[s] alludes to or is synonymous with g.yung, i.e. the lowest class in the Tibetan society designating subjects ('bangs) conscripted to civil service (to be distinguished from mi rgod, subjects that were consigned to military service). As delineated by dPa'-bo, HBCHBY 20bl-3, also quoted by Uebach, kheng is in short a class term for a service-bound subject ('bangs las byed). But the picture is more complex and the topic deserves a special treatment. The inner-Tibetan anarchy (nang 'khrugs) thus alludes on one side to a social uprising by the service-bound subjects or lieges (kheng) launched against the ruling class ( j e ) , but the conflict was, on the other hand, once it reached Central Tibet, also rooted in the lingering clan fights such as those between the 'Bro and the dBaV/sBaclan, partisans of each of the heirs 'Odsrung and Yum-brtan and their descendants who strove for supremacy. As discussed at greater length in the two IDe'u versions and by dPa'-bo, who have based their mainly metrical kheng log exposition on dGe-bshes Khu-ston brTson-'grus g.yung-drung's (I01 1-1075 A.D.) regrettably nonextant Lo-rgyus chen-rno (also called Rin-chen bang-mdzod), it was the assassination of the minister Bran-kha dPal gyi yon-tan, committed some thirty year earlier during the reign of king Ral- fire-female-bird year [all] the [royal] tombs [in the Yar-klung Valley] were demolished.lS62 The son of the Ruler (mnga' bdag) 'Od-srung[s] was the Lord ( j e ) dPal-'khorbtsan. The son of his senior consort (chen ma) was sKyid-sde Nyi-ma-mgon. 1564*1565 pa-can, to whom the vengeful instigation (lan) or the role as spiritual instigator behind the revolt (kheng log byed pa 'i phyva mkhan) is ascribed. Although we shall here see yet another case of later Buddhist apologetic martyrdom depicted, a core of truth remains as the dEia'IsBa minister rGyal-tore stag-snya (alias sTag-ma-can) was the choreograph behind the machinations that pinned Bran-ka with allegations of adultery and who himself had an active hand in the assassination of Ral-pa-can. mKhas-pa IDe'u simultaneously claims, doubtlessly with greater pertinency, that the overall reason for the revolt was the glaring (social and economical) difference prevailing between master and servant (rje kheng dbang khyad ches pas lan). PMKTH purports that the civil war lasted twelve years, which would give the spell 869-880 A.D. (whereas other sources maintain, cf. note 1580, that it lasted well into the Xth century). Cf. similarly the lengthy discussion by Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 451-476. See further Appendix, note 1561. 1562 BGR 199a6; NGTMTPH 6b6 (Uebach, pp. 84-85); DTHMP 19al; GBYTSH 149a2, 153b5; HBCHBY (JA) 140b6-141a 1. The year of looting referred to is 877 A.D. Cf. also Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 468-69. 1563 BGR 199a4-5: dPal-'khor-btsan was born in the water-female-ox year (i.e. 893 A.D.) in 'Phans dar [ = mda'] [of Yar-lung], when he was thirteen years old the father died. He held the power for eighteen years and at the age of thirty-one, in the water-female-sheep year (i.e. 923 A.D.), he died; CHBYMTNYP 492b1-493al: Age thirteen his father died and he ruled for eighteen years and d i d age thirty-one in a water-female-sheep year (i.e. 8631923 A.D.); GBCHBY 370.16, 20-371.12, 376.12-14 and DCHBY 142.16-143.7: He was born in an ox year (the revolt year, 869 A.D.?) in 'Phang-thang, age thirteen the father died (i.e. 881 A.D.), he ruled for eighteen years and he was murdered in a sheep year (i.e. 899 A.D.), age thirty by sTag-rtse-snyags; NGTMTPH 4b4, 6b5 (Uebach, pp. 68-69, 84-85): Nel-pa follows BGR, but has confounded the years of his birth with that of his death, otherwise birth 863 A.D. and death 893 A.D.; CHBY 146a6: Age thirteen he came to power and he died age thirty-one; DTHMP 18b6; YLJBCHBY 68.8-1 1: He was born in the wood-female-bird year (i.e. 865 A.D.); KTHDNG (NGA) 407.13-14; GBYTSH 150bl-2: He was born in a wood-female-bird year (i.e. 865 A.D.) and thirty-three years old (i.e. 897 A.D.) he was killed by sNyags sTag-rtse; HBCHBY (JA) 141bl-2: Born in a wood-bird year (i.e. 865 A.D.), when the father was nineteen and he passed away age thirty; DSYML 69.2-6: Born 865 A.D. and died age thirty-five, 899 A.D. Cf. also note 1731 infra. dPal-'khor-btsan was son of king 'Od-srungs and consort Cog-ro-bza' rGyal-mo. The chronological picture however is, as always, a muddle, and the only reliable yardstick is probably that he reached the age of thirtylthirty-one and that he was assassinated. Here we shall opt for the witness given in the two IDe'u versions: He was born 869 A.D. (would also tally with BGR, if this text's water-ox is altered to earth-ox) and fits neatly with the fact that the father ('Od-srung) d i d when he was thirteen years old, i.e. 881 A.D. dPal-'khor-brtsan died in 899 A.D. Cf. also Tucci, 1947 (repr. 1971(b)), p. 458 and for an convenient discussion incl. a chronological survey, cf. Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 476-485. 1564 BGR 199b5: sKyid-lde; CHBYMTNYP 493a3-495a1; GBCHBY 380.13; DCHBY 146.5-9; NGTMTPH 4b6-7, 6b6 (Uebach, pp. 68-69, 84-85): sKyid-lding; CHBY 146b3-4: Khri sKyid-lde Nyi-ma-mgon; DTHMP 19b6; YLJBCHBY 68.12; GBYTSH 153b5-6; HBCHBY (JA) 141b2; DSYML 70.21 ; MYDTH 184.11-12; DTHZHG 78.19-22; DSYML 73.6-8: He erected the castle of Nyi-ma-gzungs. He was the younger son of dPal-'khor-btsan and queen sNa-nam-bza' Legs-btsun, whereas dPal-'byor bzang-po maintains that the consort was Tshe-spong-bza'. He settled down in g.yo-fl. Cf. also note 1652 infro. In fact this king had three sons. The son of his junior consort (chung ma) was bKra-shis b r t ~ e g s - p a . ' ' ~ ~ + ~ ~ ~ ' Whatever rulership (srid) these two [sons] possessed was forcibly taken away @hrqs) by Yum-brtan, wherefore [both rulers] fled to mNgaS-ris[of Western Tibet] where they functioned as kings of mNga9-ris.lS6' While the beggar-son was caringly brought up (gces par gsos par), he emerged as Yum-brtan. As a [person] of low extraction (rigs n g ~ n ) ' was ' ~ ~elected to leadership (dpon du bskos), the secular laws pased] upon the ten [Buddhist] virtues were absent. The royal 'flesh' [line] was discontinued by b i n g mixed with] ordinary @dood] (sha gong nyung m a bcad pus), so the sun of benefit and happiness has been obscured. The royal line was chased away to the frontier [regions] (mrha ' la phud pus), wherefore the lineage of [legitimate] rulers [in Tibet proper] ceased [to exist]. Thus it is said. 1565 *gloss: From him descended the kiigs of Ya-tshe and mNgal-ris. Cf. below ad notes 1652-1731. 1566 BGR 199b3-4: bKra-shis brtsegs-pa btsan; CHBYMTNYP 493a4: Khri bKra-shis brtsegs-pa dpal; DCHBY 141.2, 149.17-18: mchims-tsha (of mChims descent) bKra-shis mgon; GBCHBY 380.1820, 384.8; NGTMTPH 4b5, 6b7 (Uebach, pp. 68-69, 84-85): bKra-shis brtsegs-pa-dpal; CHBY 146b4; DTHMP 19b6; YLJBCHBY 68.1 1 ; GBYTSH 153b6-154al; HBCHBY (JA) 141b2; DTHZHG 79.19. The elder son of king dPal-'khor-btsan and queen mchims-bza' bTsun-ne. According to dPal'byor bzang-po the junior queen was 'Bal-'bza' 'Phan-rgyal. He settled down in U [ = dBu]-ru, but cf. note 1560. The two brothers divided between them sTod and sMad, i.e. the Western and Eastern [part] of Tibet. Through their numerous descendants Tibet became fragmented (khol bu, sil bu) as delineated in the sequel. Cf. the note 1733 infro. 1567 *gloss: From him descended the Lords (Jo 60) of lo-stod and Yar-[kllung. Cf. below ad notes 1732ff. 1568 GBCHBY 369.2-3,369.21-370.3; DCHBY 141.16-142.5; CHBY 146b4:Stating that Nyi-ma-mgon was exiled or banned to mNgal-ris; DTHMP 19b6-7; YLJBCHBY 68.13- 14; GBYTSH 15411 -2; HBCHBY (JA) 141al-2, 141b2-3; DSYML 68.18-19. Cf. Tucci, 1956, pp. 51-66. The IDe'u versions maintain that Tshe-spong-bza' (the mother of sKyid-lde Nyi-ma-mgon) fled to the northern part of dBu-ru, where she died and having lost the battle (to Yum-brtan's line), eighteen precious ancestral heirlooms belonging to the fatherlmother (i.e. to Glang-dar-ma and the kyi nor royal house), among which nine particularly preciously mounted items bum mcrlyab bco brgyad lags pa j e ' i can dgu), were confiscated and taken away by Yum-brtan. Most of these items were later retrieved by 'Od-srung's line, through the activities of Khri-chung, a scion of dPal'khor-btsan, cf. for details ad note 1751 infro. For the ramification of their descendants ruling in Western Tibet, cf. ad the notes 1651-1730. The source for the following piece of metrical narrative remains unidentified, hut possibly the Lo-rgyus chen-mo of Khu-ston. 1569 Referring to his real father's profession as a beggar. The flesh or sha below usually alludes to the mother-line (in contrast to rus or bone signifying the father), but since Yum-brtan here was regarded as an adopted son, i.e. the heir presumptive, this designation does not seem to apply. Tbe entire adoption narrative concerning the princeling Yum-brtan may be a later invention, cf. Richardson, 1971(a). [ X X l I I l [The Royal Lineage of Yum-brtan] The son of Yum-brtan was Khri-[slde mgon-snyan. lS7O To him two sons were born, the eldest of which was Rig-pa mgon,lS7l the youngest Nyi-ma mgon. The son of Nyi-ma mgon was Nyi-'od d~al-mgon.1S73His line multiplied in [the districts ofJ Rlung-shod [ = Klung-shod], 'Phan-yul and m D o - K h a m ~ . " ~ ~ The Throne[-holder] (khri) Rig-pa mgon had two sons born to him, the eldest of which was 1De-po.lS7' 1570 CHBYMTNYP 496a3: Khri-lde mgon-po; GBCHBY 370.16-17: mGon-spyod, but 388.11 and DCHBY 152.7-8: Khri-sde mgon-snyanlsmyon; CHBY 146a6: Bu-ston has made two figures out of the son of Yum-brtan, i.e. Khri-lde mgon-po de'i sras mGon-gnyen; DTHMP 19al-2: Khri-ldemgon; YLJBCHBY 67.12: Khri-lde mgon-mnyen; GBYTSH 152b2-3; HBCHBY (JA) 141a4; DSYML 75.19. dPal-'byor bzang-po maintains that he was the son of Yum-brtan and his consort [s]Pa-tshabbza' bKra-shis-mtsho. In this brief lineage of Yum-brtan's descendants there is full verbatim concordance between DTHMP, GLR, YLJBCHBY and HBCHBY, obvious following a common source first employed by dGe-ba'i blo-gros. On the other hand, the version employed by Nyang-ral, followed by Bu-ston, and in particular the two IDe'u-versions present us with further details. These supplementary data are not necessarily in discordance with the above traditional sources, but a few cases of parallel lists given suggest that more than one (authoritative) genealogical record did circulate in Tibet already from the XlIth century. While the line of Yum-brtan at least by later Tibetan Buddhist historiography was regarded as less legitimate or at best a heir presumptive, being considered as an usurper of the rulership of Central Tibet and partly responsible for the fragmentation of Tibet, their genealogical ramification is, compared to the legally regarded lineage of 'Od-srung[s], more seldom expounded. For a detailed survey of the descendants and lineage of Yum-brtan based upon the above sources also, cf. Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 567-576. 1571 CHBYMTNYP 496a3; GBCHBY 388.13; DCHBY 152.8; CHBY 146bl: Rig-pa mgon; DTHMP 19a2; YLJBCHBY 67.12: Khri-lde Rig-pa-mgon; GBYTSH 152b3; HBCHBY (JA) 141a4; DSYML 75.19-20. 1572 CHBYMTNYP 496a3-4; GBCHBY 388.14; DCHBY 152.8-9; CHBY 146bl; DTHMP 19a2; YLJBCHBY 67.13; GBYTSH 152b3; HBCHBY (JA) 141a4. A discrepancy in the transmission of this figure can here be observed in the sources. According to Nyang-ral and the two IDe'u versions, this figure is lacking from the line, and instead the following royal figure Nyi-'od dPal-mgon is listed as the younger son of Khri-lde mgon-snyan. 1573 CHBYMTNYP 496a4; GBCHBY 388.14; DCHBY 152.8-9; CHBY 146bl; DTHMP 19a2; YLJBCHBY 67.13: Nyi-'od dPal gyi mgon; GBYTSH 152b4; HBCHBY (JA) 141a4. Cf. note 1580. 1574 DTHMP 19a2: Rlung-shod1Klung-shod; YLJBCHBY 67.14: reading Klung-shod instead of R l W shod; GBYTSH 152b4; HBCHBY (JA) 141a4-5. The district of Klung-shod is situated along sKyid-shod north-east of Lhasa, cf. Ferrari, Map. In the dynastic period the Zh[v]a7iIha khang was erected in this district, cf. e.g. NGTMTPH 13a2 (Uebach, pp. 110-111). 1575 CHBYMTNYP 496a4; GBCHBY 388.15; DCHBY 152.9; Khri-IDe; CHBY 146bl: Khri IDe-PO; DTHMP 19a2-3; YLJBCHBY 67.14- 15; GBYTSH 152b5; HBCHBY (JA) 141a5. The youngest was rDo-rje-'bar. The line of 1De-po was [known] as the descendants of [the place] B ~ g - p a - c a nand l~~~ Thang-la-brag.lS7' rDo-rje-'bar's son was throne[-holder] (khri)dBang-phyugs b t ~ a n . ' ~ ~ ~ His son was Tsha-na Ye-shes rgyal-rntshan. 1576 CHBY vacat; DTHMP 19a3; YLJBCHBY 67.15; GBYTSH 152b5; HBCHBY (JA) 1 4 1 5 ; DSYML 75.19. Lacking from Nyang-ral, Bu-ston and the versions of the two IDe'u. These four older versions, on their side, display only partly correspondence in the listing of the following descendants, whereas Bu-ston and Nyang-ral share some common elements. The rest of the above sources follow DTHMP. 1577 1.e. Bug pa can pa. So also DTHMP 19a3; YLJBCHBY 67.15; GBYTSH 152b5; HBCHBY (JA) 141a5. Location unidentified, but, as seen below, situated in Yar-stod, in the district of rDo. CHBYMTNYP 496a4-5; GBCHBY 388.15-389.5; DCHBY 152.9-153.14; CHBY 146bl, all drawing from a common source, offer us another line of details: The son of Khri-lde (= IDe-po?, cf. previous note) was 'Od-po. He had three sons: Khri-lde A-tsa-ra, Khri[-lde] mgon-btsan and mGon-brtsegs. The two IDe'u versions present us with the continuous genealogical minutiae: The five sons of A-tsa-ra: The king (brsudpo) Klu-lde, the son [sic] of the Ruler of Rum-po of spa-tshab, 1Ha-lde, spa-tshab ['U-'u] Tsha (or: of spa-tshab descent) 'Bum-lde, rKa-ba Khri-nam-lde (lacking in one version), mGon-btsan and mGon-brtsegs. Klu-lde's sons were 'Od-po and PhodIPhed-po. IHa-lde had three sons such as Grags-pa [etc.]. 'Bum-lde has the sons Nyi-ma and Zla-pa. [gNam-lde] mGon-btsan had three sons: IHa-chen grags-pa, Dar-chen grags-pa and 'Bra'o-tsha. mGon-brtsegs too had many sons. The second son of 'Od-po was Khri-lde man-btsan, who too had three sons, but only the youngest survived: 1Ha-lde btsan. He again had two sons: ffiyal-bu Yon-Wag and IHa-btsun sTonpa. Yon-bdag had five sons, the eldest was dBang-phyugs-khri. His son was Thog-po. His son Khridar. His son So-na dza-ro [sic]. He again had eight sons and daughters, [such as] So-na Di-bu [sic], Bla-ma mgon[, who?] again had 'Bum-dar. The lineage of So-na represents the lineage of the king of Yar-stod, (called) sMon-lam btsan. They all settled in Bug-pa-can and Thang-la-brag. The youngest of the three sons of 1De-po, named Khri-lde rnGon-brtsegs had two sons: Ho/Here and Khri-dpal. The son of Ho/He-re was king Ne'u-du/Ne'u Khri-[gltsug. He had five sons who constitute the lineage of the elder brother [of IDe-pol Rig-pa-mgon. The lineage can boast of seventy dignitaries (zhal ngo). Cf. similarly, Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 567-576. 1578 1.e. Thang la brag pa. DTHMP 19a3; YLJBCHBY 67.15; GBYTSH 152b5; HBCHBY (JA) 141a5. Location unidentified, but situated in Yar-stod, cf. previous note. 1579 DTHMP 19a3; YLJBCHBY 67.16; GBYTSH 152b6; HBCHBY (JA) 1416; DSYML 75.19-20. Cf. note 1576. 1580 CHBYMTNYP 496a6; GBCHBY 370.16-17,389.14-15; DCHBY 153.6-7, 17; CHBY 146al-2: Tsha-nal Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan; DTHMP 19a3, 19b8-9: Tsha-Ian Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan; YLJBCHBY 67.17: Tsha-na-la [ = nal] Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan; GBYTSH 149a3-5, 152b6; HBCHBY (JA) 141a5; DSYML 75.21-76.6: 1Ha btsad-po Lo-tsi-ba Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan. Similar to the line of Rig-pa-mgon and his son IDe-po (cf. note 1577), the lineage of his brother Nyi-'od dPal-mgon, whose line Tsha-nal belongs to, CHBYMTNYP, GBCHBY, DCHBY and CHBY offer a slightly diverging family-tree: The son of Nyi-'od dPal-rngon (cf. note 1573) was mGon-spyod. Noteworthy also is perhaps that mKhas-pa 1De'u mentions that during the local reign of mGon-spyod, three types of retaliations and three kinds of civil clashes took place (dbu yogs rnarn pa gsum dung Wleng log rnam pa gsum) (cf. note 1561). mGon-spyod's son was Tsha-nal His son was Ruler (mnga' bdag) Khri-pa.lS8' During the time of these two, father and son, the extinguished fire (me ro) [i.e. glow] of the [Buddhist] Teaching was rekindled from m D ~ - K h a m s . ' ~ ~ ~ The four sons born to the Ruler Khri-pa were: A-tsa-ra, dGe-slon 1584 Bla-ma1'' and 1Ha-btsun Bo-dhi ra-tsa ( = Bodhiraja). lSa6 The line of A-tsa-ra is [today known] as the descendants of [the lace ofJ 'Phrangl ~ a n ~ - r ~ y a Glag b , ' ~~ ~a ~- l a m , of ' ~ ~rib,"^' ~ s ~ y e - t h a n ~ 'and ~ of Lum-pa J' Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan. He ruled as 'king' of bSam-yas about eighty years after the annihilation of Buddhism in Central Tibet, i.e. ca. 920-950 A.D. Cf. also the notes 1629, 1648 and 1650 inffa. In contrast, dPal-'byor bzang-po situates Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan and his son in the period around 910 A.D. In other words, the civil war, which started in 869 A.D., was still raging in the beginning of the Xth century. 1581 CHBY vacat. DTHMP 19a3; YLJBCHBY 67.17; GBYTSH 149a3-5, 152b6; HBCHBY (JA) 141a5-6; DSYML 76.12-13. Lacking, aside from Bu-ston, also from the versions of Nyang-ral and the two IDe'u versions. IDe'u Jo-sras, DCHBY, op. cir. 153.8-9, 153.14-20, however, claims that Khri-pa was one out of four sons born to Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan. On the other hand, IDe'u Jo-sras presents us also with (another) Yum-brtan pedigree counting the generations singlewise (rkyang pa) and here Khri-pa occurs as the single son born to Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan: The son of Glang-dar-ma was Khri-lde yumbrtan. His son mGon-spyod (cf. previous note), his son Nyi-'od, his son dPal gyi mgon, his son Khri Rig-pa-mgon, his son Tsha-la sNa Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan, his son Khri-pa, his son dGe-ba Ratsa (sic! = dGe-slong and A-tsa-ra, cf. the next notes), his son Zhang-nge, his son Khri-btsan, his son Khri-lde, his son Jo[r]-dga', his son Khri-tshe, his son Khri-tsug, he again had three sons Jodar, Khri-mgon and Khri-rgyal. 1582 CHBYMTNYP 496blff.; GBCHBY 390.5W, DCHBY 154alff.; DTHMP 19a4; YLJBCHBY 1718; GBYTSH 152b6-153a3; HBCHBY (JA) 141a5-6; DSYML 76.3-13. Cf. further the notes 1629, 1648-50 infra. 1583 Cf. also DTHMP 19b3; GBYTSH 153a3; HBCHBY (JA) 141a6. The name A-tsa-ra occurs also among the descendants of Khri IDe-po, cf. note 1577 and 1581 supra. The four sons are corroborated by both GBCHBY 389.15-390.4 and DCHBY 153.7-9, only here it is merely stated that the three younger sons spread geographically, and settled down in dBu-ru 'Phan-yul, 1Ho-brag and Rabs-shodlei ( = sKyid)-shod Mal-gro etc. The eldest son was called mGon-ne or Khri-pa (cf. note 1581). mKhas-pa 1De'u further lists the line of mGon-ne ( = Khri-pa): He had four sons: The eldest bKra-shis (mgon) was ill-stroken (and died?). However, cf. the list ad note 1577. 1584 CHBY vacat; DTHMP 19b3; GBYTSH 153a3; HBCHBY (JA) 141a6. Like GLR, all ultimately drawing upon dGe-ba'i blo-gros' version. 1585 DTHMP 19b3; GBYTSH 153b3; HBCHBY (JA) 141a6. 1586 DCHBY 153.9; NGTMTPH 22a1 (Uebach, 146-147): IHa-btsun Bo-te raja; CHBY vacat; DTHMP 19b4; GBYTSH 153a3; HBCHBY (JA) 141a6; DSYML 76.6-8: Bho-dhe r5-dza was ruling when Jo-bo (AtiSa, 982-1054) visited bSam-yas (ab ca. 1043 A.D.). See e.g. Eimer, rNarn-thar rgyaspa, sect. 303ff. p. 252ff. Further, DTHNGP (I, 314.15-16, Roerich, p. 257); bKa'-gdams chos'byung 52b4, 58b3-4. Ruler of bSam-yas who e.g. invited Klu-mes (cf. note 1631) to bSam-yas; IHa-btsun, i.e. celibate or monk of royal descent. 1587 1.e. 'Phrang po ba. DTHMP 19b4; GBYTSH 153a4; HBCHBY (JA) 141a6. 'Phrang-po is recorded in the Dunhuang Chronicle (p. 98.13). In the district of '~hrang[-po] g~sang-po'592etc. Bla-ma left no line mehind]. The line o f dGe-slong is [known as] the descendants o f d ~ e - b z h i "and ~ ~ Mong-mkhar [of] 'On-rdo. '594 Bodhir2'a7sline is [known as] the [royal] descendants of ]Ha-btsun ~ N g o n - m o , of '~~~ sNyug-rum11J196and o f IHa '~ri- gang'"^ etc. [all] today living in b h m - y a s . a temple was raised called Brag-dmar, cf. NGTMTPH 19a4; CHBY 149a5. 1588 1.e. lCang rgyab pa. DTHMP 19b4; GBYTSH 153a4; HBCHBY (JA) 141a6. ICang-rgyab remains unidentified. 1589 1.e. Glag Ba lam pa. DTHMP 19b4; HBCHBY (JA) 141a6. The Ba-lam Valley of the Glag district is repeatedly recorded in the Dunhuang documents, cf. most conveniently, Uebach, 1987, pp. 112-113, n. 661. 1590 1.e. Grib pa. DTHMP 19b4; GBYTSH 153a4; HBCHBY (JA) 141a6. The district of Grib is the district situated on the southern bank opposite to Lhasa. 1591 1.e. sNye thang pa. DTHMP 19b4; CBYTSH 153a4; HBCHBY (JA) 141a6. sNye-thang is situated due south-west from Lhasa, located in the sKyid-smad region of 'Or along the sKyid-chu river and famous foremost through the activities of AtiSa. Cf. F e m r i , p. 723, n. 668. 1592 1.e. Lum pa gTsang pol pa]. DTHMP 19b4: Khum pa gtsad polbrtsad po; GBYTSH 153a4; HBCHBY (JA) 141a7. The reading in the Red Annals is probably to prefer, i.e. the 'kings' of Khum-pa. 1593 1.e. sPe bzhi pa. DTHMP 19b4-5: sPel-bzhi-pa; GBYTSH 153a5. Unidentified. 1594 'On-rdo Mong-mkhar-pa. DTHMP vacat. No source confirms Bla-ma dam-pa's entry. 'On-rdo = 'On-cang-rdo? located in the sKyid-smad district south-west of Lhasa along the bank of sKyid-chu. Or could it refer to the district of 'On, a valley located to the east of rTse-thang running into gTsang-po. Mong-kar is repeatedly recorded in the Dunhuang documents cf. the Annals @p. 39, 43-44, 46), whereas the Chronicle (106.1 1) has one 'On gyi sMon-mkhar. Or should we read 'On, tDo and Mong-'khar, cf. note 1598. Precise location uncertain. 1595 GBCHBY 389.18-390.4; DCHBY 153.10-14; CHBY 150b5: Bre-btsun sNgon-mo; DTHMP 19b5; GBYTSH 153a5; HBCHBY (JA) 141a7; DSYML 76.7-1 1. IHa-btsun sNgon-mo's real name was IHa-dbang rgya-mtsho. IHa-btsun sNgon-mo was monk or celibate of royal blood who ruled in bSam-yas. DTHNGP (11, 1084.5-6, 1090.3-4, Roerich, II, 1949, pp. 930, 936) makes him contemporary with [Ha-chen-po of Bya-sa, the Yar-lung Lord (cf. note 1790 inpa), whose jloruir could be fixed to the middle of the XIlth cent. This is further supported by the fact that rTen-nas-pa (1 127-1217 A.D.) from his fifteenth to his eighteenth year, i.e. 1142-1 145, served under IHa-btsun sNgon-mo and Jo-bo IHa-chen-po. IHa-btsun sNgon-mo is in the rNying-ma tradition foremost regarded as a gTer-ston, through whose hands a number of Padma Vita-s passed. Cf. also PMKTH Chap. 93, 568.3-6 and gSang-sngags rnying-ma'i chos'byung legs-bshad by Gu-ru bKra-shis (mod. Chin. ed., 1990, p. 398-99). 1596 1.e. sNyug rum pa. DTHMP 19b5; CBYTSH 153a5; HBCHBY (JA) 141a7. GBCHBY 389.19-390.4 and CHBY maintain that sNgon-mo's descendants (or sons) counted dBang-lde and IHa bKa'-gdams-pa. While IHa-btsun bKa'-gdams-pa went for moksa, i.e. became renunciate (rub byung), Jo-bo dBang-lde had five sons, i.e. bZug-rum-pa ( = sNyug-rum-pa), 'OdIde-mgon, dGe-ba, brTan-pa and Se-ge. They became the rulers of sNyung-rum, Bya-yul and Thachung-rdo. sMyug-rum is located in the Valley of Klungs-shod, cf. YLJBCHBY 119.9 and bKa'-gdams C~OS-'byung 171a4-5, where it is maintained that sNyug-rum-pa chen-po there erected the temple of sNyug-rum. The line of these [families] have [thus] multiplied distinctly in all directions, and they are [known] by name as the Lords (i.e. Jo-bo) holding sway over all (kun nu yod pa) of Kyifor which reason it is said that their extraction (figs) g.Yor [ = sKyid-shod and g.~o-ru],1598 is very impure (ma dug pa; i.e. mixture of royal and non-royal blood). [ X m [Buddhism Revived from Khams] Thus, it has been said that in an iron-female-bird year,1599Buddhism (chos, dhana) was suppressed by Glang-dar-ma and in [another] iron-female-bird year,'600 the extinguished flame (me ro, i.e. the glow of) the [Buddhist] Teaching was rekindled, wherefore for [a period] of nine [twelve-]years cycles1601Buddhism was not present in dBus [and] gTsang [provinces]. However, [this cannot reflect the truth,] because it was definitely [only absent in Central Tibet] for [a period] of eight [twelve-]years cycles, [i.e.] ninety-eight years1602 that not even the name of the Dharma was found [in Central Tibet]. Thus, as alluded above, dGe-'byung of g.Yo, Rab-gsal [ofJ gTsan and Shiikyamuni [ofl dMar, the three, who had fled Chu-bo-ri, [all] escaped to Khams. 1 6 8 In their wake K[v]a 'Od-mChog grags-[pa], Rong-ston Seng-ge rgyal-mtshan, ]Ha-lung dPal gyi rdo-rje, the three, successively fled [to Khams]. 1604 1597 1.e. 1Ha 'Bri gang pa. Better reading 'Bri sgang. DTHMP 19b5; GBYTSH 153a5; HBCHBY (JA) 141a7; DSYML 76.11-12. The royal house of 'Bri-sgang. Location unsettled. Cf. also note 1811. 1598 DTHMP 19b5-6; GBYTSH 153a5-6; HBCHBY (JA) 141a7 and DSYML 76.13-18: These lines spread to (the districts of) 'On, rDo (but see note 1594) and Chab-thang and are 'kings' (brfsadpo) of bSam-yas. In other words they became rulers of a part of dBu-ru along sKyid-chu and the area of the Yar-klungs Valley. Ke-thog adds that the (royal principality of) rKyen in Kong-po is known to adhere to the lineage of Yum-brtan, whereas the descendants of IHa rgya-ri in the district of E (also spelled g.Ye) in Dvags-po too should adhere to this lineage, but other (sources) maintain that they belong to the IHa 'Bri-sgang of Yum-brtan's line. 1599 BGR 199b2; CHBYMTNYP 492a4; NGTMTPH 6a3, 17a4 (Uebach, pp. 82-83, 128-1291; GBYTSH 149ba3: 843 A.D; Myang chos-'byung (153.3-9); DSYML 78.13-14. The year is 841 A.D. 1600 Must be rectified to earth-female-bird year [ = 950 A.D.] according to the passage in NGTMTPH, op. cir. 17b4, with which, at least, Bla-ma dam-pa seems to share source. GLR's entry would correspond to 961 A.D. In the entire section here in GLR on the revival of Buddhism, the version in Nel-pa and the one used by Bla-ma dam-pa clearly display many narrative points in common. 1601 1.e. one hundred and eight years, which is a nearly correct computation: 841 + 108 = 948. However, the figures one hundred and eight are used here, cannot possibly be verified, and may in the end reflect a later attempt at idealization, since this number, as is known, is sacred in Buddhism. The basic source for this figure is unknown. 1602 Actually ninety-six years, or to be understood in the eighth twelve-years cycle, from the 96th to the 108th year. Cf. also DSYML 78.14-16. 1603 Cf. above the notes 1521ff. 1604 Cf. the notes 1530-1533, 1550 above. Now, [as to how] the pupils (slob ma) first [re-lappeared in K h a m ~ : ' ~ ~ ~ [Once] when a Bon-po child (bon po'i bu) [named] sMu-za g ~ a l [ - ' b a r ] 'had ~~~ gone in order to pasture the cattle Cphyugs 'rshor phyin), [he happened to] meet with the three bhiksu-s arriving from Chu-bo-ri. By virtue of karman ( l a 'phro'i dbmg gis) [accumulated in former existences] [his] faith was aroused, and he requested to be ordained, to which [they] gave [their] consent. [They] [consequently] became [his] preceptor and teacher (mkhan [for his ordination, his name even being] derived ( d m ) from the names of [all] O * [eventually] became learned in the three [monks] being called Shikya d ~ e - ~ s a l ' ~who Three Baskets. Relying upon him [for teachings], [six] men of Khams (khams pa 'i mi): 1605 In this section of GLR only a highly contracted (and somewhat compounded, even careless) rendering of the Buddhist recrudescence in Tibet is offered, at least compared to the lengthy expositions within traditional historiography contained in the more outspoken 'religious histories' such as BZH (Stein ed. 84.15-91.10); CHBYMTNYP 477a2-492a6; MBNTH 1442- 147bl; NGTMTPH 16b6-23b2; CHBY 147a6-152b3 etc. It will be recalled that GLR pertains to the rgyal robs genre, rather than the chos 'byung ditto. 1606 BZH (Stein ed. 83.16-84.15): Mun-dzu dPal-'bar bon-pa'i bu Mun-dm dGe-ba-'bar; CHBYTMTNYP 478b3-479b5: Mun-dzam Maiidzu dPal-'bar gyi bu Maiidzu Ka-ra-phan; MBNTH 144a2-b5 (id. with BZH; NGTMTPH 15b7-16b5: Mo-zu gSal-'bar; CHBY 147a5-6: Mu-zu gSal'bar; DTHMP 19b6; GBYTSH 150a3-b5; DTHNGP (1,89.1-94.12, Roerich, pp. 63-67). The story about the occurence of the first ordained novice (dge tshul, sramanenu) is in GLR apparently made into two distinct stories, cf. also note 1621 infra. Or rather BI;-ma dam-pa has rendered two fragmentary narratives of the same story as can be deduced e.g. from Nel-pa, who has retained both narrative layers. In the first fragmentary version rMu-zu gSal-'bar is the name of the son (of a Bon-po), in the other, more lengthy version, rMu-zu gSal-'bar is, as seen, the name of the Bon-po father. In the first part of the same story the novice is after his ordination called Shiikya (other versions: dGe-ba) Rab-gsal. In the second part or version of the same story he is called Bla-chen-po dGongs-pa Rab-gsal. Nyang-ral too in his version has both names and Bu-ston apparently harmonizes the various names of Bla-chen-po, the key figure in the revival of Buddhism in Tibet, by stating, op. cir. 147a6: [ming]..dGe ba Rob gsal du brags I phyis thugs rub chc bclr dGongs pa Rub gsal du grogs so. The original version of the story may therefore arguably have contained both segments. TheJoruir of dGe-ba-gsal is 892-975 A.D. (rather than 832-915 A.D.). 1607 1.e. as &an po, upddhydya and slob dpon, ~ d r y a Both . necessary in order to ordain a novice. Cf. BZH (Stein ed. 84.14-15); CHBYMTNYP 479b5-6; MBNTH 144b4; NGTMTPH 16al; CHBY 147a5; GBYTSH 150a4-5. These versions accord in maintaining that dGe-'byung of g.Yo functioned as updhyriya and Rab-gsal og gTsang as dctSrya when the boy took his samraro as sramaneno. 1608 BZH (Stein 84.14- 15): dGe-ba Rab-gsal; CHBYMTNYP 479b5; MBNTH 145b5: dGe-ba gSal; NGTMTPH 15b7-16al: in a gloss: MU-N dGe-ba gsal; CHBY 147a4. 1609 This list enumerating the Six Men of Khams ( k h m pa'i mi [drug]) are e.g. also found listed in CHBYMTNYP 48 1b 1-3 and NGTMTPH 17a3-4 (Uebach , pp. 126-129), here called brsun p a mi drug, the six bhodonra-s or celibates. A number of these figures appear in BZH (Stein ed. 87.3-7) under an enumeration of twelve persons (partly identical) that came to Khams from dBus-gTsang. The list in GLR deviates, as seen, occasionally from the versions embedded in earlier sources (which on their side display far greater congruence). rDo-j e dbang-phyug [of] ~ a 1l6I0 , dPal gyi Byang-chub [ofJ s ~ u b s , ' ~ ~ ~ Ye-shes g. yung-[dlrun [of] ~ a n ~ - ~1612 o n ~ , Rin-chen [of] sBar, 1619 Ye-shes seng-ge [of] ICang, 1614 Shes-rab byang-chub [of] Co[g]-ro, 1615 and furthermore, Shed-chung-pa Shes-rab grags[-pa] ,l6I6 'An-bar-ba Byang-chub, 1617 Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan [of] rum,'^^^ 1610 CHBYMTNYP 48 1b5,482b5 'Ang-pa rDo-rje dbang-phyug; NGTMTPH 17a4: 'A1 rDo-rje dbangphyug, where, in a gloss, it is maintained that he did not established any religious community (sde pa) and together with sNubs (cf. next note) considered the two learned ones (&us pa). Possibly mentioned in CHBY 151a3 (Szerb, p. 80): 'AI; GBYTSH 150b5. 161 1 BZH (Stein ed.85.7,85.15-86.5): sNubs Babs-shing [sic] = CHBYMTNYP 481b6-482a6,485bS: sNubs Pha shing-rta chen-polsNubs dPal gyi dbang-phyug = MBNTH 145b3-146al; NGTMTPH 17a3-4, 17b2-4 (Uebach, pp. 128-129): sNubs dPal gyi byang-chub, where it is maintained that he did not establish, contrary to the majority of his religious confrkres, any community, but his lineage became renown as lineage of learned ones, the lineage of sNubs; lacking in CHBY; DTHMP 19b7: sNubs dPal gyi dbang-phyug; GBYTSH 150b5: sNubs Phag-shi-rta. 1612 BZH (Stein ed. 87.7): Yang-gong Ye-shes g.yu-drung; CHBYMTNYP 481b2,482b4: spa-gon Yeshes g. yung-drung; MBNTH 146b5-6: Yang-gong; NGTMTPH 17a4,17a6 (Uebach, pp. 128-129): Yang-gong Ye-shes g.yung-drung mentioned in company with Par (cf. next note) and considered as the two celibates (btsun pa; contrary to the previous two figures, called the two learned ones); CHBY 151b4: Ya-gong Ye-shes g.yung-drung; GBYTSH 150b5: spa-gong Ye-shes bsrungs. Read spang instead of Yang, as adduced by Uebach, op. cit. p. 128 n. 739, due to the frequent dbu-med graphemic confusion between ylph? 1613 CHBYMTNYP 481b2, 482b5: 'Bar Rin-chen gSal; NGTMTPH 17a4 (Uebach, pp. 128-129): Par Rin-chen. 1614 BZH vacat; CHBYMTNYP 481b3, 482b6: Ja Ye-shes seng-ge; NGTMTPH 17a4 (Uebach, pp. 128-129): Nyang Ye-shes seng-ge, where it is maintained that he, together with Cog-ro (cf. next and piousness (btsun); GBYTSH 1505-6: Jo-bo note), combined in one both learnedness (&as) Ye-shes seng-ge. 1615 CHBYMTNYP 48 1b3, 482b6; NGTMTPH 17a4 (Uebach, pp. 128-129): Cog-ro Shes-rab byangchub; Absent from Bu-ston's CHBY; GBYTSH 150b6. Cf. also note 1639. 1616 CHBYMTNYP 48 1b4,482b6: Shog-chung-pa Shes-rab grags; NGTMTPH 1 7 6 (Uebach, pp. 128129): Sho-chung-pa Shes-rab grags-pa; lacking in CHBY. 1617 CHBYMTNYP 483al: bKa'-'bar-pa Byang-chub; NGTMTPH 17a5 (Uebach, pp. 128-129): An'bar-ba Byang-chub; lacking from CHBY. 1618 BZH (Stein ed. 85.7-86.5, 87.4-5, 89.3): Grum Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan = CHBYMTNYP 480b3481b1, 482b4 = MBNTH 145a4-b4, 146a4, 148a4: Details on his ordination and renaming (lay name Grum 'Bar-pa Byang-chub); NGTMTPH 17a6-18a1, 21 b2 (Uebach. pp. 41, 128-129, 144145); CHBY 148a1, 151b4-5, 152a4, 152a4; DTHMP 19a8. A central figure in the re-establishment of Buddhism from Khams to dBus-gTsang, whose lineage e.g. is known as the lineage of btsun pa-s, responsible for establishing a college of updhyciya-s and dcdrya-s. The story why he was nick-named the 'Wood-Brained One' is given in dPal gyi Byang-chub [of] gNubs and Maiju-shri [of] sGro etc. [i.e.] many learned ascetics (&a brsun) arrived. At that point, when sixty years had passed after the annihilation of Buddhism by the sinful king [Glan -dar-ma], a boy called rMu ~ . a - ' p h e n , ' ~the ~ ' son of a Bon-po called rMugsal gZhen-'bar,'622 went inside the temple s ~ a n ~ - ~ s [located] a l , ' ~ ~in ~Zhogs [of] 'Phanyul, where [he] found on frescoes (gyang ns) figures (gzugs) of ordained [monks] depicted meing engaged] in stud ing and explicating the Dharma (chos nyan bshad byed pa). When [he] therefore asked: 16r4 "What is [this]?" An old woman living there responded: 'It is figures called 'ordained [monks] @ravrajyd)'." The child, perforce of former karmic [disposition] consequently generated faith [in Buddhism] and shed tears. Inquiring: 'Where are the ordained [monks] now?" The old lady said: '62s "It was when I was a young girl, [at the] time when king Glang-dar-ma annihilated Buddhism (chos, d h a m ) , that the ordained [monks] lost [their positions] @hab) and thereby got deprived of their [religious] insignia, some [again] died and some were [even] killed. Today there are no ordained [monks] [left] in dBus [and] gTsang. But definitely there [must] by now me] many ordained [monks] in Khams, [i.e. those] that have fled to Khams from Chu-bo-ri and Yer-pa etc." [Hearing this] [he] became very pleased. Without any regard for [his] [own] body or life, the young boy went to Khams. Having [there] met with 1Ha-lung dPal gyi rdo-rje faith [in the Buddhist creed] was generated and [he] requested to be ordained [and embrace religion].'626 [Only] -- BZH 85.15-86a2 = CHBYMTNYP 481 b6-482a6 = MBNTH 145b3-146al; NGTMTPH 17b2-3 and so also according to the Bon-po-s, cf. Karmay, 1972, pp. 107-108, n. 6. Cf. also note 1638. 1619 Cf. note 1573. Is the repetition of this figure to be ascribed to carelessness or did the author assume that sNubs and gNubs dPal gyi Byang-chub were different persons? 1620 BZH (Stein ed. 87.4-5, 89.3) = MBNTH 146b4, 148a4: sGro Ma-'dzu-shri, who was ordained by Grum Ye-shes tshul-khrims; cf. also CHBYMTNYP 490a!5,497a2; NGTMTPH 17a5; CHBY 151b4: sGro Maiidzu-shri, where the opposite of BZH's testimony is given, i.e. that Grum took his vow from sGro. 1621 Cf. note 1606. Cf. BZH (Stein 83.16-84. IS): Mun-dzu dGe-ba 'bar; NGTMTPH 16a2-b5 (Uebach, pp. 122-125): Mu-zur gSal-'phan; CHBY 147a4-5: Mu-gzu gSal-'bar. This part of the narrative not found in Nyang-ral, but, as seen the name retained in this text. 1622 BZH: Mun-dzu dPal-'bar; NGTMTPH Mu-gzu gSal-'bar. 1623 NGTMTPH confirms also that the temple of sNang-gsal is situated in Zhogs-pa of 'Phan-yul. It was later taken over by Rag-shi Tshul-khrims 'byung-gnas, cf. note 1640. 1624 NGTMTPH 16a3-4 (Uebach, pp. 124-25). 1625 Cf. also NGTMTPH 16a3-5. 1626 BZH (Stein ed. 85.3-5) = CHBYMTNYP 480a5-6 = MBNTH 145al-2; CHBY I47bl; GBYTSH 10a2-b5; DSYML 67.5-7. GLR's version, being briefer and incomplete, differs in this parl of the narrative, which delineates the 'biography' of dGongs-pa Rab-gsal, from the versions embodied in BZH, Nyang-ral and NGTMTPH. These texts, on their side again, reflect different biographical expositions which may originally point to the existence of at least two diverging original versions. Nel-pa's version lacks e.g. the present Bon child's meeting with 1Ha-lung and the present exchange of words (although it is briefly mentioned, op. cir. 16a7-b2). BZH (84.16-85.8) = CHBYMTNYP 480a3-b3 = MBNTH 144h6-145a3 and CHBY (147a6-b2) here follow a common original, hut the meeting with [Ha-lung is described to take place aAer the young boy had already taken his vows in the presence of g.Yo dGe-'byung and gTsang Rab-gsal and the search for IHa-lung dPal gyi rdorje is therefore related to a later segment of the narrative, i.e. in relation to the Eon-child's full ordination (bsnyen r&ogs, upmampodd). Also here at least two basic versions of Rab-gsal's life 1Ha-lung dPal gyi rdo-rje declared:1627"Since I [was the one who] killed the sinful king, I do not have any vow [anymore]. But I shall help you!" So [the young boy] met with the [aforementioned] learned ascetics (mkhas btsun), became ordained and as to his name, [he] even became known as Bla-chen[-pol dGongs-pa Rab-gsa1. 1628 Thus, the Teaching of Buddha [first] spread in Khams. In Tibet [proper], with the absence of Buddhism, [the place] had [by now] become [a land] wrapped in darkness (mun pa 'i smug nun). Then, eighty years after the annihilation of Buddhism by the wicked kin during the reign of the Ruler (mnga' bdag) of bSam-yas, Tsha-na Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan, [whose] [religious] service rendered was [fully] recognized (bdag rkyen mdzad), and the [following individuals], known as the seven men of dBus [and] gTsang, became the first to take [their] vows in K h a m ~ : ' ~ ~ ' & Klu-mes Shes-rab tshul-khrims, must have circulated, since e.g. the number of religious masters required to carry through this ordination differ. In Rab-gsal's case, it is related how, according to BZH, Nyang-ral and Bu-ston, five dge slong-s were found to be required: In order to make up for this number, the two former dge-slong-s (g.Yo and gTsang) came to act as rnkhan slob, dMar functioned as gsang ston and, finally, on the proposal of 1Ha-lung dPal gyi rdo-rje, two Chinese ha shang-s (named variously Kevldlbang and Gyi[m]-banlphag), acted as the necessary supplement (Ma skong). In Nel-pa's version eight members are listed involved in Rab-gsal's final ordination, inclusive one IHa-lung Rab-'byordbyangs. A chronological problem (among many no doubt) may also be involved. Following the testimony in BZH and GLR, the alleged meeting with IHa-lung dPal gyi rdo-rje is most unlikely ever to have taken place, while the text mentions that it took place sixty years after the assassination of Glang-dar-ma by 1Ha-lung in 841 A.D., i.e. ca. 901 A.D. Assuming that IHa-lung was an adult when he perpetrated the regicide, IHa-lung must be a very old man in 901 A.D. Are we therefore to assume a conflation of 1Ha-lung dPal gyi rdo-rje with 1Ha-lung Rab-'byor dbyangs (cf. the notes 1531, 1603), who according to Nel-pa constituted one of the six men participating in Rab-gsal's ordination? 1627 BZH (Stein ed. 85.3-5) = CHBYMTNYP 480a5-6 = MBNTH 145a1-2. 1628 BZH (Stein ed. 84.13- 15,89.4) = CHBYMTNYP 479b5 = MBNTH 144b5, 148a3; NGTMTPH 16b5; CHBY 147a6. Rab-gsal is usually considered to have lived from 832-915 A.D. For a note on the not uncomplicated chronology of the initial spread of Buddhism in the phyidar period, not dealt with here, cf. Richardson, 1957. 1629 Cf. note 1579 supra. CHBY 146b1-2 (Szerb, p. 53): Tsha-nal Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan. He belonged to the royal lineage of Yum-brtan, through, according to GLR, the son of the latter named Khri-lde mgon-po, his son again Nyi-'od dPal mgon and his son mGon-spyod, the father of Ye-shes rgyalmtshan. DTHMP 19a8-9: Tsha-Ian Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan. Cf. note 1580 supra and 1648 inpa. 1630 BZH (Stein 87.3-7) = MBNTH 146b3-4: 1.e. seven and five, in all twelve men from dBus-gTsang; CHBYl'VlTNYP 497a3-3ff. where Nyang-ral claims that additional histories in his time were in circulation as to how the men of dBus-gTsang took their vows from Khams; NGTMTPH 17a6-18al (Uebach, pp. 128-129): seven plus five men, twelve in all; CHBY 147b3-4; DTHMP 19a9-bl. AS is seen from the sequel, there is a fair consensus in terms of the names of the second wave of monks being ordained. 1631 BZH (Stein ed. 87.5,13, 88.2,9-12,15-16, 89.4): Klu-mes Shes-rab tshul-khrims (of Ba-lam); CHBYMTNYP 486b 1-490a6 passim, 497a4-b6; MBNTH 147b4-148al; NGTMTPH 17b7, 18b2~ 19b4-5, 21a4 (Uebach, pp. 38, 128-131, 136-137, 142-143): Klu-mes Tshul-khrims shes-rab [sic]; CHBY 147b3,6, 148a1,5-bl, 151b4: Glag Ba-lam-pa Klu-mes Tshul-khrims shes-rab. On the location of Glag Ba-lam, cf. Uebach, 1987, pp. 112-113, n. 61 1; DTHMP 19a9; KTHDNG (NGA) 'Bri [ = 'Bring] Ye-shes yon-tan, Tshong-ge Shes-rab seng-ge, Lo-ston rDo-rje dbang-phyu Sum-pa Ye-shes blo-gros, 1 6 k rGya Blo-gros ~ h e s - r a b , ' ~ ~ ~ 407.15-16; GBYTSH 151a5. As delineated in the above sources, Klu-mes, upon his return to Central Tibet, first took over the K[v]a-chu temple in the vicinity of bSam-yas, then settled down in g.Yu-sgro h a - b a n g dmar-po [of] dBas, then in Yer-pa area he helped erecting the Ba-rang temple/cave and finally he built the La-mo Chag De'u temple (founded A.D. 94911009; cf. Ferrari, pp. 43, 109; Szerb, 1990, p. 63) in Upper dBu-ru. He mormver contributed to the restoration of the dBu-rtse main-chapel in bSamyas. For a survey of his lineage of mkhun bu, i.e. spiritual pupils having Klu-mes as upMhydya and their later filiation, especially his 'four sons', cf. DTHNGP. Hisflornit was in the Xth century. BZH and GLR read Shes-rab tshul-khrims, whereas Nel-pa and Bu-ston read Tshul-khrims shes-rab. 1632 BZH (Stein ed. 87.5-6, 88.5-6, 89.4) = MBNTH 146b5, 147b1-2, 148a4: 'Bring Ye-shes yon-tan [of Jam-dkar] ; CHBYMTNYP 487b4,497a4; NGTMTPH 17b7, 18bl,2la6-7,22a&bb5 (Uebach, pp. 42, 128-131, 142-143, 146-149): 'Bring Ye-shes yon-tan; CHBY 147b3,6, 148bl. 149a2-3: 'Bring Ye-shes yon-tan; DTHMP 19a9; KTHDNG (NGA) 407.16: 'Bri-zi Ye-shes yon-tan. He re-established himself later in the Khams-gsum Zangs-khang (also called the Khams-gsum Me-tog sgron-ma) temple of bSam-yas and later erected the sldByi-mo temple of Ngan-lam (an ancient clan and place-name identical with the later Tshal Gung-thang of Grib). He also took over the dKar-chung temple and the Brag-sna temple of sNye-thang. For the ramification of his mWIon bu lineage variously known as 'Bring-tsho smad, stod and bar-pa, cf. Nel-pa (summarily, Uebach, p. 42) and Bu-ston. 1633 BZH (Stein ed. 87.7, 88.7-8): Tshong-khe Shes-rab seng-ge [of gTsang]; MBNTH 146b6: Tshongbtsun Shes-rab seng-ge; NGTMTPH 17b7, 18b1,5-6, 21a6 (Uebach, pp. 38, 128-133, 142-143): Tshong-dge Shes-rab seng-ge; CHBY 147b4,6, 150a3ff.: Shab-sgo Inga'i Tshong-btsun Shes-rab seng-ge; DTHMP 19a9-bl : gTsang nas Tshong btsun Shes-rab seng-ge; KTHDNG (NGA) 407.15. Shab[s] is located in the gTsang province. According to BZH, he and Lo-ston were offered the temple of dBu-tsbal in bSam-yas, but refused. For his lineage of mkhun bu and their later filiation, cf. Uebach, p. 38. 1634 BZH (Stein ed. 87.7, 88.7-8): Lo-ston r h - r j e dbang-phyug [of gTsang]; CHBYMTNYP 486a4, 487b6,497a5; MBNTH 146b6; NGTMTPH 17b7,18b7-19a3(Uebach, pp. 39,128-129, 132-133): Lo-ston rDo-rje dbang-phyug; CHBY 147b3-4,6, 148a2,4-5, 149a3: 'Gur-mo Rab-kha-pa Lo-ston dbang-phyug; DTHMP 19bl; GBYTSH 151a6. He later erected the ffiyan-gong temple in Nyang-smad. For a brief survey of his lineage of pupils and their affiliation, cf. summarily Uebach, p. 39. The location 'Gur-mo1mGur-mo Rab-kha, his birth-place, is situated between Pa-mam and Zha-lu in the gTsang province, cf. Indo-Tibetica, IV, p. 30; Ferrari, Map. 1635 BZH (Stein ed. 87.5, 88.14): Sum-pa Ye-shes blo-gros [of Ba-lam]; CHBYMTNYP 466a4,488bl, 497a4,498a2; MBNTH 146b5, 147b6; NGTMTPH 17b7, 19b4,21b3 (Uebach, pp. 128-129, 136137, 144-145); CHBY 147b3, 148b4-5, 151b3; GBYTSH 15l bl : Sum-pa Ye-shes 'byung-gnas. Returned again to Central Tibet, Sum-pa first erected (together with r h g Byang-chub 'byunggnu) the g.Yu-sgro lha-bang dmar-po1g.Y~-sgrokhang dmar of dBas. According to Nel-pa, the temple was not erected by Sum-pa, but he and Klu-mes merely settled down there. He later erected the temple rMe-ru at 'Bro Sa-thang. The clan of dBa/sBa held sway over the area of Glag, where h - l a m , the birth-place of Ye-shes blo-gros, was located, cf. Uebach, p. 112-113, n. 61 1. 1636 NGTMTPH 17b4 (Uebach, pp. 128-129): ffiya Blo-gros shes-rab; vacat in BZH and CHBY. gZhon-ban C h o s - m ~ h o g , ' ~[these] ~' seven requested Grum Ye-shes rgyal-mt~hanl~~8 to [act as] preceptor (mkhan po, upddhydya) and Co[g]-ro Shes-rab b y a n g - c h ~ b to ' ~ [act ~~ as] teacher (slob dpon, dcdrya), whereafter [they] obtained the kindness (bka ' drin mnos) [of being ordained by these two]. The five who went [there] after them: mTha'-bzhi rGyal-'phags, '640 Rag-shi Tshul-khrims 'byung-gnas, '641 sBa-btsun Blo-gros dbang-phyug, 1642 sKyes-legs Nyang-bran chos-skyabs, 1643 Grum-shing Shes-rab smon-lam. Thus, when the seven [first-mentioned] men who initially went to Khams [in order to] take [their] vow (sdom, samvdra) returned [towards dBus and gTsang] after having taken their vow, they [happened to] meet on the road the five men who followed them [to take 1637 NGTMTPH 17b7 (Uebach, pp. 128-129): gZhon-ban Chos-mchog; lacking in BZH, CHBY and other versions, which suggests that Bla-ma dam-pa is following a version close to the one transmitted in Nel-pa also. 1638 NGTMTPH 18al; CHBY 147b4-148al relates how these seven were fully ordained by having Bla chen-po acting as &an po, gTsang and g.Yo acting respectively as las kyi slob dpon and gsang sron respectively, whereas dMar and [one of the] Chinese h[v]a-shang-s constituted the supplement (Wla skong). Cf. also note 1625 above and Uebach, p. 127, n. 73 1. For Grum, cf. note 1618 supra. 1639 Cf. note 1615 supra. 1640 CHBYMTNYP 481b4; NGTMTPH 18al-2,5 (Uebach, pp. 128-13 1): mTha'-bzhi rGyal-ba 'phags; CHBY 149al: mThal-bzhi rGyal-'phags. 1641 BZH (Stein ed. 87.6, 88.7-10): Rab-shi Tshul-khrims 'byung-gnas [of Khams]; C H B Y W 487b4,488al, 497a4; MBNTH 146b5, 147a3: Ras-sha Tshul-khrims rgyal-ba; NGTMTPH 18a2,5 18b3, 21a7, 22b6, 23a3 (Uebach, pp. 130-131, 142-143, 148-151): Rag-shi Tshul-khrims 'byunggnas; CHBY 147b3, 148a2, 148b1,5, 149a1, where he, e.g., is listed among the seven men arriving earlier, cf. note 1629; DTHMP 19bl-2. As these sources inform us this figure took possession of the dGe-rgyas and dBu-tshal templa (of bSam-yas), erected the Rag-shi 'Phrang 'og temple and took over the temples of Lan-pa'i Pha-la-bu1sPyil-bu and of the sNang-gsal (both in 'Phan-yul, for the latter, cf. note 1623 supra). Bu-ston moreover maintains that mTha'-bzhi (cf. previous note) was &an bu of Rag-shi. 1642 BZH (Stein ed. 88.7, 9-10); CHBYMTNYP 487b4, 497a5: sBa Tshul-khrims blo-gros; NGTMTPH 18a2,5 18b3,21a7,22b6-7,23a3(Uebach, pp. 130-131, 143-144, 148-151): rBa-bun Blo-gros dbang-phyug; CHBY 147b3, 148a1-2, 148b1,S-6: sBa Tshul-khrims blo-gros (often listed with his gcung, younger brother of the slr1dBa [clan]). Also called the sBa mched, the brothers of sBa, but the entries by Bu-ston correspond grossly with rBa-btsun; D T H W 19bl-2. He (and his brothers?) islare recorded to have taken over the dGe-rgyas and dBu-tshal temples of bSam-yas after having been invited thither by the brsad PO of bSam-yas. He built the Yungs-'gur temple in 'Phan-yul and took in possession the Lan-pa'i pho brang. His &an bu line is known as the s1dBa-tsho-s. 1643 NGTMTPH 18a2,5 (Uebach, pp. 130-13 1): sKye-legs Nyang-ban Chos-skyabs; CHBY vacat. Nyang ban, i.e. the bande of NyangIMyang would seem a feasibly better reading, but NYangbran, retained in GLR, is attested as place-name, cf. note 732 supra and Ferrari, p. 116. 1644 NGTMTPH 18a2,S (Uebach, pp. 130-131): Grum-shing Shes-rab smon-lam. Silent in CHBY and other versions. their vow].1645Being asked "Where are you going?", [the five men] responded: '[We] are bound for Khams to take [our] vows." The former [seven] ones then added:'646 u[We] have taken the threefold vow (sdom pa gsum ldan), so it [would] suffice [for you] to be sworn in (sdom p a phog) by us, wherefore [you] need not go that far." Without listening, [the five men] proceeded to Khams. [There] they met with the previous[ly-mentioned] learned ascetics (mkhm btsun),16" took [their] vows and having amved [again] back in dBus [and] g T w g [i.e. Central Tibet], the sovereign (b[r]tsaclpo = rje bo) of bSam-yas Tsha-na Ye-shes rgyalmtshan was [already] dead. However, [the religious service rendered] by his son 'king' Khripa [instead] was fully acknowledged (bdag rkyen m d ~ a d ) . Klu-mes ' ~ ~ ~ [Shes-rab tshulk h r i m ~ ] etc. ' ~ ~erected ~ inconceivably [many] temples all over [the provinces ofJ dBus [and] gTsang, established convents for the congregation (dge 'dun gyi sde brsugs), [and thus] the precious Teaching of Buddha again spread and diffused in all directions Ijust] like a heap of dry wood being caught by fire. At that [point] the 'life-vein' of [Buddha's] Teaching was [again] properly seized, [its] extinguished flame had been [relkindled making the burning lamp [of Buddhism] blaze [renewed] in the dark continent of Tibet. Very great [indeed] is the kindness [therefore] of the successively arriving learned ascetics of Khams and dBus mentioned above and [that of) the Ruler Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan [of b s a m - y a ~ ] . ' ~ ~ ~ [XXV [The Royal Lineage of 'Od-srung[s]] Thus, as previously explained, the royal Tibetan lineage [had] greatly favoured the precious Teaching [of Buddha] [and in order therefore to continue the exposition of the descendants of 'Od-srung[s], it can be recorded that] the son of the senior consort of the Ruler dPal' k h ~ r - b t s a n , '[called] ~ ~ ~ sKyid-lde Nyi-ma mgon'6S2 acted as king of mNgal-ris and [he] 1645 This passage also faithfully retained in NGTMTPH 18a2-5. 1646 Cf. also parallel NGTMTPH l8a3-4 (Uebach, pp. 130-131). 1647 1.e. Grum Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan etc. Cf. NGTMTPH 18a5. 1648 BZH (Stein ed. 87.11-88.5) = MBNTH 147a2-bl. On the 'king' of bSam-yas, Tsha-na[l] Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan and his son Khri-pa, cf. note 1580 supra. 1649 Cf. note 1630ff. above. 1650 Cf. also DSYML 76.3-6. It will be recalled that Bla-ma dam-pa composed his genealogical history in bSam-yas. 1651 BGR 199a4-5; CHBYMTNYP 492b1-493a1; GBCHBY 370.16, 371.12, 376.12-14; DCHBY 142.16-143.7; NGTMTPH 4b4, 6b5; CHBY 146a6; DTHMP 18b6; YLJBCHBY 68.8-1 1; GBCHBY 153a6-bl ; HBCHBY (JA) 141bl-2; DSYML 69.2-6, 70.18-21 ; DTHZHG 78.18. Cf. also note 1563 supra for a discussion of his chronological data. Already the authors of DTHMP and YLJBCHBY register the mutually contradictory information which circulate concerning the genealogical data on the lines issued from dPal-'khor-btsan as detailed in the sequel. Aside from the basic sources above, the lineage of 'Od-srungs is e.g. also ~ecordedin DTHNCP (1, 62.7-63.1 1, Roerich, I, pp. 37-38); DTMPSM 35b-39b6 (Tucci, 1971, pp. 166-170) etc.,only such late texts usually combine data derived from CHBY, DTHMP and GLR and thus bring nothing new. An exception to this is Kah-thog's DSYML and GTHDTH. Scrutinizing the data it can he adduced that in the brief list of king 'Od-srungs and the following two generations issued from him (incl. the three sons of bKra-shis brtsegs-pa, cf. the even exerted his dominion (dbang bsgyur) over [the country of] sPu-rang[s]. 1653 To him three sons [were born , the eldest of which was dPal gyi mgon, 1654 who took hold of [the country of] Mar-yul. 16 5*1656 3 notes 1735-1744), the only part of the exposition on the post-dynastic dBus-gTsang rulers that has been conserved by Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan and Nyang-ral Nyi-ma 'od-zer, our earliest witnesses, a fair degree of correspondence can be established. Cf. also note 1658 infka. A large part of the exposition of the royal house of Ya-rtseISemj5 (cf. the notes 1710-1729) issuing from the Guge royal house (cf. note 1660), is based upon a currently non-extant rgyal rabs written by one Rin-chen rdo-rje (to be dated prior to 1280 A.D.). The basic source for most of the traditional accounts concerning the ensuing genealogy of the post-dynastic Yar-lung Lords issued from bKra-shis brtsegs-pa (cf. note 1734) and until the sons of Khri-lde'-bar (cf. note 1764) as found conserved in DTHMP, GLR and YLJBCHBY and subsequently by a host of later sources, is Byang-ji ston-pa's rGyal-rabs dPag-bsam ljon-shing (cf. the notes 435, 1731, 1766) written in 1286 A.D. The rest of the exposition of the Yar-lung Lords in the traditional account down to the point when Bla-ma dam-pa finished his chronicle is based upon a currently non-extant rgyal rubs (possibly titled rGyalrabs debther chen-mo) written by IHa-btsun Tshul-khrims bzang-po (cf. the notes 1836-1838). A unique witness for an earlier part of the exposition of the Yar-lung Lords, at least in some details, is now offered by the two IDe'u histories and for the Gung-thang royal branch (cf. note 1740), the exposition proffered by Kah-thog Rig-'dzin. 1652 BGR 199b5: sKyid-lde; CHBYMTNYP 493a3-495a1; GBCHBY 380.13; DCHBY 146.5-9; NGTMTPH 4b6-7, 6b6 (Uebach, pp. 68-69,84-85): sKyid-lding; CHBY 146b3-4: Khri sKyid-lde Nyi-ma-mgon; DTHMP 19b6; YLJBCHBY 68.12; GBYTSH 153a5-6; HBCHBY (JA) 141b2; DSYML 70.21, 73.7; MYDTH 184.1 1-12; DTHZHG 78.19-22. Cf. also note 1564 supra. 1653 CHBYMTNYP 493a1-495a2; GBCHBY 380.13-20; DCHBY 146.10; CHBY 146b4; YLJBCHBY 68.13; HBCHBY (JA) 141b3-6; DSYML 73.6-14; MYDTH 184.12-185.15; DTHZHG78.21-22. sKyid-lde Nyi-ma-mgon, most of the texts maintains, arrived in mNga'-ris during the period of the social revolt (kheng log) (ca. 869-910 A.D.), ahead of an army counting one hundred thousand horsemen. He there arrived among the people of Ra-la, and in a horse year (922 or 934 A.D.?), he raised the mKhar-dmar (castle) of Ra-la and in a sheep year (923 or 935 A.D.?), they erected (the palace) of rTsi-tho rgya-ri. Being invited to sPu-[hlrang as ruler, he erected the castle of Nyi-gmngslphug. He married two consorts, Zangs-dkar-gza' and sTag-gzigs-gza' (other versions: 'Bro- or Cog-ro-gza'), offered him by his two leading ministers. Cf. also Chab-spel, 1989@),PP. 488-492, 539-541. 1654 BGR 199b5; CHBYMTNYP 495a2-3; GBCHBY 380.19-381.3; DCHBY 146.1 1-14; NGTMTPH 4b7; CHBY 146b5: dPal gyi Ide Rig-pa mgon; YLJBCHBY 68.14; KTHDNG (NGA) 407.20: Khri la mgon; GBYTSH 154a2; HBCHBY (JA) 141b5; DSYML 73.14-16; MYDTH 185.5-12. 1655 BGR 199b5: Mar yul pa; but the homonymous and almost identical Bod kyi rgyal-rabs [by 'Phagspa Bla-ma] 361b2-3: Mar lungs kyi btsan po; GBCHBY 380.21 ; DCHBY 146.1 1; NGTMTPH 4b7 (Uebach, pp. 68-69): Mang-yul-ba; CHBY 146b5: Mar-yul; YLJBCIIBY 68.14: Mang-yul; GBYTSH 154a4; HBCHBY (JA) 141b5; DSYML 73.1 1; MYDTH 185.9; DTHZHG 78.22. Mar-yul in ancient times represented the westernmost area around present-day Ladakh, and Mar-yul is the eldest form found in the chronicles. However, it has often, as seen in the sources above, been substituted or confounded with Mang-yul, but Mang-yul is already a well-established* even ancient name for the area abutting sKyid-grong along the present Nepalese border. Cf. the discussion at greater length in Tucci, 1956, p. 72ff. Cf. Chab-spel, 1989@), pp. 540-541. 1656 *gloss: From him descended [the local principalities] until the Lords of Ras-chen. YLJBCHBY 70.9-1 1: dPal gyi mgon took hold of Mang-yul, so it is said. Therefore his lineage [is present there] until the current Lords of Ras-chen, uncle and nephew (khu dbon). For the descendants of dPal gyi Ide Rig-pa mgon, cf. MYDTH 185.15ff. and a resum6 in ~hab-spel, The middle son bKra-shis mgon 16" took hold of [SIPU-rang[s],16" whereas the youngest son 1De-btsug mgon'659 seized [the country of] Zhang-zhung.1660 These three [rulers were] called the Three Lords (mgon[-pol gswn) reigning over Lastod. 1661 1989(b), pp. 541-55 1. 1657 BGR 199b5; CHBYMTNYP 495~13-4;GBCHBY 380.21; DCHBY 146.11-12; NGTMTPH 4b7; CHBY 146b5: bKra-shis Ide-mgon; KTHDNG (NGA) 407.20; YWBCHBY 68.13-14, 70.1 1-12; GBYTSH 154a2-3: bKra-shis Nyi-ma-mgon; HBCHBY (JA) 141b5; DSYML 73.14- 17; MYDTH 185.6, 12-13; DTHZHG 78.22-23. 1658 BGR 199b5: Zhang zhung phyi nang Pu rong dang Ya rtse ba lags; CHBYMTNYP 49533-4; GBCHBY 38-.21; DCHBY 146.11-12; NGTMTPH 4b7 (Uebach, pp. 68-69): Khu'u la sogs mon pa rnams (mistake for the youngest son, cf. note 1660); CHBY 146b5: Pu rangs; nJBCHBY 68.15, 70.11-12: sPu rengs; GBYTSH 154a4-5: Zhang zhung Ci cog gnyis sNyi rong Ru thog gnyis sPu-rangs mtsho gnyis; HBCHBY (JA) 141b5; DSYML 73.16: Zhang-zhung Ya-rtse; MYDTH 185.12-13: Gu-ge Pu-rang [Ya-Irtse; DTHZHG 78.22-2. While the majority of texts, possibly going back to one common source, maintains that he became ruler of Pu-rang, a number of sources differs. According to the statements embodied in particular in BGR, the descendants or line of bKra-shis-mgon spread not only to become the rulers of sPu-rang, but also of Ya-rtse and inner and outer Zhang-zhung1Guge. sPu-rang (var. Pu-Plrangs, Pu-rongs, etc.) comprised the temtory abutting to the east of Zhang-zhung1Guge and stretched as far as lake Manasarowar. Cf. Tucci, 1956, p. 7Off'. The text in the various versions of Nyang-ral's main-work displays diverging witnesses: In the Bhutan MS 'B' 271b2-4 the text runs: bar pa bkra shis mgon gyi rgyud pa r m ni D zhang zhung phyi nang du I ya rtse 'i rgyal po 'i rgyud r n m yin zer ro II mon yul nu ci rigs pa yod do, (i.e. a witness close to BZH), whereas the Berlin Ms of CHBYMTNYP, which we generally follow in this work merely reads: bar pa b b a shis mgon gyi rgyud pa ni I mon yul no ci rigs pa yod do. Should we from this, if or when a case of dependency can be established, assume that Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan is relying upon Nyang-ral or are they drawing from a common terse list. Cf. further the notes 1710 and 1732 infro. 1659 BGR 199b5: sDe-gtsug-mgon; CHBYMTNYP 495a5; GBCHBY 381.1; DCHBY 146.12-13; NGTMTPH 4b7; CHBY 146b5; KTHDNG (NGA) 407.20; YLJBCHBY 68.13-14, 70.1 1-12; GBYTSH 154a2; HBCHBY (JA) 141b5; DSYML 73.18-19; MYDTH 185.6, 13-14; DTHZHG 78.23-79.1. 1660 BGR 199b6: khu bo la sogs pa mon yul mums la yod; CHBYMTNYP 495a5: Khum bu pa, Ding ri ba, Mon yul na ci rigs pa yod; GBCHBY 381.1 ; DCHBY 146.12; NGTMTPH 4b7 (Uebach, pp. 68-69): Khu'u la sogs mon pa rnams; CHBY 146b5; YLJBCHBY 68.16; GBYTSH 154a5-6: Gar zha Zangs dkar; HBCHBY (JA) 141b5; DSYML 73.17-19: Pi ti cog'ang zangs dkar sgo gsum; MYDTH 185.12-13: Zangs dkar sgo gsum spi ti spi cog; DTHZHG 78.23-79.1. According to Nyang-ral and the earlier Sa-skya-pa masters (followed by Nel-pa), the descendants of the youngest son thus spread in Ding-ri, Khum-bu and even to Mon-yul, which cover the people and tribes inhabiting the eastern Himalayas. But no further material corroborates this information. Another ramification is presented by dPal-byor bzang-po and Ke-thog, who maintain that the descendants spread to the local ruling houses of Zangs-dkar and Spiti. Zhang-zhungIGu-ge comprises the intermediate province (between Mar-yul and sPu-rangs), the centre of which was made up by the monastery of mTho-lding. Cf. most conveniently Tucci, 1956, pp. 71-75. 1661 GBCHBY 381.1; DCHBY 146.12-13; DTHMP 19b7; PMKTH Chap. 89, 539.15-16; YLJBCHBY 70.7-8; CBYTSH 154a3; DSYML 73.13-14; CTHZHG 91.8-10: sTod kyi mgon gsum. La-stod or Las-stod, both spellings current, is a large region in the westernmost part of the gTsang-province, cf. Ferrari, Map. IDe-btsug m on had two sons, ' ~ h o r - r e and '~~~ Srong-nge, the two. ~ r o n ~ - nin~ the e ' first ~ ~ part ~ of [his] life married a consort, whereby [he] had two sons born [to him], Na-ga ra-tsa (i .e. ~ii~arilja) '665 and Dhe-ba ra-tsa (i.e. Devarilja).1666 1L 1662 CHBYMTNYP 4 9 5 5 ; GBCHBY 381.3,12; DCHBY 146.13-14; CHBY 146b5; DTHMP 19b8; YLJBCHBY 68.17- 18; GBYTSH 154bl; HBCHBY (JA) 141b6; DSYML 73.20-74.3: 'Khor-re = 'Khor-lo-lde; DTHZHG 79.1. The two 1De'u versions claim that they descended from the eldest son dPal mgon and call the sons respectively 'Od kyi rgyal-mtshan of dPa'lsPa-tshab extraction (tsha) and bKra-shis 1Ha-ldebtsan also called gcen (eldest brother) Kho-re. But the text-witness in GBCHBY is somewhat corrupt while mKhas-pa IDe'u initially implies that the regal name of Srong-nge is 'Od kyi rgyalmtshan, but later by rendering gcung po Srong nge'i ming bKra shk 1Ha lde btsan dang [sic] gcung po Srong nge, suggests that he is called bKra-shis IHa-lde-btsan, whereas IDe'u Jo-sras equally prolixly writes gcung po Srong nge'i bKra shk lde btsan zhes p a Kho re'i gcung po Srong nge, where Nyang-ral and Kah-thog maintain that they were sons of bKra-shis-mgon and that while 'Khor-re took hold of sF'u$]rang, the brother Srong-nge seized Gu-ge. As pointed out by Karmay, 1979, op. cit. p. 150, the names of these sons sound odd in Tibetan and a possible solution is offered by Kah-thog, who had traced an old manuscript found in an old kanika-stiipa in Gung-thang and which apparently reads 'Khor-lo-lde and Drang-srong-lde, their namks being inspired by Skt. cakra and rsi. .. 1663 BZH (Stein ed. 89.11-12) = MBNTH 148bl: Srong-ngellde; CHBYMTNYP 4955; GBCHBY 381.2 and DCHBY 146.13: 'Od kyi rgyal-mtshan of Pa-tshab extraction (tsha) [i.e. his mother adhered to the Pa-tshab clan]; CHBY 146b5; DTHMP 19b8; YLJBCHBY 68.17: Seng-ge; GBYTSH 154b1; HBCHBY (JA) 141b6; DSYML 73.20-2 1: Srong-nge = Drang-srong-lde; DTHZHG 79.1. Cf. previous note. 1664 CHBYMTNYP 495a5-6: Srong-nge; GBCHBY 381.4-5, 12; DCHBY 146.15-16, 147.1; CHBY 152b3; YLJBCHBY 69.2; GBYTSH 154b1-23; HBCHBY (JA) 141b6; DSYML 74.3-4; DTHZHG 79.2. From this chain in the genealogy of the Zhang-zhung royal lineage, Tibetan historiographical tradition displays a discrepancy in the stemma. One tradition, foremost represented by Bu-ston, dGe-ba'i blo-gros and followed by dPal-'byor bzang-po and gZhon-nu-dpal's DTHNGP etc., but drawing on material going further back in time, holds that 'Khor-re (= GLR: Srong-nge) is the elder brother and that he handed over the reins of power to his younger brother Srong-nge (GLR: 'Khor-re), whereafter he became ordained under the ecclesiastical name of Ye-shes-'od. As seen, this testimony is in conflict with GLR, which again is followed by later texts such as YLJBCHBY, Padma dkar-po, dPa'-bo and K+-thog etc. (all usually known to follow GLR). To be noted is that a number of redactions (dbu med Ms) of Bu-ston's History differ from the xylographical editions of the same text and follows the reading conserved in GLR also (cf. ed. AB in Szerb, 1990, PP. 84, n. 415 and 85, n. 20). Opting for Kho-re, the two IDelu's witness is unique as they claim that he got three sons: IHa Bla-ma [Ide] (and) IHa Bla-ma Ye-shes 'od. Later Devarija and Nagarija were born. They also maintain that Srong-nge's (= 'Khor-re) real name was bKra-shis ha-ldebtsan. A solution to the problem whether it was 'Khor-re or Srong-nge that turned monk is difficult to reach, at least until more substantial textual or paleographical material surface. It may count that K*-thog, who had access to an ancient manuscript (cf. note 1662), supports the reading of Bla-ma dam-pa. 1665 CHBYMTNYP 495a6; GBCHBY 381.5; DCHBY 146.15-16; CHBY vacat; DTHMP 19b8; YLJBCHBY 69.1-3; GBYTSH 154bl; HBCHBY (JA) 141b6; DSYML 74.3. Cf. previous note. In the last part of his life, he was ordained [as monk] and thus received the [religious] name 1Ha Bla-ma [i.e. 'Royal Bla-ma'] Ye-shes ' ~ d . [He] ' ~ raised ~ ~ the temple of mThonrnthing.1668[He] dispatched twenty-one sharp-witted (blo mo ba) [monk-novices] such as the Translator Rin-chen b ~ a n g - p o and ' ~ ~rNgog ~ Legs-pa'i shes-rabI6'O etc. to India in order to study the Dharma. 16" The [Indian]pdita-s ha-ddha-ka-ra [ = S r a d d h ~ a v a r m a n ] and '~~~ Varma-ta [i.e. Padmakaravarman and ' ~ a m a l a ~ u ~ t'673 a ] ,the two, were invited. [He had] the 1666 CHBYMTNYP 495a6; GBCHBY 381.5; DCHBY 146.15-16; CHBY vacat; DTHMP 19b8; YLJBCHBY 69.3; GBYTSH 154bl; HBCHBY (JA) 141b6; DSYML 74.4. Cf. note 1664. 1667 CHBYMTNYP 495a6-b5, 498b5-499b4; GBCHBY 381.6-12; DCHBY 146.16- 147.2; CHBY 146b5, 152a4, 152b2, 153a2, 153b4, 158al: Ye-shes-'od (but Bu-ston, cf. note 1664, has 'Khor-re, not Srong-ge as his original name); so also DTHMP 20al; KTHDNG (NGA) 407.20: IHa Bla-ma Ye-shes 'od, son of bKra-shis mgon!; YLJBCHBY 69.5; GBYTSH I54b3-5; HBCHBY (JA) 141b6-7; DSYML 74.8-14. Cf. Tucci, Indo-Tibetica, 11, passim; Karmay , 1979. 1668 CHBYMTNYP 500b2-3; GBCHBY 38 1.7; DCHBY 146.17; CHBY 152b2: IHa Bla-ma (Ye-shes'od) rose Zhang-zhung mTho-lding gi gtsug lag khang; DTHMP 19b8: m'lho-lding; KTHDNG (NGA) 407.2-2 1; YLJBCHBY 69.5-6; GBYTSH 154b55-6; HBCHBY (JA) 141b6-7; GLR has the aberrant form mThon-mthing in lieu of the common m'lho-lding. It was founded in 996 A.D. Cf. for details, Tucci, Indo-Tibetica. 1669 CHBYMTNYP 501a6,501al-b4; DCHBY 147.11-12; GBCHBY 381.18; CHBY 152a2,154b4-5, 153a5, 153b1, 157b6; KTHDNG (NGA) 407.21 -22; DTHMP 19b8-9; YlJBCHBY 69.6-8; The famous Tibetan translator (958-1055 A.D.). For a study on this key-figure and Buddhist doyen in Western Tibet, cf. DTHNGP (1, pp. 94.13-96.14, Roerich, 11, pp. 69-71), Tucci, IndoTibetica, 11; Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 614-615; cf. also note 1697. 1670 CHBYMTNYP 501bl,504b4; GBCHBY 381.18-19; DCHBY 147.18: sNyi ba Legs pa'i shes rab; CHBY 152b5, 153b1, 158al; DTHMP 19b8: Lo chung Legs pa'i shes rab; YLJBCHBY 69.7, 90.1-7, 126.1-127.1. Cf. also note 1695. 1671 CHBYMTNYP 500b4-502al; GBCHBY 381.15-19; DCHBY 147.9-13; CHBY 152b4-5; DTHMP 19b8-9; YLJBCHBY 69.8-9; Nyang-ral and Bu-ston etc. claim that only En-chen bzang-po and rNgog, out of twenty-one infant novices (khye'u) succeded in going to lndia to study the Dhanna, whereas the rest succumbed; DTHMP has twenty-seven young novices, wbereas the majority of sources bas a tradition which speaks about twenty-one young Tibetan boys, against the two IDe'u versions which mention eight persons. 1672 GLR merely reads Sraddhakara. Read in full ~raddhak&ravarma[n].Cf. CHBYMTNYP 50385-6: Pra [ = Sra] ta ka ra varma; GBCHBY 381.19-20 and DCHBY 147.13-14: Tra ta ka ra/Sra ka ta ra; CHBY 152b5, 156b6: Sraddhiikaravarma (also Dad-byed go-cha); KTHDNG (NGA) 407.21: Ka ra varma; Pra [ = Sra] ta kH ra; GBYTSH 159a2: Sha ka ra var ma; HBCHBY (JA) 141b7: DTHZHG 80.1 1. Cf. next note. 1673 GLR reads Varma-ta. This is evidently corrupt. Especially the stray or miswrittea syllable ra is puzzling. Unwittingly, obviously, Bla-ma dam-pa (or a scribe) has misread two original names and conceived it as one. Bla-ma dam-pa's source may possibly have been Bu-ston. From CHBY 152b56 and DTHMP (where dGe-ba'i blo-gros lists no names) we are informed that five (principal) pandita-s were invited to Tibet during this period: ~raddhikaravanna[n],Padmakaragupta etc. G e r e a s the older witness CHBYMTNYP 502b6-503al, 503a5 list additional pondita-S: BuddhaSnSlntarn, Buddhapala, Kamalagupta and Dharmapda, Pm ta ka ra varma, ~admakara [Buddhist writin s ofJ the Vehicle of [Philosophical] Sign (mtshan nyid kyi theg pa, and of the four classes of Tantra (rgyud sde bzhi po) translated and *~akrana~dna)'~ [thereupon] systematized [them]. He [was responsible for the] spread[ing of] the Upper [i.e. Western] Tradition of Vinaya ('dul ba stod lugs). '675 His elder brother ' K h ~ r - r e erected ' ~ ~ ~ the temple of Kha-char. 1677 His son 1Ha 1 ~ e - d invited ~ ~ ' thepandita-s .. Subha-shi-ta [i.e. ~ u b h f i s i t a ] and ' ~ ~rMe~ B varma. It should be noted that four (mom pa bzhr) pandita-s carrying the name element -kara- came to Tibet. Cf. GBCHBY 382.12-13 and DCHBY 148.2-4: Pra ta ka ra [ = Sraddhaara], Dhamakara, Padmakara and Dipamkara (i.e. AtiSa) during the first wave. Rather than assuming that la-ma dam-pa or, as said, a scribe originally intended to list ~raddh&aravama[n]and e.g. BuddhaSdSHnta, an equally possible reconstruction would offer: haddhii-ka-ra[varman], [Padma-ka-ra-]varma[n] and ma-ma-la gu-pltalor [BuddhdrTSHnlta. In other words three names. But assuming a derivation of the isolated syllable ta from a miswritted-quoted grapheme gu-bta with subjoined ta is equally problematic. Now, Nyang-ral reads Ka-ma-la-gub-la, which makes this construction altogether feasible. YLJBCHBY 69.8-9, a text, we know, which follows GLR almost slavishly, has solved the problem by stating: pandi ta shri ta ka ra vanna la sogs pa spyan drangs, i.e. ~raddhakaravarma[n]etc. ~admakarava'Aan,incidentally, is to be preferred to Padmakaragupta. 1674 Also called the mtshan nyid kyi sde snod and represents the usual Three Baskets. It refers grosso mod0 to pdramitdydna in contrast to rnantraydna. Cf. CHBYMIWYP 503b6-504al; CHBY 152b6; YLJBCHBY 69.9-10. 1675 For this passage on Rin-chen bzang-po, Bla-ma dam-pa here reflects almost verbatim, it appears, CHBY 152b5-153a2; cf. also YLJBCHBY 69.1 1-23. For the Western Vinaya-tradition, following the Vinaya-expositions based upon the three commentators of three monastic rules, known as the 'three PHla' tendered by the Indian pandita DharmapHla, cf. in brief DTHMP (Dung dkar's ed. 57.14- 18); YLJBCHBY 185.18-186.4, 187.35; DTHNGP (I, 57.13-15, 96.15-3, Roerich, I, p. 34, 11, 69). 1676 GBCHBY 381.13-14: Srong-nge; CHBY 153a2: Srong-ge; KTHDNG (NGA) 407.22-23: The younger brother of Ye-shes 'od was Khri-dpal; cf. note 1664. 1677 CHBYMTNYP 505al: Kho-char; GBCHBY 381.13-14; DCHBY 147.2; CHBY vacat; D T H m vacat; KTHDNG (NGA) 407.22-23: gTsang-khar (erected by Khri-dpal, cf. previous note); YLJBCHBY 69.13-14: Ka-tshar; GBYTSH 158b6. Also '=a'-char1'Khab-char. For a discussion and further ref. cf. Tucci, 1933, Indo-Tibedcap S.V. index. Located in [s]Pu-rangs. 1678 CHBYMTNYP 505a1-3, 505b3: IHa[ng]-nge gzigs bKra-shis-lde (or IHa-lde); GBCHBY 383.13; DCHBY 147.3: bKra-shis 1Ha-lde[-btsan] (which, however, is identical with Kho-re, cf. the notes 1662-1663); CHBY 153a2: IHa-lde; DTHMP 20a2: IHa-sde; YLJBCHBY 69.14; GBYTSH 156b2; HBCHBY (JA) 142al: IHa-lde; DTHZHG 80.21. Where most witnesses intercalate a chain between 'Khor-re1Srong-nge and the three sons, the two IDe'u versions not only suggest that this 1Ha-lde = bKra-shis IHa-lde[-btsan] arguably should be identified with 'Khor-re (but see the notes 1662-1663), but simultaneously maintain that not three, but two sons were born to him. 1679 1.e. Subhisita (also Legs-par gsungs-pa). CHBYMTNYP 502b3; GBCHBY 381.15; DCHBY 147.8; C*Y 153a2-3, 157al; DTHMP 20a2: IHa-sde invited pandita Smrti (but according to CHBY 153b4, this pa+ita was invited at another occasion); YLJBCHBY 69.14-15; HBCHBY (J A) 142a1. On SubhHsita, cf. Tucci, 1933, S.V.index. ru [= [Padlma Ru[-tse] i.e. ~admaruci].16'0 To him three sons were born, the eldest being Zhi-ba The middle [son] was 1Ha Bla-ma Byang-chub 'od1682and the youngest ' ~ d - l d e . ' ~ ~ ' In the time of these three [royal figures], 1Ha Bla-ma Ye-shes 'od, being conscious about the Teaching of Buddha, went to India in order to invite pandira-s [to Tibet], en roue [he] was captured by an army of [i.e. non-Buddhist] heretic^.'^'^ The 'vein door[s]' (nsa sgo) [of his body] [from] which developed the qualities of virtuous orientation were all burned with moxabutional points (me brsm bsregs), which made [him] perplexed (rmongs or bym). Rumours (gram) about that reached [the ear ofl 1Ha Bla-ma Byang-chub 'od. 1 8 6 1680 CHBYMTNYP 498b1-5, 499b5: Bal-po Pad-ma Ru-tse; so also CHBY 153b4-5, but GBYTSH 156b4: Bal-po rMe-ru-rtse (following GLR); DTHZHG 79.4-5. Clearly, Bla-ma dam-pa, or a scribe, has left out some syllables in this strange name. The full name of this Nepalesepandira is Padma Ru-[rltse, and the enigmatic form rMe-ru is an incomplete corruption of [~adlmo-ru[-rtse].Padmaruci is recorded to have been invited, together with the pandita-s .. Smrti and Phra-la ring-bal* Siiksmadirgha, by IHa Bla-ma Ye-shes 'od. 1681 CHBYMTNYP 505a3: Zhi-ba 'od; CHBY 153a3: Pho-brang [sic] Zhi-ba 'od; DTHMP 20a2: Pho[blrang Zhi-ba 'od; YLJBCHBY 69. IS: Pho-brang Zhi-ba 'od; CBYTSH 159aI-2: (As third and youngest son) 'Od-zer go-cha; HBCHBY (JA) 142a2; DTHZHG 80.21. Both 1De'u versions are surprisingly silent. 1682 BZH (Stein ed. 89.12) = MBNTH 148b3; (Here made) son of Srong-nge; CHBYMTNYP 505a3; GBCHBY 384.1 and DCHBY 149.10-11: gcen po rTse-lde zhes pa mNgal-bdag Byang-chub 'od: CHBY 153a3: btsun pa Byang-chub 'od; DTHMP 20a3; KTHDNG (NGA) 407.23; YLJBCHBY 69.15- 16; GBYTSH 159al; HBCHBY (JA) 142a2; bKa'-gdams chos-'byung 68a6-b3. Of particular interest is the witness in the two IDe'u versions which claims that Byangchub 'od was also known under the regal name rTse-lde. Similarly, the terse witness in BZH appears to support the reading of IDe'u, where on the other side the intercalated IHa-lde (cf. note 1678) is ignored. As detailed ad note 1703 infia, the two IDe'u versions present us with two rTse-lde in the list of royal heads. If this contention reflects fact, it tallies with the information conserved e.g. in YLJBCHBY 127.4-5, that the nephew (dbon po) of Byang-chub 'od was rTse-lde. 1683 CHBYMTTWP 505a3: IHa-zhal, 505b3: '0d-lde; GBCHBY 384.1; DCHBY 149.11; CHBY 153a3; DTHMP 20a3; YLJBCHBY 69.15; GBYTSH 159al; HBCHBY (JA) 142231-2; DTHZHG 80.21. Cf. also note 1701. 1684 DTHMP 20al-2; YLJBCHBY 90.12-93.18; HBCHBY (Chin. ed. 669.16ff.); DTHZHG 80.2281.12. For the famous Gar-log incidence with the capture of Ye-shes 'od and his martyrdom, cf. Eimer, "Die Gar log-Episode bei Padma dkar-po und ihre Quellen." Here further sources for this episode are discussed and collated. As suggested by Karmay, 1979, basing himself upon a biography of Lo-tsi-ba Rin-chen bzang-po, the narrative appears to be a myth, while Ye-shes 'od is recorded to have died peacefully in Guge and not in captivity. It is conspicuous that only a few texts in later literature follow Bla-ma dam-pa in disseminating this legend (the provenance of which still needs to be traced), whereas all pre-GLR witnesses such as Nyang-ral, the two IDe'u versions etc. generally are silent. YLJEICHBY offers a slight variant by stating that he came to a barbaric part of India where he was captured by the Sog po, i.e. the Turks, which, however, probably is another word for the Gar-log. The Vth Dalai Lama cites the legend and subsequently subjects its to criticism. For the Turkish tribe and people of the Gar-log, i.e. Qarloq (Kharlukh, Ge-luo-lu), cf. e.g. C. Mackerras, 7he Uighur Empire according to the T'ang Dynastic Histories. 1972, parsim. 1685 In other words, through torture he was stultified. Cf. Eimer, p. 184, n. 3. 1686 Cf. note 1682. [He immediately] handed over [to his emissary] a measureless [amount] of wealth and dispatched [him] [in order] to redeem (blu ru btang) [his captured relative], but [the emissary returned with the answer] claiming: 1687 u w e ] require [as ransom] gold equal in weight (g~er dung ljid mnyam) [to 1Ha Bla-ma Ye-shes 'od]!" Again, [lHa Bla-ma Byang-chub 'od] handed over what[ever] gold [he] possessed, but when [it] was weighted (rgya ma la bteg dus), there was [still] lacking as much gold as [the wei ht amounting to] the modily] portion of the head (dbu 7 cha tsam cig gser gyis ma long par).g688He [i.e. the hostage 1Ha Bla-ma Ye-shes 'od] [therefore] declared: "Now although you are [trying] to ransom me (bdag blus), it is of no avail (yon tan med)! [All] my 'vein-door[s]' have been burned with moxabutional points. [I] have become [dull and lamed almost] like a beast (dud 'gro Ita bu[r] yod) so that death is even to be preferred (bdag shi na'ang bla'i). [Rather] bring along the [remaining] gold [originally intended] to ransom me and [take it] to India, [where] in the temple of Vikramalafla, the son of dGe-ba dpal [i.e. ~ a l ~ b a ~ [an f i extraordinary j ' ~ ~ ~ sage] is living, being the very crown-jewel among the five hundred pandita-s residing [there], [all] wellversed in the five sciences, [i.e. a sage] called ' Jo-bo-rje Di-pam ka-ra [i.e. DipamkaraSrijfiFina, alias AtiSa].1691Offer the gold to him and invite [him] to Tibet and let [him]'spread the Teaching of Buddha!" [Having said this, Ye-shes 'od] passed away and [his corpse] was brought [back] to [s]Pur-yul [= [s]Pu-rang[s]], [where] it was inserted into a stfipa[-receptacle] (mchod rten du bzhugs). 1692 [XXVI] [The Invitation of AtiSa] Now, according to his prophecy, rGya brTson[-'grus] seng[-ge]1693etc. were committed with the [remaining] gold and sent [to India] in order to invite Jo-bo[-rje AtiSa to Tibet]. [There AtiSa] was entreated (gsol ba btab) by various means [in order to persuade him] to travel to Tibet and so Jo-bo[-rje AtiSa] arrived in Tibet, while being mindful not only (kyang) of the 1687 Cf. e.g. YLJBCHBY 91.9-10; HBCHBY (Chin. ed. 670.7-8); DTHZHG 81.2-4. 1688 Cf. e.g. HBCHBY (Chin. ed. 670.8-10). 1689 Cf. e.g. YLJBCHBY 91.11-16; HBCHBY (Chin. ed. 670.10-15). 1690 CHBYMTNYP 506a4; CHBY 153a4; DTHMP 25b7; YLJBCHBY 70.1, 90.13-14; HBCHBY (JA) 656.9-10). 1691 Cf. e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 91.9); CHBY 153a4-5; DTHMP 20a3-4; YLJBCHBY 69.15-70.3. On AtiSa cf. most conveniently the detailed studies by Eimer, 1977, 1979. 1692 Unattested in other versions. 1693 CHBYMTNYP 505b3-508b5; GBCHBY 382.6-11; DCHBY 148.18-149.1; CHBY 153a3-4, 158al; DTHMP20a2; KTHDNG (NGA) 405.3-5; YLJBCHBY 69.15-70.3,90.19-91.2; GBYTSH 154b6-158b5; HBCHBY (Chin. ed. 669.16-674.16). The narratives in Tibetan literature of the invitation to Tibet of the Bengali master, also restricted to the briefer versions conserved in Tibetan historiographical literature dealt with here, display differencies in many details. Various versions were from the very outset in circulations describing differently the repeated attempts and the fortunes of the Tibetans during their missions to India. The main emissaries was Nag-tsho Tshul-khrims rgyal-ba and, as here, rGya brTson-'Ps seng-ge. For a study of AtiSa with details on his invitation based upon the traditional biographical material, cf. Eimer 1977, 1979. [prospective] sentient beings of Tibet [and] of mNga'-ris [destined] to be converted (v[a]ineya) m y him], but [acted] also (kyang) in compliance with a prophecy (lung bstan) [given] by the Noble ( j e btsun ma) TPri. Many learned ascetics (&as btsun) [gradually] o , Put also ~ h u'695 , ~ N and ' ~~r o m1697 , othe ~ arrived such as [his] disciple ~ a ~ - t s h'694 ~ ~ Lo-chung Legs-pa'i ~ h e s - n b ' ~ ~ ~ three, [as well as] the Translator Rin-chen b ~ a n g - p o "and etc. and the Teaching of Buddha here in the Snow-capped country of Tibet became like the rising sun [shining all over]. Therefore the kindness of 1Ha Bla-ma Byang-chub 'od towards Tibet is great indeed. I7O0 [XXVII] [The Royal House of Ya-rtseISerqjP] The younger brother of 1Ha Bla-ma Byan -chub 'od, [called] ' ~ d - l d e ' ~invited ~' the Kashmirian pandita . . D2naSri [ = JfibaSfl. 1705 1694 Cf. e.g. CHBYMTNYP 506al: Gung-thang-pa Tshul-khrims rgyal-ba; CHBY 153a3, 158al; DTHMP 20a3; YLJBCHBY 92.1-2: Gung-thang IHas-can gdong-ba Nag-tsho Tshul-khrims rgyalba; bKa'-gdarns chos-'byung 67b2-68a6. Nag-tsho Tshul-khrims rgyal-ba, a celebrated translator and disciple of AtiSa. As indicated by ShPkya Rin-chen, he descended from IHa-can-gdong of Gung-hang (a large district situated in the easternmost part of mNga'-ris). He was born 101 1 A.D. 1695 BZH (Stein ed. 91.6) = MBNTH 150a2; GBCHBY 383.18-19; DCHBY 149.8-9; CHBY 153bl; DTHMP 20a3; YLJBCHBY 95.14- 15; bKal-gdams chos-'byung 74a4-75a2. The famous triad Khu rNgog 'Brom, the three main disciples of AtiSa. Here Khu-ston brTson'grus g. yung-drung of Yar-klungs (101 1-1075 A.D.). 1696 1.e. rNgog Legs-pa'i shes-rab. Cf. e.g. MBNTH 150a2; GBCHBY 382.22; DCHBY 148.11; CHBY 152b5,153bl, 158al; DTHMP 20a3; YLJBCHBY 126.1-135.3; bKa'-gdams chos-'byung 75a2-77b2. The famous translator was born 1011 A.D. 1697 1.e. 'Brom-ston[-pa] ffiyal-ba'i 'byung-gnas. Cf. e.g. MBNTH 150a2; CHBY 153b1, 158a2; DTHMP 20a3; YLJBCHBY 94.1 1-95.1. 'Brom-ston lived between 1005-1064 A.D. 1698 Cf. note 1669. 1699 Lo-chung Legs-pa'i shes-tab, also called sPu-rangs Legs-pa'i shes-rab, is not identical with rNgog Legs-pa'i shes-rab. Cf. note 1670. Cf. also bKa'-gdams chos-'byung 69a2-4. 1700 Not mentioned in other versions. 1701 GBCHBY 384.1; DCHBY 149.8-9; CHBY 153a3, 154al; DTHMP 20a4; YLJBCHBY 70.3; HBCHBY (JA) 142a3. Cf. note 1683. 1702 GBCHBY 382.20; DCHBY 148.8-9; CHBY 154a2; YLJBCHBY 70a3; GBY'TSH 159a4. According to Bu-ston, king 'Od-lde invited pandita Sunaydri (for him, cf. also CHBY 154a2,6, 157a2: = Legs-par rigs-pa'i dpal (corr. ~ u n ~ P ~ d n i whereas ?)), his son rTse-lde (silent in GLR) invited DziiH-na-Sri (= JiiHndni; DTHMP 20a4: 'Od-lde invited the Kashmirian J ~ n a S r i . All versions have JiiHndri, and the fair graphical proximity between dzM-na and dd-mldha-M as given in GLR and the renown of the two DiinaSila-s (not DHnaSn3, one active during the dynastic period, the other teacher to Sa-skya Pandita (1 182-1251), though both cases would amount to gross anachronisms, possibly accounts for the &iswriting in GLR, a lopsus colami most likely perpetrated by the scrihe. However, another clue may be found. Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP 502b5-6, in a list His His son was bTsan-lde. I7O3 son was Bha-le. "04 of religious personages amving in Tibet in this period enumerates both one named Jiiindfi and DHnaSila. 1703 CHBYMTNYP 51 lal-2, 51 1b3; CHBY 154a2; DTHMP 20a4; YLJBCHBY 70.19: Khri-Ide; GBYTSH 160bl; HBCHBY (JA) 143a3-4; DTHZHG 84.22. All above sources read rTse-lde instead of (or rather in addition to) bTsan-lde in GLR. This bTsan-lde is obviously identical with bTsan-phyug-lde, the son of the present rTse-lde (ignored by GLR). It should be noted that all other sources maintain that the son of 'Od-lde is rTse-lde. But the picture is confused while two rTse-lde seem to be recorded. As indicated below, it is recorded that Byang-chub 'od was also called rTse-lde and so was his putative nephew (dbon po, tsha 60) rTseIde here. (This second) rTse-lde is foremost known for being the convenor of the pivotal religious council at Ta-bo of sPiti in 1076 A.D. (cf. e.g. CHBYMTNYP 51 lal-512al; CHBY 154a3-4; YLJBCHBY 127.1-7; DTHNGP (I, 393.3-13,399.8-1, Roerich, pp. 325,328); bKa'-gdamschos'byung 76b2-3). He and his son (dBang-phyug-lde) are moreover recorded, according to the above sources, to have extended patronage to rNgog Blo-ldan Shes-rab (1059-1 109 A.D.) during his stay in Kashmir ca. 107611077-109311094 A.D. Another line of descendants deviating slightly from the traditional succession of royal heads given in the above works is offered by newly surfaced sources (albeit themselves occasionally conserving contradictory information due to a careless transmission or editing of the Mss obviously). See GBCHBY 383.1-3, 12,384.1-6; DCHBY 148.12, 149.11-16: The brother of rTseIde alias [sic] Byang-chub 'od (cf. note 1682) was 'Od-lde. The son of the latter was rTse-lde (again, i.e. the present rTse-lde), his son was 'Od-'bar-lde (cf. next note), whose son in turn was dBang-lde (? = IjChri bKra-shis] dBang-phyug-[Nam-mkha'l-btsanor bKra-shis-lde; cf. note 1705), his son was bSod-nams-lde. He had three sons: The eldest was bKra-shis-p]rtse[gs] (killed by the Turkish Gar-log tribe), the second son (no name given) safeguarded the temporal power of mNgalris but was also killed and the youngest son was 'Od-'bar-lde (again (sic), who settled in the temtory of the Gar-log-s). This lineage of the eldest brother (gcen) (i.e. rTse-lde, i.e. Byang-chub'od) continued down to a king named Bya-khri. For the lineage of the Ya-rtse rulers, cf. foremost Tucci, 1956 and Petech, 1980, pp. 86ff. (reprint Selected Papers, p. 369ff.). Ya-rtse (and its royal house also called the KhiisaIKhasiyi dynasty) has from inscriptions and Nepalese chronicles since long been identified by Tucci to be identical with Semjii (= Sija or Lamathada), today a little village situated in Western Nepal. 1704 GBCHBY 383.3, 12; DCHBY 148.14, 149.1; DTHMP 20a4: 'Bar-lde (Dung-dkar 4 . ) : Bha-le; YLJBCHBY 70.19: 'Bar-lde; GBYTSH 160bl: Bha-lde; HBCHBY (JA) 142a4; DTHZHG 86.8. Cf. previous note. The son of rTse-lde is almost invariably recorded to have been dBangphyug-lde (cf. also DTHNGP (I, 393.12, Roerich, p. 325) whereas his son appears to have been ['Od-]'bar-IdeIBha-l[d]e, rather than we should read this 'Bar-IdeIBha-re as a miswritten or variant form of dBang-lde as suggested by Petech, 1980, p. 86 (reprint Selected Papers, p. 370). Now dBang[-phyugl-lde and Khri bKra-shis dBang-phyug [Nam-mkha'l-btsan (cf. next note) should most probably not be taken as one person as suggested by Petech, while both Bu-ston, op. cit. 154a4 and YLJBCHBY 127.10-11 make a clear distinction between them. Summing up, it appears that the testimony offered by the IDe'u versions makes good sense altogether, i.e. that this part of the succession of Gu-ge rulers ran accordingly: 'Od-lde was followed by rTse-lde, his son in turn was dBang[-phyugl-lde, followed by the present ['Od-]'Bar-lde. It is therefore not ['Od-]'Bar-lde who brought the line of Guge rulers to an end as suggested by Petech, but the next generation, i.e. bKrashis-lde or in full Khri bKra-shis dBang-phyug-lde. This latter cannot be identified with the Gu-ge chos-rgyal Khri bKra-shis Ide-btsan mentioned in a Ti-se guide composed by the 34th 'Bri-gung gdan-rubs and recorded to have extended patronage in 1215 A.D. to 'Bri-gung saints, cf. Petechl Selected Papers, pp. 358-359, 382-383. AS noted by Petech also, most later historians replace, so in GLR, in their listing the phrase Thereafter came in succession (de nas rim pa bzhin du): bKra-shis-lde, 1705 ~ h a - r e ' ~and '~ Na-ga-lde [i .e. Niigari4jaI. 1707 These ruled over the kingdoms of Gu- e [i.e. Zhang-zhung], sPu-rangs and Mang-yul [i.e. Mar-yul, Ladakh] [respectively] etc. 17%)~ Further, the son of Na-ga-lde, i.e. bTsan-phyug-lde [i.e. ~ i i ~ i l l a ]arrived " ~ ~ in [the "his son was..." with 'after him in succession...", implying a break in the genealogical list available to the historians. Rejecting therefore the equation between bTsan-lde, Bha-lde and Khri bKra-shis dBang-phyug-btsan as suggested by Petech, it follows that it was first with the next royal .. and translators came to an generation that the patronage extended by the Guge house to pandua-s end. 1705 DCHBY 86.8; CHBY 154a4: Khri bKra-shis dbang-phyugs Nam-mkha' btsan; DTHMP 20a4: bKra-shis Ide; YLJBCHBY 70.19-71.1 : bKra-shis Ide (? = 127.1 1: Khri bKra-shis dBang-phyugbtsan); GBYTSH 160bl; HBCHBY (JA) 142a4. Cf. the two previous notes. As suggested by Petech, ibid. p. 86, this figure may constitute the last ethnic Tibetan royal on the throne. This either indicates that the Tibetan-ruled Guge throne went into decay or semi-oblivion (all later religiously oriented Tibetan histories are totally silent), or a power-shift took place transferring the ling house to Ya-rtse/SemjP or, alternatively, Guge came territorially under this house. This could possibly have taken place in form of a foreign invasion, while the successor carries a conspicuously foreign 'name'. It is nevertheless a fact that the subsequent rulers of the Ya-rtse royal house felt themselves representatives of the old Tibetan Yarklungs kings in unbroken line. This is foremost expressed by paying tribute to the holy shrines of e.g. IHa-sa (Jo-khang). It is also curious that the two IDe'u versions do not register at least the b e g i ~ i n g sof the Ya-rtse house, cf. note 1703. 1706 CHBY vacat; DTHMP20a5: Bha-nellde; YLJBCHBY 71.1: Bha-lde; GBYTSH 160bl; HBCHBY (JA) 142a4: IHa-lde; DTHZHG 86.8: Bha-ne. As already suggested by Tucci, this figure possibly was of foreign descent. 1707 CHBY vacat; DTHMP 20aS: Na-ga Ide-ba; YLJBCHBY 71.1: Na-ga Ide-ba; GBYTSH 160bl; HBCHBY (JA) 142a4; DTHZHG 86.9. The first Sanskrit name of the kings, reflecting, no doubt, NPgadeva. At this point it cannot be said whether the power or the throne had been shifted to SemjP or not. As adduced by Petech, the great inscription (brtistambha) of the Ya-rtse ruler Pfthivimalla, dated 1354 A.D. and written in Sanskrit, displays a perfect correspondence to the list retained in the present Tibetan chronicles as shall be seen in the sequel. It begins with the ruler NPgarija identical, no doubt, with the present Na-ga-lde-ba of the Tibetan text. Cf. ib. p. 88-89. 1708 GBCHBY 384.4-5; DCHBY 149.14-15; DTHMP 2 0 6 ; GBYTSH 160b1-2; HBCHBY (JA) 142a4. According to the above sources and in particular DTHMP (here GLR's source), down to and including king NPgadeva, as said arguably of non-Tibetan descent, the line of Tibetan Yar-Hung btsan po-s boasted complete control over the vast mNgal-ris territory. It can thus be deduced that henceforth not only the power over the central kingdom in GugdZhang-zhung, but also the neighbouring royal principalities of Pu-klrangs and Mar-yul (cf. the notes 1653-1661 supra), which for now almost two hundred years had been firmly in the hands of the descendants of the earlier Yar-klung kings, were lost or taken over by Ya-rtse and from the mid-XlIth century, in the wake of the break-up of this Tibetan confederation (cf. Snellgrove, 1977, p. MI), they eventually carved out their own history. Cf. Petech, ib. p. 87. 1709 CHBY vacat; DTHMP 20a6; YLJBCHBY 71.1-2; GBYTSH 160b2; HBCHBY (JA) 142a4; DTHZHG 86.10. country ofJ Ya-rtse [i.e. S e ~ j a ]1710 , [where] he functioned as king. His son was bKra-shis-lde [i.e. KrPSicalla]. l7' His son was Grags-btsan-lde [i.e. Kradhicalla].1712 His son was Grags- a-lde [i.e. Kracalla]. 1713 His son A-rog-lde. 1714 His son A-sog-lde [i.e. ASokacalla]. 1715 His son was Dzi-dar sMal [i.e. ~it&-irnalla]''~~ and A-nan-ta sMal [i.e. Anandamalla], 1717 the two. ' From the Dulla inscription the successor of Nigarija was one called Cipa and his son was Cipilla. In contrast, the Tibetan sources speak of the present Tibetan-named king bTsan-phyug-lde, who according to the above sources came to Ya-rtse. Petech, op. cit., p. 89, attempts to explain the course of events by stating that Cipa, unknown to Tibetan sources, may have been a son of Nigarija reigning at Semji. Then bTsan-phyug-IdeICipilla, whose racial background and descent are still unclar, may earlier have inherited Nigarija's territorial holdings along the border of Guge (or Guge itself) and came southwards to Semji, removing (his father?) Cipa and established himself in the capital, whereafter he cut all connections with Guge and Western Tibet proper. 1710 DTHMP 20a5; YLJBCHBY 7 1.1-2; GBYTSH 160b2; HBCHBY (JA) 142a4; DTHZHG 86.10. Cf. previous note. YLJBCHBY 72.6-7 curiously claims that the royal line of Ya-rtse derived from the bod kyi chos blon [sic] mGar Srong-btsan. Otherwise, here as elsewhere, verbal agreement between the sources is observed. 1711 DTHMP 20a6; YLJBCHBY 71.2; GBYTSH 160b3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 142a4; DTHZHG 86.10. 1712 DTHMP 20a6; YLJBCHBY 71.2: Drag-[= Gragsl-btsan-lde; GBYTSH 160b4; HBCHBY (JA) 142a5; DTHZHG 86.1 1. 1713 DTHMP 20a6; YLJBCHBY 71.3; GBYTSH 160b4-6; HBCHBY (JA) 142a5; DTHZHG 11-13. The above sources maintain that this Buddhist king, inter alia, erected an idol of MaiijuSrighosa using as material seventeenlseventy bre-measures of gold and a caitya from twenty-four bremeasures. According to Tucci and Petech's papers, followed here, this king, who lived in the beginning of the XIIIth century, issued a grant on a copper-plate in the BileSvar temple which can be dated to 1223 A.D. He is the first raja of the Semji kingdom documented to have been Buddhist, cf. Petech, ib. pp. 90-91 (reprint Selected papers, pp. 373-74, 382-383). He was enthroned in 1207 A.D. and possibly ruled up to ca. 1245 A.D. 1714 All parallel sources are silent. Bla-ma dam-pa or a scribe has falsely inserted an extra king. 1715 DTHMP 20a8-9: A-sog-lde; YLJBCHBY 71.6-7: A-sogs-lde; GBYTSH 160b6-161a2; HBCHBY (JA) 142a5; DTHZHG 86.13-14. He possibly ruled 1255-1278 A.D. adduced from inscriptions, cf. Petech, ib., pp. 91-92 (reprint Selected Papers, pp. 375-376). As detailed in the above Tibetan texts, this ruler purchased from Sog-po @rob. the Mamluk Sultans of Delhi) forty-two villages (grong) that had earlier been donated by the Dharmarsja ASoka (hence this local ruler's name?). These he handed over to (the holy shrine of) Bodh Gayi paying by installment the Sog-po-s twelve (bars of) silver anually. 1716 DTHMP 20a9: 'Dzi-dar r1sMal; YLJBCHBY 71.9-10: 'Dzi-dar dMal; GBYTSH 161a2; HBCHBY (JA) 142a6; DTHZHG 86.14. From inscriptions it can be adduced that he ruled approximately 1283-1293 A.D., cf. Petah, ibid., pp. 92-93. 1717 DTHMP 20a9-21al: A-nan sMal; YLJBCHBY 71.10: A-nan dMal; GBYTSH 161a2-3; HBCHBY (JA) 142a6-7; DTHZHG 86.14-15. As alluded to in above sources, these kings were devoted Buddhists who extended patronage and offered costly gifts e.g. to the 'Bri-gung see. As discussed by Petech, no e~igraphicalrecord on him has been found which may help dating his rulership, but it must be situated close to the end of the XIIIth century. As alluded to in the above texts, he and his elder borther had a silver-cast The son of A-nan-ta sMal, [i.e.] Ri-lu sMal [i.e. ~ i ~ u r n a l l aoffered ] ~ ~ ' (phul) ~ a golden roof (gser thog) to cover [the chapel in Jo-khang housing] the [idol ofj Jo-bo Rin-po-che in 1Ha-sa.l7I9 He had two sons: Sang-gha sMal [i.e. ~ a n ~ r i r n a r n a l l aand ] ' ~'Dzi-thar ~~ s ~ a l , " ~the ' two. The son of 'Dzi-thar sMal was A-'dzi sMal [i.e. Adityamalla].1722 His son was Ka-len sMal [i.e. Kalyil~~amalla].'~~' His son was Bar-rti sMal [i.e. Pr2taparnallaI. '724 Thereafter the ro a1 lineage of Ya-rtse was discontinued, whereafter the Ruler (mngu' bdag) b~od-nams-ldel25 took hold of the throne after having been invited [to come] to Ya- 7 statue of Hevajra with retinue made, nine in all. The latter had restoration-work carried out at Bodh GayP. He ordered the execution of a gold-written bKa'-'gyur. 1718 DTHMP 20bl: Ri'u/Relu s/rMal; YLJBCHBY 71.12-13; GBYTSH 161a3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 142a7; DTHZHG 867.15- 16. As unanimously mentioned in the above sources, this king seizd many territories from India. Recorded dates for this figure are 1312-1314 A.D. 1719 DTHMP 20bl; YLJBCHBY 71.14; GBYTSH 161a4; KTHDNG (NGA) 408.6-7: In the water-ox year, the king of Ya-rtse laid a golden roof in Lhasa, i.e. 1313 A.D.; DTHMPSM 38b6; DTHNGP (11, 686.15-687.1, Roerich, p. 583); HBCHBY (JA) 142a6; TSLKHKCH 14a2-4; DTHZHG 86.16-17. Cf. Petech, ibid. p. 93 for details of this king's pilgrimage to the birth-place of Buddha at Lumbini and subsequent visits to holy Buddhist shrines in Nepal. He and his father also sponsored restoration-work at Vajrisana, and the erection of an silver-made idol of Bhaisajyaguru. For the golden roof (gser thog), i.e. pinnacle or tower over the Jo-bo image, cf. also Richardson, 'The Jo Khang Cathedrzl of Lhasa" , in Essais sur 1 'art du Tibet, p. 187. 1720 DTHMP 20bl; YLJBCHBY 71.14; GBYTSH 161a4-5; HBCHBY (JA) 142a7; DTHZHG 86.17. No epigraphical record has survived to determine his dates. 1721 GLR is here at variance with the parallel sources, while they only list one son, i.e. Sang-gha sMal, and refrain from listing 'Dzi-tar sMal as a son of Ri-lu sMal. Most probably Bla-ma dam-pa has misread his source and listed 'Dzi-thar sMal's name twice. For 'Dzi-tharldar sMal cf. note 1716. 1722 DTHMP 20b2: A-'dzidlbyid r1sMal; YLJBCHBY 71.15: A-'&id dMal; GBYTSH 1613-6; HBCHBY (JA) 142a7-bl ; DTHZHG 86.17-19. He was brother to ~nandamallaand his occurence in the lineage suggests either an usurpation or the lack of issue to his uncle SangrSmamalla. Cf. previous note for the father 'Dzi-dar sMal. Adzi[d] sMal was active as IHa-btsun, celibate monk of royal descent at Sa-skya before he took over the throne. He erected inter alia a TPri idol using eleven pieces of gold and silver. He ruled approx. 1321-1328 A.D. Cf. Petech, ibid. pp. 93-94 for a possible historical reconstruction. 1723 DTHMP 20b2: Ka-len rMal (Dung dkar's ed. reads Pri-ti sMal); GBYTSH vacat; YWBCHBY 71.17: Ka-len dMal; HBCHBY vacat; TSLKHKCH 14a4-5; DTHZHG 86.19. He and minister dPal-ldan Grags-pa offered a golden roof or tower over the throne of the see at Sa-skya and in Lhasa over the idol of the Eleven-headed Avalokitdvara. Cf. similarly the notes 1728-29. As stated by Petech, no epigraphical record has survived on this king and the next. After these kings the Malla-line of the kings of Ya-rtse died out. 1724 DTHMP vacat; YLJBCHBY 71.17- 18: Bar-btab dMal; GBYTSH 161a6: vacat; HBCHBY vacat; DTHZHG 86.19. 1725 DTHMP vacat; YLJBCHBY 71.18-72.1: Adds in a gloss that he was known as Chos-rgyal chenPO, the Great Dharmargja; GBYTSH vacat; HBCHBY (JA) 142bl; DTHZHG 86.19-20. According to Nepalese sources Punyamalla issued from a family called Gela or GelH, a noble rtse from sPu-rangs. [He] received the [regal] name Pu-ni sMal [i.e. P~nyarnalla]."~~ His son was Pri-ti sMal [i.e. ~ r t h i v i m a l l a ] [who ' ~ ~ ~ together with] 'minister dPa]-ldan grags[-pa]1728offered a golden roof &ser tho ) [to cover the chapel] above [the idol ofl the Eleven-headed [AvalokiteSvara] in 1Ha-sa.1728 These royal lineages residing in the Upper [stod, i.e. Western] [Part of Tibet] [have] been written [here] in abbreviated form (zur tsam) [being taken] from the Chronicle (Yigt ~ h a n ~[compiled] ) ' ~ ~ ~by gSer-thog-pa Itin[-chen] rdo-rlje~.'~~' So, [should you] want to house in the Jumla region of Nepal who then continued the Ya-rtse house. But as seen from the above sources, the Tibetans have transmitted another version. From these, Pratipamalla's successor at Ya-rtse was a member of the Tibetan royal family of Pu-hrangs called bSod-nams-lde. Ascending the throne at Ya-rtse he sanskritized his name to Punimalla. See Petech, op. cit, pp. 95-97, who provides us with solid evidence in support of the Tibetan version by way of a letter from Bu-ston dated 1339 A.D. to this Ya-rtse king. 1726 DTHMP vacat; YLJBCHBY 71.16-72.2: Su nya [ = Pu-nya] dMal; GBYTSH vacat; HBCHBY (JA) 142bl; DTHZHG 86.21. Cf. previous note. Ascertained dates for (at least parts of) his rulership are 1336-1339 A.D. 1727 DTHMP 20b2-3: Ka-Ian rmal (but Dung-dkar ed. p. 44.7-8: Pri-ti sMal); YLJBCHBY 72.3-5; GBYTSH 161a6; DTHMPSM 39a2-3: Sri [= sPri] ti sMal; HBCHBY (JA) 142bl. Ascertained dates for this king are 1354-1358 A.D. Cf. Petech, ibid. pp. 97-98 (reprint Selected Papers, pp. 380-38 1). 1728 DTHMP 20b2; YLJBCHBY 72.3-4; GBYTSH 161a6-bl ; HBCHBY (JA) 142bl. As adduced by Petech, he is probably identical with a mahdma-rya named YaSovannadeva recorded on a Dulla inscription dated 1354 A.D. The envoy is recorded to have amved in Tibet in 1350 A.D. according to Rlangs kyi Po-ti bseru (cf. Petech, 1990, p. 109). It is also recorded in DTHMP, which was written between 1346 and 1364, when dGe-ba'i blo-gros passed away. 1729 DTHMP 20b2-3; YLJBCHBY 72.3-5; GBYTSH 161a6-bl ; DTHMPSM 39a2-3; HBCHBY (JA) 142b1; TSLKHKCH 14a4-5. The Ya-rtse king also donated a pulpit at the Sa-skya see. 1730 Full title of this currently non-extant work is not documented. Dung-dkar, 1981, p. 335, n. 260, claims that Rin-chen rdo-rje was author of a certain mNga'-ris La-dvags kyi rgyal-rabs lo-rgyus, purporting that this information is drawn from DTHMP which, however, I have failed to trace. Cf. next note. 1731 This is the noted figure bCu-gnyis[-pa] Rin-chen rdo-rje, alias Rin-po-che bCu-gnyis-pa or bCugnyis mying-ma (1218-1280 A.D.), cf. e.g. DTHNGP (11, 684.3-685.5, Roerich, pp. 580-5021; WlWMI"lWMP 68b4-69a5. According to DTHMP 21a6-7 we are informed that when Byang-ji ston-pa Shes-rab-'bum wrote his historical work rGyal-rabs dPag-bsam con-shing (composed in 1286 A.D., cf. the notes 437 and 1766), he made use of information provided him by one dPag-thog-pa [ = gser-hog-pa] Rin-rdor. This was misunderstood by the author of YLJBCHBY 72.7-9, who maintains that it was the author of DTHMP that employed gSer-thog-pa as informant. See also dPal-'byor bzang-po, GBYTSH 162b4-5. If the reference is to the same person above, this gathering of information, in particular if it was a personal communication, for Byang-ji's work written in 1286 A.D. must have taken place prior to 1280 when Rin-rdor passed away. The epithet gSer-thog-pa given in GLR refers to the fact that the see of Phag-mo gru-pa, which Rin-chen rdo-rje occupied for fourteen years (1267-1280 A.D.), was regularly receiving costly presents e.g. from the Ya-rtse rulers. In the Blue Annals (11, 686.16-18, Roerich, 11, pp. 582-583) the epithet gSer-thog-pa is in fact given his second successor to the see, gNyis mchod-pa Grags-pa Rin-chen (1250-1310 A.D.) while the Ya-rtse kings offered him golden towers or pinnacles to cover some sku 'bum cairya-s (in gDan-sa-thel?). The bCu-gnYls gsat-ma Grags-pa shes-rab (1310-1370 A.D.) was furthermore half-brother to the illustrous Phage know in details the [noble] feat and deeds (mdzadpa 'phrin lar) of each successive king [of these royal houses], [you] may look it up in this very Chronicle! [XXVIII] [The Royal Lineage of the Yar-[kllung Lords] Again, in accordance with the exposition [given] above, of the Tibetan royal lineages, [to continue the narrative, then] the son of the senior consort of the Ruler ( j e ) dPal-'khor-btsan 1732*1733 was bKra-shis brtsegs-pa, 1734 who [himselfJ had three sons: dPal-lde, 17'* 'Od-lde, 17" sKyid-lde, 1737 the[se] three. These three [rulers] were called the Three lDe[-rulers] residing in Lower (smod, i.e. East = Central Tibet). 17" The son of the eldest son [called] dPal-lde amved in sNgon-po T ~ h o m - p o , " [and] ~~ mo-gru-pa Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan (1302-1364 A.D.), the political key figure of the period. The close ties to the royal house of Ya-rtse are thus expressed in their recording in this lost work. Cf. also Blondeau, 1971, p. 107. Bla-ma dam-pa's source for the data on the last-mentioned kings of Ya-rtse until Pphivimalla who is recorded to have ruled at least until 1358 A.D. at least, remains to be identified. 1732 Cf. note 1563 supra. Two more studies on the genealogy of the Tibetan royal houses in postdynastic Tibet may be worth mentioning. In the light of the recent publications of the two IDe'u histories that furnish us with new or supplementary genealogical data, Chab-spel, 1989(b) in Bud kyi lo-rgyus rags-rim g. yu yi phreng-ba, pp. 421 -53 1 (with convenient schemes) and in part van der Kuijp, 1992 have presented us with useful surveys which to some extent follow along our findings in the sequel. 1733 *gloss: From this [ruler] [it is] ascertained that the Tibetan royal lineage such as the Lords ( l o bo) [of the royal house ofJ La-stod, gTsang-stud, bTsong-ha, m D o - s d and Yar-lung etc. descended. 1734 Cf. note 1566 supra. For an almost similar-worded survey of the royal houses of Yar-klung, confer e.g. DTHMPSM 35b4-37b4 (Tucci, pp. 166-168), DTHZHG 86.22-88.2, both following GLR. 1735 BGR 199a4; CHBYTMTNYP 493a5; GBCHBY 384.8; DCHBY 149.18-19; NGTMTPH 4b5 (Uebach, pp. 68-69); DTHMP 20b3; YLJBCHBY 72.10-1 1; GBYTSH 161b2; HBCHBY (JA) 142b3. For the descendants of dPal-lde, cf. note 1740 infro. 1736 BGR 199a4; CHBYMTNYP 493a6; GBCHBY 384.8; DCHBY 149.16, 150.6; NGTMTPH 4b5; WHMP 20b3; YLJBCHBY 72.10; GBYTSH 161b2; HBCHBY (JA) 142b3. For his descendants, cf. the notes 1751ff. infro. According to IDe'u Jo-sras, he settled in Myang-do [ = MyangINyang-to?] sKong-bu-snan. 1737 BGR 199a5; GBCHBY 384.8; DCHBY 149.19; NGTMTPH 4b5; DTHMP 20b3; YLJBCHBY 72.10; GBYTSH 161b2; HBCHBY (JA) 142b3. 1738 GBCHBY 384.8; DCHBY 149.19; DTHMP 20b3; nJBCHBY 72.10-11; GBYTSH 161b3; HBCHBY (JA) 142b3; DSYML 73.1-2; GTHZHG 91.13. IDe'u Jo-sras adds that these three were the kings of dBus-gTsang Ru-bzhi. 1739 GBCHBY 384.10: Tshon pot sngon po; DTHMP 20b3-4: sNgon po'i Tshon po; W B C H B Y 72.1 1-12: sNgon po Tshon po; GBYTSH 161b3; HBCHBY (JA) 142b3. Location unidentified and this would readily refer to a place-name, although such a toponym [his descendants constitute today] the [local principalities and descendants ofJKhab-gung [= Gung-thang of ~ h a b 1 . ~l l~u~- r~ ~ y a l , of ' ~ s~ '~ y i , l ' ~~a ~ - r ~t s e and ' ~ ~of ~ Glang-chung [= sounds bizarre. From the construction it appears that it should be conceived as a overall concept encompassing the following place-names and the above vacillation among our sources as to this apparent toponym compels us to suggest that it is corrupt for: Earlier (sngon du) (his descendants) settled in great number (tshom bu, i.e. bundles or in variegated colours, cf. below)? i.e. his descendants spread wide and far. Chab-spel, 1989(b), op. cit., pp. 493-494, adds, citing as source the bsTan-rtsis gsal-ba'i nyin-byed, that the lineage (brgyud) of dPal-lde held sway over the three 'bridges' (zam p a gsum): i.e. the blue-green 'barley-bridge' of IHa-rtse (lha rrse'i nas zam sngon mo), the red 'flesh-bridge' of Gling-bu (gling bu'i sha zam dmar mo) and the yellow 'gold-bridge' of Mang-yul (mang yul gyi gser tam ser po). In contrast, the lineage of 'Od-lde held sway over the three doors (sgo gsum) and the descendants of sKyid-lde held sway over the three treasuries situated to the north (byang gi mdzod gsum): The treasury of salt from g.Yu-mtsho sngon-mo, the treasury of the eight kinds of meat and the treasury of gold. This ninefold division, the source or origin of which we currently have no further knowledge, evidently alludes to a kind of division made in terms to trading (rights?) or access to natural resources, both being in the hands of the different members of the lineage and their descendants rather than it specifies geographical distinctions. 1740 1.e. Khab Gung pa. BGR 199b4: Gung thang pa; CHBYMTNYP 493b4: Gung thang pa; NGTMTPH 4b5: Gu lang pa; DTHMP 20b4: Khab Gung thang pa; YLJBCHBY 72.12; GBYTSH 161b4; HBCHBY (JA) 142b3. Gung-thang of the district Khab in the western part of Tibet, cf. Ferrari, Map. Cf. also Uebach, 1987, p. 53, n. 164. Kah-thog in his DSYML 71.6-73.1 and in particular GTHZHG 91.13ff. provides us with details on'the royal house of Gung-thang based upon different and slightly diverging sources such as those written by Gung-ston dPal-mdzes and Gung-thang mNgal-bdagNorbu-lde. Although Ke-thog offers two conflicting versions of the beginnings of the royal house of Gung-thang, the prevailing one runs accordingly: King dPal-lde and his wife Cog-ro-bza' 'Ba'-re begot two sons: 'Od-zer-lde (or: dPal-lde; in other sources: dMar-po-btsan/dMar-po-lde) and Dharmacakra (other versions: bDe-spyod-lde). As a surviving branch of the old Tibetan royalty, he was allegedly the first who, probably in the mid-Xth century, settled down in Gung-thang of the Mang-yul district and established his petty Gung-thang dynasty. His son was dBang-po-lde, his son Dung-dkar-lde and his son again bTsan-lde. He in turn had three sons: IHa-mchog-lde (also 'Do]le), dKon-mchog-lde and the youngest son 'Od-lde (also called rTse-mo). The lineage of rTse-mo constituted the Lords of 'Jad-pa (cf. note 1749). The elder brother IHa-mchog-lde expanded his realm in Western Tibet and established his walled castle called Phyis [=Phying[-nga]] Khab-gong. He is recorded to have been a contemporary of Mi-la ras-pa (1040-1 123 A.D.). Summing up, KGthog lists twenty-three generations (rkyang bgrangs rgyal rubs) of the royal house of Gung-thang from the mid-Xth cent. until 1748 A.D. Cf. also Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 494-516. Kah-thog adds that the noble houses of Klu-rgyal, sPyi, 1Ha-rtse and Glang-lung (cf. the following notes) all issued from the younger brother Dharmacakra. Cf. also note 1744 infro. Throughout the entire spell of the Khab Gung-thang dynasty, the place, lying on the cross-road between West and Central Tibet, was visited by numerous religious figures such as AtiSa, cf. e.g. DTHNGP (1, 318.3, Roerich, p. 260). 1741 l.e. Klu rgyal pa. BGR 199b4; CHBYMT'NYP 493a5; NGTMTPH 4b5; DTHMP 20b4; YLJBCHBY 72.12; GBYTSH 161b4; HBCHBY (JA) 142b3; DSYML 73.1. The district of Klu-rgyal remains to be identified. i 1742 l.e. sPyi pa. BGR 199b4; CHBYMTNYP 493a5; NGTMTPH 4b5; DTHMP 20b4: s P ~ Pa; YLJBCHBY 72.12; GBYTSH 161b5; HBCHBY (JA) 142b3; DSYML 73.1. Cf. NGTMTPH 2a4, where sPyi-bo is registered as a small (bu chung) stong sde, or thousand district. Uebach identifies it, doubtfully, with the Phying-ba Valley in the Yar-klungs district. Otherwise unidentified. lung] bTsad-'khor, '744 [comprising thus all the local royal houses] including ( m n chod po) the descendants of [the principality of) La-stod. The youngest son sKyid-lde settled down [as ruler of) fla-nag [in] Shangs. '745 Of the six sons born [to him], five [of them] migrated to the north (byung ru g s k g s ) : [They in turn ' ~the~ sovereign (brsud po n l o r n . ~ )of '~~~ constituted] the sovereign (bfscrdpo) of ' ~ r o and 1743 1.e. IHa rtse pa. BGR 199b4; CHBYMTNYP 493a5; NGTMTPH 4b5; DTHMP %4; YLJBCHBY 72.12; GBYTSH 161b5; HBCHBY (JA) 142b3; DSYML 72.23-73.1. For IHa-rtse, cf. Ferrari, Map, a rdzong situated due west, south-west of gZhis-kha-rtse. 1744 1.e. Glang lung btsad 'khor ba; BGR l99b4: Glang lung brtsad skor ba mams; (the homonymous Bod kyi rgyal-rabs (by 'Phags-pa Bla-ma), 361ab1, has Gla lung brtsd dkor b m m s ) ; CHBYMTNYP 493a5; GBCHBY 384.10- 11; DCHBY 149.20-150.1 ; NGTMTPH 4b5: Glang lu rtsad bskor ba; DTHMP 20b4; YLJBCHBY 72.13: Gla lung rtsad skor; GBYTSH 161b5. Glang-lung is located in Myang-stod or Upper MyangINyang. Cf. Tucci, Indo-Tiberica, IV, I, p. 63. The phrase brtsad skorl'khor should most likely be understood as a toponymical complement to Glang-lung, but it is equally possible to conceive it: Glang-lung [including both) [the local] sovereign and [their respective] retinue [i.e. people attached to the court (b[r]tsad Ipo dong] 'khor ba). Cf. similarly the Blue Annals (Roerich, p. 127). In which case the complement possibly also applies to all the listed principalities i.e. Khab Gung-thang etc. rather than reserving it to Glang-lung only. However, another reading is altogether feasible. mKhas-pa IDe'u asserts that dPalIde established himself in Glang-lung btsan-mkhar (the stronghold of Glang-lung situated in La-stod and IDe'u Jo-sras adds that dPal-lde had three sons with his consort from the Cog-ro (clan) named Mang-mo-rje (cf. note 1740) and their descendants subsequently ruled the (royal houses as far as) Lung-mdo of La-stod. The reading by the two IDe'u-s could be a lectio facilior, albeit it cannot a priori be dismissed, but the reading brsad 'Mor is corroborated by older texts such as by Nyang-ral and by Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan also. 1745 GBCHBY 384.11-12; DCHBY 150.1-2; DTHMP 20b4: rTa nag of 'Jad; YLJBCHBY 72.14; GBYTSH 161b6; HBCHBY (JA) 142b3-4; DSYML 73.4. The two IDe'u versions, our oldest witness, maintain that the descendants of the younger son settled down in an area ranging from La-stod until rTa-nag of 'Jad, thus having full control over g.Yas-ru. sKyid-lde there begot three (not six) sons with his consort Cog-ro-bza' Mang-mo. For the district of Shangs, cf. Ferrari, Map. Shangs is a district around Shangs-chu situated due east of present-day gZhis-kha-rtse on the upper bank of gTsang-po whereas rTa-nag is situated west, due west of gZhis-kha-rtse. Shangs as a district in the western part of the gTsang province expanded therefore earlier further west than in modem times. The location rTa-nag of Shangs surfaces repeatedly in religious texts as a religious place-name, cf. e.g. CHBY I5lb2, 153b5; YLJBCHBY 174.3. The earliest reference (Xlth century) to the king of rTa-nag (of 'Jad) (scions of the Yar-lung kings), we find in Bon sources, where they apparently are registered as Bon-po-s, cf. Karmay, 1972, pp. 145-146. For the place cf. also Ferrari, pp. 68, 157-58, n. 586. For further ref. cf. Uebach, 1987, p. 52, n. 152. 1746 DTHMP 20b5 ; YLJBCHBY 72.15. 'Bro as clan and petty dynasty is registered in the Dunhuang material to be identified as Mo-lu in China, cf. note 1231 supra. The 'Bro area alludes to the territorial appanage (dbang rir) in gTsang-stod allotted this powerful clan during the dynastic period, cf. e.g. HBCHBY (JA) 1W. It is possibly the area where the 'Bro Sa-hang was erected by Sum-pa Ye-shes blo-gros (cf. note 1635), cf. e.g. CHBY 148b6. 1747 GLR corruptly reads: gtsang po pam [sic], but rectified according to DTHMP 2Ob5; YLJBCHBY 72.15-16; GBYTSH 161b5; HBCHBY (JA) 142b4. GBCHBY 384.12- 18 and DCHBY 150.2-3 further adduce that of the three sons born to him, the youngest went northwards and seized mNga'-ris. The second son stole the stag g.yu (M insignia with tiger head and laden with turquoises?) in his father's possession, and taking it dong, he [most districts of] g. Yas-ru and Ru-lag [representing] the [ruling] descendants of M [and of some currently] living in Nyang-stod. 17'0 The middle son 'Od-lde [himselq had four sons: Pha-ba De-se, 751 U S md ~ ~ ' - -- - -~ safeguarded the temtories of Nyag-lde (cf. note 1754). He begot nine sons and they have up to now (i.e. mid-XIIIth century) settled down in rGyal-ba'i 'od as rulers. Cf. also the detailed discussion in Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 523-530. Mus pa; CHBYMTNYP 493a6; NGTMTPH 4b6: Mus pa ba; DTHMP 1748 1.e. Mus pa. BGR 199~15: 20b5; YLJBCHBY 72.15-16; GBYTSH 161b5. The district of Mus is situated in the Valley of Mus-chu further west in the gTsang province, cf. Ferrari, Map and p. 68. 1749 1.e. 'Jad pa. BGR 199b5; CHBYMTNYP 493a6; NGTMTPH 4b6: 'Jad pa ba; DTHMP 20b5; YLJBCHBY 72.16; GBYTSH 161b5. The district of 'Jad is situated east of Mus-chu, cf. Ferrari, pp. 68, 158, n. 592 (giving bZhad for 'Jad) and Map. The district of 'Jad was mainly famed for its eight places ('Jad gyi gnas brgyad), cf. CHBY 151b2 (Szerb, p. 80). The famed gTsang Rab-gsal orignated from this place (cf. note 1523). Cf. also the notes 1740 and 1745. 1750 BGR 199b5; CHBYMTNYP 493a6; NGTMTPH 4b6; DTHMP 20b5; YLJBCHBY 72.16-17; GBYTSH 161b6. Upper Nyang makes up the upper districts along Nyang-chu, cf. Ferrari, Map. Read preferably Myang; for its history, cf. Myang chos-'byung. dPal-'byor bzang-po adds that one line arrived as rulers of rGyal-ba 'od. 1751 GBCHBY 384.19-385.5; DCHBY 150.7-11; DTHMP 20b5: Pha-la De-se/Pha-ba-lde, but later Pha-la DeIPha-ba De-se; YLJBCHBY 72.18-73.3; HBCHBY (JA) 142b4. The two IDe'u versions (cf. also GBCHBY 370.2-3, 372.1-4), dGe-ba'i blo-gros and O-rgyan gling-pa, PMKTH Chap. 89, 538.15-19 add inter alia that this ruler and his brother Khri-chung went to dBus in order to take back by force nine specifically decorated precious items (can dgu = [nor sna khyad par] can dgu), heirlooms originally belonging to their royal ancestors, such as silver cups adorned with deer motifs (dngul skyogs sh[v]a ba can), but also golden thrones, golden idols and weapons, items once bequeathed to the descendants by the father @has phog; i.e. Srong-btsan sgam-po through Glang-dar-ma?), by the mother (queen) and brothers etc. This heritage became confiscated by Yum-brtan during the feud between the two heirs of Glang-dar-ma in the middle and later part of the IXth century. In the above sources it is reported how Yum-brtan (rather: Yumbrtan's scions) seized the temtories originally held by 'Od-srung's descendants (ca. 843-881 A.D.), and while the old queen-mother Tshe-spong-bza' fled to northern Tibet, the nine precious royal heirlooms ( j e ' i can dgu) were impounded by Yum-brtan. &as-pa IDe'u even adduces that the reason (lan) why the nine-set heritage and the national temple of chos 'khor bSam-yas (and Central Tibet we can add) fell into the hands of Yum-brtan (and his line) was because 'Od-srung's scion dPal-'khor-btsan (869-899 A.D.) proved himself unsuccesful (go ma chod), i.e. implying military incompetence or just karmically doomed to lose? The line of 'Od-srung was eventually driven off to mNga'-ris, cf. note 1568. Pha-ba [IJDe-se attacked the castle of 'Phying-nga rtse-khung-bu (= 'Phying-nga slag-rtse, cf. note 1762), the residence of mGon-ne (who in AtiSa's biography rNam-thar rgyas-pa, perhaps doubtfully, is listed as son of IHa-btsun Bodhiriija, a contemporary of AtiSa, (cf. note 1586) and ruler of bSam-yas, which would situate these incidences in the later part of the XIth century), himself an issue from Nyi-'od dPal-mgon (cf. note 1573), a scion of Yum-brtan. Whereas his brother Khri-chung set up his residence permanently in the Yar-lung Valley and became the actual progenitor for the following generations of Yar-lung Lords (cf. note 1761), Pha-ba [IIDe-se soon returned to gTsang again having brought along at least one of the above heirlooms. ~ ~ Khri-lde, 1752 Khri-chun 1753 and Nyag-lde. f75, The lineage from Pha-ba De-se are today] living in s ~ u b s - y u l17" , sde1757and sTag-tshal [of] Nyang-stod. 'J on^, g . Yag- 1752 GBCHBY 384.19; DCHBY 150.7; DTHMP 20b6: Khri-Idelsing-khri-lde; YLJBCHBY 72.18. 1753 GBCHBY 384.19, 385.17; DCHBY 150.7, 15; DTHMP 20b6; YLJBCHBY 73.1-2. He settled down in the Yar-lung Valley (cf. the notes 1751 and 1761-2), his residence being called 'Bangs-[blrtsigs, while it had been erected by his subjects. 1754 GBCHBY 384.20; DCHBY 150.7; DTHMP 20b6; YLJBCHBY 73.1. 1755 GBCHBY 385.12; DCHBY 150.12; DTHMP 20b6: gNubs yul; YLJBCHBY 73.3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 142b4. Cf. next note. 1756 GBCHBY 385.12; DCHBY 150.12: Rong; DTHMP 20b7; YLJBCHBY 73.4; HBCHBY (JA) 142b4: gTsang rong; DSYML 73.2-3. Rong is the district around Rong-chu, a tributary to gTsang-po, cf. Ferrari, Map. Possibly, Rong is part of sNubs-yul, which again is a larger district in the gTsang province (i.e. gTsang sNubs yul Rong), whence f. ex. gTsang-pa Rin-po-che descended. KG-thog asserts that the four sons of 'Od-lde settled in gTsang Rong i.e. Rong of gTsang, in Yar-lung (cf. note 1762ff.) and in gTsang-kha (= gTsong-kha?) of Khams. slgNubs-yul in gTsang was originally the territorial appanage (dbang ris) of the sNubs clan during the dynastic period, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 19a3. 1757 GBCHBY 385.12; DCHBY 150.13; DTHMP 20b7: g.Yag sllde; YLJBCHBY 73.4; HBCHBY (JA) 142b4. g.Yag is a district in the gTsang province. Or '0-yug g.Yag-sde, cf. PMKTH Chap. 93, 567.3-4. Foremost known for being the birth-place of g.Yag-sde Pan-chen brTson-'grus dar-rgyas (1299-1378 A.D.). 1758 CHBYMTNYP 493a6; GBCHBY 385.12 and DCHBY 150.13: Myang-stod sTag-tshal rGya-m[l] khyung-po; DTHMP 20b7; YLJBCHBY 73.4; HBCHBY (JA) 142b4. sTag-tshal of Nyang-stod in gTsang is located in the area along the upper stretches of Nyangchu. It was early a stronghold for Bon, cf. Karmay, 1972, pp. 40, 145. Cf. Ferrari, Map. The XIIIth century master mChims Nam-mkba' grags was also born in sTag-tshal, cf. e.g. Kundga' rgyal-mtshan, bKaP-gdams chos-byung, 255a3. Cf. also CHBYMTNYP 506a2. But also the famous mad-man gTsang-smyon He-ru-ka (1452-1507 A.D.) descended from this place. For some details on sTag-tshal of Myang-stod and the religious activities there, cf. Myang chos-'byung (Chin. ed., 113.5-120.7). Where our text and the above sources throughout this genealogical exposition show full correspondence, another line of data is found in BGR 199t4-5; CHBYMTNYP 493a6; NGTMTPH 4b6-7 (and partly retained in DTHMP 20b6 and GBYTSH 161b6-162al also), where it is stated that the lines of 'Od-lde spread in Grom-pa (the stretches along Grum-chu (also written Khrumchu), west, north-west of Sa-skya), Srad and NyangIMyang-stod. These are all areas and locations in the gTsang province. This is partly corroborated by the two IDe'u, GBCHBY 386.8-14, DCHBY 150.10-13, who at some length offer details on the descendants of Pha-ba De-se: His son was Darma ri-tsa [ = Dharmariija], his son Dar-ma btsan-po, his son again was Khri-'bar. He had two sons Khri-btsan-'bar (or: Srong-btsan-'bar) and bKra-shis-lde. The son of the eldest one (GBCHBY: of the younger brother) was bTsan-srong-lde and his son was bTsan-po IDe-'bar. They constitute the rulers of sNubs-yul, Rong, of rGya-ra Khyung-po (for this clan and people from which e.g. the rulers of Glo-bo sMan-thang (i.e. Mustang) boast ancestry, cf. Jackson, 1984, p. 112ff.) and of tag-tshal of NIMyang-stod. In the mid-XIIth century they constituted the Lords of Sra-po/Ra-po = Srad-phu, i.e. the region Upper Srad, cf. Wylie p. 72 (n. 251), a valley situated to the west of The lineage of Khri-lde are today those descendants living [as] sovereigns of mDo-smad such as the king (rgyal po) spyan-mnga' [= snga] Don-chen etc. of gTsong-kha [= bTsongkha] in the east. The lineage of Nyag-lde took up residence in g.Yas-ru [ofJ gTsang, [including the local principalities] as far as the sovereign of sKyin-mkhar. 1760 ~ h r i - c h u n ~ *arrived ' ~ ~ ' in [the Valley ofl Yar-[kllung, [where] he took possession of the citadel (sku mWlar) of 'Phying-ba sTag-rtse.1762 His son was 'Od sKyid-'bar. 1763 He [again] had seven sons, the eldest being Zhang-j e Tsha ('Nephew') Khri-'bar. His younger brothers (gcun po) were the Six Brothers (tsha of (btsad = gtsang) gTsang . Among the six sons morn to the eldest son called] Zhang-rje Tsha Khri-'bar, the constitutes the [ruling] descendants of [places lineage of [his eldest son called] g.~u-thog1766 gZhis-kha-rtse. (In Srad-phu e.g. the founder of the Dus-mchod branch of the Sa-skya 'Khon line, Kun-dga' legs-pa'i 'byung-gnas rgyal-mtshan (1306-1336 A.D.) passed away, cf. e.g. GBYTSH 11, 26al-4). Nyang-ral moreover mentions a king named IHa-chen dpal, a scion of 'Od-lde settled in Nyang-stod. It would be tempting, but perhaps not unproblematic, to identify the latter with 1Hachen dPal-['bar], cf. note 1790. 1759 DTHMP 20b8; YLJBCHBY 73.6-7; GBYTSH 162a1-2; HBCHBY (JA) 142b4-5. 1760 DCHBY 150.16- 17; DTHMP 20b8: [s]Kyin-mkhar; YLJBCHBY 73.7-8; GBYTSH 162al; HBCHBY (JA) 142b5. 1De'u JO-srasstates that the descendants constitute the kings of Kyin-dkar ( = sKyin-mkhar) and they include today the (rulers) of IHa Zhar. For sKyin-mkhar, cf. also briefly Myang chos-'byung (Chin. ed., 107.3-108.2). 1761 *gloss: [He] is the great grandfather bang mes) of the Yar-lung[s] Lords. 1762 GBCHBY 385.5-7; DTHMP 20b8-9; YLJBCHBY 73.8-9; GBYTSH 162a2-3; HBCHBY (JA) 142b6. Cf. note 382 supra for 'Phying-ba sTag-rtse and the notes 1751 and 1753 for details. Aside from this citadel, Khri-chung also took hold of the palace 'Bangs-brtsigs (cf. also note 1797)' i.e. 'Raised by the People', which henceforth constituted the residence of the Yar-lung Lords. 1763 GBCHBY 385.17; DCHBY 150.17-18; DTHMP 20b9; YLJBCHBY 73.9; GBYTSH 162a4; HBCHBY (JA) 142b6. 1764 Better Khri-lde-'bar. GBCHBY 385.17- 18; DCHBY 150.18-19; DTHMP 20b9: Zhang-khri Tsha Khri-lde-'bar; YLJBCHBY 73.10; GBYTSH 162a3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 142b6. The two IDe'u versions respectively read sNga-bu Tshe-spong Nang-rje Tsha Khri-lde-'bar and rNged-pu Tshe-spong Zhang-che Tsha Khri-lde-'bar. 1765 1.e. tsha bo dung spun, grandchildren or nephew and brothers; GBCHBY 385.18-19; DCHBY 150.19-20: Phyid pu gTsang pa Tsha mched drug; DTHMP 20b9: gTsang pa Tsha drug; YLJBCHBY 73.10- 11 ; GBYTSH 162a3; HBCHBY (JA) 142b6. GLR corruptly reads: bTsad pa (i.e. of Royal Origin?). Cf. the notes 1771-1780. 1766 GBCHBY 385.20-386.10; DCHBY 151.1-10; DTHMP21al; YLJBCHBY 73.13-74.2; GBYTSH 162aS-bl ; HBCHBY (JA) 142b7-143al. The two 1De'u versions and in part also Yar-lung Jo-bo (who allegedly draws his information from Byang-ji ston-pa's dPag-bsam Ijon-shing, but see below) provide details on the descendants of the eldest brother Khri-lde-'bar through his infinite number of sons: Khri[-Idel-'bar eldest son called g.Yu-thog had three sons: [g]Nam-lde, Jo-dga' and rTse-lde. [g]Nam-lde had six sons, led by [the eldest named] Jo-phagt'phan and 'Bum-lde. They settled in Phying-ba Zhang-mda' (for this place, cf. Panglung, 1988, p. 357). such as] s ~ a - r n o , ''Ph~ing-nga,'~~' ~~~ ~ o n - r n k h a r and ' ~ ~T~h a n g - ' k h ~ r . ' ~ ~ ~ The second son (to Khri-'bar) named Jo-dga' had one son. The youngest son rTse-lde Zhu-tshan (or Khu-mtshan) settled in Drang-ba (or: Dra-nga) of Yar-stod. His only son, unnamed, settled in Don-mkhar (cf. note 1769). In fact, the descendan& issued from g.Yu-thog are the ruling people of sNa-mo, Phying-ba, Don-mkhar and Thang-'Wlor. The lineages of the next sons of Khri[-Idel-'bar named respectively Bye-chung IHa-stodsgom, [d]Gung-lde (he settled in Don-mkhar sPe-skya) and Khri-thogl-thag] (he settled in Ma-N-spe [ s i c ] ) all died out (gdung chad). The next son (to Khri-[lde-]'bar) named Zla-ba had two sons, namely Thog-b[r]tsan and IDe'julyun. They constitute (the ruling people) of rTaIsTag-shags and BraIGra-sna. (The youngest son born to Khril-Idel-'bar) named dByangslbZhengs-can-'bar (or dByengsspyan-'bar) had two sons: The eldest renounced (the world) i.e. became ordained as monk, whereafter he functioned as dpon under Bye-chung IHa-stonlsgom. The youngest son named Ji-malodl'od settled in Zhang-mda' (of 'Phying-batnga), where his lineage died out. As stated by Yarlung Jo-bo, dByangs-can-'bar's line constituted the (ruling) inhabitants of Mon-mkhar, Zhang-mda' and d1sPun-bdun-thang. Cf. similarly Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 518-519. The alleged reference in a gloss to rGyal-rabs dPag-bsam ljon-shing as Yar-lung Jo-bo's source for the genealogical data which include the above line issued from Khri-lde-'bar and his sons could perhaps also serve as a yardstick for the relative chronology. Since Byang-ji ston-pa apparently at this point discontinues, as can be deduced from YLJBCHBY 74.2 (gloss), his exposition on the royal successors, it may suggest that his data reflect the status of this branch of the post-dynastic royals until the later part of the XIIIth, inasmuch as his work was written in 1286 A.D. Only, this is probably not the case, while this gloss is far from unproblematic. It purports that until this point (incl. Khri-lde-'bar's sons above), the royal exposition mainly @ha1cher) follows Byang-ji ston-pa's rGyal-rabs. Now, the same expression is found in DTHMP 21a5-6, there it also includes the descendants of the Six Brothers (Tsha-spun) of Khri-lde-'bar (cf. the notes 1171-1785 inpa) and Yar-lung Jo-bo in his work usually follows DTHMP and GLR shadowlike. This gloss therefore appears to be a slightly misplaced quotation taken from DTHMP, cf. also note 1731. 1767 1.e. sNa mo ba. DTHMP 21al; YLBCHBY 73.13-14; GBYTSH 162a4; HBCHBY (JA) 142b7. Cf. previous note. The district of sNa-mo is most probably to be situated in Rong-chen of the gTsang province. It is recorded to have been an estate (together with 'Bras-mo = 'Bras-yul? and Gri-gu and Tshes-spong (where in the dynastic period the powerful Tshe(s)-spong clan had their appanage (dbang ris), = Brag-rum, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 19a3)), later being the bone of contention in a protracted dispute for territories in the mid-XIVth century. For some notes on its fortunes during the Sa-skya and later Phag-mo-gru supremacy, cf. Petech, 1990, pp. 91-96. Less likely is to identify (this?) sNa-mo with sNa-mo of Dar-yul in 'Phan-yul, cf. Uebacb, 1987, p. 15, n. 15. Nel-pa Pandita descends from this latter place. 1768 1.e. 'Phying nga ba. GBCHBY 386.2-5; DCHBY 151.4-5; DTHMP 21al; YLJBCHBY 73.14; GBYTSH 162a4; HBCHBY (JA) 142b7: mChing nga. 'Phying-nga or rather 'Phying-ba is located in the Yar-lung Valley, cf. Ferrari, Map. Cf. note 1766 supra. As detailed there, the son and grandsons of g.Yu-thog and the sons of dByangs-can'bar settled in 'Phying-ba/nga Zhang-mda'. 'Phying-ba was the territorial appanage of the influential 'Gos clan during the dynastic period, cf. e.g. the notes 1221, 1331-1332. 1769 1.e. Don rnkhar ha. GBCHBY 389.5-6; DCHBY 151.5-6; DTHMP 2lal ; YLJBCHBY 73.14; GBYTSH 162a4; HBCHBY (JA) 142b7. Cf. note 1766 supra. The son of rTse-lde settled in this place. Don-mkhar Valley (mda3 is located in Yar-klung and it is the area where most of the tombs of the ancient king are located, cf. Ferrari, p. 53, n . 297 and e.g. the notes 399, 427, 430, as well as the valuable description in Panglung. 1988, p. 356ff. [Khri-'bar's] Six Brothers were lHa-s ad [ = spyan]1771 and g.Yu-s an, 1773*1774 ~ 1Hun-po, ~ ~ 1777*PX8 ~ * ~ the~two; ~ 'Od-lde ~ [ = ' O d - b t ~ a n ] ~ ' ~and Gungthe two; ~ a - r a and 1770 1.e. Thang 'khor ba. DTHMP 21al: Thang khor ba; YLJBCHBY 73.14; GBYTSH 162a4; HBCHBY (JA) 142b7. Thang-['Ikhor (= Thang-skor?) may designate the area or district in Yar-lung Valley where the brothers of Gru-mar Tshul-khrims 'byung-gnas erected (in 1017 A.D.) the [Sol-nag] Thang-poche1Thang-chen temple, cf. NGTMTPH 21bl; CHBY 148b3 (Szerb, p. 63, n. 7); YLJBCHBY 184.15; cf. Ferrari, pp. 52, 104, n. 99, p. 129, n. 287; Uebach, p. 143, n. 911-12. 1771 GBCHBY 385.20; DCHBY 150.21; DTHMP 21a3: IHa-btsan; YLJBCHBY 73.11, 74.3: 1Hascan, IHa-spyan; DTHMPSM 36a6: IHa-bcad; HBCHBY (JA) 142b6. 1772 *gloss: [He left behind] no lineage (brgyud med). For ref. cf. previous note. 1773 GBCHBY 385.20; DCHBY 150.20-21; DTHMP 21a3: vacat; YLJBCHBY 73.1 1: g.Yu-can; DTHMPSM 36a6: g. Yu-can; HBCHBY (JA) 142b6. Cf. note 1786. Hisfloruit can be situated in the XIth century. Due to homophony, his name may be written g. Yu-spyan and g. Y u-can. 1774 *gloss: From him descended the Lor& of Yar-lung. Cf. the notes 1786ff. infra. 1775 GBCHBY 385.21 and DCHBY 150.21: Da-ra dbang-phyug; DTHMP 21a3-4; YLJBCHBY 73.1 1, 74.3; HBCHBY (JA) 142b7. 1776 *gloss: [He left behind] no lineage (brgyud med). In contradiction to this gloss, GBCHBY 388.4- 10, DCHBY 152.3-5 and DTHMP 21a3-4, pursuing a common source, adduce that Da-ra dbang-phyug had three sons: Thang-la-dga' settled down in Khra-'brug (cf. note 1783). He had three sons. The eldest was rNal-'byor. His sons in turn were Yod-re-dar and IHa-btsun. Yod-re's son was Don-grub and his son in turn was Jo-bsod (i.e. Jo-bo bSod-nams). The second son to Da-ra was IHa-dga', who settled down in 'Or-mo. His son was Khri-dbangbtsan. His sons in turn were bTsun-pa-dga' and bTsun-chung-dga'. The last son to Da-ra was gSer-thog, whose line died out. 1777 GBCHBY 385.19-20: 1Hun-po-'bar; DCHBY vacat; DTHMP 21a3; YLJBCHBY 73.1 1, 74.3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 142b7. 1778 *gloss: [He left behind] no lineage (brgyud med). This is contradicted by GBCHBY 386.16-387.4; DCHBY 151.15-16; DTHMP 21a3. At least the last source should have been known to Bla-ma dam-pa. IHun-po-'bar had three (DCHBY: two sons) sons: The two eldest were Jo-mgon (DCHBY vacat) and Jo-khri. The youngest was 'Brug-chung-lde. They settled in Byar (cf. note 1785). Four sons were born to 'Brug-chung-lde: 'Od-lde, dPal-lde, Khri-po and Grub-pa. 'Od-lde had three sons: Jo-bo 'Jig-rten (no lineage left behind). Se-ru was ill-caught and died. His consort was subsequently given to the youngest son Nor-dga', who had two sons born to him called Jo-'bag and Jo-khrom. Jo-khrom's son was Shag-khri. His son was Jo-bo dGos-pa and his son in turn was Jo-bo Khrimgon. The son of dPal-lde was Jo-bo dGal-dga'. His son was Khri-'od. His son Khri-'bum. His son IDe-btsun. 1Ha-btsun Khri-po's lineage was discontinued. Grub-pa was issueless. 1779 GBCHBY 385.19, 386.11 and DCHBY 150.20, 151.10: 'Od-btsan-'bar (but also 'Od-skyid); DTHMP 21 a3: 'Od-btsan; YLJBCHBY 73.1 1-12, 74.4: 'Od-btsan; HBCHBY (JA) 142b7. 'Od-lde of GLR must be altered to 'Od-btsan, cf. 1781 inpa. btsan, 17'0 the two, six [in all]. The lineage o f 'Od-btsan and ~ u n g - b t s a n ' ~are ~ ' found [today] in Gog-po of] Churnig17" [as] [rulin 1 descendants [of] K h r a - ' b r ~ g , ' ~o' ~f and o f Byar.' g.Yu-can'78Ewas invital by Gar-mi Yon-tan g . ~ u [ n g ] - [ d ] r u n ~ , ' ~whereafter '~ he 5 1780 GBCHBY 385.19 and DCHBY 150.20: Gung-btsan-'bar; DTHMP 21a3: dGung-&an; YLJBCHBY 73.12, 74.4: Gung-btsan; HBCHBY (JA) 142b7. 1781 GBCHBY 386.10-15, DCHBY 151.10-15 and briefly YLJBCHBY 74.2 and HBCHBY (JA) 143al provide details on the descendants of these two local kings: The eldest son of 'Od-skyid, alias 'Od-btsan[-'bar], was gTsang-palma Tsha 'Od-btsan-'bar (texts possibly corrupt here). He had two sons: Brang-balnga IHa-lde and Brang-chung. Brmgbalnga was issueless. The son of Brang-chung, called dBon settled in Mon[g]-mkhar (in sNye-mo, for this place, cf. Ferrari, p. 161. A place called Mong-kar is repeatedly recorded in the AnnaLs, for ref. cf. e.g. Uebach, 1987, p. 143, n. 903; Petech, Selected Papers, p. 266 and Petech, 1990, p. 13: Mon-mkhar mGon-po-gdong). It must most probably be distinguished from the district of Mang-mkhar situated due south of IHa-rtse rdzong in the western part of the gTsang province, cf. Ferrari, Map. Gung-btsan[-'bar] had two sons: IHa-ston ring-mo (= IHa-ston dkar-mo whose line constitute the rulers of Byi-chung?) and IHa-'the1u/'theng-ngu. The latter's line died out. 1782 DTHMP 21a4; YLJBCHBY 74.5; GBYTSH 162b2. Chu-mig Gog-po is unidentified. Chu-mig, on the contrary, is well-known. Chu-mig is located due south, south-west of sNar-thang. It was listed as a khri-skor or myriarchy in the MIIth century. Later it became the private estate of the bZhi-thog branch of Sa-skya. Even after Byang-chub rgyalmtshan had gained full control over Central Tibet, Chu-mig remained in the hands of gdon sa chcn po mKhas-btsun (1305-1343 A.D.) and his son. Cf. Petech, 1990, pp. 53, 118-119 for ref. In the district a bKa'-gdams temple named Chu-mig ring-mo was situated close to sNar-thang, cf. Ferrari, p. 62, n. 466 and Map; cf. also Tucci, Indo-Tibetica, IV, 1, pp. 59-60. Prior to the Sa-skya-Yuan period, it was a local principality or chiefship. Kah-thog, GTHDTH 95.2-5, e.g. reports that one sde dpon of Chu-mig manied a daughter of the ~ i n ~ - t h ruler. an~ 1783 1.e. 'Khra 'brug pa. DTHMP 21a3-4; YLJBCHBY 74.3-5; GBYTSH 162b2; HBCHBY (JA) 143al. The two IDe'u versions and dGe-ba'i blo-gros, followed by dPal-'byor bzang-po, maintain that it was the descendants of Da-ra that settled in Khra-'brug. Cf. note 1776. Khra-'brug is situated in the Yar-lung Valley, cf. Ferrari, Map and note 836 supra. Yar-lung lo-bo maintains, somewhat in contradiction with his sources DTHMP and GLR, that the descendants of Da-ra, 1Hun-po, 'Od-btsan and Gung-btsan became (the ruling) inhabitants of Khra-'brug, Bying and Chu-mig Gog-po. Cf. also van der Kuijp, 1992, p. 481, n. 48, who has confounded the statements of YLJBCHBY and GLR. 1784 1.e. Bying pa. DTHMP 21a3; YLJBCHBY 74.5; GBYTSH 162b1-2; HBCHBY (JA) 14aI -2. Bying is located in the lower part of dBu-ru, cf. Ferrari, p. 54, n. 312 and Map. 1785 1.e. Byar pa. DTHMP 21a3; YLJBCHBY vacat; GBYTSH 162b2; HBCHBY (JA) 143a1-2. Byar is located in IHo-kha area, south-west of the Yar-klungs Valley, cf. Ferrari, p. 51, n. 261 and Map. It is divided into Byar-stod and Byar-smad along Byar-chu. See also note 1778. The descendants of IHun-po-'bar (cf. the notes 1777-78) settled down in Byar. 1786 Or g.Yu-spyan as written above, note 1773. 1787 DTHMP vacat; YLJBCHBY 74.6; HBCHBY (JA) 143a2. Gar-mi Yon-tan g-yung-drung is also known as the dge bshes or kolydnm'tra from '01-ga [ = '01-kha, '01-dga'], who is recorded to bave been a benefactor and pupil of Atifa. Cf. e.g. the AtiSabiography rNam-thar rgyas-pa (Eimer, 1979, sect. 320, 375, pp. 259, 276). Cf. also DTHNCP (I, 419.10, Roerich, p. 345) and Kun-dga' rgyal-mtshan, bKa'-gdams chos-'byung, 74a4,82a2-4; arrived at Byas-sa [= ~ ~ a - s a[where ] ' ~ ~he]~ took up residence. 9 1789 His son was Jo-dga H e [again] had three sons, the eldest of which was l ~ a - c h e n l ~ ~ [of] ~ * Bya-sa. l~~' Khri ~ a r - m a " [as] ~ ~ younger brother renounced [the world, i.e. became ordained as . Tucci, LJma, p. 178. He was considered one of the eleven great masters of dBus and is credited the erection of the temple of rDzing-phyi in '01-kha. This conduces to situate thefloruir of g.Yucadspyan to the middle and perhaps later half of the Xlth century. 1788 YLJBCHBY 74.5-6; HBCHBY (JA) 143a2. Bya-sa is located on the southern bank of gTsang-po, west of rTse-thang. For Bya-sa lha b a n g cf. Ferrari, p. 54, n. 310. Yar-lung Jo-bo in a gloss records that g.Yu-can by some (texts) is credited for having constructed the temple's cupola (dbu rtse), whereas Jo-dga' is ascribed the construction of the large courtyard including the erection of a golden statue along with painted murals. 1789 GBCHBY 387.5; DCHBY 151.16; YLJBCHBY 74.5-6; HBCHBY (JA) 143a2. 1790 GBCHBY 387.6 and DCHBY 151.17: 1Ha-chen dPal-'bar (also called Mi-'thung-dga'); YLJBCHBY 74.6- 10; HBCHBY (JA) 143a2-3. Jo-bo (the Lord) 1Ha-chen-po of Bya-sa in recorded twice, at least, in DTHNGP (11, 1084.5-6, 1090.3-4, Roerich, pp. 930, 936) which allow us to place his roughfloruir in the mid-X1Ith century (or perhaps, as suggested by van der Kuijp also, 1992, op. cir. p. 484, in the second half of that century, cf. also next note), because gZhon-nu-dpal informs us that rGyal-ba rTen-nas-palTen-ne (1 127-1217 A.D.), from his fifteenth until his eighteenth year, i.e. 114112-114415 A.D., served as minister under this local lord. Kun-dga rgyal-mtshan, bKa'-gdams chos'byung, 141b2 mentions IHa-chen dPal-'bar of Zhang-mtshal, which suggests that he was an adherent of Zhang Rin-po-che of [m]Tshal, also known as Bla-ma Zhang alias brTson-'grus grags (1 123-1193 A.D.), who founded the monastery of Tshal in 1175 and Gung-thang in 1187 A.D. (which became an important school and later a myriarchy and its kbri-dpon had IHa-sa and Jo-khang under its jurisdiction and custody). Bla-ma Zhang attempted to induce dPal Phag-mo-gru-pa (1 110-1170 A.D.) to become the private chaplain of the king (btsod po) of Bya-sa, i.e. IHa-chen-po, cf e.g. DTHNGP (11, 657.17-658.2, 832.14-836.18, Roerich, pp. 557-558,711-715) where the Jo-bo IHa-btsun mentioned by gZhon-nudpal in the biographical account of Zhang may allude to IHa-chen or his younger brother, cf. below. All in all, IHa-chen may tentatively be situated 1120-1190 A.D. The third son, aside from IHa chen-po and Khri Dar-ma, was recorded to have been a younger brother called IHa Zhi-ba, who renounced (the world) i.e. became ordained as monk and settled down in Lo-mo sgom-khang according to YLJBCHBY 74.9-10. The latter mqy be identified with IHa Zhi-ba 'od, the lha btsun or Monk-prince of bSam-yas, who e.g. invited the Kha-che Pan-then to bSam-yas around 1210 A.D. cf. DTHNGP (11, 1245.10-11, Roerich, p. 1070). The picture drawn from the two 1De'u versions, GBCHBY 387.5-9, DCHBY 151.17-19, is slightly different: The son of Jo-dga' was Lo-lha sTa-ba-can (absent from DCHBY). He had three sons: The eldest was Mi-'thung-dga', alias IHa-chen dPal-'bar. The next was Khri Dar-ma and the youngest was IHa [ = IHa-btsun] (i.e. Monk-prince and often implying the execution of secular power) Zhi-ba who renounced [the world], i.e. became a renunciate monk. The eldest and the youngest both became monk and (jointly?) acted as chief (dpon) (i.e. they were both IHa-btsun). 1791 *gloss: He erected the temple of Bya-sa. YLJBCHBY 74.6-10: He erected the temple of Bya-sa [called] So-ma. The great Sang-rgYas dBon-ston (of rGya-ma, also known as dBon-ston Rin-po-che, Rin-chen sgang-pa) (1 138-1210 A.D.1 performed the consecration (of this new temple) and he rendered great service to many learned mWlm grub-s such as dPal Phag-mo-gru-pa [rDo-rje rgyal-pol (1 110-1170 A.D.). Cf. also bKa'gdams C~OS-'byung, 141bl-3. Cf. also van der Kuijp, 1992, p. 484, n. 19. 1792 GBCHBY 387.7; DCHBY 151.17; YLJBCHBY 74.10; HBCHBY (JA) 143a3. Cf. previous note. monk]. Khri Dar-ma had four sons: gTsug-lde, 1793* 1794 Khri-gtsug, 1795 Jo-bo r N a l - ' b y ~ r , ' ~ ~ ~ * ~ ~ ~ ~ Jo-bo sMon-lam. 1798*1799 Khri-gtsug seized [the places of] Byas[= Bya-sa] and His son was K h r i - b t ~ a n . " ~ ' - Dos-sngon. 1800 - 1793 YLJBCHBY 74.1 1; HBCHBY (JA) 143a3. The two IDe'u versions are silent on this son of Khri Dar-ma and register only the following three sons. 1794 *gloss: [He was] without ospring. 1795 GBCHBY 387.10; DCHBY 151.20: Khri-btsunltsug; YLJBCHBY 74.1 1 ; HBCHBY (JA) 143a3: Khri-gtsug-lde. 1796 GBCHBY 387.10; DCHBY 151.20; YLJBCHBY 74.1 1 ; HBCHBY (JA) 143a3. The jloruit of Jo-bo rNal-'byor of Bya-sa may grossly be situated in the period between 1135140-1210 A.D. He fathered IHa-chen in 1158 A.D. cf. note 1806. From DTHNGP (11, 1099.68, Roerich, 11, p. 945) we are informed that Shes-rab 'od, alias ICags-so-can, (1 166-1244 A.D.), at the age of thirty, i.e. in 1195-96 A.D., visited Bya-sa and where this Jo-bo was in power in order to attend to teachings tendered by the 'Bri-gung Chos-rje (1 143-1217A.D.) and ffiya-ma Rin-chen sgang-pa, alias ffiya-ma dBon-ston Rin-po-che (1 138-1210 A.D.). Cf. also the introduction to this book note 39. 1797 *gloss: HP stayed in 'Ban-tshigs. 'Ban-tshigs must be rectified to 'Bangs-[blrtsigs as adduced in GBCHBY 387.19, YLJBCHBY 73.8 (gloss) 75.3-12, HBCHBY (JA) 143a4-5: The lineage of Khri-chung, the yang mes of the Yarlung Jo-bo-s (cf. the notes 1753, 1762), settled down in the Yar-lungs Valley, where he sought out his residence to be 'Bangs-brtsigs ('Raised by the People'). Jo-bo rNal-'byor, from here, safeguarded his realm. He and his brothers rendered great service to Buddhism, in particular to spyan-snga-ba (1 174175-1255 A.D.) and to ffiyal-ba Rin-po-che, also called Thog-[blrdungs-pa (1203-1267 A.D.) of 'Bri-gung by by functioning as dcinapori. 1798 GBCHBY 387.10; DCHBY 151.20; YLJBCHBY 74.1 1 ; HBCHBY (JA) 143a3. 1799 *gloss: Afier he had renounced [the warldj [i.e. became a renunciate [monk]], he built the white [meditation] cello (gzims khang) of sPu-gu [where he] senled down. Cf. also YLJBCHBY 74.16-75.3; HBCHBY (JA) 143a4. The place s h - g u should be rectified to [s]Pu-gu-rdo, cf. also YlJBCHBY 107.5, 108.12. DTHNGP (Roerich, pp. 278-79, 581: sPu-gu-dolno). Yar-[kllung h-gu-do was e.g. visited by Kha-che Pan-chen ~ i i k ~ ain~ 121 r i 1 A.D., in other words around the same time as Jo-bo sMon-lam sojourned there, cf. Jackson, 1990, p. 44 and DTHNGP (11, 1245.16-17, Roerich, p. 1070). 1800 YLJBCHBY 74.12-1 3: Do-sngon; HBCHBY (JA) l43a3. The area of Bya-sa is so called while this lower part of the Yar-klung Valley pertained to the clan of Bya, cf. DTHNGP (11, 1265. I I f f . , Roerich, p. 1087ff.). The relationship between the Byaclan and the rulers of Yar-klung, who settled in the area remains to be clarified. Cf. also the notes 1814, 1836. 1801 GBCHBY 387.12; DCHBY 151.21: Khri-btsan-lde; YLJBCHBY 74.13. As delineated in GBCHBY 387.1 1-18, DCHBY 151.20-152.2: Khri-gtsug (or Khri-btsun) had five sons: One son died in struggle at Zo-thang (at rTse[s]-thang, for this place cf. note 349 supra) and aside from the present Khri-btsan-lde, he had the sons brTse-kha-bo (sic, text corrupt, the father killed by the son of Bu-chung?), Jo-bo sGom-pa and Jo-dbang ( = Jo-bo dBang-pldBang-phyug?). Jo-dhang's son was Jo-bo bTsan-khri-dpal. His son was Sha-kha-khri. 1802 His son[s] were the [ruling] inhabitants of ~ a r - m d a "etc. ~ ~ [such ~ as] l~a-khri.I~o4 Jo-bo rNal-'byor had three sons, the eldest of which was Jo-'bag. 1805 The middle son was 1Ha-chen. The youngest son was 1Ha Ngam-shod-pa. 1808*1809 The sons of Khri-btsan-lde: The eldest Bu-chung was killed by a sister. Another was called Srong-btsan. His line was discontinued. Shag-khri (cf. next note). He sojourned in mKhar-thog. Finally also the son named Jo'i khams. 1802 Better Sha-khri or Shag-khri. GBCHBY 387.16-18; DCHBY 151.21-152.2; YLJBCHBY 74.14: Sha-khri. According to the two 1De'u versions he settled in W a r - t h o g and had two sons: 1Ha-khri chung-pa and Jo-khams (or Kham-pa). Jo-khams had two sons: rDor-rin (i.e. r h - r j e rin-chen) and Rig-'od. 1803 1.e. Yar mda' ba. YLJBCHBY 74.14-15. 1804 GBCHBY 387.17-18; DCHBY 152.1 ; YLJBCHBY 74.14. Cf. note 1802. 1805 GBCHBY 387.19-21; YLJBCHBY 75.16-17; HBCHBY (JA) 143a6. According to mKhas-pa IDe'u, rNal-'byor had four sons: The eldest was sPyil-bu-ba. Thereafter in succession: 'Bag-so, 'Bag-chung (who went to 'Bri-gung for moksa or salvation) and the youngest bKra-shis-mgon who died. This earliest witness is thus slightly in conflict with the remaining sources which list three sons only. We may here equate sPyil-bu-pa with IHa-chen (cf. next note) and 'Bag-so, from the list of his sons given, is to be identified with Jo-'bag. Finally 'Bag-chung is to be identified with IHa Ngam-shod-pa (cf. note 1808) as can be adduced from the fact that he went to 'Bri-gung (cf. note 1809). Since Jo-'bag fathered the great 1Ha 'Gro-ba'i mgon-po in 1186 A.D. (cf. note 181l), it would arguably place his own birth around or slightly prior, say 1150-55 A.D., to the time when his alleged younger brother IHa-chen was born i.e. 1158 A.D. 1806 GBCHBY 387.19: sPyil bu ba; YLJBCHBY 75.12-14, 106.9-108.6; HBCHBY (JA) 143a5; DTHNGP (I, 338.3-339.5, 372.12-1 3, Roerich, I, pp. 276-277, 307); bKa'-gdams chos-'byunk!, 246b5-247bl. IHa-chen, alias 1Ha Lung gyi dbang-phyug, religious name Byams-pa rin-chen (1 158-1232 A.D.). He was son of Jo-bo rNal-'byor (cf. note 1796) and his noble consort (bza') dPal-'dm of the sNa-nam clan and he was born in Pho-brang khang-dmar (of Bya-sa). Cf. previous note. 1807 *gloss: He held the abbatial seat (gdan sa) of sPyil-phu. IHa-chen-po occupied the see of sPyil-bu for forty-three years (1 190-1232 A.D.). The see and monastery of sPyil-bu was established by Se sPyil-bu-pa, alias Chos kyi rgyal-mtshan (1 121-1189 A.D.), his master being again Bya 'Chad-kha-pa (1 101-1175), cf. e.g. bKa'-gdarns chos-'byung, 24 1b3-246b2. 1808 GBCHBY 387.20-21 : 'Bag-chung; YLJBCHBY 75.15-16. Cf. note 1805. For a brief mention of the kings (brtsad po) of Ngam-shod, cf. Blue Annals, pp. 570, 573-74,936. Ngam-shod was the centre of Northern (Byang) La-stod, a hereditary fief of the Byang family. It is located in the westernmost part of gTsang. The centre of the Southern (IHo) La-stod was Shel-dkar rdzong. 1809 *gloss: Having renounced [the worw [i.e, become ordained, he was issueless. YLJBCHBY 75.15-1 6: He went to 'Bri-hung , where he functioned as lha btsun, i.e. monk (btsun pa, bhadanta) of royal origin, in the presence of gCung Rin-po-che rDo-rje Grags-pa (12111279 A.D.). Cf. also note 1805. Assessing the above information, we are perhaps faced with a chronological problem: The elder Jo-'bag had five sons born to him: Jo-bo S h i k y a mgon-po, l8 lo 1Ha 'Gro-ba'i mgon-po,1811*1812 1De_po,1813*1814 l D e - c h ~ n g , ' ~ ' and ~*~ ~~~ [finally] Jo-rgyal . 1817*1818 brother of IHa Ngam-shod-pa1'Bag-chung was [Ha-chen, who was born in 1158 A.D. and the father to both is Jo-bo rNal-'byor, whosefloruit we shall tentatively place between 1135-1210 A.D. (cf. note 1796) and while we would generally not assume any great span of time to last between the birth of the two brothers, the relative chronology only makes sense or remains unproblematic if we assume that 1Ha Ngam-shod-pa was born in the very late part of the XIlth century and thac he attended on gCung Rin-po-che when this religious master was relatively young. 1810 GBCHBY 388.1-2: YLJBCHBY 75.17, 76.13-19; HBCHBY (JA) 143a5. mKhas-pa IDe'u claims that 'Bag-so (= Jo-'bag) had four sons only, but lists only three names and ignores most surprisingly 1Ha 'Gro-ba'i mgon-po. Cf. also note 1829. 1811 YLJBCHBY 75.17-76.2, 108.7-111.17; DTHNGP (1, 339.6-341.14, Roerich, 1, pp. 278-280); bKa'-gdams chos-'byung , 247bl-248b2. 1Ha 'Gro-ba'i mgon (*Jaganniitha), religious name Byang-chub 'od (1186-1259 A.D.). However, cf. van der Kuijp, 1992, op. cu. p. 486, n. 23, for some cogent, albeit still tentative speculations that would place his death in another sheep year, i.e. in 1271 A.D based upon information delivered by Yar-lung Jo-bo. mo lho cig) 'Dzam-gling of the His father was Jo-'bag and his mother was the royal lady (h royal house IHa 'Bri-sgang-pa (cf, note 1597). He was a noted religious figure who was also nicknamed lHa (i.e. king, royalty) sTag-sham-can. Ignored by mKhas-pa IDe'u, cf. previous note. 1812 *gloss: He occupied the abbatial sear of sPyil-phu, wherefore [he garhered a1 great [number] of trainees [to be converted] (gdul bya che). He occupied the see for twenty-seven years (1233-1259 A.D.). 1813 YLJBCHBY 75.18, 76.3-4; HBCHBY (JA) 143a6. 1814 *gloss: He took in possession [the place of] 'Ban-tshigs. YLJBCHBY 76.3-5 adds that his son Jo-bo Sbikya rGyal too resided at 'Bangs-filrtsigs (not 'Ban-tshigs), the residence of the Yar-&]lungs Lords in the Yar-&]lung Valley (cf. also the notes 1762, 1797 above). From here he wielded his power over g.Ye, large and small (che chung). g. Ye is another form of the district E (for E, cf. Ferrari, p. 84, n. 257). The execution of this power must have been exerted by him just prior to the period when the area of g.Ye, along with other dependencies such as Dvags, dMyal ( = gNyal), Byar (cf. note 1785) and Lo-ro (all located in IHokha), fell under the dominion of the Bya-clan headed by Bya Rin-chen (a brother to Bya Cbos-rgyal dPal-bzang) in the Xlllth century, cf. e.g. DTHNGP (11, 1265.10-1267.9, Roerich, pp. 1087-88). Cf. also note 1819. For the fortunes of the district of g.YelE in the XlII-XIVth century, cf. e.g. Petech, 1990, pp. 31, 56, 103, 106. Aris, 1979, pp. 138-39, incidentally, wrongly associates this IDe-po with a South Tibetan (Bhutanese) lineage. 1815 GBCHBY 388.2; YLJBCHBY 75.18, 76.10; HBCHBY (JA) 143a7. 1816 *gloss: He parsed away [early] and [thus] was without ofipring. GBCHBY 388.2; YLJBCHBY 76.10; HBCHBY (JA) 143a7. 1817 GBCHBY 388.2-3; YLJBCHBY 75.18, 76.10; HBCHBY (JA) 143a7. He settled down in Bu-lu. 1818 *gloss: He seized the [secular] power (srid) [of the lineage]. The son of 1De-po was Jo-bo Sh2kya rGyal.I8l9 His son [in turn] was Jo-bo Sh2kya dPa1. 1820*'821 Jo-rgyal's son was Jo-'bar. The eldest of the two sons [born to] him was 1Ha Zur-khang-pa. 1823*1824 The youngest was known as 1Ha of Khrom-po, lS2' having been invited as chief (@on) by the people of Khrom-po. Jo-bo Shak a mgon-po had [his] brothers settle down (phog) individually (tha thang du = [ha dud d ~ ) , ' ' whereafter ~~ he [himself] established his palace [called] g ~ a s - c h u n ~ . ~ ~ 1819 YLJBCHBY 76.3-5; HBCHBY (JA) 143a6. From these sources we are informed that Jo-bo Shakya rGyal too resided at 'Bangs-plrtsigs (not 'Ban-tshigs), the residence of the Yar-[kllungs Lords in the Yar-Fllung Valley (cf. also the notes 1762, 1797). From here he wielded his power over g.Ye, large and small (che chung). 1820 YLJBCHBY 76.5-9; HBCHBY (JA) 143a6-7. Also known as Blo-gros dPal bzang-po. Cf. next note. 1821 *gloss: He was ordained in the presence of 'Gro-mgon 'Phags-pa, [and] so [being a celibate monk, he] was without issue. Cf. also YLJBCHBY 76.5-8; HBCHBY (JA) 143a7: He was ordained in the presence of 'Gromgon 'Phags-pa [Blo-gros rgyal-mtshan (1235-1280 A.D.)]. The Bla-ma chen-po himself functioned as updhydya and as dcdtya functioned the father of (Dmng-)bDag-chen-po 1i.e. MahHtman bZangpo-dpal 1262- 1322 A.D.], named Ye[-shes] 'byung[-gnas] (1238-1274 A.D.), and his name being Blo-gros dPal-bzang-po, was taken from his upddhy6ya [i.e. Blo-gros rgyal-mtshan], whom he served as an attendant (nye gnus). 1822 GBCHBY 388.2: Jo-'Ber; YLJBCHBY 76.10-1 1: btsad po or king Jo-'Phel; HBCHBY (JA) 143a7. 1823 YLJBCHBY 76.1 1- 12, 112.5-16; HBCHBY (JA) 143a7; DTHNGP (1,342.1-9, Roerich, pp. 28028 1); bKa'-gdams chos-'byung, 248b4-249a1. gZhon-nu-dpal corroborates that 1Ha Zur-khang-pa (1277-1337 A.D.) was son of JO-'bar (reading Jo-barlbor) whereas YLJBCHBY adduces that the father was Jo-'phell'bel. After Zurkhang-pa was ordained, he camed the religious name dBang-phyug ye-shes. His teachers counted IHag-ru-pa chen-po and sBas-pa sTon-gzhon (1224-ca. 1310?). He settled down in Zur-khang. 1824 *gloss: He too occupied the abbatial seat of sPyil-phu. Cf. also YLJBCHBY 76.1 1- 12; HBCHBY (JA) 143a7; DTHNGP (I, 342.6-7). Uncertainty as to when and for how long he held the see. The Blue Annals maintains he took over the abbatial chair age tenleleven in 1287 A.D., and that he held it until age forty, i.e. in 1316 A.D. But this is contradicted by DTHNGP itself (I, 342.10-343.2-5, Roerich, pp. 281-82), where it is maintained that IHa Zur-khang-pa handed over the abbatial see to his successor and disciple 1Ha Blo-gros 'od (1285-1350 A.D.) in 131 1 A.D. Cf. note 1833. In fact YLJBCHBY maintains that Zur-khang-Pa died age sixty-four (and not sixty-one as by gZhon-nu-dpal), which would place his birth back to 1274 A.D. 1825 1.e. Khrom po pa. YLJBCHBY 76.13; HBCHBY (JA) 143a7-bl. 1826 YLJBCHBY 76.13; HBCHBY (JA) 143a7-bl: It is merely stated that the lineage of the younger brother (no name) constituted the people of Khrom-PO; DTHMPSM 37b2-3: Adding that he was invited to become leader of the people of Rong Khrom-po and that his descendants are still (in the XVlth cent.) to be found in the south in the area of Byar (cf. note 1785) and Sa-smad sPyang-rtsigs. 1827 GLR reads: gcung po rnams rho thang du phog. YLJBCHBY is equally unclear, op. cir. 76.13-14: gcung po mums pa sar [sic] phog nus.. . The correct reading should be: rho dad du phog, i.e. the younger brothers settled in different places. This is also understood by dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 143b1 : gcung rnams so sor phog and, incidentally, also by Chab-spel, 1989(b), p. 522. [His] power and magnificence (dpal 'b or) were equal to space. established the residential palace (called] [PhoHis son lo-bo Sh2kya bKra-~his'~~ brang] rNying-ma. The two sons born to him: The eldest was 1Ha Brag-kha-pa.le30 The younger one was the Ruler (mNga' bdag) Grags-pa Rin-chen,ls3' who went to China as attendant @hyagphyi) of 'Gro-mgon 'Phags-pa [Blo-gros rgyal-mtshan]. Obtaining [there] the mandate (lung blangs) of the Emperor (rgyal po) Se-chen (Qubilai Qan) [bestowed upon him], he established many residential palaces (Dho brang) such as the palace of Bragkha etc. and exerted [full] control [over them]. [His] power and magnificence (dpal 'byor) [too] were equal to space. 1828 YLJBCHBY 76.14- 15; HBCHBY (JA) 143bl. 1829 GBCHBY 388.1-2; YLJBCHBY 77.1-2; HBCHBY (JA) I43bl; DTHNGP (I, 341.14-19, Roericb, p. 280). This Jo-bo Shikya bKra-shis, with his wife sKyor-mo Dar-rgyan, fathered IHa Brag-kha-pa Blo-gros Ye-shes (1250-1286 A.D.), born at Bye-chung. Cf. next note. His second son was mNga'bdag Grags-pa Rin-chen (1254155-1328). Cf. note 1831. mKhas-pa IDe'u tersely informs us that (Jo-bo) Shakya bKra-shis sojourned in IHag-ru. Yarlung Jo-bo records that he exerted his power as ruler and died age seventy-four ( = seventy-three). This would offer us his grossfloruir to ca. 1230-1300. As this figure is one of the last entries found in GBCHBY which can be roughly dated, and as the above sons are not registered by mKhas-pa IDe'u, it serves, as already noted by van der Kuijp, 1992, pp. 488-489 as a terminus ad quem for the compilation of this important chronicle which must be dated to ca. 1260 A.D. and while IDe'u Jo-sras' ditto exposition is silent on this royal figure and in fact also abstains from listing the three sons of Jo-bo rNal-'byor such as IHachen (cf. note 1806), born in 1158 A.D. and moreover terminates his survey by listing three generations (allowing twenty to twenty-five years for each) issued from the Khri-gtsug, the brother of Jo-bo rNal-'byor, whosefloruir we shall roughly situate between ca. 1135140-1210 A.D., it would be tempting to date DCHBY slightly before the compilation of GBCHBY, say b e e n 12301240 A.D. This concurs also with the conclusion reached by van der Kuijp, op. cir., pp. 484-85. But since 1De'u Jo-sms' rendition is an abbreviated one, his biographical omissions may not be conclusive for the dating of his work. 1830 YLJBCHBY 77.3-4, 111.18-112.4; HBCHBY (JA) 143bl; DTHNGP (1, 341.14-19, Roerich, 1 p. 280); bKa'-gdams chos-'byung, 248b2-4. Brag-kha-pa Blo-gros ye-sheslye-shes blo-gros (1250-1286A.D.): His father was Jo-bo S h a y a bkra-shis and mother Dar-rgyan of sKyo[r]-mo. He was born in ByiIBye-chung. He incidentally became disciple of his uncle IHa 'Gro-ba'i mgon-po and held the see of sPyil-bu between 1259-1286 A.D. Cf. previous note. 1831 YLJBCHBY 77.4- 17; HBCHBY (JA) 143b2-3. His chronological data are 125411255-1328 A.D. As young he was ordained and occupied briefly the see of sPyil-bulphu. He was first assistant or attendant for five years under Bla-ma rGyal-ba Rin-po-che (1203-1267 A.D.), and we must presume, upon the death of the latter, he became nye gnus in the presence of Chos kyi rgyal-po (1235-1280 A.D.) attending him once on a trip to China. This must have taken place in 1267-68 A.D., while he there received, meeting Qubilai at the court, the prerogative of rulership over his own temtory as chronicled by Yar-lung Jo-bo. From that year he exerted his secular rule (chab srid, rgyal wid)for forty years (i.e. 12681307 A.D.) and age fifty-three (= age fifty-two), in a sheep-year (i.e. fie-sheep, 1307 A.D.) he handed over his rule to his second son mNga'-bdag ShHkya mgon-po. Having dwelled in deep meditation on the profound ultimate meaning (nges don, nircinha) as Jo-bo Yar-lung formally says, he passed away, aged seventy-four ( = seventy-three), in an earth-male-dragon year, i.e. 1328 A.D. Cf. similarly van der Kuijp, 1992, p. 488. To him three sons1832were born, the eldest bein Blo- ros 'od.1833 The second was mNga-'bdag Shikya mgon-po.18 4*183 The oungest son was 1Ha-btsun (Monk of royal blood) Tshul-khrims bzangPo.1836*1837 Beginning with these [personages delineated here] up to the present[-day] Lords (Jo-bo) of Yar-[k]lung[s], these [royal figures] arriving in [direct] succession represent the unbroken royal lineage of the Tibetan kings (bod rgyal po 'i gdung brgyud zam ma chad pa). Therefore [they are all] in extraction, stature and accomplishment (rigs gzugs yon tan) particularly distinguished. These [details offered here on these lineages] are only an abridged outline, should you want [to know] in great[er details] the feats and deeds of the successive Yar-[k]lung[s] Lords, pray consult the ~ e n e a l o (rGyal-rabs) ~ ~ ' ~ ~ ~compiled by 1Ha-btsun Tshul-khrimsbzang-po! 5 4 1832 YLJBCHBY 77.18-78.2; HBCHBY (JA) 143b4: Four sons. The one unmentioned in GLR was named 'Bal who passed away at a tender age. 1833 n J B C H B Y 77.17, 112.17-114.14; HBCHBY (JA) 143b3; DTHNGP (I, 342.10-343.8, Roerich, p. 28 1); bKa'-gdams chos-'byung, 249al -bl . 1Ha Blo-gros 'od (1285-1350 A.D.). Father Grags-pa Rin-chen and mother Princess (1Ha-gcig) rDo-rje. Born in Pho-brang rnying-ma. In 1311 A.D. he took over the see of smil-phulbu which he occupied for forty years until 1350. 1834 nmcmy 77.15, 78.2-7; HBCHBY (JA) 1 4 3 ~ - 5 . He is recorded to have rendered great service to Buddhism, such as to the great Yar-klungs 10tsi-ba Grags-pa rgyal-mtsan. He took up residence in Yum-bu bla-sgang. The data uncertain, but he assumed the age of fifty-three (= fifty-two). This would give the following tentative dates: ca. 1290-1342 A.D. 1835 *gloss: He occupied the abbatial seat of sPyil-phu. As he is [regarded as] the late (rting ma) Sh@a mgon-po, his grandeur (dpal 'byor) was mighty [indeed]. 1836 YLmCHBY 77.19-78.1 ; HBCHBY (JA) 143b3-4. The chronology not certain. But he must be situated in the first part of the XIVth century. He was author of a genealogical treatise delineating his own royal line, allegedly titled rGyal-rabs debther chen-mo, cf. DTHMPSM 37b1-2 (Tucci, 1971, pp. 167-168). Cf. note 1838. DTHNGP (11, 1267.13-1268.15, Roerich, pp. 1088-1089) lists a contemporary (most plausibly not identical) figure, the mahopridhyciya Tshul-khrims bzang-po, but with a different paternity. The latter-mentioned was a scion of the clan of Bya, a son of mNga'-bdag Chos-seng (i.e. Chos kyi seng-ge) who acted as dpon or local chief of the districts of Dvags and Byar (cf. note 1785) and whose father in turn was Bya Chos-rgyal dPal-bzang (not identical with, but a contemporar3' of Chos-rjedPa1-bzang-po (1257-1310 A.D.)). This Tshul-khrims bzang-po became abbot of Zangs-Poche and he mounted the chair (see) of the vihlira of Yang[s]-rtse. 1837 *gloss: [He] was ordained at gDan-sa-rnthil. Cf. also YLJBCHBY 78.1 ; DTHMPSM 37b1-2; HBCHBY (JA) 143b3-4. g~an-sa-mthil,the see and monastery of the Phag-mo-gru-pas. 1838 DIWW"IM 37b1-2: rGyal-rabs deb-ther chen-mo. Non-extant. Extensively used by the authors of GLR, YLJBCHBY and DTHMPSM (but first by Bla-ma dam-pa). Cf. note 1836. [XXM] [Concluding Remarks and Author's Colophon] [This exposition, i.e. GLR] is [nothing] but an abridged outline, comprising the story (lo rgyus) of the spread and diffusion of Buddha's Teaching here in the Snow-clad Country of Tibet, [an exposition] of the royal heads of India and China, [as well as] a genealogy of Mongolia and Tangut, but [the present work] is foremost a biographical narrative (mum rhar) of the successive Tibetan royal genealogies. The following [sources have been employed]: Renouncing [altogether] [all] kinds of mental reflections (yid dpyod) induced by other's hearsay (kha rgyug) or by one's own [subjective] supposition (blo tshod) or conceptualization (mam nog), [I] have collected the , bKa'-'bum of the King siitra-s and tantra-s of Buddha's [scriptural] word ( v a c a ~ )the [Srong-btsan sgam-pol, the Ma-sa and bSam-yas Ka-tshigs chen-rno, the greater and smaller (che chung) treasury-writings (grer yig) of Jo-bo-j e [i .e. AtiSa], [various] smaller and larger historical writings (chos 'byung), the rGyal-po bKa'i thang-yig, records (yig rshang) of Hor [i.e. Mongolia], and furthermore, numerous genealogical-historiographical writings (rgyal rubs kyi yi ge) compiled by individuals (gang zag) well-versed in scientificscholarly writings (bstan bcos, Sdrtra) - [such as] the sDe-dpon of Tshal-pa [i.e. dGe-ba'i blo-gros, author of Deb-ther dmar-pol. [All these sources] were [then] individually examined most carefully [and from the process of collation] any doubts as to validity versus fallacy [of the data presented] (yin min gyi the tshom) have been eliminated. Archaism (snang skad = gnu' skad), synonymic language (gab' skad = brda skad?) [all such expressions] which are not easily comprehensible (go dka' ba mams) have been rectified and adjusted. This [work] has been successfully composed b y me] in order to arouse encouragement (spro ba) and devotion (mos gus) [among] those pious individuals (dad Man) seeking knowledge of the Teaching [of Buddha]. [I have attempted to] make [the work] easily comprehensible for everyone [such as] oneself and others, while [I have] abstained from compiling [it] by [employing any excessive usage of] figures of speech (rgyan) [such as] poetry (snyan ngag) and metre (sdeb sbyor). May it be known [to convey] the truth (Men par shes par mdzod cig)! Furthermore, should there [among] [those] individuals of the posterity who zealously strive [to know] these [many historical details contained in this work] [arouse] any doubts for instance in terms of veracity versus fallacy [as to the data presented therein], it is [only] suitable to let [them] examine carefully the old [i.e. original] writings (yi ge rnying pa) [indicated] earlier [i.e. above]! May [all] those ignorant beings] (mi shes pa r?zums) [eventually] be rectified ('chos)! May the widely diffused Teaching [of Buddha] durate for a [long] time [Secured] qua [the merit ofJ this [enormous feat, i.e.1 the spread of the Teaching of the Teacher [~dc~amuni] in [all] ten directions, [Conducted] by the [Tibetan] ancestral Dharmariija-s, who have accomplished the expansion of [this] Teaching, This [exploit of theirs] of the mode of diffusion of the Teaching [here in] the Snow-capped [Country of Tibet]! May the Patrons (ddnapari) of the Teaching, the sovereign rulers [of Tibet] Come to experience the glory of benefit and happiness [of worldly] power (chub srid), [Being] mindful of safeguarding the two [kinds of] Laws in accordance with Dharma, And may [their] two equipments (sebhdra) [of Merit and Gnosis conducive to Enlightenment] be lofty (mngon mtho) equalling in expanse [Mt.] Meru (lhun po)! This abbreviated biographical narrative (mum thar) of the [Tibetan] Dharmaraja-s Has been properly compiled (legs par [blsgrigs pa), avoiding [altogether any] mistakes, By [me] Vajradhara bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan In compliance with (ngor) the [urgent] admonition of 1Ha-btsun Rin-chen dpal . May, perforce of the merit [acquired by writing this biography] a feast [of honey] for the bees, the pious individuals, be celebrated extensively, After the lotus-garden (pad tshal) of the benefit and happiness [ofJ [Buddha's] sacred Words (gsung rub, pravacana) has been disclosed By the thousand-rayed ('od stong, sahasraraSmi) [Lord of the] Seven Horses (rta bdun [bdag pol, saptdrva[-iSvara], i.e. the sun (nyi ma, sarya)), expanding the Teaching of Muni, In the cloudless [i.e. pure] space [above]! Although the most accomplished Buddha, the Teacher [~Acyamuni]never set foot here in this Snow-capped Country, the barbarous borderland of Tibet, [it] has [nevertheless] been penetrated by the rays of [his] [sacred] Words (vacana) [i.e. the Buddhist scripture], whereafter Arya AvalokiteSvara [has taken upon him the task ofJ actively setting all the sentient beings [of Tibet] onto the path of Liberation [and] Enlightenment by converting each individual according to personal [disposition] (gang la gang 'dul gyis). This [chronicle] called the 'Mirror Illuminating the Origin of Religion' (Chos-'byung gsal-ba'i me-long) - a biographical narrative [which has propounded how] [this] expansion and diffusion of [Buddha's] Teaching [took place,] accomplished by the successive Tibetan Dharmaraja-s, but in particular [accomplished] by the spiritual incarnation of this Noble One (Arya [AvalokiteSvara]), the Dharmapda Srong-btsan sgam-po etc. together with the assemblage of ministers by [using] various means - [this chronicle], with the aim to arouse encouragement [among] pious individuals and for [the sake of those] seeking knowledge of the mode of diffusion of the [Buddhist] Teaching, has in the earth-male-dragon year (sa pho 'brug gi lo) properly been compiled (legs par [blsgrigs) by Sa-skya-pa bSod-nams rgyalmtshan at the Great Glorious bSam-yas Temple. May this [chronicle] pring] happiness to all [people living in all] directions, [during all] times and [under all] conditions! [The Printer's Colophon of the Ha-sa 'Phrulanang Edition] Hail! May blessing prevail! To the highest Guru (bla ma mchog), the godly assemblage of tutelary deities (yi dam !ha tshogs), [To] the Triple Gem (trirama), the Dharmapila-s and Guardians (srung ma). Having inclined [ourselves] most respectfully with body, speech and mind, [We] go for refuge [imbued] with a pious [mind] until [we] have [acquired] Enlightenment! [Endowed with] the might of great merits (bsod rums), accumulated [through] previous [lives], Born in the family (rigs) [adhering to] the incarnation (sprul pa) of Mafijughosa ('Jam-dbyangs), The Dharmasvimin (chos kyi j e ) , holding the victorious banner (rgyal mtshan) of the Teaching [of Buddha] [high], To the feet of [him,] Bla-ma dam-pa [we] bow [our] head[s]! pibet, the] Central Country (yul dbus, *mudhya&Sa) of the world (srid pa), [located] atop the 'shoulder1[-shaped] (sogs kha = sog WUI) Jambudvipa, phere] in [the very heart of this] Snow-capped Country [of Tibet] [where] Saddharma has been diffused (dam chos dar ba), [In] the Glorious Valley (i.e. dPal gyi lung) [ofJ sKyid-shod, [in] the heart of the Four Horns [i.e. Central Tibet], [The temple ofl 1Ha-sa 'Phrul-snang, the Second Vajriisana, [And] the Great Palace of sNi'u Brag-thog etc. [are situated], [Sites] gloriously preserved and protected [by those holding] the temporal power, [themselves] being emanational beings, [I.e. the [local ruler,] the Dharmariija dPal-'byor rgyal-po, father, mother and heirs (yab yurn srm bcar), [May] the[ir] lives durate [prosperously] and the[ir] secular power expand! [In] a prosperous year (annus mirabilis) [where] bliss and happiness [for all] subjects [under this local ruler's] sway (mnga' 'bangs) coincided, In the earth-male-dog year [i.e. 1478 A.D.] in the 1Ha-sa 'Phrul-snang [temple], The [present chronicle] rGyal-rabs chos-'byung gsal-ba'i me-long, [As well as] iron-nets beautifully finished so as] to mesmerize [people] (spyan gzigs lcags gra [ = dra]), [and] the continuation of sacred light [i.e. oil for the butter-lamps] Peing supplied by] herdsmen ( d h r me m ba 'i rgyun) [secured], [Sponsoring also] renovations being perfectly accomplished (sar [ = gsar] bcos phul phyin), [such as the construction] of a great bright court-yard ([ 'Jkhyams khra chen mo) [inside Jo-khang] , [And] [the establishment] of fenced-in flower[-gardens] (me tog ra ba) [to secure flowers used] for the [continuous] flow of worship (mchod pa'i rgyun) [to the sacred idols inside the temples] etc., In addition to the donation of medicine (sman sbyin), [the establishment of] monastic communities (dgon sde) and the [general] safeguarding [of all living beings] from trepidation ('jigs skyabs) and [finally] [The supplement of] boats and bridges [to secure travelling to and fro Jokhang] etc. [all these various items] were successfully [constructed and] accomplished (legs par bsgrubs) [through the grace of this local ruler], In particular [what concerns the] manufacturing [of] a print (spar du gzhengs pa) [of GLR] etc. Having been given favourable [financial] conditions (mthun rkyen gnang) and while [steadily] consulting the basic [text] (gzhi ma nang nas thus) [i.e. the extant manuscript of GLR] [when copying] And moreover meing supported] by distinctive @hyogs kyi) wealthy Patrons (ddnapati) [and local rulers], Who supplied the [necessary] material (rgyu) [for executing the woodblocks], [tendered] m y them] out of faith, The Custodian of the Jo-bo [Shdcya-muni idol in Jo-khang] (Jo-bo dKongnyer) Legs-pa'i shes-rab, [Endowed] with a pure altruistic attitude (lha [= lhag] bsam dag pa) bereft of any [personal] material self-interests (dngos 'dod med pa), accomplished [this printing task most successfully]. Perforce of the merit [acquired by accomplishing this printing] also [May] the Teaching [of Buddha], the origin of benefit and happiness, diffuse! Intending to enhance [the number of convertible] trainees (gdul bya, v[a]ineya) [devoted to] the two Jo-bo [idols in 1Ha-sa], [May] the intention of the highest Guru-s be accomplished! [And may] the life of [any] individual upholding [this] Teaching [of Buddha] remain steadfast [for long], In order to bring about bliss [and] happiness for all bodied [i.e. living beings]! Qua the merit of [this] accomplishment (sgrubs pa'i dge bas) may all directions Be permeated by numerous [kinds of] blessings and happiness! The scribe Qi gepa) [i.e. carving copyist] [of the present edition of GLR] was Yon-tan rgya-mtsho. The [person] carving out the [drawings] of the deities on the front[-page] (dbu lha 'bur rkos) was Nam-mkha' chos-dbyings, [whereas] d~gos-grubetc. success full^ txecuted the printing [itself], [which took place] on the fourth day of the sixth hor-month, an accomplished day for revolving the Wheel of the Dharma (chos 'khor bskor ba). Perforce of this [successful enterprise] may the sentient beings, I [as well as] others [individuals] [all] without rest (bdag gzhan ma lus), speedily attain the level of the Omniscient Jina [i.e. Buddha] (thams cad rnam mkhyen rgyal ba 'i go 'phang)! Glory and Blessing! [The Printer's Colophon of the sDe-dge Edition] Relying on the admonition articulated by the Khams-gsum Chos kyi rgyal-po [Dharmaja] [also called] E-Wam-ba'i mkhan-chen dPal-ldan Chos-skyong, the Bla-ma chen-po Kun-dga* phrin-las rgya-mtsho, the Cakravartin ruler (sa spyod), powerful in the entire wide expanse (yangs pa'i tha gru) of Jambudvipa, had [this book] [successfully] executed into print @or du bsgrubs pa) in order to distribute anew (gser [= gsar] du spel) [i.e. re-issue] [this] generous flow of infinite (zad mi shes pa 'i rgyun bzang) religious donations (chos sbyin) [i.e. this book]! Appendix Appendix Chapter I 56 Two Pgama-based traditions are available on the number of rgyal rabs passing between the two above figures: the list handed down in the Abhidharma, cf. the condensed list (rgyal po'i rim pa) in LP 77a3-79a3, where, however, no calculation is added. See also the list incorborated in Vinaya(vastu), cf. VV 393a5-407b6 and LP, which includes both lists, op.cit. 79a3-82a6. The difference between these lists rests not only with the succession (rim pa) of the names and places of these royal figures, but especially in the numering of the (purely fanciful and astronomical figures) of rgyal rabs calculated to have passed between MahPsammata and RShula. The calculations (grangs mdzad pa, rtsis pa) and the figures by the Tibetan authors differ markedly, but with the Vinaya figures, being the most popular and most often quoted, a certain consensus prevails: 1.121.514 royal generations, (cf. DTHNGP 7a, DTHMPSM 422-3, LDGR, p. 75, PSJZ 18.22-24). But we also find other calculations: 1.250.294 or 1.250.49415 royal generations (cf. KCHKKHM-1 661.5-6, KCHKKHM-2 83.16-19, KCHKKHM-3 395.1-5, CHBYMTNYP 149a3-4, MBNTH 25b4-5 (the latter text counting 1.204.204). 1.110.601 (cf. GBCHBY 208.5-7 & DCHBY 97.8-9); 921.713 royal generations (cf. DTHMP 3b8: 921.713; GBYTSH 16b6-17al). In terms of the so-called Abhidharrna-list we have the figures 834.534, (cf. e.g. DTHNGP); whereas 155.148 or 55.148 generations are counted by GBCHBY 208.7-8 & DCHBY 97.9-10, W G R p. 73; but PSJZ 18.24 counts 937.531. Finally, GBCHBY 208.4-5, DCHBY 97.7-8 and CHBYMTNYP 149a1-2 even mention the figures of the tradition of Abhiniikramana: 1.074.507 generations. 1 The twelve acts of Buddha, merely a display by Buddha for propaedeutic and didactic purposes, are an issue of dispute in indigenous scholasticism, not in question of number, but as to which act should be included, cf. e.g. CHBY 53a555b5. Bu-ston finally settles for the order and succession of Buddha's acts as delineated in some gdthd-s of Uttaratantra (rGyud bla-ma), cf. Johnson's ed. Ratnagorravibhdga Mahdydnorraratamrddstra, JBRS, Patna 1950. 11, 53-56: mahdkdmnayd krtsnam lokam dlokya lokavit I dharmak&y&d a$ral& n i n d ~ icirranipibhih i II anrahpurararikrfddm naiskramyam duhkhacdrikdm II bodhimandopasa&rdnri;n .. mar&iny&ramardanam II sambodhim dhannacakram ca nirvdnddhigamakriydm I krcrrerv &ri~uddhesu d a r h y a r y ~bhavasthiteh II Cf. also CHBY 54b2-4; CHBYMTNYP 18a3-6. While the d v W a kdrya correspond to this enumeration, Bu-ston - and thereby also dGe-ba'i blo-gros in DTHMP and Bla-ma dam-pa in GLR - employ Lalitavistara for the description of Act 1-1 1 and Vinayaksudraka for Act 12, cf. CHBY 79a2-3. Occasionally, ~ verbatim (Act 8-12). Further sources: pnBla-ma dam-pa cites D T F almost GLR: GBCHBY 40.15-76.13; KTHDNG KHA, chap. V, 105.6ff. post-GLR: GBYTSH 17al fff. 79 The system is cited by Bu-ston, CHBY 92b5-6, the prime source of GLR, who employed it in his calculation of the span of time elapsed from the nirvdna of Buddha until his current year, i.e. 1322 A.D.; cf. 92b6. This enables us to establish the AtiSa-system: Buddha entered the womb in the wood-male-mouse year: 2217 B.C. Buddha was born in the wood-female-ox year: 22 16 B. C. Buddha attained bodhi in the earth-female-pig year: 2182 B.C. Buddha entered nirvdna in the wood-male-monkey year: 2137 B.C. The year 2136 B.C. $us constitutes the first year after nirvdna. 80 The system actually originates from another Sa-skya master, bSod-nams rtse-mo (1 142- 1 182 A. D.), who incorporated his calculation (rtsis-pa) in his doctrinal treatise Chos la 'jug-pa'i sgo, SSKB, vol. IV NGA, 263a1-317a6, cf. loc. cit. 3 14b6-316b6; It was composed in 1167 A.D. (me mo stag) computing that 3300 years had elapsed since Buddha's parinirvdna: The Sa-skya-pa system: Buddha entered the womb in the fire-female-hare year: 2214 B.C. Buddha was born in the earth-male-dragon year: 22 13 B.C. Buddha attained bodhi in the water-male-tiger year: 2179 B.C. Buddha entered nirvdna in the fire-female-pig year: 2134 B.C. 82 The above incidence with the arrival of Bla-ma Ti-shri is here linked up with the theory delineating the relative duration (gnas pa, avasthdna) and eventual disappearance (rnam 'jig, vipralopa) of the Buddhist Law (Saddharma), a favourite theme in Buddhist scholastic scripture. The True Law is considered to have a cyclic nature, undergoing a series of rises and declines. In his description of the various eschatological theories of the duration (CHBY 9 la1-93b5) and the cessation (CHBY 118a4-122b5) of Saddharma, Bu-ston finally settles for the theory predicting the Law to last for 5000 years, inasmuch as he considered this theory to be the only conveying an ultimate import (nges pa'i don, nftdrtho; lot. cir. 92bl) in contrast to various other theories, which hermencutically carry a preliminary sense (drung don, neydnhu, CHBY 92a4-5) only. This 5000 years theory originates from Buddhaghosa and his school (Ceylon). It is a theory formulated in the Vth cent. of our era and was adopted by Pdi-chronicles such as Mahavamsa (111, 38). The source for the Tibetan historians, however, adopting this t h e o j is the commentary on the Three Prajii2phmit3 written by Damstrbna . .. in the VIIth cent. According to this 5000 years-duration theory Saddharma is considered to undergo a retrogressive course marked by ten grades (le'u, parivam) each covering 500 years. This decuple division of the duration of Saddharma is further divided into three main eras (of 1500 years) each consisting of three turns (of 500 years each). Appendix Chapter I1 84 The first section embodies a legend, which we for contextual reasons shall call the Trikiiya-legend, while it relates about the erection of three receptacle-images or substitute-statues (sku tshab) of Buddha, is found variously transmitted, albeit predominantly identically preserved in various gter ma Vita-cycles of Srong-btsan sgam-po, to wit: Sources: MNKB E Lo-rgyus chen-mo scattered over three chapters: Chap. XIV (mDzad-pa b ~ u - ~ n ~ iphyi-rubs s - ~ a brod-pa bskyed-pa 'i phyir I ring-bsrel sran-ma tsam khal gcig byon-pa la 0 lha-ma srin-sde brgyad ma 'cham nm I der bcom-ldan- 'das nyid kyis byon nm bgos-pa) 45a4-48b6; Chap. XV (Yang-dug-par rdzogs-pa'i sangsrgym yongs-su mya-ngan las 'dm-pa dung sku-tshab lung-bstan-pa) 48b6-52b2; Chap. XVI (De rnams ni bcom-ldan- 'dm kyi sku-tshab shdkya mu-nes 'gro-don jiltar rndzad-pa) 52b2-56a2; KCHKKHM-1 Chap. I1 (sPrul-pa 'i bkod-pa bstan-pa) 624.6-64 1.3; KCHKKHM-2 Chap. I11 (sPrul-sku 'dul-ba 'i le 'u) 2 1.1-32.8; KCHKKHM-3 Chap. I (sPrul-pa 'i sku 'dul-ba 'i le 'u) 370.6-380.1 ; CHBYMTNYP by Nyang-ral, 35b5-43al and his MBNTH 7a4- 11a6. Cf. also post-GLR: GBYTSH 35b3-36b6; HBCHBY (NGA) 60.21-63.24; TSLKHKCH 8a6-9b6, 17b3-6; NGTSH 47.1-49.4 ( = 6al-7a4); Tsong-kha-pa's Vita, IV 1la5- 12a3 (cf. R. Kaschewsky, Dm Leben des lamaistischen Heiligen Tsongkhapa); PSJZ 138.4-24, 168.1-16. This legend presents a mythological or pre-historical topic associated with the vita of Chos-rgyal Srong-btsan sgam-po and it is, like other parts of the Vita glorifying this king, also recorded to have been drawn or illustrated on wall-frescos in monasteries associated with this king, in the present case in one of the twelve famed geomantic nail-temples pinning down the prostrate srin-mo (cf. Appendix, notes 726, 770), temples associated with king Srong-btsan sgam-po, here the Bumthang sKyer-chu'i Iha-khang (cf. e.g. KCHKKHM-2 26.19-27.1; KCHKKHM-3 377.7-378.1). Whatever the possible Indian origin of this legend in some basic form, the legend has obviously been subjected to some excrescences by Tibetan scholars or mythographers in order, as we shall see later in GLR, to provide the textual basis for the mythological origin of two of the most famed images and national palladia of Tibet: The statue of Buddha S2kya-muni, a statue representing him, or rather SiddhPrtha, at the age of eight years (dgung lo brgyad pa), also denoted (or, as said, (later?) identified by the Tibetans as) Jo-bo Mi-skyod rdo-de (i.e. Aksobhyavajra) also called Jo-bo chung-pa, the 'Little Jo-bo' or the Ra-moche'i Jo-bo being the prospective dowry of the Nepalese princess Khri-btsun when marrying, this king, cf. GLR chap. XII. Further, it relates about the statue of Buddha SPkya-muni at the age of twelve years (dgung lo bcu gnyis pa), a statue denoted Jo-bo che-ba or 'Great Jo-bo', alias Jo-bo Shaya or the 1Ha-sa'i Jo-bo (cf. also GLR chap. I1 (sect. 111), GLR chap. 111, XIII) which was brought to China and subsequently brought to Tibet as the prospective dowry by the Chinese princess Kong-jo. This statue became the principal divinity in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang, and its installation eventually led to the re-naming of 'Phrul-snang to Jo-bo'i khang or Jo-khang. For the possible confusion between this latter legendary idol and a 'historical' identical-sized and identical-named statue, cf. note 134 of chap. 111, supra. Collating the various versions of the legend embodied in the above works, it transpires that they all display, despite a marked concordance in terms of the Handlungsablauf, the set-up and the various narrative elements, distinct traits, which may signal that all reflect various versions of a yet untraced or currently non-extant original, or this state of affairs may reflect tacit emendations or excrescences on the side of the respective vita-compilers. Clearly, MNKB and KCHKKHM-2 exhibit the most detailed exposition, followed closely' by both versions of Nyang-ral and we may perhaps even assume that two distinct versions basically underlie the tradition and that the versions later may have intermingled: Interlocutor (zhu ba po) of Bhagavat: Arya MaiijuSri - all versions. Bhagavat emits: 3 rays of light: MNKB, KCHKKHM-1, KCHKKHM-2, KCHKKHM-3, GBYTSH, HBCHBY', NGTSH; PSJZ; 4 rays of light: CHBY'MTNYP, MBNTH, GLR, Vita. 1. The Dharmakiiya-receptacle. A cairya Patron (sbyin bdag, yon bdag, ddnapati) Sahapati or Mahiideva Brahma: MNKB, KCHKKHM-1, KCHKKHM-3, CHBYMTNYP, MBNTH, GLR, GBYTSH, HBCHBY, NGTSH, Vita, PSJZ Raula: KCHKKHM-2 2. The Sarnbhog&ya-receptacle. A statue Patron: Raula: MNKB, KCHKKHM-1, KCHKKHM-3, CHBYMTNYP; MBNTH, HBCHBY, 'NGTSH; Visnu: . . MNKB, GLR, GBYTSH, Vita, PSJZ 3. The Nirmhakiiya-receptacle(s). A statue Patron: ~ a k r a : MNKB, CHBYMTNYP, MBNTH, GLR, GBYTSH, HBCHBY, NGTSH, vita, PSJZ; Maitreya: KCHKKHM-1+2 +3 Two Nirmhakiiya-statues: eight-years and twelve-years: KCHKKHM-1+2+3 (the latter only the eight-years statue), GBYTSH, Vita; Three statues: eight-, twelve- and twenty-five-years: MNKB, CHBYMTNYP, MBNTH, GLR, HBCHBY, NGTSH, PSJZ. Godframer (bzo byed pa): Viivakarman: all versions. Overseer (dkon gnyer): Maitreya: MNKB, CHBYMTNYP, MBNTH, GBYTSH; HBCHBY, NGTSH; ~akra:KCHKKHM-2 . 92 In the visionary cosmological tradition connected with the figure of Gangs-then mtsho-rgyal, the world or the universe represents 'an ocean of worlds' in which is described how the world-systems are purified by the vow or deeds of Buddha Vairocana, the 'World Illuminator' and the cosmic aspect of the historical Buddha. Notions are here nourished that even atoms of this cosmic being contain other countless universes and world-systems, based upon the tradition of the Buddhivatamsaka-sfitra.' Vairocana is commonly considered a sambhogak~ya or the rapturous aspect of Buddha or a ye shes kyi sku, or 'body of gnosis' (cf. e.g. CHBYMTNYP 1la1 , where Gangs-chen mtsho is emngly identified by Meisezahl to be the name of an arhant!), hence also Ye-shes Gangs-chen mtsho, i.e. Vairocana, the Great Glacial Lake [or Ocean] of Gnosis (could we assume here that the noted VIIIth cent. queenlsaint Ye-shes mtsho-rgyal associated with Padmasambhava has derived her name from this divinity?). The figure is usually associated with Buddha's buddhaksetra and, as we shall see inta, often conceived to be of an immense cosmic or celestrial size. Now, what is of great importance here, is that this figure associated with the cosmo- or theogonical Avatamsakatradition apparently became implanted into when not taken over by a theogonical tradition associated with Avalokiteivara and known to the Tibetans already from the IXth century (and possibly earlier) when the Kirandavytiha-siitra became translated into Tibetan, a sntra of immense importance fo; the introduction of the Avalokiteivara-cult to Tibet. Herein we are introduced to a vision as to how Avalokiteivara's body-pore contained entire world systems and universe^.^ In the Lo-rgyus chen-mo, an important cult-text embedded in MNKB, and in the slightly older KCHKKHM, the cosmological vision of ~valokiieivarais further developed into quite hyperbolic proportions, where even the usually 1 Cf. lTPE No. 761: Sangs-rgyas Phal-po-che shin-tu rgyas-pa chen-po'i mdo, le'u 4: 95b4109bl; le'u 5: 110bl-111a3; le'u 10: 156a3-167b4; le'u 40: 41b4-56a8; Cleary, 1984, I, pp. 202269. 2 Cf. also Kapstein, 1992, pp. 88-89. As remarked there this theogonic vision was taken over by Atiia in connection with the precept of bKa'-gdams Iha-bzhi. AtiSa as the putative and, in all likelihood, real discoverer of KCHKKHM, this Bengali master was an active, perhaps even decisive figure in the final implementation of the Avalokiteivara-cult in Tibet. That these theogonic and cosmological theories, which later led to the merging of Vairocana and AvalokiteSvara in these Vita-biographies, were known to the Tibetans in the dynastic period is at least corroborated by the later historians themselves: During the time of Srong-btsan sgam-Po, the Nepalese cfcdrya ~ i l Maiidzu a is said to have translated BuddhHvatarnsaka and the siitra-s and tantra-s (incl. Kgrandavyiiha) pertaining to the Avalokita-cult into ~ i b e t a ncf, ; e.g. Y K B E (Cd) 207a2-3; KCHKKHM-2 107.10-15; CHBY 138a5, 139al. Usually the first translation of KHrandavyfiha is ascribed to Thon-mi, cf. ad note 490 This cannot be conclusively verified due tb ;he dearth of convincing proofs of Thon-mi's historicity and of his general activities. It was however translated into Tibetan in the dynastic period, c f e.g. Imaeda, 1979, pp. 71-72, who maintains that a Skt.-version of the KHrandavyiiha was at least in circulation in the VI-VIIth century (a Gilgit-Ms of this ancient text dating'irom this period has, as is known, surfaced), and a Tibetan translation is mentioned in the 1Dan-[dlkar-ma Catalogue of 812 A.D. Whether or not an earlier version was translated by a Nepalese Buddhist as part of the Newari-Nepalese religious and artistic activities at the Srong-btsan sgam-po court (cf. GLR Chap. XIV, XV inpa) remains to be proved, but the Nepalese may well be main responsible altogether for the initial innoduction of the Avalokitdvara-cult to Tibet. paramount and ubiquitous gestalt of Vairocana is reduced to a subordinate role.' Here, to give a glimpse of the cult surrounding this figure, Avalokitehara inrer alia created, according to an almost similar-worded mainly mythographical narrati~e,~ many longs sku 'i zhing Mums-s, such as one denoted the 'FlowerOrnamented One' (me tog gis brgyan),' here inspired by or taking over elements from the BuddhHvatamsaka-sYra, the size of which equalled one million sahdlokadhdtu-s, presidch over by Vairouna with a bodily size of a 'Huge GlacierWatered Ocean' (gangs chen mtsho). This huge-sized cosmic corpus or personifiedthypostatized universe of AvalokiteSvara had pores (ba spu 'i khung bu, romavicara) which, e.g., contain, as already said, other universes, various realms of Bodhisattva-s, Pratyekabuddha-s and Tathilgata-s etc. This form, or a similar, of Vairocana, denoted the light-adorned Gangschen-mtsho, was similarly an emanational creation of AvalokiteSvara, who took up residence above sahdlokadhdtu, in the mansion of ~kanistha.~ Whatever its later Tibetan mergingeintothe AvalokiteSvaracult, the concept and import of Buddha Vairocana throughout Central-Asia (and as seen here also in Tibet) as an ubiquitous Ur-Buddha permeating the entire world down to it most minute atom cannot be ~verrated.~ We know that the Vairocana cult was particularly cherished in China and Central-Asia, wherefrom we have grounds to assume that it was also massively introduced to Tibet. Apparently, a cast-form (blugs ma) idol of Vairocana Ganschen-mtsho (obviously in the Thub-pa Gangs-cantchen-mtsho form, being the sprul sku form of Vairocana Gangs-chen-mtsho, the latter celestrial longs spyod sku form is normally not easily depictable) existed in the ancient Grva-thang lha-khang.' Also 3 MNKB E (A) Chap. 111 15a2-16al; IV 16al-18a2. Kapstein, 1992, pp. 88-89. Cf. next note. 4 Cf. MNKB E (A) Chap. V 18a2-18b5, (Ca) 102b2-6, (Cd) 187bl-188a6, WAM (G) 4al-5al; KCHK~HM-1 623.3-7, 677.5-680.5; KCHKKHM-2 9.8-10.15, 102.8-104.10; KCHKKHM-3 368.2-5; CHBYMTNYP 1la1 -6, 12aS-6, 178b6-179b4; MBNTH 3b5-4b6,29a5-30a4; see further later historians: GBYTSH 44a5-6; HBCHBY O(A) 4.1-5.14, (NGA) 61.11-18. 5 A possible source to introduce or substantiate this merging or rapport between Vairocana and AvalokiteSvara is a Srong-btsan sgam-po'i bka ' denoted Me-tog rgyan-pa'i zhing-bkod, a source apparently no more extant and a source mentioned in Y K B E dKar-chag 6al-2 as an (original?) part of the king's writings. Or are we to see in the nanatives referred to in the previous note, a reference to this work? Anyway, drawing upon canonical material as embodied in the Kiiranevyiiha and the Avatamsaka, the mythographers attempted to tinge the myth and cult of Avalokitdvara and Srongbtsan sgam-po with scriptural legitimation. This cosmological cult of Avalokitdvara, foremost embedded in Lo-rgyus chen-mo and KCHKKHM, is in the same Vita-cycles directly associated with or rather merged into a Srong-btsan sgam-po-cult, hy linking the above cosmological panorama with the king, cf. subnote 9 in@. 6 Cf. KCHKKHM-1 625.3-5; KCHKKHM-2 11.1-12.11. So also Dorji & Kapstein, 1991, pp. 123, 130, 409, 961, where the rNying-ma tradition speaks about twenty-five fields or world-systems located on the equipoised hands of Vairocana Gangs-chen-mtsho. 7 Cf. e.g. Klimkeit, 1991, pp. 156-58. 8 Cf. Zhi-byed chos-'byung by 'Jig-bra1 chos kyi seng-ge (late 19th cent.), fol. 42a3, transl. by K. Kollmar-Paulenz, 1991, 11, p. 221 (= 1994, p. 162). On this temple, cf. Vitali, 1990, pp. 37-68. Jo-khang in Lhasa holds an idol of Thub-pa Gangs-chen mtsho-rgyal erected by the famous XIth century Jo-khang-renovator Zangs-dkar Lo-tsP-ba ['Phags-pa shesrab] .' As part of the AvalokiteSvara or the Srong-btsan sgam-po cult in Tibet, and incidentally supplying another good argument for the possible antiquity of this figure, old Vita-cycles and biographical sources10 mention inter alia the existence of gold[en]-painted frescoes (rgyud ris, ldebs bris) inside possibly the oldest temple in Tibet, wall-paintings depicting the abhiseka or the conference of power over the Tibetan realm to king Srong-btsan sgam-b. This empowerment he assumed as a heir-prince at the age of thirteen when he reached the age of majority. An important element in this mythographical narrative is a description of a miraculous creation of countless buddhaksetra-s from the young prince's body, among others, numerous Vairocana ~an~s-chen-mtsho,etc. in accordance with the above AvalokiteSvara theogony and cosmology contained in the same Vita-s. The temple in question allegedly holding these ancient frescoes was the royal chapel of Khra'brug, a sanctuary intimately associated with king Srong-btsan sgam-po." This in part confirms the opinion presented by Richardson, 1990(b), op. cit. pp. 271-72 that the Vairocana cult enjoyed extensive veneration already during the time of the Tibetan dynastic chos-rgyal kings and in this case, the prominent position of this figure associated with king Srong-btsan sgam-po's Khra-'brug adds further evidence to its antiquity.12 The question nevertheless remains as to the dating and construction of these now lost Khra-'brug murals. As evidenced by the ancient murals and wall-paintings decorating Jo-khang, of which a number definitely can This is confinned by K+-thog's report from his 1918-1920 itinerary to Central Tibet, where he observed in the central chapel of Grva-thang a Chinese-styled idol of Vairocana Gangs-can-mtsho, cf. his GJBTSNK 170.6-171.1 (= 105b6-106al). 9 Cf. dPa'-bo's HBCHBY (JA) 148a5-6, the idol erected as door-keeper to the Central Chapel. Cf. also the Vth Dalai Lama, TSLKHKCH 9b5, an idol which, Vitali, 1990, p. 80 confirms, is still to be seen in the gtsang khang dbus ma. 10 Cf. the notes 4 and 5 above. In particular MNKB E (Ca) 102b2-6; KCHKKHM-1 677.5-680.5; KCHKKHM-2 104.7-8; KCHKKHM-3 368.2-5,398.6-399.6; CHBYMTNYP 179b4-5;MBNTH 29a5-30a4; HBCHBY (JA) 14a7-14b3 (see also Nyi-gzhon, 1982 (2), p. 75). 11 KCHKKHM-2 10.12- 13 directly acknowledges that the scriptural background for these notions are gsang-ba rDo-rje thod-pa'i rgyud (a source carrying this name remains unidentified, most likely the ref. is general and we should read: gSang[-sngags] rDo-rje theg-pa'i rgyud, cf. CHBYMTNYP 455b6) and the Buddhiivatamsaka-sltra; so also KCHKKHM-3 368.5-6 where it is even adduced that the frescoes depicting these scenes were executed in Klong-thang sgm-ma'i Iha-hang (usually considered one of the twelve demon-suppressing temples erected by the king) in lieu of Khra-'brug. Nyang-ral states that the frescoes are to be found in the 'little chapel of the prince' (rgyal bu'i khang bu) inside Khra-'brug. 12 As delineated in the colophon to the Lo-rgyus chen-mo of MNKB E (A) 96a4-6, the king allegedly handed over to Thon-mi this Testament, who then made two dopies. One was written on blue Paper in gold and silver and was subsequently hidden in the treasury-house (dkor d z o d ) of Khra-'br% the king's heart or thugs dam chapel as the king's bla gter. Another Testament was written On Chinese scroll-paper and hidden under the Hayagtiva statue in Ra-sa. Cf. lWlJKB E dKar-chag 1la4-6, (Cd) 207a6-b2; quoted by Vth Dalai Lama in his gSan-yig, 111, p. 132.6 ( = 67b6). be dated back to the construction of Jo-khang itself13 in the seventh century, it is very reasonable to assume that the erection of a temple and the installation of wallpaintings and murals in some form were completed in one and the same process. We have no reason to reject the theory that Khra-'bnrg, again in its earliest form, was approximately contemporary with or perhaps even predated the Ra-sa 'Phrulsnang temple. Khra-'brug was considered the heart-temple par excellence of king Srong-btsan sgam-po (cf. note 836 infra) and a number of texts postulates that Khra-'brug was the first temple ever erected in Tibet. More than the commonly assumed Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang then, one would readily assume that murals glorifying the king and his feats would be included among the cherished motifs of these murals. Otherwise we are compelled to assume, on an equally sound basis altogether, that these art-works may have been patterned upon or took inspiration from the scripture-based narratives preserved in the above-mentioned Vita-cycle of king Srong-btsan sgam-po, the systematic compilation or reworking of which we shall tentatively date back, at the earliest, to the period between 1050-1200 A. D., when these Vita-compilations, as we already know, were gter-ma-wise detectedcum-compilation (spyan drangs). In Khra-'brug the wall-paintings clearly were to supplement already existing idols and artistic creations depicting Vairocana, the main idol of Khra-'brug, as is known, being a silver-made Vairocana. For this form, cf. also CHBY 53a1-2; La-dvags rgyal-rabs (Franke ed.) 1.20 and, as said, also Klong-chen Rab-'byams-pa and his rNying-ma tradition, who similarly developed, or rather took over as we have seen above, a cosmogony associated with this figure; cf. also Ehrhard, 1990, pp. 196-7, 270; Shakabpa (Zh[v]a-sgab-pa), 1982, p. 49. As a huge-sized symbol, the figure turns up in numerous contexts, cf. HBCHBY (Chin. ed. 662.1-2). 104 Different versions exist of this popular legendary Mahgbodhi account, the Indian version(s), origin still largely unknown, is mentioned by Watters, 1905, 11, pp. 1 16-137, and Stein, 1988, p. 1411. Tibetan versions, more or less complete, more or less at variance, in contrast, seem to abound: Sources: MNKB E (A) Chap. XV: (Yang-dug-par rdzogs-pa'i sangs-rgyas yongs-su myangan las 'das-pa dung sku-rshab lung-bsran) 48b6-52b2; KCHKKHM-2 Chap. 111 (sprul-sku 'dul-ba) 37.16-44.9 CHBYMTNYP 43a450a3; MBNTH 1lb3- 14a2; Chag Lo-tsii-ba chos-rje dpal gyi rNam-thar (rNam-thar), Chap. V, 15.1 116.30, by dGe-bsnyen Chos-dpal dar-dpyang, cf. G. Roerich, The Biography of 13 Cf. Vitali, 1990 and note 874 infro. The Vth Dalai Lama in his Guide records that in the XIII-XIVth century murals depicting scenes and illustrations from the Avatamsaka-siitra were executed in Jo-khang by Chinese artists. cf. TSLKHKCH 12b3-4. Dhamasvdmin, tib. text. and tr., pp. 67-70, Patna 1959); Post-GLR sources: GBYTSH 40b6-42a2; HBCHBY (NGA) 64.23-67.15; GGCHBY by TiiranPtha, 14.4-17.9, cf. A. Schiefner, I (Tib. text), 11, tr. pp. 1822, St. Petersburg, 1868-69; NGTSH 49.4-50.3 (= 7a4-7b3); PSJZ 49.19-21, 77.12-24, 137.13-14. For further parallel sources, cf. Schneider, 1991, pp. 5, 3436. Collating the prime sources, it becomes clear that, aside from Chag Lo-tdba's version which altogether probably reflects a distinct oral or perhaps Indian tradition, the rest are closely cognate, large parts being verbatim identical, deviating only in minor but telling details. Clearly, MNKB, KCHKKHM, CHBYMTNYP and MBNTH evince, predictably, a separie, possibly Tibetanconcocted, stem in the transmission of this legend, whereas the account embodied in TaanPtha's GGCHBY followed by PSJZ and parallel with Chag Lo-tsi-ba seem to stand much closer to a separate (or earlier) Indian original. Location: Magadha: GLR RPjagrha: CHBYMTNYP Brihmina: MahPpda: MNKB, CHBYMTNYP, GLR, GBYTSH MahP chen-Po [sic]: KCHKKHM-2 B r a m ~ a - w i f e :Dzah-sa (*JahsP?): GGCHBY, PSJZ Jfiiinad2kini: GLR 3 sons: Names: bu che ba: MahPsambhe (GLR, HBCHBY: MahP-ma-se [sic]; KCHKKHM-2: Mahasame; MBNTH: Ha-sa-me); bu 'bring po: Bimasambhe (GLR: Si-ba-ma-se [sic]; KCHKKHM-2: Bhi-sa-me; CHBYMTNYP: hi-ba-sa-ma; MBNTH: Si-mis-me); bu chung ba: Tsakra (*Cakra) sam-bhe (*Cakrasambhara ?; GLR: Va-spra-ta-mase [sic]; MBNTH: ~a-tsa-dra-saime;KCHKKHM-2 and CHBYMTNYP: Tsakra-sa-me) MNKB, KCHKKHM-2, CHBYMTNYP, MBNTH, GLR, GBYTSH. (HBCHBY, NGTSH: bDe-byed bdag-po. l 4 Or: bu che ba: rGyal-ba (*Jaya); bu 'bring po: Legs-rgyal (*Sujaya); bu chung ba: dGe-ba (*KalyPna): GGCHBY, PSJZ God and Goddess on Mt. KailPsa (Gangs Ti-se; this element fails in MBNW, GGCHBY): MahZdeva + UmPdevi: MNKB, KCHKKHM-2, CHBYMTNYP, GLR, GBYTSH; HBCHBY: ~ahPdevaISvara dBang-phyug chen-po (MaheSvara): rNam-thar Idols or statues erected: bu che ba: An image of Bhagavat and a temple at VZrZnasi, i.e. at Mrgadsva of Rsipatana, the place of the first ~harmacakra~ravartana: all versions. bu 'bring po: An idol and temple at RPjagrha, i.e. at Venuvana (GLR: Jetavana), 14 1.e. * ~ a ~ k a r a [ s v ~ r n i n ] ~cf. a t iSchneider, , 1991, p. 5 and note 1 12. the place of the second Dhannacakrapravanana: all versions (however, rNamthar, has this order reverted; HBCHBY has also the location A-lanta-ka). bu chung ha: The famous idol of Buddha (MNKB, GLR: at the age of thirty; CHBYMTNYP: thirty-two; MBNTH, HBCHBY, NGTSH: thirty-five) denoted . . all Mahabadhi, installed in a gandhola at V a j r M a , the place of the Bodhivrha: versions Mahabodhi idol: Duration of erection, confined in the temple: Seven days: GGCHBY, PSJZ,rNam-thar Three months and three days: GLR Six months and six days: MNKB, KCHKKHM-2, MBNTH, HBCHBY Six months and seven days: CHBYMTNYP Lacuna due to deficiency of one day: the little toe of the right foot (zhabs g . y a pa'i mthe'u chung ma): all versions (minus MBNTH) Disparities from real Bhagavat: 3 points: (rNam-thar); 4 points: GGCHBY; 7 points: CHBYMTNYP, MBNTH; 8 points: MNKB, KCHKKHM-2, HBCHBY. Thematically and textually thus, this mythological account is found embodied in the same mythographical prime sources as above, to wit.: Sources: MNKB E (A) Chap. XVI (De-rnams ni bcom-ldan- 'dm kyi sku-tshal, shdkya mune; 'gro-don ji-ltar mdzad-pa) 52b2-56b2; KCHKKHM-1 Chap. I1 (sPrul-pa 'i bkd-pa bstan-pa) 624.6-645.2; KCHKKHHM-2: Chap. 111 (sPrul-skus 'dul-ba) 17.1-44.9 CHBYMTNYP 68b5-75a2 and MBNTH 14a2-16a6. Post-GLR sources: GBYTSH 73a3-74a3; HBCHBY (NGA) 63.23-66.8. Clearly, all versions exhibit a close verbatim correspondance, but the two sets of stanzas are only shared by MNKB,CHBYMTNYP and GLR. Appendix Chapter III Srutinizing his exposition of these dynastic histories, it can be adduced that Kundga' rdo-rje made use of the following sources: 1. Tsan-dan gyi sku rgya-nag na bzhugs-pa'i byon-tshul: The Short Account of the Amval of the Jo-bo Sandalwood Statue in China, TTPE, bsTan'gyur, rGyud, vol. LXXXV (RU) 154al-155a4, translated from Chinese to Uighur and subsequently into Tibetan by the translators Am-chang and Danasi, cf. DTHMP 6a4-6b5 and Appendix note 140 inza. 2. rGya [nag-po'i] yig-tshang [or: deb-ther] Thang-zhu thu-hven [tshvan]: The Chinese Chronicle Tang-shu Tu-fan by Bla-ma Gushri [i.e. Guo-shi] Rin-chengrags, translated into Tibetan 1325 A.D., cf. DTHMP 8b9-12a7: The history of China dealing with the China-Tibet relationship during the Tang-period. Cf. note 135. 3. Oral communication concerning the history of China and Mongolia presented to Kun-dga' rdo-rje by Dzam-bha-la (i.e. Jambhala) stvo shri (or Nan shri) mgon (i.e. judge, Ch. duanshi gong? M. jaryoci), when visiting Tibet in 1344 A.D. (DTHMP being written ab 1346). As head (mi dpon, M. noyan) of a Mongolian delegation carrying a golden letter (gser yig pa, pai zu), he arrived in Tibet in order to invite, abortively it should turn out, Bu-ston Rin-chen-grub to the imperial court by command of Toyan Temiir.l A: An exposition (DTHMP 6b5-8b9) of the genealogy of the Chinese emperors from the Zhou until the Tang dynasty based upon Chinese chronicle(s) examined by the above Jambhala and subsequently penned down by Kun-dga' rdoje.2 B: An exposition (DTHMP 12a7-12b6) of the Chinese and Mongolian dynasties after Tang: Wu-dai, Liao, Bei Song, Nan Song and the beginning of the 3 Yuan dynasty whereupon the description was written down by Kun-dga' rdo-r~e. 4. Oral communication concerning the history of the Tangut empire (DTHMP 12b6-13b8) presented to Kun-dga' rdo-rje by Mi-nyag rTsen-rtse Shesrab ye-shes and then written down by Kun-dga' r d ~ - r j e . ~ 5. Oral comniunication dealing with the origin and history of the ancestors of the Yuan dynasty and an enumeration (DTHMP 14al-15al) of a part of its emperors according to Ye-ke thob-can (deplorably non-extant; M. Yeke tobtiyan) presented to Kun-dga' rdo-rje by 'Dzambhala. 1 Cf. Bu-ston rnarn-thar, 23a3-5, ed. and tr. Ruegg, 1966, p. 122 and Roerich, The Blue Annals, Intro. p. VII; Petech, 1990, pp. 101-102. 2 DTHMP:. . .zhes pa rgya 'i deb ther rnying pa los 0 dzam bha la srvo shri mgon gyis mthong ba /ha sa'i gtsug lag h a n g du yi ger brk pa yin. 3 DTHMP: hor gyi rgyal kham ta 'i dben (Do Yuan) zer zhes pa 'dzam pha la sogs [ = mgon gyi[s] smrm pa brk so. 4 DTHMP: . ..zhes pa mi nyag rtse rrse shes rub ye shes kyk smrm pa yi ger bkod pa. S W O ~shfi 135 Regarding this most interesting and important historical source attributed to Bla-ma Gu-shri Rin-chen grags[-pa], the following data can be established: The pivotal characterisation of this work is found in DTHMP 12a4-7, who, after a long quotation, concludes: rgya bod kyi lo rgyus 'di tha'i dzung gi dus kyi yig tshung ba su khyi zhes par brtsams I phyis han gsi hus tshar bstus (= bsdus) te bstebs (= bsdebs) I rgya'i lo tsd ba ba hu gyang jus shing mo bya lo la shing kun du bsgyur I bla ma rin chen grags gu shHs shing mo glang la bod yig tu par du btab bo II 'di lo'i dbang thang nor ba 'ga' re snang I thu hu hun hor ser yin I 'u then o chon yin I bod kyi rubs dang phal cher mthun pa la 'di zhib par snang ba che long zhig 'dir bris re I rgya bod gnyis yang yang 'khrugs pa dang I res 'ga' mthun zhing skyes &ng dur gyi mchod pa bsgyur res byed pa la sogs zhib par thang zhu thu hven nyid du blra bar bya 'o I "This 'History of China and Tibet' was composed by the archivist called Su-khyi [i.e. the famous compiler Songqi 998-1061 A. D., cf. Giles, Bd. 18281 of the time of Ta'i-dzung [i.e. Taizong of Song 975-998 A.D. [sic]]. Subsequently, [this narrative] was compiled by Han-gsi hus-tsha and was translated by the Chinese translator Ba-hu Gyang-ju in the wood-female-bird year [i.e. 1225 or 1285 A.D.?] at Shing-kun [i.e. Lin-tao, at the Chinese-Tibetan border]. Bla-ma grags, Gu-shri [i.e. Guoshi, 'National Preceptor' of Yuan] printed it in Tibetan letters in the wood-female-ox year [i.e. 1265 or 1325 A.D.]. There are some errors as to the chronological elements of the year-cycle in this edition: Thu-hu-hun [i.e. Tu-yiihun, ~ui-hun]' is Hor-ser [i.e. Yellow Uighur] and 'U-then [i.e. Yutian, Khotan] is 0-than. This work is very detailed, generally being in conformity with the Tibetan history, and a great part of it is written down here [i.e. in D m . The relationship between China and Tibet, many times at war, sometimes living in peace and occasionally exchanging presents and [funeral] offerings to the tombs [of the emperors and kings respectively], such details one should look up in Tangshu Tufan itself. " Bla-ma dam-pa has set forth the following information concerning this historical source in Chap. XVIII (cf. ad note 1558ff. infra) where he presents an extract (zur tsam) from the rGya'i deb-ther chen-po [Thang-]zhu Thu-han chan dealing with the Sino-Tibetan uncle-nephew rapport during the Tang perid corresponding to the detailed expo& from his presumable source DTHMP 8b912a7, but with a wording which differs somewhat from the above, that Bla-ma dam-pa must have had direct access to Rin-chen grags' work; GLR B 96b4-5: rgya bod lo rgyus deb ther 'di I rgya nag tha'i dzung rgyal po'i dus kyi yig mkhan su han gyis bsgrigs pa las rim pa bzhin du bcos te I d m phyis rgya'i lo tstsha ba 'u gyang d z w B shing khun sde chen du bod skad du bsgyur ba la I lo grangs mi mthun pa 'ga' re dang de dus kyi mi'i ming mams la 'dra min re 'dug na'ang bla 5 1.e. the A-zha or A-chai in Chinese. They represent a nomadic tribal people of northern origin and was a powerful empire in the days of the Tibetan kings, cf. Molt, 1970; Uray, 1978. ma gu shri rin chen grags rgya yul nu bzhugs dus I rgya bod kyi 'brel tshul 'di mums gtan tshigs su bzhed nas I shing mo bya 'i lo la shing khun sde chen par du btab ste kun la rgym par mdzad pa yin no 11 'di ni zur tsam yin gyis B bod dung rgya 'i 'brel tshul dung dbon zhang gi lo rgyus rnams zhib par 'dod nu par ma de nyid du gzigs shig. This passage, which has been inadequately translated by Laufer, TP, 1916, pp. 412-13 and Tucci, 1950, pp. 27-28, does not differ substantially from DTHMP supra, aside from mentioning that the data found in the translation made by the unknown Chinese translator 'U-gyang-dzu was subjected to a critical collation by Rin-chen grags while sojourning in China and that he had his recension published in the wood-female-bird year, thus making it common to all. Cf. Smensen, 1986, pp. 237-240, now superseded by the present exposition. In default of the original, it is hardly possible to determine beyond doubt whether Bla-ma dam-pa had direct access to this work himself besides the extant quotations in DTHMP. This is most likely the case, as e.g. note 156 of the present chapter would corroborate. The above reference to the printing year, wood-femalebird year (either 1285 or 1345 A.D.) is hardly anything but a misreading of DTHMP (wood-female-ox, 1325 A.D., cf. supra), since Rin-chen grags, who became Dishi at the Yuan court on the 22nd December 1329 (Petech, 1990, pp. 83-84; 1330 A.D. acc. to Tucci, TPS, I, p. 15), could hardly have been in China as early as 1285 and, equally, hardly (albeit not altogether unlikely) corresponds to 1345, just one year prior to the composition of DTHMP in 1346 A.D. As stated by Petech, op. cit., p. 83, the source Yuanshi renders this figure variously as Nian-zhen-qi-la-si (i.e. Rin-chen-grags) and Nian-zhen-chi-la-shi-si (i.e. Rin-chen bkra-shis), and it thus remains feasible, but ultimately inconclusive, to identify the nebulous Gushi Rin-chen-grags with this Dishi Rin-chen grags (or bkra-shis). Many figures carried the name Rin-chen grags during this time, cf. Petech, p. 83. Dungdkar, 1981, p. 295, in this connection even maintains that this Bla-ma Rin-then grags was a Mongolia-based translator living during Chos-rgyal 'Phags-pa's time (1235- 1280 A.D.). If this can be verified, then it speaks for the earlier dates, i.e. 1265 resp. 1285 A.D. As indicated by van der Kuijp, Yuanshi 30, p. 677 speaks about a dasitu Rin-chen grags[-pa], active around 1330, cf. L. W .J. van der Kuijp, 1991, p. 277, n. 1, who probably is identical with the above Dishi. Until his$omif can be fully certified, we may tentatively assume that the date is a simple confusion with the translation-year (wood-female-bird, by 'U-gyang-ju mentioned in DTHMP). Finally, we may quote YIJBCHBY, written by S h w a in-chm-sde in 1376, who adds new information, loc. cit. 32.15-33.2: rgya bod kyi lo rgyus 'di tha 'i dzung kyi yig tshang pa I ba su khyi bya bas brtsis Pa yin la I dus phyis han sve hu tshas mdor bsdus te sdebs nas rgya 'i lo tsrsha ha ba 'u gyang jus shing mo bya 'i lo zla ba bzhi pa 'i tshes bcu la shing kun bde then du bsgyur pa yin I 'di bla ma rin chen grags gun shri bzhugs d m bod skod du bsgyur zhing spar du btab pa las I bde ba gcig gnyis shig byung ba yin gyis I r#a bod kyi rgyu mtshan zhib par shes 'dod nu spar ma de nyid du blras bar bya'o. The information in YIJBCHBY follows DTHMP, yet it is conspicuous to note that he dates its publication more precisely than DTHMP does, i.e. on the tenth day of the first month of the wd-female-bird year (i.e. 1285 A.D.?) and that one or two easily comprehensible versions exist of this work. For a now somewhat obsolete discussion of the same problems, cf. also Macdonald, 1963, pp. 55-56 and the introduction to Inaba & SHto, 1964. 140 In order to acquire a fuller understanding of this Sandal-wd Account and its role in these sources, it will be worthwhile to provide here the bsTan-'gyurincorporated Tsandan Jo-bo Account. bsTan-'gyur, lTPE rGyud (RU) 154al-155a4: Tsan-clan gyi sku rgya-nag na bzhugs-pa'i byon-tshul bzhugs so: I om sva sti II bcom ldan 'dm slac b l t m nas sangs rgyas kyi bar dang I tsandan gyi s h 'i byung tshul rgya'i lugs kyi rndor bsdus pa la I rgyal rabs ce'u zhes bya'i ring la rgyal bu bzhi pa ce'u dbang zhes bya ba rgyal sar bton nus lo nyi shu ttsa bzhi lon pa'i dus I shing stag lo zla ba bzhi pa 'i tshes brgyad kyi nyin par b1tam.s nas zhag bdun lon pa 'i dus su ywn sgyu ma chen mo 'dm nas lha'i yul du skyes II rgyal po ce'u dbang rgyal sar bton nas lo bzhi bcu zhe gnyis lon pa 'i dus su I rgyal bu don grub lo bcu dgu lon nas khyim dor nas grong khyer gyi pha rol tu gshegs nas gangs kyi ri la dka' ba mdzad nas I ce'u dbang gi rgyal rubs lnga pa mu dbang zhes bya ba rgyal sar bton nas lo gswn lon pa'i chu lug lo la rgyal bu don grub lo gsum cu lon pa'i dus su sangs rgyas nas lo brgyad lon pa'i tshe ywn gyi drin dgongs nas sum bcu so gswn lhu'i yul du gshegs te yum la chos bshad nas lha'i yul du dbyar zla gswn bzhugs pa la I rgyal po u tra ya nos bcom ldan 'dm dran nus maudgal gyi bu la zhus pas I maudgal gyi bus rdzu 'phrul gyi bzo bo sum bcu so gnyis dang I tsandan dmar po smug po dang bcas pa blangs nas lha'i yul du khyer te I bcom ldan 'das kyi sku blta nu chDg mi shes pa mtshan sum bcu so gnyis yongs su rdzogs par bzos nus mi'i yul du gdan drangs te I rgya'i yul gyi ce'u mu dbang zhes bya ba rgyal sar bton nas lo bcu gcig lon pa 'i d m su lcags yos lo la bcom ldan 'dar 1ha 'i yul du dbyar zla t s h r nas mi'i yul du byon pa'i dus su tsandan gyi sku mchog 'dis (154b) bcom ldan 'das la dbu bkug nas sku Wwns 'dri ba'i tshul du bzhengs te I de nas bcom Man *dmkyis phyag brkyangs re sku mchog de nyid kyi spyi bor bzhag nas 'di skad ces lung bstan to II nga yongs su mya ngan las 'dm nus lo stong lon pa 'i tshe rgya m g po chen po 'i rgyal khams su gshegs te lha mi 'i don rgya chen po mdzad par 'gyur zhes bka ' stsal to II de nas bzung nas tsandan gyi sku mchog 'dis rgya gar du lo srong nyis brgya brgyad cu gya lnga bzhugs II khu seng zhes bya ba'i yul du lo dmg cu re brgyad bzhugs B de nus mi nyag yul gyi byang ngos lo bzhi bcu bzhugs I & nm kyin chang hur lo bcu bdun bzhugs I de nas gyang gnam du lo brgya bdun cu don gsum bzhugs O de nus ha nam gyi yul du sum brgya drug cu re bdun bzhugs I de nas yang gyang gnam du phyir gskgs nas lo nyi shu rtsa gcig bzhugs I de nas thing ho zhes bya ba'i lo dgu pa'i dus su lcags phag lo la byang phyogs su byon nas I cung do'i su'i zhang si zhes bya ba'i sder lo bcu gnyis bzhugs I su'i zhang si'i sde ding sang shing ngan si 'di yin no II de nus sang kying zhes bya ba'i mkhar du da'i cung kying si zhes bya ba'i sde ru lo nyi shu bzhugs I de nus cur ci'i rgyal rabs kyi da'i thing zhes bya ba'i rgyal po rgyal sar byung nas lo gswn lon pa 'i dus su I chu lug lo la yung cung tor gdan drangs nas rgyal po 'i pho brung 10 lnga bcu rtsa lnga bzhugs I de nas da'i cha'u zhes bya ba'i rgyal po'i dus su her byung nas me glang lo zla ba gsum pa 'i tshes dgu la pho brang bshigs pas I tang shu sang khun gyi rshig gis yang blangs nas sngon gyi gnus shing ngan si'i sde la (155a) bzhugs nas O ding sang bar du mchod pa byas so 10 me glang lo nas chu phag yan chad la lo bzhi bcu zhe bdun lon I tsandan gyi sku mchog 'di bzhengs nas chu phag yan chad la lo gnyis stong lnga bcu rtsa lnga lon pa yin no II 'di'i lugs kyis bcom ldan ' d m mya ngan las 'das nas chu phag yan chad la lo nyi shu stong dang bcu gsum lon pa yin no II cung zhes bya ba'i lo rgyus kyi nang du rdzogs par yod par snang I mdor bsdus pa 'di chu mo phag lo zla ba gnyis pa'i rshes bcu gsum la rgya'i skad las yo gur gyi skad du sgyur mkhan am chang zhes bya ba dang I yo gur skad las bod skad du sgyur mkhan da nu si zhes'bya ba gnyis kyis legs par bsgyur ro I Herein is found incorporated the Account of how the Sandalwood Statue arrived in China: Hail! Happiness! The narrative of Bhagavat, from birth until [his] attainment of Buddhahood and a r6sum6 of the account of the arrival of the Sandalwood Statue [in China] according to the Chinese tradition: In the time of the twenty-fourth year after the ascension to the throne of the fourth emperor of Ce'i [Zhou] dynasty called Ce'u dbang [Zhao-wang Xia], on the eighth day of the fourth month of the wood-tiger year,6 [Bhagavat] came into being, and seven days after his mother MahiimPyi passed away and was reborn in the realm of the gods. When forty-two years had passed after the ascension to the throne by the emperor Ce'u dbang, prince Siddhirtha, at the age of nineteen, left home (i.e. = abhiniskramana) and went outside town, where he practised austerities on glacier mountains. 1n the year water-sheep, three years after the ascension to the throne of the emperor called Mu dbang [Mu-wang Men, 962-908 B.C.], the fifth generation of the Ce'u dynasty, prince Siddhirtha, at the age of thirty, attained Buddhahood. Then eight years after, recollecting the kindness of his mother, he departed for the devaloka of TrgyastrimSa and sojourned in the realm of the gods for three summer-months expounding the Dharma for his mother. King Utrayana [i.e. UdrZyana], longing for Bhagavat, put forward a petition to MaudgalyPyana. MaudgalyPyana went off to the realm of the gods, bringing along thirty-two miraculously created artists, as well as red and brown sandal-wood. A statue of Bhagavat, which one could never look enough at, and possessing the thirty-two marks [of a Mah%purusa] was successfully created, whereupon the statue was escorted to the human world. In the eleventh year after the ascension to the throne of the emperor called Mu dbang of Ce'u in China, in the iron-hare year, when Bhagavat came back to the world of man, having completed three summer-months in the realm of the gods, this most excellent Sandal-wood Statue rose and bowed its head towards Bhagavat, as if it would inquire about his bodily health. Then Bhagavat stretched forth his hand, placed it on the head of this most excellent statue and prophesied as follows: " A thousand years after my parinirvdna [this sublime statue] will come to the great empire of China and promote, most abundantly, the welfare and happiness of God and Man." From then, this most 6 1.e. according to the traditional chronology 1029 B.C., according to the Bamboo Annals 958 excellent Sandalwood Statue remained for 1285 years in India. It was subsequently established for 68 years in the country called Khusen [Guiha, Kucha]; then it was installed in Byang-ngos [i.e. Liangzhou] of Mi-nyag [Xixia, Tangut] for forty years. Thereupon it was installed for seventeen years in Kying-chang-hu [Xianfu]. Thereupon it was established in Gyang-gnam [Jiangnan] for 173 years. Then it remained in the country of Ha-nam [Huainan] for 367 years. Then it returned again to Gyang-gnam and was installed there for another twenty-one years. Then, in the iron-pig year [i.e. A.D. 11311, the ninth year [or period] called thing-ho [rianhui] [the statue] was brought in the northern direction and remained there for twelve years in the monastery called Su'i-zhang-si in Cung-do [Zhongdu, i.e. Beijing]. The monastery Su'i-zhang-si is nowadays Shing-ngan-si [Shengansi]. Thereupon it was installed in the monastery called Da'i-cung-kying-si [Chuqingsi] in the walled city called Sang-kying [Shangjing, Upper Capital of Liao] for twenty years. Thereupon, in the water-sheep year [i.e. 1163 A.D.], three years after the enthronement of the emperor called Da'i thing7 of the Cur-ci [Jurche, Jin] dynasty, the statue was again brought to Cung-to [Zhongdu, i.e. Beijing], where it remained for fifty-five years in the palace of the emperor. As the palace was destroyed b y fire] on the ninth day of the third month of the year fire-ox [12 17 A. D.] during the time of the emperor called Da'i cha'u [Tai-zu, imperial title of Cinggis Qan], when Hor came into existence, a Cang-shu [shangshu, royal secretary] Sang-khun took it in possession and restored it in its former place, the monastery of Shing-ngan-si [Shengansi] where it is worshipped the present. From the year fire-ox [12 17 A.D.] until [the present] water-pig year [I273 A.D.] forty-seven years have elapsed, and from the erection of this most excellent Sandal-wood Statue until the water-pig year [I263 A.D.] 2055 years have passed. According to this [chronological] system from the nirvdna of Bhagavat until [this] water-pig year 2013 years have passed. This Account c'an be found in its complete form in the history-book called Cung. This abbreviated narrative has been duly translated respectively by the translator called Am-chang from Chinese into Uighur and from Uighur into Tibetan by the translator called Danasi on the thirteenth day of the second month of the waterfemale-pig year [I263 A.D.]. A narrative of the origin of the same sandal-wood statue was composed in 1770 by 1Cang-skya rol-pa'i rdo-je, cf. JA of his gsung 'bum, described in VOHD, no. 2752 and another by Sog-pa Lo-td-ba Gung mGon-po skyabs, cf. Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 216-18. For a full discussion, cf. also Macdonald, 1963, pp. 81-87; Ssrensen, 1986, pp. 244-45. The corresponding Chinese original of this story, varying in wording, is found in Taishb 49, no. 2036, 22, 730BC-731A, entitled Fo-zu li-dai tong-zai, "The Short Account of the Sandal-wood Statue in China" m y Nian-chang], cf. H. Schmidt-Glintzer, 1982, pp. 148-153. This Chinese dating inserted into this narrative is based upon a theory fixing Buddha's birth to the wood-tiger (jia-yin) year, that is the 24th year of the reign of Emperor Zhao of Zhou, i.e. 1029 or 958 B.C. and fixes the date of his nirvdm to the 52th year of ensuing emperor's reign, of ernperor Mu, i.e. in 949 or 8?8 B.C. This 7 1.e. not the name of the emperor, but the period dading, commwnced 1161 A.D., the emperor was Wu-lu, fifth emperor o f Jin. calculation was established by a Buddhist monk Tan-mo-zui during a debate between Buddhists and Daoists at the Wei court in 520 A.D.; cf. E. Ziircher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, pp. 271-74; H. Francke, 1991, pp. 444-446. This chronology was interpreted variously by the Tibetans, but the most prevalent was the one incorporated in this translation of the Sandal-wood Account fixing Buddha's nirvdna to 749150 B.C. (2013 - 1263 = 749150) and dates the erection of the statue io 792 B.C. [sic] (2055 - 1263 = 792-791). 155 The crucial passage in DTHMP 7a2-7b9, conspicuously enough entirely ignored by Bla-ma dam-pa, cf. also note 154, provides us with the background: The lineage of He'u-Tsing split into two branches Tung-[r]Tsi[ng] and Ga'i-[r]Tsing. During the time of the emperor [ofJ Ga'i [r]Tsing, an old Indian pandit addressed ~ * is a small kingdom the emperor: "Between India and the country of l ~ a n there in which one will find the Jo-bo Shdcya, the statue of the Buddha having the size when he was twelve years old and raised once when Buddha s2.kya-muni was residing in [the devaloka ofJ Trlyastrimia, along with the relics of Buddha and a learned pandita called KumkaSri. As 'this kingdom was very small, the benefit secured [from these three emblems of Triratna] is very limited. If you dispatch an army in order to fetch these things, they will turn out to be of an immense benefit for many sentient beings [here in China proper]." Hearing this the emperor committed an army of 400.000 soldiers to a minister of his, a Provincial chancellor (thing gi 'ching sang, i.e. Ch. cheng-xiang) and to a general who was leader of the central chancellery of Chu-mi-yuan (cf. Stein, 1952, p. 105) and dispatched them to that country. Arriving there, the king of that country spoke: "Between you and me there is no hostility. Why are you arriving with an army that big?" [The general] responded: "We want the Jo-bo S h w a statue, the relics of Buddha and the pandita. If you do not hand them over to us, we are going to wage war!" TO this thk' king replied: "The Jo-bo S h w a statue and the relics of Buddha are actually to be found here and they shall be given to you, but as to the pandita, he passed away last year. But his son, eighteen years old, called Kumiira the Young is here in this country and he shall be given instead." Having taken hold of these things, the general returned.. .. ....Thereupon, the general approached the emperor for an audience, only to be told that the emperor Ga'i [r]Tsing [meanwhile] had passed away without issue whereby the lineage had come to an end. The former Provincial Governor had become emperor. Hearing this the general gathered an army of his own counting 400.000 soldiers and made himself emperor of Si-chon (Gangtok ed.: Pi-chon; Sichuan?) and twenty-four walled cities (ce'u mkhar, Ch. &OU;Roerich, Blue Annals, p. 48). Later, a descendant of the Governor-emperor took from the hands of the descendants of the General-emperor the Jo-bo ShGya statue, the relics of Buddha and the pandita and brought them to ~ing-cang-hu (Xianfu, i.e. Chang-an) where he paid thkm respect beyond imagination.. ....; From this passage in DTHMP the key issue is whether this Jo-bo S h m a 8 Or 'Jang, i.e. the MO-so country, i.e. Li-jiang; later, during Tang, the area became the new Yunnanese kingdom and dynasty of Nan-zhao. Cf. also Stein, 1983, p. 216: Qiang Dang-xiang. statue is identical with the Jo-bo Tsandan or sandal-wood statue, an issue not addressed by Kun-dga' rdo- qe in his DTHMP. If confirmed, it would mean that only one statue amved in China. If we - tentatively - try to put the above narrative into a historical context, it is altogether plausible that Ga'i-[r]Tsing psi-chen in GLR ?] is Fu Jian (356-384 A.D.), the emperor of Qian Qin and the punditu Kumara Junior of course is identical with the famous Serindian in establishing Buddhism in China in the last part of the IVth cent. and beginning of the Vth cent.: Kumaajiva (349150-413 A . D . ) . ~He was brought to Liang-zhou (in present-day Gansu) in 384 A.D. by Lu Guang (386-398) the general of Fu Jian, when Lu Guang conquered Guzang (Kucha, Wu-wei; = located between India and lJang in the above narrative) and established his own dynasty, Hou or Later Liang (386-403 A.D.), an ethnic 'Tibetan' petty dynasty. About 398400 A.D. this gereral-emperor (of the above narrative) died and in 401 A.D. Kumirajiva was attached to the court of Hou or Later Qin (383-417) as a purohilu, when Yao Xing (393-415 A.D.) conquered Hou Liang. Identifying Ga'i-Tsing with Fu Jian, as said, it is obvious that the general-emperor of our narrative is Lii Guang and Yao Xing is the Provincial Governor. Cf. similarly Ssrensen, 1986, pp. 247-249; Macdonald, 1963, pp. 132-33, n. 127; Pelliot, J A , 1934, pp. 103-05. Finally, a note on the (indirect) equation between the enigmatic sPri-sti-ma and the emperor [of?] Si-chen [also bSi-Tsing, Ga'i-Tsing] made by Bla-ma dam-pa (and following him, most directly by dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (NGA) 64.18-20: rgyal po drug cu nsa gnyis 'dm pa 'i 'ogOI PrT ti dza yo Si chen rgyal po 'i dur II jo bo shd kya rgya nag yul du phebs; (MA) 781.5: Ga'i tsing rgyal po 'am P n ti1 rgyal po yang zer). Concerning these emperors, during whose reign the statue(s) came to China, another construct is feasible. In lieu of identifying Si-chen with Fu Jian, cf. above. we may pay heed to what Sum-pa mkhan-po, who, obviously trying to make the two stories meet, states (PSJZ 168.12-15: yi ge la la [i.e. GLR etc.] nu....de va pd la 'i d w su rgya mtshor gzings kyi steng nus rgya nag tu rgyal po bri ti zhes pa se chon na yod pa de la bskur zer ro. From his rendering it is evident that the mysterious emperor Bri-ti/sPri-ti dza-ya in this 'historical reading' of the passage must be identified with Lu Guang, who established himself in S[r]ichon i.e. in Sechuan. Dung-dkar, 1981, p. 260, on the contrary, identifies Si-chon with the above-mentioned Liang-zhou. Has, then, Bla-ma dam-pa confused the alleged name of the dynasty Si-chen with the place-name Sichon? What is clear, nevertheless, is that the Jo-bo Shiikya of the above Kum2rajiva story is the one brought along by Kong-jo as dowry to Tibet, cf. DTHMP 8b8. 172 DTHMP 12a9-12b2 reads: Thereupon, there appeared in the tem tory of sPen-lang (Bian-liang) eight generations, [such as] the emperor called Ce'u Tha'i-ju (Zhao Tai-zu [of Bei Song]). From the hands of the eighth successor Shang-hang (?), father and son (i.e. prob. Hu-zong (1 100-1125 A.D.) and Qin-zong (1 125-1127 A.D.)), half the empire (of Bei Song) was taken away by the so-called Chi-tan Ta'i 9 On his life, cf. ZGrcher, 1959, pp. 225-227. gLelu (i.e. the Tatar Kitan or Chitai Liao (907-1125 A.D.),I0. This state was known as Tai Liao. The monk-son of Shang-h[r]ang, called Khang-dbang (i.e. Kang-wang, the ninth son of Hui-zong, called Gao-zong (1 127-1162 A.D.), the founder of Nan or Southern Song (1 127-1279 A.D.)) went to the country of sManrtse (Man-zi, = South china)I1and took possession of half the empire of his father. [It] was called Nam-tha'i [by] Hor (the Mongols). Khyen-khang (Jian-kang)12 stayed in Hvang-je-'u (Hangzhou). The state was called Nan Song (= Sung lho ma). The emperors [of that dynasty] stayed in sMan-rtse for eight (actually nine) generations, until sMan-rtse 1Ha-btsun (the prospective emperor Bing-di (12781279 A.D.).'~ Phrased differently, Bian-liang was the capital of Bei Song, until the change to Nan Song in 1127. The nine (T: eight) generations represent the eight emperors of Bei Song, until this dynasty came to an end. However, a brother of an emperor of the Bei Song established himself in South China (around Hangzhou) and founded the Nan Song (1 127-1279) existing there for nine generations before it was finally subjugated by Yuan. The last emperor of Nan Song was the 1Ha-btsun (priestemperor, i.e. prelate of royal origin) of Manzi, who was sent to Sa-skya for religious training. DTHMP has rendered the Song history fairly faithful, contrary to GLR, and through the latter also DTHNGP (I, 81.2-1 1, Roerich, 56-57); and DTHMPSM 44b4-6 etc. 223 From the Sandal-wood Account, cf. in detail note 140 supra, we know that the Jobo Tsandan statue was erected when Bhagavat was forty-two years old, so adding to the previous calculation figures we have 3258 (nirvdna) + 42 (it was erected when Bhagavat was thirty-eight and he became eighty = forty-two) = 3300, not 3500. This only shows how careful we should be with the data available. In the Jobo Tsandan Account a Chinese calculation system is provided, which adduces that the Jo-bo Tsandan was erected in 792 B.C. Here, however Sa-skya's own system is assumed to be involved, calculating 3300 minus 1260 (Qubilai's ascension-year) = 2040 B.C. to be the erection-year deviating grossly from the one commonly accepted by the Sa-skya-pas, i.e. 2134 B.C., nirvdna-year minus 42 = 2 172 B.C. Increasingly suspicious we become, when we in vain attempt to trace these figures in 'Phags-pa Bla-ma's SHBRS. However, SHBRS 19bl-2 mentions, cf. note 202 supra, that 3250 years had expired from Buddha's nirvdna until Cinggis' appearance on the scene, thus placing this event to appear in 1116/17 A.D. [sic]. The - approximate - figures we have are SHBRS 19al-2, which provides a sfiric prophecy (from Bu-mo Dri-ma med-byin lung-bstan-pa'i mdo = LHa-mo Dri-ma 10 Actually it was taken away by the Turkish Jin dynasty (1 115-1234 A.D.). 1 1 Cf. Tucci, TPS, 11, p. 684; Dung-dkar, 198 1 , pp. 304-5, the area between present-day Nan& Hangzhou; here = Lin-an = Hangzhou. 12 But see Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 303-304. and 13 He had a hapless fate, while he was killed, though being innocent (Urag 'o mar byung, dmar g s d later Tibetan sources maintain, by the Mongols shortly after he had been called back to China. Cf. e.g. YLJBCHBY 82.14-15 and Dung-dkar, 1981, pp. 304-05. med-pa lung-bstan-pa'i mdo, no more extant, cf. note 433 infra) announcing that Buddha's Teaching would appear in the country of the red-faces [ = Tibet] 2500 [not 3500!] years after his nirvdna; any allusion to the erection of the Jo-bo sandalwood statue is thus not traceable. Indirect vestige, however, of a calculation made by 'Phags-pa Bla-ma, based upon this chronological fixing-point, i.e. the erection of the Jo-bo Tsandan statue, does exist: DTHMPSM 44a2-4, where bSod-narns grags-pa mentions, without providing details, that it seems to deviate slightly from the figures generally accepted, or, in his words, 'seems to calculate a nirvdnu-year far too low' ('dm lo nyung par snung; i.e. 2040 minus 42 = 1998 B.C. 'instead of 2134 B.C. generally accepted). The generally accepted calculation of Sa-skya was corroborated by 'Phags-pa Bla-ma at this council, the famous Chu-mig council (chu mig chos 'khor), held in the year me mo glang, i.e. 1277 A.D., cf. also e.g. Buston, CHBY 92b7-93al. This calculation was based upon the rgyal po lugs system (DTHMPSM 49b4-6) and here 'Phags-pa calculated, as said above, that Buddha's nirvdna took place in 2134 B.C, by stating that 3410 years have passed since ~uddha's'nirvdna (3410 minus 1277 = 21 34). Appendix Chapter IV 252 MNKB E (A) 12a3-12b2: nub phyogs bde ba can gyi zhing khams padma can zhes bya ba I rin po che sna tshogs kyi sa gzhi la mig mangs ris su bris pa las I sa dung rdo'i ming yang rned I byang chub shing gis rub tu brgyan pa 1as I rtsi shing dang nags tshal gyi ming yang rned I ting nge 'dzin yan lag brgyad ldan gyi chu 'bab pa las I sna tshogs chu 'i ming yang rned I ye shes dpal gyi me 'bar ba las I yig rten bsreg pa'i me'i ming yang rned I rnam grol spos kyi ngad ldang pa l m I yig rten rlung gi ming yang rned I chos kyi dbyings kyi sa gzhi brdal ba las I 'byung ba sa 'i ming yang rned I ye shes gsal ba 'i gdugs gsal ba las I nyi ma dang zla ba'i ming yang rned I 'phags pa'i shes rub 'od gsal ba las I nyin mo dang mrshan mo'i ming yang rned I chos kyi rgyal srid rang shar ba las I rgyal po dang blon po 'i ming yang rned I bdag dang bdag gir mi 'dzin pa las I 'thab cing rtsod pa 'i ming yang rned I ting nge 'dzin gyi zas kyis 'rsho ba lar I zas zhes bya ba'i ming yang rned I yid bzhin bdud rtsi'i chu gsol ba las I skom zhes bya ba 'i ming yang rned I tshul [12bl] khrims gtsang ma'i gos gyon pa las I gos zhes bya ba 'i ming yang rned I padma 'i steng du rdzus re skye ba las I skye ba mum bzhi'i ming yang med I g.yung dmng tshe la mnga ' brnyes pa las I rgar shing rgud pa 'i ming yang med I skye shi med pa'i lam bsgom pas I skyes shing shi ba'i ming yang med I Appendix Chapter V 283 Interestingly, dPal-bo, par excellence, has preserved throughout his famed and reliable Feast for the Sage (HBCHBY JA) a metrical narrative dealing not only with the present mythological vita-cycle of AvalokiteSvara-cum-DharmarajaSrongbtsan sgam-po (quoting here, as said, arguably non-extant versions of the many biographies of this lung), but also presenting a lengthy quasi-historical exposition on the Tibetan dynastic history, equally rendered in a versified fashion, which, as is known, occasionally is interspersed with dPa'-bo's rare talent for pertinent commentation, analyses and quotations derived from a number of ancient historical documents focussing on relevant themes in the main-text (although, to be true, the intriguing question remains to be addressed whether and to what extent dPa'-bo himself has composed or has merely paraphrased the lengthy metrical narrative embodied in his work or whether we are dealing with lengthy and original quotations from these works). Nevertheless, throughout the following chapters Blama dam-pa and dPa'-bo gTsug-lag 'phreng-ba each appear, in their own way, to be drawing from common source(s) or, equally plausible, we may adduce that for some parts at least dPa'-bo follows GLR slavishly (cf. e.g. Uray, 1972, pp. 56-57) inasmuch as they both - with striking frequency and in a historical-chronological and thematic sequence - seem to have well-nigh verbatim corresponding and mutually supplementary text-portions in common. The many textual parallels gleaned e.g. from HBCHBY JA lblff. and similar sources, and duly referred to in the notes carry evidence to this fact. Appendix Chapter VI 310 The present story alludes to the illlustrous Buddhist jaaka of the caravan-leader Simhala. The most important and oldest preserved version of this story is the ~alilhassqjiitaka(in Pdi), but it is also conserved in the DharmalabdhqiBtaka (all differently titled due to the diverging names of the protagonist), and other recensions of uneven length are found embodied in a Mijlasarv&tiv&ia version in DivyBvadiina and the Gunafirarandavyiiha (the longest and fully elaborated versions) respectively. ~ l ; e latter-mentioned and the version embodied in Kilrandavyiiha (abbr. KV), the recension employed by Bla-ma dam-pa here, have undergone some redactional changes while AvalokiteSvara is introduced as the manifestation of the white horse Bal2ha. In the Pdi-version the flying superhorse is an embodiment of Gautama Buddha. The impact wielded by the Simhuldvadd~and the popularity it enjoys in the Buddhist world are considerable, not only in Tibet, but also in Nepal, China, Khotan and Japan. It paved the way for a rich artistic representation of the legend in form of murals and sculptures. For further details, cf. M. Slusser, 1972, pp. 362-363; S. Lienhard, 1985. Of immediate interest for us here, the story is found incorporated in KV, which provides a detailed version and in a very abbreviated rendition in MNKB E La-rgyus chen-mo, Chap. XXVII: Thugs-j e chen-mos tshong-pa nams la'i srin-mo'i gling nas bton-pa, 68b5-69b6. Bla-ma dam-pa's version is quite detailed, at places far longer than the one given in KV; it further deviates in some details from the one given in KV, inasmuch as it contains elements and passages not traceable there. Reversely, KV contains elements not shared by GLR. GLR's source is supposedly KV, cf. the ensuing note, but the version of KV embodied in the bKal-'gyur and an identical version of KV, which until about two hundred years ago was part of MNKB, are at variance with GLR. It therefore compels us to assume that a more dekled version of KV has been in circulation, or that Blama dam-pa took a free hand in his rendition of the story, though this is less likely. The immediate or direct import of the story is a edifying one. The story here serves as a parable urging anyone to turn to the Buddhist lore. Appendix Chapter VII 329 Not unsurprisingly, Nyang-ral, who besides compiling CHBYMTNYP (see also MBNTH) also had an active hand in the compilation of MNKB, thus emerging as the key--figurein the transmission and dissemination of thi;mythogenesis, denotes this narrative a legend (gtam rgyud), cf. CHBYMTNYP 15la1 followed by BUston, CHBY 137a3 (Szerb, p. 2). The earliest brief note of this anthropogenetic theory is recorded in sBabzhed,' although it remains to be settled whether this terse passage pertains to the original core of BZH or whether it reflects a later interpolation. Searching for the possible origin of this myth, it is interesting to observe that it is quite possible that monkey-tales staging e.g. Haniimin (depicted to enhance the belief in the Tibetan race (bod kyi rigs rgyud. .dad; i.e. the above myth, cf. KCHKKHM-2 254.15-16) were depicted on the walls in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang and that these most probably belonged to the earliest stratum of murals (cf. note 874 inza for details) produced in the seventh century by Nepalese artists at the court of Srong-btsan sgam-po. Herewith we perhaps have the first concrete piece of evidence that provided the background for the creation of this myth as delineated in the above early (XIth cent.) literary sources. Inspired by these presumably early murals depicting the Ape-king and supported by canonical material dedicated the AvalokiteSvara-cult such as the Kiirandavyiiha, one of the earliest siitra-s translated into Tibetan in the dynastic perid, it might well be a fact that this myth was formulated sometimes in the later part of the dynastic period, at a point when Srong-btsan sgam-po became generally acknowledged as an emanation of this divinity, and literary testimony for this assumption perhaps was in demand, rather than we should assume that this mythogenesis was first formulated or invented as a literary fabrication at the inception of the phyi-dar by Tibetan mythographers pertaining to the religious milieu surrounding the Bengali saint AtiSa (982-1054), to whom is ascribed not only the detection (: compilation?) of the above crucial gter-ma KCHKKHM, but also the pioneering promotion of meditational techniques focussing on ~ v a l o k i t a . ~ This anthropogonic myth was nevertheless fated to exert a tremendous influence and to enjoy a wide-spread popularity among Tibetan-spealang peoples outside Tibet proper. This gtam rgyud which delineates the etiological genesis and formative origin of the Tibetan people and race, is divided into two parts. A. The gathering [of the Tibetan people] throu h materialism (zang zing gis bsdus pa; zang zing = dmisa, material possessions) and 8' 1 Cf. Chin. ed. 2.1 1-12. 2 Cf. e.g. Kapstein, 1992, p. 85 and the Introduction to this book. 3 Interestingly, sKyogs-ston Rin-chen bkra-shis in his famed Li-shi'i gur-khang glosses tang zing with flesh (sha) or nourishment or food (zas).This reading is thus also possible, perhaps even preferable in the light of the present narrative in this chapter where the monkeys or apes, Ihe Tibetan man in spe, in fact were gathered and reared by means of nourishment. The pair w ' s a and dharma is known and taken over from the Pdramird-lit. as forms of almsgiving (dam). B. The gathering [of the Tibetan people] through Dharma (chos kyis bsdus pa): Sources: MNKB E (A) b r g y u s chen-mo, Chap. XXXIV: Bod &ha-ba-cangyi rgyal-kham kyismi rnams bka '-drin che-bar bstan-pa 71b4-78a5 (A. 7 1b4-76a3; B. 74a3-7W) and (a shorter version) MNKB E (Ca) d z a d - p a rNam-tbar, 1. mdzad-pa: sPrelu dang brag srin-mu la brtkn nus bod kyi mi mums spel-ba'i mdzad-pa 98al-100al (A. 98al-99b3; B. 99b3-100al). KCHKKHM-1 Chap. 111: Kh-ba-can gyi sem-can snod du ma gyur-pa mums sprul-pas mir 'gyur nus de dug dung-po mg-zing gis bsdur-pa, 645.2-655.2. KCHKKHM-2 Chap. IV: Zang-zing gis btul-ba, 45.1-57.4. KCHKKHM-3 Chap. 111: Zang-zing gi 'dul-ba 'i le 'u, 380.1-386.7. CHBYMTNYP 152a3-164b4 (A. 152a3-161bl; B. 161bl-164b4). MBNTH 16b1-20a4. In addition, the legend is found rendered at varying length in an endless number of later Buddhist works and histories, among which we shall mainly refer to KTHDNG (CA) Chap. I, 431.3-434.6; HBCHBY (JA) 3a5ff. The first brief phyi-dar mention of this legend is arguably to be found in the historical-doctrinal treatise Chos la 'jug-pa'i sgo by bSod-nams rtse-mo written in 1167 A.D., which is approximately simultaneous with the compilation of MNKB and CHBYMTNYP. The above versions are grosso m d o congruous, with KCHKKHM-2 and CHBYMTNYP being slightly more detailed. GLR only rarely deviates from MNKB, but displays nonetheless phrases and passages not found in the current veisions of his prime sources, and occasionally Bla-ma dam-pa (or some redactor of GLR) has reverted the sequence of the narrative, though dPa'-bo's metrical rendition (or personal paraphrase) of the same account does corroborate GLR narrative sequence. Noteworthy it is that GLR only renders the first, though largest and most interesting part of the myth, i.e. the zang zing gis bsdus pa. 341 The enumeration and characterization of the sadgati-born ape-infants (M?JKB has the succession somewhat distorted) is here filiher detailed and, as we see, GLR is also here occasionally at variance with its prime source: MNKB: the narakainfant: the sdang la khong gtum pa sdug sran che ba; the prera:infant: [ l ~ byad ] [gzugs] ngan rid pas [or la Iro la] ser sna 'jur 'gegs la dga ' ba [or ngan pa ser SM che ba]; the riryak-infant: legs ma legs (or nyes) cha mi phyed [or chod] pa[s] go ba dang shes rig med pa; the manwya-infant: 'dod chugs che la mi nor [rdrar] la dga ' ba; the asura-infant: khong k h o ba I rshig rtsub pa I nga ro dang zhe sdang 1 ngo rgyal che ba I 'rhab nsod la dga' ba [or 'dod] and finally the infant descending from the deva-s: do1 ba dang I g.yung ba [or gzhungs pa] I ngang rgyud ring ba [or 'jam pa] dkarpo la dga ' ba. The KCHKKHM versions mention that a being was born to the pair, neither resembling a male nor a female, being hairless and tailless, with a red face, eating raw flesh and drinking warm blood; cf. also KTHDNG (CA) 433.11-20. If anything, these anthropoid (i.e. patroclinous and matroclinous) descriptions in accordance with Buddhist soteriological cosmology deliver early samples of the never-failing wits and self-irony of the Tibetans. Appendix Chapter VIII 359 This story is only one part of the complex picture pertaining to the many Tibetan theories associated with the origin of gNya'-khri btsan-po; for a survey of the many mythological layers, cf. Haarh, 1969, pp. 168-230; Macdonald, 1971, pp. 190-219; Uebach, 1987, pp. 55-57. As laconically delineated in DCHBY 99.81Off. and with telling details in GBCHBY 238.1 1-243.4; KTHDNG (CA) 435.6-9, this ancestor-king is conceived, according to three prevailing theories, to originate either from an [Indian] king according to a puddhist] gSang-ba chos-lugs tradition, to descend from the Iha-gods, according to a [bs]Grags-pa Bon-lugs tradition or to originate from the the['u]-[blrang spirits acc. to a so-called Yang-gsang ['Ichadlugs tradition. In both above KCHKKHM versions the escape to the mountains is mentioned but the story of him and his soldier-companions being dressed as women is lacking from the extant KCHKKHM versions. In KCHKKHM-2 there is an interesting description of the origin of Ru-pa-skyes (i.e. the prospective gNyal-khri btsan-po), reflecting the [bs]Grags-pa Bon-lugs tradition, describing him as a srid pa phy[v]a'i Iha, linking him, inter alia, with 'O-[llde gung-rgyal. He eventually descends to the earth via his dmu-cord, and arrives upon the summit of 1Ha-ri Yorpo (i.e. Yol-po; cf. note 363 infra) where he meets a group of Bon-po-s, i.e. Na-se Bon-po, sMu Bon-po, lDong Bon-po, 'Ob Bon-po, sGam Bon-po, 1Ha Bon-po, 'Bro Bon-po, Khyung Bon-po, She Bon-po, gNyen Bon-po, 'Jag Bon-po and 1Coglha Bon-po. Cf. parallelly , though slightly differently, KCHKKHM-3 394.1-5; CHBYMTNYP 16% 1-169a6. In KCKKKHM-1 and GLR, cf. below, his first encounter is with a group of herdsmen. The present GLR-quotation from bKa'-chems Ka-khol-ma (cf. also YLJBCHBY 38-39) is a combination of two distinct text traditions, when, theoretically spealung, the fact is not so that the present quotation is taken from a currently non-extant or older version of KCHKKHM. It appears to combine more layers stemming from different Tibetan-invented but India-inspired stories: Respectively about one Ru-pa skyes, being identified variously as the off-spring of different dynastic figures such as Prasenajit (gSal-rgyal), BimbisZra (gZugs-can snying-po) or Udayana ('Char-bye@ (cf. the next note 360), all contemporaries of Buddha, whereafter he eventually fled or was exiled to the northern mountainous regions (= Tibet, cf. Haarh, 1969, pp. 189-193, to which we can add, aside from the above KCHKKHM sources, CHBYMTNYP 165a4-168b1), respectively about one Rupati (at some level confounded with the above Ru-pa skyes), the latter being one of the five P2ndava-brothers who fought a battle, and suffering a defeat, he and his soldiers 'eventually fled to the Himalayas attired as women, cf. CHBYMTNYP 150a3-150b5. The crucial source, however, for the latter legendary passage (borrowing the plot from MahSbhiirata) is the ma-las phul-du byung-bar bstod-pa'i rgya-cher 'grel-pa (or DevStiGyastotratTk8) by Shes-rab go-cha (i.e. PrajfiSvarman), cf. TTPE no. 2005, fol. 54b4-5, \;here it is briefly stated: "Once when a king named Rupati was engaged on the battle-field together with his army, they fled, and having dressed [themselves] in women's attire, they sojourned in caves in Himavat (ri kha ba can gyi ri Wlrod; later = Tibet) and the descendants of the lineage of these [mountain-] settlers are even today known as Tibet (ru pa ti zhes bya ba'i rgyal-po dpung gi tshogs gcig dang bcas pa g.yu/ 'gyed pa'i tshe I bud med kyi cha lugs su byas te bros nas ri kha ba can gyi n' khrod du zhugs te I g n u pa'i rigs las deng sang nu yang bod ces bya bar grags pa yin) ." A passage copiously quoted by numerous Tibetan monk-historians, cf. Haarh, ibid., pp. 171-195 for further ref.; Macdonald, 1971, pp. 192-194; Uebach, 1987, p. 55. A possible clue to (or a partial explanation of) the KCHKKHM-quotation in GLR may be had from DTHMP 15b3-4 which states: "That the youngest son [no name provided] of King sKya-bseng (Dung-dkar a ed. DTHMP, 1981, p. 33: sKyabs-seng), descending from the ~ & y Ri-brag-pa of the tripatite ramification of the ~Zdcya-s,together with his army, fled in the direction of the glacier mountains [i.e. Tibet] disguised as women, and eventually became ruler of Bod (lha las phul du byung ba 'i bstod pa 'i 'grel pa slob dpon shes rub go chas mdzad pa dang 0 lha sa'i ka tshig ka khol ma las byung ba I shdkya'i rigs la shdkya chen po dang I shdkya li tsa byi I shdkya ri brag pa gsum las B tha ma las rgyal po skya bseng zhes pa'i bu chung ba gcig dpung gi tshogs dang bcas pa bud med kyi chas su zhugs nas ri gangs can gyi phyogs su bros pas las bod kyi rjer gyur par bshad)" Here Kun-dga' rdo-j e adduces that it stems from a successive quotation from Prajfigvarman's celebrated passage and from Ha-sa'i Ka-tshigs Ka-khol-ma, where the latter quotation must be shared by MNKB also (or, accounted for by the fact that by the time of Kun-dga' rdo-je, ~ H K K H Mwas possibly part of MNKB, cf. the Introduction), since the latter reads, MNKB E (Ca) (Chos skyong-ba'i Srong-btsan sgam-po'i mdzad-pa mumthar), ldOa.2-3: de'i tshe bod rje 'bangs kyi rnam dbye med pa las I shdkya'i rigs la shdkya chen po dang B shdkya li tsa byi dang I shdkya ri brag pa dang gswn 10s I tha ma rgyal po skyabs seng zhes bya ba 'i bu chung ba cig dpung gi rshogs dung bcas pa gangs can gyi phyogs su bros pa las I bod yul du sleb nus yar lung lha n' rol pa 'i rtse nas. .... Collating the latter two quotations, our suspicion is confirmed, when the only difference is that DTHMP adds that the youngest son of Pandu and his soldiers were dressed in women's cloth, a description which was &en over from the above-cited ma-las phul-du byung-bar bstod-pa'i rgya-cher 'grel-ba (for a possible hidden reference to this celebrated Prajiiivarrnan passage also in GLR, cf. previous note). The only element lacking in our assessment of the GLRquotation then is the mention of king ASoka, but this may simply be an addition by Bla-m? dam-pa, linking, qua tacit deduction, the Buddhism-prone king Aioka with the S&ya-s. Clearly our author, by his brief quotation, thus only reflects what already Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP loc. cit. 165a3-4, stated, namely that a number of theories concerning the origin of the Tibetan royal ancestor were prevalent already during the XIth-XIIth century. Bla-ma dam-pa has here conflated two distinct traditions of the Buddhist gSang-ba chos-lugs legendary tradition concerning gNya'-khri btsan-po. Etiological Genealogical Theories During the first phase of the post-dynastic phyi-dar period, Tibetan monk-historians had since long been able, it can be adduced, to avail themselves of a spectrum of ancient genealogical texts. A number of these were genuinely mi-chos texts, which had been bequeathed to them from the dynastic period and a number again had partly been formulated in the very beginning of the phyi-dar period as discussed in the Introduction to this work. As chronicled in a number of highly reliable sources, king Ral-paan, probably continuing a tradition already initiated by his immediate predecessors, is recorded to have offered a number of so-called greetings presents (snyun[g] phyag) to the leading zhang blon-s among the nobility and clans. These gratuities consisted inter alia of a series of written genealogical accounts and mythic narratives, which, as we shall see, later became known as the authoritative, perhaps even official records for the origin and spread of Tibet's royal genealogy and ancestry. Judging from the importance attached to the compilation of these treaties, typologically classed as mi chos scriptures, and recorded to be a means to quench growing resentment nurtured among the leading circles towards the everpowerful and financially burdensome Buddhist institutions, we have reason to assume that these narratives, aside from offering a mimetic record of the royal genealogy and history, most probably also contained minute genealogical accounts of the leading clans, their filiation to the royal house, their entitlements, privileges and rights. Only the non-royal parts of these genealogical accounts have apparently never, if ever, come down to us among the fragments found of these sources. Simultaneously, they provided the Tibetan people with an account of the dynastic origin and thereby of the national origin of the Tibetan state and people. The picture, in retrospect, presented by these diverging genealogical accounts and origin myths is rather complex, while each account, rather than supplementing each other, claimed to propound the most authoritative version. This clearly accounts for the confusion and hesitation we meet in later historical works and chronicles when their authors tried to sort out and disentangle the threads in this heritage. These sources and systems incorporated the various indigenous etiological speculations and genealogical theories ('chad lugs, gleng ba, lo rgyus, rgyal rubs) that prevailed then and which presented the origin myth and historical-mythological background of the Tibetan dynastic progenitor and of the Tibetan dynasty. These original manuscripts probably disappeared in Tibet sometimes in the XIIIth century, the last monk-scholars having direct access to them being mKhas-pa 1De'u [ma ' 1 Cf. the Introduction note 6 and note 1488. (GBCHBY, written around 1260 A.D.) and, possibly, Byang-ji's deplorably nonextant rGyal-rabs dPag-bsam Uon-shing (of 1286 A.D.). O-rgyan gling-pa, somewhat later, in his writings from the mid-XIVth century may have had access to them, although he does not use them extensively. Thereafter they went into oblivion. These original sources are more extant. Many of these origin myths and accounts, - whether Buddhist, pre-Bon, Bon (or most often mixed) delineating either the progenitor's Indian dynastic or native divine background - have long attracted the interest of Tibetologists beginning with G. Tucci. The problems involved in these studies are many and complex, all the more so as we only possess scattered references and extracts often presented in a bewildered disorder in later historical works, and a number of these long-lost basic works and accounts are usually only known by their names or titles or from scattered quotations, and then again mostly in a corrupted or hopelessly conflated fashion. Surprisingly, to date no reference to them has been traced in the Dunhuang material. Brief piecemeal reference so far, brought to our attention foremost by Karmay and Blondeau, to the names of these works and theories has been traced in: Nyang-ral's CHBYMTNYP: Ms. B 588.5-6, 594.5-6 ( = Appendix Berlin Ms. (Meisezahl) Tafel 361.1.4-6, 364.2.2-3) but also 422a5-6 (Tafel 283.3.5-6), 460a4-6 (Tafel307.3.4-6); the Autobiography of Guru Chos kyi dbang-po: vol. 1, chap. 3, 14-20 (Blondeau, 1990a, pp. 39-40); BZH (thabs-btags-ma): Stein ed. 75.9- 12; dPa'-bo's HBCHBY (JA) 5a7-b 1; Don-dam smra-ba'i seng-ge's bShadmdzod yid-bzhin nor-bu (ed. of Gene Smith 74al-79a2 (33. and 34. skabs, cf. also Haarh, 1969, p. 213, text, pp. 409-412); Macdonald, 1971, p. 20); La-dvags rgyal-rabs (Francke ed.) p. 28 = Kah-thog's MYDTH 171.10- 15. 656.3-4; KCHKKHM-2 61.6-11; To this we can now add: KCH-M-1 KTHDNG (CA) 434.7-435.22 and in particular the detailed synopsis provided by mKhas-pa 1De'u in GBCHBY: 226.12-243.17, 374.14-384.6 and 1De'u jo-sras' DCHBY 98.21-99.4sqq. In the light of the new material that now have surfaced, the preliminary survey presented by Karmay, 1988, pp. 2 19-222 and Blondeau, 1990a, pp. 37-54 can now somewhat be rectified and expanded. No doubt, when hitherto unheeded material in the future are properly explored and new historical sources have surfaced, a clearer picture may be drawn. Recent research has already shown with compelling clarity, that many of the older historical narratives were detected, compiled or transmitted in a mixed Bon-Buddhist milieu. The Tibetan royal origin myth is conceived, as first noted by ~acdondd, 1971, pp. 202-13, to evolve out of a cosmogonical-evolutionarynarrative initidly delineating the royalty of man in general. The Tibetan genealogy is then eventually defined as the 'accidental genealogy or royalty' of Tibet (Bod glo bur [gyi] r!?Yal po, cf. e.g. GBCHBY 226. loff., KTHDNG (CA) 434.7ff. etc., of which there once existed three or four types of human royalty (mi'i rgyal po), i.e. the 'lineagetype of royalty' (gdung brgyud kyi rgyal po), the 'electedlchosen type of royalty' (bskos pa7 rgyal po), the 'dharma type of royalty' (chos kyi rgyal po) and be 'accidental[ly originated or aleatoric] type of royalty ' (glo bur gyi rgyal Here various legends and quasi-historical systems were formulated and although the testimonia in later texts occasionally are somewhat contradictory, the 'accidentaltype of royalty' is usually the type characterizing the Tibetan dynasty. But the picture is more complex and still far from pellucid. It appears that the evolution of the genealogy as delineated in these textsltheories were described through three stages (by later historian^):^ A. The succession or enumeration of the gods in the upper spherelin the beginning [of the Dynasty] (st& lhu rubs). This part delineates the origin of the progenitor of the Dynasty, normally, but not exclusively, being identified with gNya'khri btsan-po. B. How the [or their?] power spread in the intermediate sphereltime (bar mnga ' [ = mnga ' t h g ? ] dar). This part of the genealogical narrative delineates the intermediate period of the Dynasty, i.e. from the first seven 'Throne kings' of the pre-historic line until the last of the historic line, i.e. Ralpa-can and Glang-dar-ma. How the [gods = kings14 belowlat the end [of the Dynasty] were divided/split/fragmented (tha ma [also: smadJ gyes rnda'am [also mdo'am] sil chad). Conjointly with the previous section, this latter part deals in particular with the fragmentation of the royal lineages in the wake of the breakdown of the Dynasty in the IXth century. Cf. the crucial passages in GBCHBY 227.5-13, 238.4-1 1 and in particular 380.12ff. Apart from this compositional division, the main bulk of texts delineating each of these three episodic and compositional stages in the Tibetan genealogical narrative can moreover be analysed according to three systems/theories each giving, it appears, their version of the genealogical origins: gSang [bs]Grags Yang2 Cf. e.g. KCHKKHM-2 61.6-12; CHBYMTNYP (Tafel) 359.2.3-361.1.4; GBCHBY 196.3ff., DCHBY 97.12-98.20. We have no way of telling, again, how old this segment of the Tibetan royal origin myth is, but the Buddhist coating is clearly discernible. For another kind of aleatoric device in selecting a local headman (through game) in a small area under Tibetan cultural influence (with clear allusions to the ancient Tibetan kingship here), cf. Ramble, 1993, pp. 292-98. 3 The division itself into three sections is formulated, at the earliest, in the first part of phyi-dur period while the last section smad sil chod covers the phase of the dynastic history from its breakdown in the IXth century until its fragmentation into petty principalities in the Xth and Xlth century in West and Central Tibet. 4 The expression lha, whether reflecting Skt. dew in its later Buddhist reading or reflecting a preBuddhist, autochthonous group of divine Tibetan creatures, early became a synonym or supplementary epithet of the Tibetan king often in the form of h a srm. This is e.g. repeatedly documented in the Dunhuang material and in the rdo-ring-Inscription. gsang.5 These were, around the middle of the eleventh century at least, known basically from seven (six-and-a-half works(!), according to GBCHBY 227.9-10) works in all. Five works were apparently known from what may be denoted as the 'Brother Pentad' (spun-po lnga-can, often laconically just can-lnga, cf. BZH, CHBYMTNYP, GBCHBY, DCHBY, KTHDNG (CA), and also Karmay, 1988, p. 222, where I think that BZH should be read as spun po [ = spun-po gSer-skas dgu-ba, rGyal-rabs spun-po; separate work(s?)] can Inga, and not spun po can lnga as Karmay does, see below), a corpus of texts or titles as specified: 1. The Yo-ga IHa-gyes-can [= [? Bon-po'iJ yi-ge [las] Iha-dge [ = gyesl-can (CHBYMTNYP), Yo-ga 1Ha dgyes-can @CHBY), Yo-ga IHa-dge-can (BZH), Yoga Iha gyes-pa 'i lo-rgyus @Shad-mdzod)], i.e. the theory [how] the gods mecame] divided [according to the [Bon] texts], cf. also Karmay, 1988, pp. 221-22. It is the name of one of the three etiological theories (spyad [ = chad or %had]lugs gsum, or gleng lugs: i.e. gSang PsIGrags Yang-gsang, cf. e.g. CHBYMTNYP 361.1.45; GBCHBY 226.12-14). 1De'u Jo-sras, DCHBY, maintains that this Yo-ga 1Hagyes-can was composed by the spa-sa Bon-po-s [sic! Nyang-ral in his list has sBags-pa, probably = spun-pol. For an elaboration of this PsIGrags system6or lo rgyus adducing e.g. the royal house's origin from the srid paphy[v]a gods, etc., cf. GBCHBY 227.13-238.13,374.14ff.,380.13ff. bShad-mdzod (33. skabs, text, Haarh, pp. 409-41 1). This systemltheory is thus (exclusively?) concerned with the part of the genealogy which delineates the succession of the gods in the upper spherelin the beginning [of the Dynasty] (stod Iha rubs), i.e. the very origins of the genealogy. 2. The Zangs-ma gZhugs-ral-can [ = Za bzhugs rgan-rubs-can (CHBYMTNYP), = Thang-ma 'Jug-dral-can (DCHBY)] being the theory, one among three ways of a minute counting (thib rtsing [= rtsis] gsum] in the exposition concerning the genealogy, here, Nyang-ral adduces, the one counting the genealogy singlewise ((rkyang pa) = successivel~); mKhas-pa lDe'u, GBCHBY 243.5- 17, 374.17ff., while briefly rendering it, maintains, followed by 1De'u Jo-sras, that this theory was composed by Yab-'bangs (1De'u Jo-sras: Yabtshan-'bangs) and he provides its genealogy (the eighteen rulers of the superior (bla na bthugs pa bco brgyad).' Further, it renders the genealogy until gNya3-khn btsan-po being concerned with the section of the narrative denoted srod Iha rubs or the divine lineage in the beginninglof the upper sphere, i.e. like the previous 5 Extensively researched by Haarh, Macdonald, Blondeau, Karmay, etc. Further research (and material) is still required to form a proper picture. 6 For this term, cf. Blondeau, 1990a. 7 'Gro-rje-legs-pa, gNam-lha dkar-gsum, sKar-ma Yol-lde, rGya-lha 'Brong-nam, '0-de gung-rg~alp Yab brdal-drug, bDud-rje chen-po, IDe [=rJe] gNyal-khri btsan-po, rMu-rje btsan-po, sTang-sa w o n - b u , Dog-lha smin-bu, Mer-lha smongs-bu, Sa-lha 'khor-mo, sTing-[= sTengs]lha gar-then! gsang-lha de-ba, bDud-rje chen-PO. item concerned with the very origins. 3. The 1Hab-ma dGu-bnsegs-can [= 'Dab-malgDab-ma dgu-bnsegs-can (CHBYMTNYP), = IT&-ma dgu-brtsegs-can (DCHBY), = 1Tab-madgu-tsag-can (BZH); 1Teb-ma dGu-nseg-can (GBCHBY)]. 1De'u Jo-sras maintains that it was composed by the zhang-blon-ss and Nyang-ral defines this theory with the enigmatic words khug pa ywn sgom smos, which Karmay, perhaps correct, construes as the 'pair' (Mug pa, i.e. royal couple) theory enumerating the [successive kings along with their queen]; accordingly the reading given in Guru Chos dbang's list: kyang lugs gnyis should in this light perhaps be corrected to rkyang [pa dang] khug [pa] gnyis?, cf. Blondeau, op. cit. p. 39. Moreover, contrary to no. 2 above, it concerns itself with the section of the genealogical narrative that delineates how the royal lineage (i.e. the Yar-lung Dynasty) fragmented in the endtduring the last time, smad sil chud: 1.e. this version (of the genealogical narrative) addresses nine (points) (dgu ston pa): 1. In which palace were [the royal figures] born. 2. Identification of the father (the king). 3. How long did they hold the throne. 4. Who did the various kings marry. 5. How many princes had [each king]. 6. Which minister made what. 7. What tasks were conducted [under each ruler]. 8. How old became [each ruler]. 9. When [or where] did [the rulers] pass away. Therefore [it] is denoted '[the version] with the nine folds (ltab ma) [i.e. issues?] piled up'.9 4. The Zing[s]-po mgo-sngon-can [= Zings-po snu-tshogs-can (CHBYMTNYP, BZH)]; 1De'u Jo-sras maintains that it was composed by a certain sKye-nam, whereas it was defined by Nyang-ral as the extensive exposition by a certain spun-po, cf. CHBYMTNYP and also Karmay, p. 222. Like source no. 3, this system also concerns itself with the later part of the genealogy, or smad sil chad. It further is an exposition delineating the multifarious temporaVmundane possessions [of the dynasty] (lo rgyur zang zing snu rshogs can). 5. gSang-ba phyag-rgya-can (CHBYMTNYP, BZH, GBCHBY), possibly (and confusingly) also called Crags-pa chos-lugs, cf. GBCHBY 238.14-239.2. 8 Whereas Nyang-ral maintains, op. cit. 460a4-5, that (king Sad-na-legs) offered this mi chos (textlnarrative) to the Zhang-blon. 9 Cf. GBCHBY 374.21-375.7:pho brang gar b l t m pa dang gcig yab gmg yin pa dong gnyb I chab srid lo du bzung ba dang gsum I khab ru gang bzhes dang bzhi I sras du yod pa dong lnga I blon po gang gis byas pa dang drug las thabs ci byas pa dung bdun I s h rshe lo du thub pa dang brgynd I 'dm pa gang [du] 'das pa dung dgu I dgu sron pas no lteb [ = lrab] ma dgu brrsegs can ces bya '0. The information given that this systemltheory is concerned with the last phase o f the genealogy also, i.e. smod sil chad, contradicts of course the statement given by Nyang-ral that it obviously originated during the rule of king Ral-pa-can. Perhaps the original version of gDab-ma dgu-brtsegscan later circulated in Tibet with a supplement, bringing the dynastic narrative up-to-date? 1De'u Jo-sras maintains it was composed by the ruler himself ( j e nyid kyis bnsams pa) and in this light the reading in Nyang-ral should also be seen: rje nyid gsungs pa phyag rgya can, instead of correcting gsungs pa to the more obvious gsang ba which is tempting, cf. above ad text no. 1 and Karmay, op. cit. p. 220. ~t obviously (or later?) represented the overall Buddhist, official tradition of the origin of gNya'-khri btsan-po, cf. also below. In particular, this system/theory concerns itself with a number of etiological tales (rgyu mtshan) that describe the background for the demise of the successive kings, cf. GBCHBY 375.8-376.14. Moreover, we are bound to assume that the enumeration and listing of the pre-historic line of kings, incl. their division into groups, cf. the notes 370, 395, 398, 401, 404 infra, in the main follows the one propagated by this system. To what extent variant readings and listings of names allow us to ascribe such variants to other systemsltheories, the material at our disposal today does not render possible. In addition to this, both mKhas-pa 1De'u and 1De'u Jo-sras mention two more important texts, which plausibly contained similar material. These probably originated in the elleventh century and had the nature of historical treatises and may foremost be considered later supplements to the above more original (i.e. snga-dar) material: The Lo-rgyus ~ h e n - ~ o l r nalso o , ~called ~ Log-non chen-po written by dGebshes Khu-ston brTson-'grus g. yung-drung (101 1- 1075 A.D.) of 1Ha-sdings and [by] a certain rGya-lha-po. This deplorably lost work was well-known to Tibetan historians (as e.g. dPa'-bo) until the XVIth, possibly XVIIth century. Finally, The work gSang-ba Yang-chung: 'the Extraordinary Small [i.e. Supplementary?] Secret [gSang-ba, i.e. to gSang-ba chos-lugs?]', a text already known, like in the case of the previous, to dPa'-bo, cf. Panglung, 1988, p. 351. For a lengthy, mainly metrical quote from this source, by mKhas-pa 1De'u denoted a half exposition (phyed du 'jog[s] pa) while it (or mKhas-pa IDe'u?) only offers a listing of the tombs of the royal figures by quoting [only?] certain couplets of the [complete] stanzas in this work, cf. GBCHBY 225.9- 10, 376.15-380.11. It is a major source for an account of the succession and description of the tombs of the deceased Tibetan kings (gshin bang so btab pa 'i rabs; grongs nas bang so blab pa). Leaving this brief survey, we may also present in extenso the material offered by Nyang-ral where we similarly encounter data at greater length. It consists in his presention of different theories which he subsequently refutes, until 10 This work has nothing to do with the homonymous titled text found in the Sarra-section of WKB. The Lo-rgyus-chen-mo by Khu-ston was also titled Rin-then bang-m&od, cf. the Vth Dalai Lama, DTHZHG 78.13-14. Titles like Lo-rgyus chen-mo were apparently frequently found in the earlierphyi-dar period, so e . g . the earliest, now lost biographical material on AtiSa was entitled [lobo'i] b - r g y u s [then-rn], possibly originating in the mid-XIIth century, cf. Eimer, Berichre, p. 29192. 6. Finally, Nyang-ral cites (his favourite) theory (adopted by Bu-ston also) maintaining that gNya'-khri btsan-po should be the off-spring of king Udayana of Vatsa. What follows now in CHBYMTNYP (and CHBY), here being bound up with the present provenance-theory, is a description of this miraculous being as being endowed with features such as eyes closing from below and his fingers being connected by a web etc. (cf. for details, Haarh, ibid., pp. 179, 197-212). This description, however, most of the later Tibetan Buddhist historiographers agree, is part of the legend originating within the gSang-ba chos-lugs tradition. Where the historians disagree as said, concerns the question as to which Indian royal figure, as enumerated e.g. by Bu-ston, should be identified as the alleged Tibetan progenitor. For example, already here the traditions are conflated because the KCHKKHM versions quoted previously combine almost the same description of the wonderous infant with an off-spring of ~~t3nilca (dMag brgya-pa) known as Rupa skyes. Also there the tale winds up with this India-born progenitor's escape to Tibet and his descent upon the 1Ha-ri gYang-mtho and 1Ha-ri Rol [or Yoll-po etc. as delineated later in the present GLR-chapter.15 370 15 A remarkable consensus has long been maintained concerning the transmission of the pre-historic line of the Tibetan Yar-lung Dynasty. This assumption can be CHBYMTNYP 167b7-169a4: 'o nu gang ltar yin zhes no 0 rgyal po srong brsan rgam bu'i [ = sgam po'i] zhal nas I 'di ni rgya gar gyi bha [ = bad] sa la rgyal po [']char byed la I sras rgyal po shar pa 'o 0 de la sras gnyis byung ba 'i nu bo ' i rgyud la btsun mo dam pa la sras shig brsas re phu bo mig bya [rlmig lrar mas gyi[s] yar 'gebs 0 dpral ba 'i dbyes che nu [ = ba] I g.yu 'i smin ma yod pa ! sna ' i gzengs legs pa I so dung so 'khor ba yod pa lag pa ' i sor mo ngang pa Ira bu 'brel ba I gzi bj i d yod pa zhig zhig byung ngo I des yab rgyal po ' i snyan du gsol bas I de ltas ngan zhig 'dug pas gsod cig par gnang ngo O de la blon po rnams kyi[s] mtshon gyis 'debs par ma phod re zangs kha sbyar du bcug [nas] de nas shing sgrom byas re nor skal dang bcas pa chu bo gha gha [ = gang gd] bsklylur brang ngo 0 de grong khyer yangs pa can gyi chu kha nas zhing pas rnyed de I de nags khrod du gsos pas de mkhar gyi rgyal po yin pas I r i dvags rham~cad kyi[s] rrsed zla byas I gcan gzan rhams cad kyi[s] zas [blskyal I shing thams cad kyi[s] mgo bsdu [ = dud?] I by0 rhamr cad kyi[sl skad 'don no I der me tog thams cad kha ba ston [ = kha bsran?] I de la rgyal bu na re 'khor ngan pa j i lrar yin nga 'i pha su yin zer ba dang 0 khyed pha yis lras ngan du byas n u [glsod zer 0 blon po rnams kyi[s] ma gsad par chur bor ba yin pas de nged rnams kyi[s] rnyed pa'i gram rgyud bshad pas I yid ma dga ' nus gangs kyi phrag tu bros pas I byang phyogs rhams cad kyi ri r i gyang [ma] mtho'i khar byung 1 de nas blras pas kha ba can gyi rgyal kham kyi dbus yar mo sna bzhi I lha yar l [ h ] a sham po mthong nas I bsod nams 'od kyi d m skus la babs re I Iha r i yo1 ba'i [ = po'il khar byon no II de nas btsan thang sgo bzhir byon pas I deli dus su bod 'dir spre'u'i rgyud rnams bdud dang 0 gnod sbyin la sogs pa mnga' mdzad rim pa bdun gyi rho ma la I rgyal sii bu 'am bcu gnyis I rgyal phran mo ngan la sogs pas dbang byas nas I gcig zer la gcig mi nyan re I ma 'chams pas dmangs rnams rnnar n u brdungs [ = gdungs] pa la I 'gal lha 'i I smu [ = d m ] bon PO dang I co la bon po dang I zhang zhung bon po dang I tshe mi bon Po dong I zings pa bon po dang I ze ba bon po dang I shes pa mkhan bcu gnyis phyugs skyongs ba'i sar byon pa dang I de dog gi[s] mthar sgam gyis Wtye'u su yin byas pas I brsan po yin zer I gang n u longs dris pas I 'dzub mo gnam du bsgrengs I de'i rgya gar gyi skad pa ra pi ra ma go nas I ni g n m nas byon pa'i lha 0 mi j e ngo mtshar can zhig 'dug pas 'di khyim gyi mi rnams la ston no zer re I shing la khri byas mi 'i gnya' ba la khur nas grong khyer gyi mi m o m la bsran P a I 'di ni gnam las byon pa 'i brsan po ngo mtshar can zhig 'dug pas 0 '0 cog m o m kyi jo bo ~YO'O zer re I bon po mums no re I gnam [rlgung nos sa dog pa la gnyags pa 'i rgyal po sa t h m cad la dbang ba yin zer 0 ming yang gnya ' khri brsan po bya bar grogs so. Idi culled from the extensive concordance delivered by Haarh, where it has been amply documented that the entire lineage of the dynasty counted fourty-two kings from its mythical foundation by gNya'-khri btsan-po until the collapse in A.D. 842. As reliable contemporary data at our disposal only allow us to reckon Srongbtsan sgam-po as the first truly documented historical figure, all royal figures prior to him must necessarily be assigned to a pre-historic lineage. Moreover, as the historical line usually counts ten royal heads, this pre-historic stemma is thus considered to number thirty-two kings. Since the synoptic listing of twenty-two sources by Haarh, which offers a representation of the pre-historic line, it has been a commonly accepted dictum that the Tibetan [Buddhist] historiographical tradition evinces a fairly clear consensus both in terms of the sub-divisions and grouping of the kings as well as what concerns the names and number of kings adhering to each royal group. Since the publication of Haarh's survey, new sources, and in particular sources of considerable antiquity, i.e. all prior to the fourteenth century, have come to light. The present survey offers a schematic representation of a number of new prefourteenth century Tibetan historiographical sources published or traced within the last twenty years. As quite a number of Haarh's sources are relatively late, secondary and, moreover, fairly uniform, they only add little information to the possible existence of any earlier and thus more original representation of the line and groups. Here and in the following notes we shall not attempt to reconstruct a protoversion of the pre-historic line, nor shall any attempt be made to answer the intriguing question as to the origin of this segmentation of the lineage into separate bodies and their nomenclatura. Rather it adds a bulk of new data, or a corpw cornparationis for further research. What is to be adduced is that, despite occasional discrepancies in terms of the names and number of kings in some of these groups, the overall number counting thirty-two kings would seem to be confirmed. As already noted by Haarh, loc. cit. p. 72, the king 1Ha Tho-tho-ri gnyanshal, the first 'Buddhist" king in the pre-historic line and variously listed as the twenty-sixth to the twenty-eighth king, constitutes the turning-point between a preBuddhist strata of kings divided into more or less well defined groups and a remaining pre-historic Buddhist lineage of kings usually numbering four kings. The fact that this division into groups comprises almost exclusively the pre-Buddhist part of the lineage should arouse our suspicions (which Haarh also noted), namely that the entire construction and representation is an integral part of a later Buddhist mythographical tradition that attempted to reconstruct the origins of the Tibetan Dynasty. That the material has been substantially reworked by later Buddhist historiographers cannot surprise us. But we have cogent reason to assume, as Haarh also indicates, that behind this reworking and these schematic representations of the lineage, earlier pre-Buddhist structures may be assumed, though to what extent this postulate holds true still remains to be documented. In the following schemes it will be clear that KCHKKHM-1 and 2 occasionally are at variance, whereas GBCHBY and DCHBY also in this respect are closely cognate, the two lists in Nyang-ral differs and that BGR and Nel-pa's text are fairly congruous. l 6 Please note that the bold-written numbers in the first column at the very left refer to the number and corresponding royal names given in the prevailing lists in Haarh, 1969, p. 40 and the number in parentheses indicates the relative position of the names in the succession in the relevant text: The Seven Throne Kings of Space (gnam gyi khri bdun). When comparing the lists below against the lists given in Haarh, op.cir, p. 40, we observe that both GBCHBY and DCHBY are closely related to the Buddhist division found in particular in Haarh's division A. The royal figures, Nos. 1-3, moreover show full conformity throughout all sources. The problems and discrepancies emerge with figure 4 and henceforth. Noteworthy also are the apparent metathetical (?) Khri-begs (-pelpan) and Khri-ye[r] forms, where khn usually forms the second element and not the first. Could we here assume a scribal error similar to Khri-gum, which clearly is mistaken for Gri-gum, usually considered the first king in the next group? This inclusion, incidentally, characterizes the division called C in Haarh, but see also the next group (note 395): CHBYMTNYP (A) (169a6-b4) (1) gNya'-khri (3) MU-khri (2) Ding-khri (6) gNya'-khri-po (5) Ye-shes-khri (7) Khri-pan (4+8 sic) Sribs-khri CHBYMTNYP (B) (Tafel 362.1.1-3) 1. (1) gNya'-khri 2. (2) Mu-khri 3. (3) Ding-khri 4. (4) So-khri 5. (5) Khri-ye 6. (6) Khri-yer GBCHBY (243.18-244.5) (1) gNya'-khri (2) Mug-khri (3) Ding-khri (4) So-khri (5) 'Dar-khri (6) gDags-khri DCHBY (102.13-17) (1) gNya'-khri (2) Mug-khri (3) Deng-khri (4) So-khri (5) Dog-khri (6) gDags-khri 84.4-7, that the main part of the Prehistoric line (i.e. the seven Wlri kings, two sleng kings, the eight sde kings, the six legs kings and the five brsan kings) and how they made their individual appearance in Tibet are found as wallpaintings accompanied by text-portions in the chapel of dPal-chad in the north (one of king Srongbtsan sgam-PO'Salleged prostate srin-nw suppressing temples, cf. Appendix, note 770, subnote 16). 16 Of significant interest is the testimony in KCHKKHM-2 BGR (197a1-2) 1. (1) gNya9-khri 2. (3) MU-khri 3. (2) Deng-khri 4. (6) Khris-ye 5. (7) Khri-gum* 6. (5) gDags-khri 7. (4) Pri-khri 395 NGTMTPH (2b6-7) (1) gNya9-khri (3) MU-khri (2) Ding-khri (6) Khri-so (7) Khri-gum* (5) gDags-khri (4) Sribs-khri Continuing the lists given in note 370 supra: (x = deest): The two Superior-kings of the Upper Sphere (stod kyi steng gnyis): This small group numbers two figures, the two Upper or Superior kings originating inldescending from the Upper Sphere. It is interesting to see the supplementary nomenclatura prevailing, i.e. the Father and the Son of the Upper Sphere. Not unsurprisingly, in CHBYMTNYP, BGR and NGTMTPH, similar to Haarh's division C, Gri-gum is discounted from this group, and possibly occasioned by the btsan-po in Gri-gum btsan-po this figure is included among the brsan-po kings of the first group. The total absence in CHBYMTNYP of both Gri-gum and sPu1deI'O-lde, two highly important figures in the mythological tradition, is particularly noteworthy. This makes Nyang-ral's testimony unique in the transmission. Significant also is the fact that a number of texts characterizes this group as the two kings of the Upper Sphere, other texts denote them the two Upper kings of the Intermediate Sphere (bar gyi sreng), cf. Haarh, op. cir. 73-77. KCHKKHM-1 (668.2) 1. Gri-gum1Pha-stengs 2. sPu-lde1Bu-stengs KCHKKHM-2 CHBYMTNYP (88.18-19) Gri-gum1Pha-stengs x sPu-lde/Bu-stengs x 17 In CHBYMTNYP (B), but also BGR and NGTMTPH which throughout all the groups display a king number seven Khri-gum no doubt is Gri-gum remarkable consensus (cf. Uebach, p. 24ff.), btsan-po, who is usually considered the eighth king in the pre-historic line and one of the subsequent sTeng gnyis kings, cf. below. This probably accounts for the fact that both these texts only have one sTeng[s] king in the subsequent group. Cf. also abbreviated MBNTH 26a2ff. For the latter two lists, cf. also Uebach, 1987,pp. 55-57;Panglung, 1988,pp. 324-25and also Szerb, 1990, p. 4-5. GBCHBY (244.5-248.11) 1. Gri-gum 2. 'U-de gung-rgyal DCHBY (103.1-18) Gri-gum1Yab-stengs sPu-IdeISras-stengs BGR (97a2) x sPu-lde NGTMTPH (2'37) 1. x 2. '0-ste spu-rgyal 398 Further pre-GLR lists, aside from the extensive lists offered by Haarh, ref. cf. note 370 supra, of the six kings with the name-element 'Excellent' of the 'Intermediate Sphere': The Six Excellent-Kings of the Intermediate Sphere (bar gyi legs drug): CHBYMTNYP (A) (172a5-b3) (1) A-sho-legs (6) The-sho-legs (4) dGe-sho-legs (3) Go-ru-legs (5) 'Brang-rje-legs (2) I-sho-legs CHBYMTNYP (B) (362.1.5-361.2.1) 1. (1) Sho-legs 2. (2) De-sho-legs 3. (5) I-sho-mo-legs 4. (3) Phu-ru-legs 5. (4) 'Bring-shar-legs 6. (6) I-sho-legs GBCHBY (248.11-17) (1) Ni-sho-legs (2) De-sho-legs (5) The-sho-legs (3) Gor-bu-legs (4) 'Bro-bzhi-legs (6) I-sho-legs BGR (197a2-3) 1. (5) I-sho-legs 2. (3) Sho-legs 3. (1) Ngo-legs 4. (2) 'Og-rgyu-legs 5. (4) 'Bro-zhing-legs 6. (6) Ring-gnam zi- NGTMTPH (3a2-3) (5) I-sho-legs (2) Tho-legs (3) Sho-legs (4) mGo-ru-legs (5) 'Bro-sho-legs (6) Ri-gnam-zinl DCHBY (104.1-4) (1) Sho-legs (2) De-sho-legs (5) The-sho-legs (3) Gor-bu-legs (4) 'Bro-bzhi-legs (6) I-sho-legs legs/Zi- nam zi-legs* f 401 Zha-gnam zin-legs* The eight 1De Kings of the Terrestrial sphere (sa la sDe/lde brgyad): (x = deest) KCHKKHM-1 (668.5-6) CHBYMTNYP (A) (172b4- 173a2) (1) rGyal-nam-zin-te (3) 1De-'sprul gNam-zhung-btsan (7) 1De [rgyall-nam (2) gNam-spu'o gZhung-btsan-lde (!) (4) 1De-snol-nam (6) 1De-gsonam-nam (5) 1De-rgyal-po (8) 1De-khriISrid-btsan 1. x 2. (2) 1De-'od gzhung-btsan-lde 3. x 4. x CHBYMTNYP (B) (Tafel 361.2.1-3) 1. (1) bZa'-nam-zin-te GBCHBY (248.1 8-22) (1) Gyal-zan Namzin-lde (2) 1De-'Phrul-po Nam-gzhung-btsan (4) 1De-gnol-nam (6) bSe-lde gnolnam (3) 1De-gnol-po (7) 1De-rgyal-po X 18 DCHBY (104.5-14) (I) Gyal rNam zin-lde (2) 1De-'Khrul-po gNam-gzhung-btsan (4) bSe-molgnam-lde (5) bSe-mol-pognol-polde (3) 1De-mol-nam X (6) 1De-rgyal-po (7+8) rGyal-po sprin [dang?] btsan-lde * This figure belongs to the subsequent list according to other sources. But carrying the nameelement legs, it properly belongs to this group. See also next group. Cf. also abbreviated MBNTH 26bl-2; Uebacb, 1987, pp. 56-57 and Szerb, 1990, pp. 4-5. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. BGR ( 197a3) (1) 1De-mnam (!) zin-lde (2) 'Phrul-po gzhung-btsan (6) 1De-se-snol-lam (7) 1De-se-mol-po (4) 1Ho-snol-nam (5) 1De-snol-po (8) 1De-rgyal-po (3) rMan-bum NGTMTPH (3a3-4) (2) 1De-rmul-bu (!) (1) 1De-gnam 'Khrul-po gzhung-btsan (5) IDe-bis mol-gnam (7) 1De-se-mol-po (3) 1De-mol-nam (4) 1De-mol-lo (8) 1De-rgyal-po (6) 1De-rmu-la-gnam Cf. also abbreviated MBNTH 26b1-2. 404 The ThreelFive Mighty-Kings of the Underworld ('og gi btsan gsumllnga): The last group of the pre-Buddhist lineage of the pre-historic kings is also very unevenly transmitted. As already shown by Haarh, op. cit., pp. 74-76, alone the name of the group varies markedly. In some texts the group is called the btsankings of the Lower Sphere ('og, smad), in others of the Intermediate Sphere, or of the Sphere of Juncture? (tshigs). The number of kings adhering to this group differs also pronouncedly, counting from three to seven kings. As discussed by Haarh, the crucial figure in this list is King 1Ha Tho-tho-ri-gnyan-shal, who is included in the btsan-group and then always under the name 1Ha Tho-tho gnyanlsnyan-btsan. KCHKKHM-1 (668.6-669.2) 1. (1) rGyal-lde long-btsan 2. (2) Khri-de'i btsan-gnam 3. (3) Khri-sgra dpung-btsan 4. (4) Khri-thog-jethog-btsan 5. (5) 1Ha Tho-tho-risnyan-shal 161 19 KCHKKHM-2 (89.12-15) (1) [rGyd-po s~rin-bt~an]*/'~ Thog-re long-btsan (2) Khri-btsan-nam CHBYMTNYP (A) (173a3-6) (1) rGyal-thod relong-btsan (3) Khri-sgra spung-btsan (4) Thog-rjethog-btsan (3) Khri-sgra dpung btsan (4) Khri-thog-jethog-btsan (5) 1Ha Tho-tho-ri snyan-shal (6) Khri-gnyan gzung-btsan* X * This text counts six bTsan-kings of the intermediate sphere (bar ko btsan drug). CHBYMTNYP (B) (Tafel 361.2.3-4) 1. (1) To-re long btsan 2. (2) Khri-btsan mam-mal 3. (3) Khri-btsan rgyal-dpung-btsan 4. (4) Thog-j e thog-btsan 5. (5) Tho-tho gnyan-btsan [61. BGR (197a3-6) 1. (1) rGyal-tho losbtsan 2. (2) Khri-btsan-nam 3. (3) Khri-sgra yungs btsan 4. (4) Khri-thog-rjethog-btsan 5. (5) Tho-tho-risnyan-btsan GBCHBY (249.6-250.16) (1 +2) rGyalsPrin-btsan** O/ffiyal sto-re-lo-btsan (3) Khri-btsan-nam DCHBY (104.15-105.12) (I) Kiyal-to-to re-long-btsan (4) Khri-sgra sgrungs-btsan (5) Khri-thog-j e thog-btsan (6) 1Ha Tho-tho-ri btsan (7) Khri-gnyan gzung-btsan***21 (3) Khri-sgra bsgrungs-btsan (4) Khri-thog-j e thog-btsan (5) 1Ha Tho-tho-resnyan-btsan P" NGTMTPH (3a4-5) (1) rGyal-po-long btsan (2) Khri-btsan (3) Khri-sgra spungs-btsan (4) Khri-thog-j e thog-btsan (5) 1Ha mTho-tho-ri snyan-btsan The Group of Buddhist Kings of the Pre-historic Line: This last group of kings carries no name in the Tibetan transmission of the pre-historic kings. In order to complete the survey of the pre-historic line we herewith add a concordance of the remaining four kings. These four kings do not belong to any defined group. 20 21 ** This is in fact the last king of the eight IDe-kings, see above. *** This text, as the only one, counts seven bTsan-kings (tshigs la btsan bdun), among them also the son of IHa Tho-tho-ri snyan-shal. Cf. also Uebach, 1987, pp. 57-59; Szerb, 1990, pp. 5-6. KCHKKHM-1 (674.6-675.1) 1. (1) Khri-snyan bzung-btsan 2. (2) 'Bro-snyan lde-ru 3. (3) sTag-gu gzigs 4. (4) gNam-ri long-btsan CHBYMTNYP (B) (Tafel 361.2.4-5) 1. (1) x 3. (3) sTag-gu gnyan-gzigs 4. (4) gNam-ri long-btsan 1. 2. 3. 4. 409 22 BGR (197a6- 197b1) (1) Khri-gnyen bzung-btsan (2) 'Bro-gnyen lde-ru (3) sTag-ri gnyen-gzigs (4) gNam-ri srong-btsan KCHKKHM-2 (97.1-10) (1) Khri-gnyan bzung-btsan (2) x CHBYMTNYP (A) (176a3- 176b4) (1) Khri-gnyan gzung-btsan*22 (2) mNyes lde-gu (3) sTag-gu gnyan-gzigs (4) gNam-ri srong-btsan (3) sTag-ri gnyan-gzigs (4) gNam-ri srong-btsan GBCHBY (250.15-252.4) (1) Khri-gnyan gzung-btsan (2) 'Bro-snyan lde' u (3) sTag-gu gnyan-gzigs (4) gNam-ri srong-btsan DCHBY (107.1-108.4) (1) Khri-snya[n] zungs-btsan (2) 'Bro-gnyen lde-rulde'u (3) sTag-gu snyan-gzigs (4) gNam-ri srong-btsan NGTMTPH (3a.5) (1) Khri-gnyan gzung-btsan (2) 'Brong-gnyen srong-btsan (3) sTag-ri gnya'-gzigs (4) gNam-ri srong-btsan The testimony in KCHKKHM-2 (reproduced HBCHBY (JA) 9b7-10a5 with a discussion on the legend's authenticity, and the comparatively brief mention in the two works of mKhas-pa IDe'u and 1De'u Jo-sras) may suggest that the account of the Secret gNyan-po still was not well established in the middle of the XIlth century. It provides the fabulous story of the origin of the Secret gNyan-po, * This king actually belongs to the previous section. ultimately coming from India, where a Magadha king named Ja1Dz.a lived2' Once, while this king was reading a book of yore and about his forefathers, notably being inspired by one of his pre-existences, the Dharma-king ASoka, he wanted to erect a number of caifya-s. Long after, a rain of religious books (Xkgs bum gyi po t i ) fell from heaven which he then, together with other costly items, placed inside a precious basket (rin po c k 'i za ma fog). Once when this treasury was hanging atop a banner, it was - through the interference of ddko-s and ddkinl-s - blown and carried by the wind of jffdm,and eventually landed on the roof of the Tibetan king's (1Ha Tho-tho-rigs)palace. MBNTH does not mention anything about books falling on the roof but mentions that the Secret gNyan-po was delivered by hand, being here more in conformity with Nel-pa's version. The present legend with the divine ascend on the roof, Nel-pa Pandita designates as pure hear-say (Iq.yom rgyug) and as a later (rnythograhical) interpolation (IMbcug) contrived by the on-ps.24 Consensus prevails grosso rnodo that the following (four) sltric texts were found inside the basket: KSrandavyiiha, cf. Nishioka, 1980, no. 204 = P. 784, Regamey, 1971, cf. GLR chap.' VI supra. spang-skong phyag-[blrgya-pa, cf. Nishioka 1980, no. 384 = P. 933. . . . (sNying-po Y i-ge drug-ma), Hrdaya-Sadaksari - iometimes also: Chos d&ba bcu'i mdo, rTen-'brel bcu-gnyis kyi mdo, A Cinamani skos-phor or a drinking-bowl engraved with a EkadaSamukhacint2mmani-dhaani (cf. HBCHBY 9b6-7) and a golden (var. crystal, turquoise(laden or -coloured) one-cubit miniature caitya (with four parisan@-s) and a mudrd'i phyag-rgya (sic!), possibly a precious stone on which the Yig-drug was engraved; PMKTH: mu dra'i rten 'brel phyag rgya). 23 On this mythical king, a figure of Tibetan creation employed in a similar tale of bow a rain of books fell down on a roof, a plot which has been taken over and employed in this story here, cf. Kannay, 1983, p. 200 (n. 29), p. 206 (n. 59)). This mysterious king DzaIJa also occurs, as shown by Karmay, in a late dynastic text and this may perhaps be conducive to an approximate dating of the gNyan-po gsang-ba narrative. The normal version of the landing of the books on the roof, linking it up with the mythical king JaJDza is apparently first documented in the KCHKKHM version above and simultaneously this king also occurs in connection with the origin of the first tantra-s of the rDzogs-chen tradition as briefly retold in the Lo-rgyus chen-mo version of V K B E (A), Chap. 17 and 18; see also Blondeau, 1984, p. 76. Again we are faced with more questions than we can answer. The occurence of the gNyan-po gsang-ba legend being bound up with this legendary king, popular in the rDzogs-chen tradition, may suggest that this legend about the origin of Buddhism in Tibet either was formulated in the late dynastic period (although it is not found in Khri-srong Ide-btsan bKa'-grsigs and bKa'-mhid of ca. 780 A.D. delineating the origin of Buddhism in Tibet, h u ~see Richardson, 1977(b); and Stein, 1981, pp. 256-258) and then went unaltered through the hands of AtiSa, dNgos-grub and Nyang-ral, the Indian master and the grcrston-s independently responsible for the Vita-compilation of Srong-btsan sgam-po and its initial dissemination. Or are we to assume that the latter here introduced the element with this fabulous king in order to tinge their own rDzogs-chen tradition with the luster of authenticity and importance? 24 Cf. Uehach, 1987, pp. 3 1-32, 87 and Karmay, Treat-ury, 1972, pp. 75-76. Appendix Chapter M 445 The location sBra-stod-tshal is recorded, thus confirming its historicity, in the rdoring Treaty of 82 11822 A.D. in Lhasa, (East Inscription; cf. Richardson, 1985, pp. 116-117; Li & South Coblin, 1987, p. 99): pho brang 1Ha sa['i] sharphyogs sBrastod-tshal, thus locating it to the east of 1Ha-sa. Being moreover the region where the birth-place of the Dharmarsja in all likelihood is found, Yar-snon should perhaps be emended to Yar-ston, located, as is known, at the outer eastern confines of the dBus district, cf. e.g. the next note and note 506 inza, where rGya-ma, the more common or later name of the king's birth-place, according to some authorities, is found. This is corroborated by the reference in KCHKKHM-2 124.11: dBu-ru Brag-stod-tshal, reading this location as Brag-stod-tshal and situating it in dBu-ru, in the Central Horn, where Mal-drolgro rGya-ma is also located. The pho brang registered in the above rdo-ring inscription may then perhaps may be identified with the palace where the king was born. Cf. next note. 446 Since the main-temple of Khra-'bmg (located in the Yar-klungs Valley) usually is called bKra-shis Byams-snyoms or (also as a relgious community, bKra-shis Ihayul; cf. Ferrari, 1958, p. 50, 124, nn. 237-238) and KCHKKHM-2 calls Srongbtsan sgam-po's birth-place pho-brang Byams-snyoms mi-'gyur (cf. previous note and below), we have cogent albeit still inconclusive reasons to assume (in contrast to the statement in the previous note) a possible linking between the birth-place of this king and this ancient palace, also called Byams-pa mi-'gyur in numerous sources, a palace later renamed and identified with the Khra-'bmg temple (cf. e.g. HBCHBY (JA) 39a1-2 and note 836 inpa), but the question remains whether Byams-pa mi-'gyur and Byams-[snyoms] mi-'gyur are one and the same temple or not. 1De'u Jo-sras and mKhas-pa IDe'u, among others, register, cf. Appendix, note 770, a certain Byams-snyoms temple of 'U-m [g.Yu-ru or better dBu-ru?] erected during the reign of king Ral-pa-can. If this latter temple and the Byams-snyoms mi'gyur are identical, it would chronologically rule out the latter as the king's birthplace. A testimony in KCHKKHM-2 is important to this effect, since it is here adduced that Byams-pa Mi-'gyur-gling was erected by king gNam-ri srong-btsan after the king formerly had sojourned in the palace of Bug-pa-can (in the so-called 'holed' palace) located at Yar-lung Shar-stod. In view of the above, the latter place would hardly be the location of the palace of Byams-pa mi-'gyur. Returning again to the previous theory, GZBZNTH 1.2-3, a text of recent origin and with a modern introduction, maintains: yul rlon [ = sTon, i.e. Yarston?] zhes pa'i dBu-ru Mal-'gro rGya-ma pho brang Byams-pa ~i-'gyur-gling. Mal-[']gro/dm is an old district and location belonging to dBu-ru, the Central Horn, cf. e.g. GBCHBY op. cit. 257.15, which during a part of the dynastic period even had a yul dpon reigning there. Some later texts and authors thus adduce that Byams-pa Mi-'gyur-gling must be located in rGya-ma of the Ma]-grO district, so also according to f. ex. mKhas-btsun bzang-po in his A Nectar for the Ear, p. 189. This attempt to combine rGya-ma in Mal-gro and the above p a l m seems - in absence of any substantial written evidence - ultimately to be proven, but, as indicated in the previous note, since Yar-snon [ = ston?] sBra [= Brag?]stod-tshal, as one source maintains, is also located in dBu-N, and ffiya-ma also is known as ffiya-ma Yar-ston (cf. note 506 inpa), rGya-ma as the present-day name of the birth-place appears to be a solid guess. Until a more detailed testimony surfaces, the above incidence of homonymy still prevents us from concluding beyond doubt precisely where Srong-btsan sgam-po actually was born. To sum up: For the time being the most likely guess is, corroborated by local tradition, that the king was born in rGya-ma, where even a rGyal-po l h a - h n g is to be found housing an image of the king. Against this speaks the fact that Yar-klungs Khra'brug (alias Byams-palsnyoms mi-'gyur pho brang) in a number of sources is directly associated with the king's birth-place, further corroborated by the fact that Khra-'brug, in all likelihood, is the oldest temple in Tibet and that this temple was considered the personal tutelary, 'essence' or innermost (yang snying) temple of Srong-btsan sgam-po. A last hypothesis, attempting to make the two ends meet, may be that the Byams-pa mi-'gyur pho brang of 'Khra-'brug was so named after the homonymous pho brang of sBra-stod-tshal, where the king was born. 455 A later Buddhist tradition, such as the one conserved in the Vth Dalai Lama, TSLKHKCH 18b6, 19a3-6, has established a synoptic triad between three holy mountains in [the vicinity of 1Ha-sa] and three chief divinities: The 1Cags-kha-ri (= 1Cags-pho-ri) is the bla ri of Vajrawi and resembles a lion leaping forward into the sky (seng ge g m la mchong bafZScf. also note 765); Bong-balbulbo-ri is the bla ri of Maiijughosa and resembles a tigress entering a mouse-hole (stag mo byi khung la 'dzul); d~&-po-riis the bla n' of AvalokiteSvara and the Red Hill resembles a sleeping elephant stretched out (glangpo che bres la nyal ba). Cf. also mKhyen-brtse's guide (Ferrari, p. 41) and foremost KCHKKHM-2 (Appendix, note 726), where in a geomantic-divinatory description originating with princess Kong-jo, the tails of the lion and the tiger (ICags-kha-ri and dMar-po-ri, but acc. to the above it should be the Bong-ba-ri) are connected. Testifying to the antiquity of this topographical depiction and its symbolic import and confirming the reading of KCHKKHM-2 against TSLKHKCH is the reading in s ~ a - b ~ h e d . ~ ~ This geo- and topographical narrative conserved in BZH is in fact part of an alleged geomantic exposition made by the second Kong-jo, contrived by her as a vengeful response to being deprived of her rightful son as delineated ad the notes 1154ff. Also confirmed in MNKB E (Ca) 110a3. What we therefore here have, appear to be narrative segme"ts which originally describe the activities of two 25 This epithet or imagery, the lion leaping towards the sky, was apparently a much cherished name in ancient times, cf. e.g. Blondeau, 1985, pp. 119, 149. 26 Stein ed. 78.13- 14: lCags &a ri seng ge dkar mo gnam du 'phyons [ = mchongs] ba 'dra ba; 78.1516: dmar po ri stag byi Mung du 'dzul ba 'dra ba; 79.3-5: ri stag seng gnyis kyi njug ma bsnon ba yod pa de bcad nm 1 bar du ratna 'i mchod rten gyis mnan de ma bcad no btsun p 'phrui dong blon po rig pa can rgyun ma chadpar 'ong ba yin = CHBYMTNYP 465b2-466a3 (more detailed). distinct figures, the two Chinese consorts. Already quite early dMar-po-ri became known as Potala, an association linked up with king Srong-btsan sgam-po, being the embodiment of AvalokiteSvara. Hence also the king's residence at dMar-po-ri became a pendant to this divinity's residence on Mt. Potala in Southern India. For the personal residence raised by the king, cf. note 604. Appendix Chapter X 460 As said, GLR is far more detailed and at places first of all at variance with the corresponding narrative in this part of the Vita-cycle of the Dharmarija Srongbtsan sgam-po than the usual biographies, which all show a marked cognation, with KCHKKHM-2 and in particular CHBYMTNYP preserving the most complete renditions. Sources: MNKB E mDzad-pa'i la-rgyus, E (Ca): (Bod-yig brrsam-pa dung chos bsgyurba 'i mdzd-pa) 102a2-102b2; (Khrims bras-pa 'i mdzad-pa) 102b6-103b4; rGyaC po'i mdzad-pa nyi-shu rtsa gcig-pa, E (Cd): (Yi-ge dung chos bslubs shing ringnge- 'dzin la mnga '-brnyes par mdzad-pa) E 186a6-187b1; dGe-ba bcu 'i khrim bcas nas I bod chos-khrirns la bkod-par mdzad-pa) E 188a6-189al. KCHKKHM-1 Chap. VIII: 1Ha spyan-drangs-pa 'i le 'u, 680.5-694.5., cf. 68 1.4685.4. KCHKKHM-2 Chap. IX: sPrul-pa 'i dge-slong A-kar-ma-tis yi-dam gyi lha spyandrangs-pa'i le'u, 105.1-123.4, cf. 105.1-109.12. KCHKKHM-3 Chap. IX: Yi-ge blangs-pa 'i le 'u, 406.1-408.5; CHBYMTNYP 181b2-188al. Further sources touching quite briefly or detailed on the same theme: MBNTH 30a5-3 la5; GBCHBY 298.10- 15; DCHBY 1 17.10-15; NGTMTPH 5a56, 7b6-8al (Uebach, pp. 72-73, 88-89); CHBY 138a3-6 (Szerb, pp. 8-9 with further ref.); DTHMP 17b9, 18al-2; YWBCHBY 53.12-54.1; GBYTSH 100a4104a6; HBCHBY (JA) 15a5-19al; DTHMPSM 18bl-19a2. 487 R. A. Miller has repeatedly attempted, considered and reconsidered, to discuss this moot question, cf. 1963, 1976; 1983 with ref. and also lately Vogel, op. cir., pp. 27-28. Inaba and Miller attempt to construe this passage as refemng to one work and their reflections are certainly not without interest, but here at best superfluous, as there can be no doubt that Bla-ma dam-pa here lists a number of titles; so also understood by Tshe-dbang rdo-rje, 1990, pp. 15-16. It moreover seems likely that the versified expos6 offered here hails from the Thon-mi d o - r d z i ' i sgra-mdo (which Miller does not take for a title of a work, but construes as a clause meaning 'the language satra arranged by Thon-mi in succint form') or an extract thereof. We may even assume that these verses represent the axiomatic rules ( d o , sura) patterned upon or inspired from the succint kdrikd-s of the Pininian tradition. But accepting this work as genuine shall raise more questions than it answers. We can, with Inaba (Miller, 1976, pp. 94-95), speculate why Bla-ma dam-pa did not mention the two universally known treatises ascribed to Thon-mi, i.e. the Sumcupa and the rTags kyi 'jug-pa. An argument may be that Thon-mi actually never did write them! Quite reverse, another argument may well be, assuming here that they are genuine, that these two treatises simply were so well-known that any mention may have been considered superfluous. The question of genuinity is ultimately hinged upon the issue whether or not Thon-mi actually was a historical figure. A problem we cannot address here. It is conspicuous that the T h ~ n - ~ i d o - r d z i ' i sgra-mdo in form and language is far more archaic than these two well-known works. Inaba moreover demonstrates how difficult it is, from internal or external evidence, to attribute this text to the author responsible for these two extant treatises. It is perhaps an important observation to make that dPal-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 16b1, who usually follows or parallels GLR closely, only mentions Thon-mi d e r t s i ' i sgra-mdo and Sum-rtags among the eight treatises ascribed to him. This could support the assumption advanced by Miller that the list in GLR refers to one work only, but since dPa'-bo in his metrical esposition adds la sogs, it may as well be regarded as a contraction of the list. dPal-bo is otherwise silent or refrains from commenting the most interesting passages on the archaic exposition retained by Bla-ma and instead offers a more contemporary survey of Tibetan language. Finally, we recall that the list of putative works given here include one titled Ka-smad sum-cur bsgyur. Now, a faint reference to this treatise may well be found in another highly reliable work, 1De'u Jo-sras' DCHBY, where the author, in an utmost brief description of the activities of Thon-mi, writes, op. cit. 117.1112: rgya'i mkhas pa Li byin la bod phrug Thon mi 'Bring to mi A nus yi ge bslabs nus I ka smad sum cur sgrigs. Of course, the sentence can be construed otherwise, but may as well proffer a reference to the compilation of this lost work. Tshe-brtan zhabs-drug, 1980, pp. 28-32, citing sDe-srid Sangs-rgyas rgyamtsho's g.Ya'-sel, suggests that the number eight, taking here for granted that he actually did write eight treatises, allegedly by Thon-mi was intended to parallel the number eight in the Indian grammatical tradition, where it should reflect the eight renowned grammatical tradition of India: Indra-vyHkarqa, ~ ~ k 2 p ~ a n a - v ~ ~ q Piinini-vyaarana, Samantabhadra-vydarana, etc. Further, he adduces that a ce&n ~ a r - ' ~ r o ~Rin-chen -~a tog i d Zha-lu Lo-tsH-ba (also called Dharmapdabhadra (1441-1526 A.D.) in commentaries to Thon-mi's Sum-CU-P~ and rTags-kyi 'jug-pa maintained that the Tibetan script-inventor was responsible for the composition of a work entitled sNgags kyi bklags-thabs Mun-pa'i Wonme or just Mun-pa'i sgron-me, which should be a handbook in reading Sanskrit. 495 The first stanza's four nine-syllabic lines are couched by using the a-vowel exclusively throughout. Each of the following four seven-syllabic lines are written using each of the other vowels, i.e. e, i , o and u respectively and the last three equally seven-syllabic lines are of a mixed character, identifying the object of worship Srong-btsan sgam-po. Albeit written or composed in a diction which is far from archaic to say the least, its possible historicity is, in my eyes, not undermind by the information that it was initially engraved on a rock at the temple of Dzenkhog sna[ng]-rdo as the embedded gloss informs us. In that case, we may assume that the present ode has been subjected to some form of literal reworking and sophistication, bringing the language more in conformity with classical Tibetan poetical diction. This script-specimen or first offering was allegedly composed by Thon-mi as a phonetic or linguistic ornament (sgra rgyan) intent on fixing the vowels (dbyangs yig nges pa) composed upon seeing the countenance of the king (rgyal por gzigs phud phul ba'i yi ge). The importance of this unique and [ancient?] piece of poetry, putatively the first piece of writing in Tibetan language, warrants its full rendering here: a a a a I zhal ras gsal !a ngang mdangs gang ba bzang I I gdums ngag zab la ma chad tha dod dung I 0 las ngan bag chugs thams cad bsal rndzad pa I I 'phags pa ma pham yang dag dam pa la I e i o u I B B B bde gshegs bden nges ye shes te I ting 'dzin zhi nyid rig cing gzigs I nyon mongs tshogs bcom mgon po mchog I dug gswn bdud 'dul kun tu thul I B spyan ras gzigs dbang thugs kyi sras I O srong btsan sgam por mtshan gsol ba 'i I 1 chos rgyal khyed la phyag 'tshal lo I It is also repeated in HBCHBY (JA) 16b6-17al and fragmentarily, LDGR 31.1 Iff. (Francke tr., p. 83) = Kah-thog's MYDTH 176.3-6; BSGRSPH 177.4, etc. Cf. also mKhas-btsun bzang-poi A Nectarfor the Eor, pp. 194-95; Dung-dkar, 1987, p. 6; Tshe-dbang rdo-je, 1990, p. 14. Its importance was first brought to our attention by L. Petech through the witness in La-dvags rgyal-rabs way back in 1939 in his A Study on the Chronicles of M .However, see note 496 for another written testimony. 500 KCHKKHM-2 266.3-15 and 320.1 1-321.8 offers an interesting list of ministers allegedly active during king Srong-btsan sgam-po: nang-blon and chos-blon sNachen-po (cf. note 502); Lo-tstd-ba chen po Thon-mi Sam bho-ta (cf. note 515); 'Gar sTong-btsan yul-bzung (cf. note 516); Chos-blon Nyang d~al-sdeZhang[snang]; Chos-blon Mong-khri [rljo-ri gnang-btsan (cf. note 510); Chos-blon Khyung-po Yul-bzung-rtse (cf. note 508); Chos-blon Cog-ro Dar-rgyal mang-po je-srong[-nam] (cf. note 504); Chos-blon Cog-ro brGyan (cf. note 504); mChims Mang-rje mang-lod (it is said that he was khas blon (=[m]khodls blon, cf. note 519) of China in the east); dMyags/gNyags dPal Be'uIBe-ku @]cog (stated to be khas blon of Mon rGya-gar in the south); Chos-blon BodI'Od-lcang gzhungslgzhugs-ring[s]; Chos-blon Cog-ro brGyan g.Ya'-gong-bza' (cf. note 504); Chos-blon mChims Mang-rje mang-lod (sic, twice); Chos-blon 'Bri bSe-ru gungston (cf. note 5 17); Chos-blon dMyagsIgNyags Khre'uIKhri'u-bzanglbza' yang-ston (cf. note 518); Chos-blon sBas btsan-bzang dpal-legs (cf. note 507); Chos-blon gNubs gNya' sTong-re gtsug-snon and Chos-blon Lam-sde Khri-bzang lod-btsan (cf. note 509, stated to have been appointed khas blon of Drug-gu spar in the north). For another (and more historical, no doubt) classification of the legislation and the king's law-codification (which actually took place a few years after the king had passed away, i.e. 654-56 A.D.), cf. the extremely important exposition proffered by mKhas-pa 1De'u GBCHBY 263ff.; DCHBY 113.8ff. (citing e.g. the nebulous Bod kyi Thang-yig chen-po) and HBCHBY (JA) 21a5ff., repeated in Chab-spel (ed.), 1989, pp. 39ff. Appendix Chapter X I 533 The legend is found congruously contained and transmitted in all the major writings which usually constitute the basic or parallel sources for Bla-ma dam-pa: Sources: MNKB E (Ca) rNarn-thar rndurd-pa: SKU-gsung-thugskyi nen byon-pa 'i mdzadpa, 103b4-110a3 (detailed); E (Cd) (1Ha 7hugs-je chen-po rang-byung spyandrangs-pa 'i le 'u, 189al- 191b6 (abbr.); SKUrang-byung g s m gyis yigs-pa 'i sdugbsngal las thar-par rndzad-pa 'i le 'u, 191b6-193a.2 (abbr.); KCHKKHM-1 Chap. VIII: 1Ha spyan drangs-pa 'i le 'u, 680.5-694.5; esp. 685.4694.5; KCHKKHM-2 Chap. IX: Yi-dam gyi Iha spyan drangs-pa 'i le 'u, 105.1-123.4, esp. 109.11-123.4; KCHKKHM-3 Chap. VIII: Tsan-dun gyi sku rang-byung spyan-drangs-pa 'i le 'u, 399.1-406.1 ; CHBYMTNYP 188al-208b3; MBNTH 31b5-41bl; Further sources: HBCHBY (JA) 23b2-25b 1; DTHZHG 23.6-22; The above versions are, as said, markedly congruous, with KCHKKHM-2 and CHBYMTNYP being slightly more detailed. The s m n d legend, somehow intermingled with the former as the bhiksu Akaramatifla is also here the progenitor, unfolds the story about the Autogenous Brother (or Noble) Idols' ('Phagspa (or Jo bo) rnched bzhi), originally being rays of light issued from the self-originated M a h W n i k a AvalokiteSvara, wherefore they are also called the Five brothers (mched lngaj of Thugs-rje chenpo. Various versions of this cherished origin myth are known from Tibetan history and literature, counting from three to five idols. Its popularity can partly be ascribed to the fact that some of these idols symbolize different forms of AvalokiteSvara, the national tutelary protector of Tibet and as some of these four idols described here are known to exist to this very day. Aside from Nyang-ral's CHBYMTNYP 208b3-211b3, the legend is also retained in dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 24b4-25bl. Further brief references: rNamthar rgyas-pa (paraphrased Eimer), pp. 301-2; Kun-dga' rgyal-mtshan's bKa'gdams chos-'byung, 20a2-3; DTHZHG 23.19-22; TSLKHKCH 19b2-5; Tsongkha-pa rNarn-thar, 12a-13a (R. Kaschewsky, pp. 175-177); Bla-ma bTsan-po (in the Nepal section of 'Dzam-gling rgyas-bshad, see Wylie, 1970) fol. 4a, and p. 14 note 20. Cf. also Khri-drung Blo-bzang thub-bstan, 1988, pp. 102-106. o our Appendix Chapter XI1 557 The sources, moreover, are found in all the texts already encountered in the previous chapters; Sources: MNKB E (Ca): rGyal-po gnyis zhal mjal-pa 'i mdzad-pa, 109b4-117a6and Bal-PObzd ' Khri-btsun dmar-po-ri bzhengs-pa 'i mdzad-pa, 1 17a6-1 18a6; E (Cd) /Ha-mo Khro-gnyer-ma 'i sprul-pa lha-gcig Khri-btsun khub tu bzhes-pa 'i mdzad-pa, 193b3196a6 (abbr.); KCHKKHM-1 Chap. IX: /Ha-gcig Khri-btsun spyan drangs-pa, 694.5-7 17.3; KCHKKHM-2 Chap. X: 1Ha-cig Khri-btsun spyan drangs-pa, 124.1-146.18; KCHKKHM-3 Chap. X: IHa-cig Khri-btsun spyan drangs-pa'i le'u, 408.6-423.3; CHBYMTNYP 2 11b4-224a 1; Post-GLR: HBCHBY 25b3-28a4; DTHZHG 24.8-29.14; GZBZNTH 4.1912.20; Interestingly enough, KCHKKHM-3 423.2-3 maintains that the entire scene gleaned from the present chapter is to be found drawn/painted/written on the walls of a Klu-khang located to the west of 1Ha-sa [here = Ra-sa 'phrul-snang] (tshul de lta bu ni lha sa'i nub phyogs klu khang gi logs nu bris nas bdog par der gzigs. dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 28a4, maintains that only the erection of (the Brag-lha bkra-shis; cf. note 604, but see also note 886 infra) or the palace of dMar-po-ri) was drawn as frescoes on the western wall of the klu-khang inside Ra-sa ['Phrulsnang] (pho brang rtsigs tshul 'di ra sa'i klu khang gyi nub logs la bris nus yod). The most detailed versions are found in KCHKKHM-2, CHBYMTNYP and GLR, where our text in many respects displays some independent traits, which most probably suggest that one prime source or proto-version of this Vita-cyclus is still lacking. The question whether the Nepalese princess did exist and a marriage between the Tibetan and Nepalese royal houses did take place is still a conundrum. It may well be that the whole edifice - aside from the mythographical narrative presented here - was a sort of apologetical concoction contrived later to generate a symmetrical triad centered around Tibet, cf. the Introduction. For a translation of rGya-bza' Bal-'bza', cf. also C.B. Josayma, 1991, LTWA, Dharamsala. 560 The option for Narendradeva is possibly supported by MNKB. The testimony in Nyang-ral, on the other hand, that he was the son of ~ u n KZmahZ a HoSa khri-pa would point in the direction of the nebulous puppet-king GunakZmadeva 1, enthroned by Amiuvarman, cf. Petech, 1961, pp. 230-31 (reprint selected Papers, 1988, pp. 155-159) and also Vitali, 1990, p. 72. GLR, on the other hand, introduces a king named De-ba-lha which may reflect Devaladeva (no date), a king, as noted by Petech, surprisingly enough found recorded in that very same period as mentioned in the XIVth century chronicle Gopdla-vamSdvalr. Unfortunately, the Tibetans are silent on their sources for the origin these names. In sum, this muddle has led to the assumption that her historicity remains shaky and should be viewed with a fair measure of scepticism. The massive Nepalese or Newari influence in Tibet in this period, ca. 630-640 A.D. perhaps even earlier, evidenced foremost in the architecture and artistic craftmanship of Rasa 'Phrul-snang (cf. Chap. XIV-XV), the temple of the Nepalese consort, is on the other side outside the compass of dispute. It moreover offers the best indirect arguments for her historicity. Turning to the name of the princess, the Tibetan texts here unanimously render her name as Khri-btsun, the 'Throne-queen', with the personal name Bhrkuti or Khro-gnyer-can-ma, a name of a well-known gestalt of Tbii. Where the histori'cally well-founded Chinese princess Kong-jo most probably was not intended for Srong-btsan sgam-po but for his son (cf. note 562), it may have been another matter with the Nepalese ditto. The name of the city proffers no problem. Here the testimony in KCHKKHM-2+3 is particularly interesting, as the two names Yambu and names Yahgala from the XIth century in fact constitute the most ubiquitous employed in Nepal for Kathmandu. Since long these names have been considered synonymous with reference to Kathmandu, but originally they referred to two distinct urban settlements: Koligriima or Yambu and Daksinakoligrftma or Yahgala. For a parallel discussion on Khri-btsun, h& father and the possible marriage, cf. Tucci, 1962; Regmi, 1969, p. 186; Slusser, 1982, pp. 32-33; Joshi, 1985, pp. 4259; Vitali, 1990, pp. 71-72. of 596 The conduct suitable for a Nepalese princess, the prospective queen, is detailed as follows, i.e. MNKB E (Ca) 115b2-116a2: I khyod kyi bsam rgyud spyod pa 'di ltar mdzod I D lta ba nam mkha ' bar kyang yangs par mdzod I I spyod pa dal 'byor bar kyang h l bar mdzod I 1 gzengs ni rgyal bas kyang mtho bar mdzod I I 'dzurn mdangs padma bar kyang mdzes par mdzod I B lur tshags dar rndud par kyang dam par mdzod I 1 rgyud ni rgya dar bas kyang Ijom par mdzod I 1 gle [= bla] 'o dar dkar bar kyang gsal bar mdzod I O tshags ni sman rkyal bar kyang bzang bar mdzod I 1 sog brun bung ba bas kyang &as par rndzod I 1 gnyen sems gar sbyin lta bur zin par mdzod I 1 shong yangs rgya mtsho 'i gring bar zab par mdzod I I theg pa sa gzhi bar kyang che bar mdzod I I la gor bar snang glog bzhin 'Wlyug par mdzod I 1 lag spyad padma bar kyang grsang bar mdzod I I grogs la bran mo bzhin du gus par mdzod I I dman pa mums la bu bzhin b y m par mdzod I I bzang po rnarns ni jo bo bzhin du 'khur I I sems can nuunr la ma bzhin brtse bar gyis I I dge ba nuuns la rlung bzhin brtson par bya I I sdig ba rnams ni dug bzhin spang bar bya I 0 dad pa dam pa'i chos la che bar mdzod I 0 gle [ = bla] 'o shi ba 'i kha bzhin nyung bar mdzod I D kha zas sman dang 'dra bar tshod tin mdzod I P rtsi sman sog ltar gzhan la phan par mdzod I 0 nyi zla bzhin du gsal la dangs par mdzod I I de ltar spyod lam chos lugs dge bar 'gyur I Appendix Chapter XIII 608 The sources, prime as well as parallel, are the same as in the previous parts of the biographical narrative, viz. : Sources: MNKB E (Ca) rGya-mo Kong-jo Bod du spyan drangs-pa dung I blon-pos 'phrul 'g;an-pa 'i mdzad-pa, 118a6-132a3; E (Cd) 1Ha-gcig Kong-jo spyan-drangs nus khab tu bzhes-pa 'i mdzad-pa 'i le 'u, 196a6-197bl (abbr.); KCHKKHM-1 Chap. X: rGya-mo Ong-chung spyan drangs-pa 'i le 'u, 7 17.3752.4; KCHKKHM-2 Chap. XI: Bod-blon mGar rig-pa-can gyis gtso byas-pa'i bod kyi gnye-bo brgyas lha-cig Ong-chong spyan drangs-pa 'i le 'u, 147.1-210.18; KCHKKHM-3 Chap. XI: IHa-cig Kong-co gdan drangs-pa 'i le 'u, 423.3-435.4; Chap. XII: Sa-spyad [= d p y d kyi le'u, 435.4-442.6; CHBYMTNYP 224a1-250b4; MBNTH 49b-55a5. Further sources: HBCHBY 28a4-33bl; DTHZHG 29.15-39.13; GZBZNTH 13.1-47.13; Tibetan Reader No. V, mThong-thos dga'-smon, Darjeeling, 1937, Chap. 3, pp. 23-44 (reproducing part of GLR Chap. 13). Cf. also Jacques Bacot's translation of this chapter from Ma-ni bka'-'bum, in Mklanges chinois el bouddhiques, 111, pp. 1-60. The narrativk is also found in the numerous reworked versions of the Vita that mostly are based upon MNKB. Cf. also most recently the translation of rGya- 'bza ' Bal-bza ' by C.B. ~osa~r;la, 1991, LTWA, Dharamsala. As already seen in the previous sections of the huge Vita-narrative, the present section on the invitation and marriage of the Chinese princess is fairly uniformly transmitted in the various renditions, where GLR, KCHKKHM-2 and CHBYMTNYP display a most remarkable textual conformity, with the latter two texts being the most detailed, but where GLR, again, evinces a few independent traits. 626 The present Brautwerbung story, as said displaying a number of narrative motifelements known from other narrative traditions as typologically demonstrated by Heissig, is in its original Tibetan version denoted a contest in the skill of wits (rig pa rtsal 'gran pa; cf. e.g. KCHKKHM-2, 169.9-10). The description in the various versions is fairly congruous, albeit some are far more detailed than others, so GLR (almost verbatim followed by GZBZNTH), KCHKKHM-2 and (partly) CHBYMTNYP exhibit predictably a marked thematic and verbal correspondence, whereas MNKB (in the present MNKB-version at our disposal, at least) and ~c~KKHl6l-l displays a very conhensed variant of this story of the bridal contest. Sources: MNKB E (Ca) 119a4-120b5; KCHKKHM-1719.1-725.2; KCHKKHM-2 161-7170.13; KCHKKHM-3 424.4-428.2; CHBYMTNYP 229a1-233b1; MBNTH 5 1a3-56b6; Post-GLR: HBCHBY (JA) 28b4-29a3; GZBZNTH 18.11-27.20;Brief references: DTHZHG 32.15-33.23; A brief concordance of the individual tests*: Sigla: 1. The turquoise-test. 2. The mutton-skin-test. 3. The beer-drinking-test. 4. The mare-colt-test. 5. The hen-chicken-test. 6. The wood-test. 7. The nocturnal pathfinder-test. 8. The bride-identification-test. TEST MNKB KCHKKHM-1+3 KCHKKHM-2 CHBYMTNYP GZBZN'IH *Note that the bold number in the left margin indicates the succession of the tests as presented in GLR (and as such not necessarily displaying neither the possible original succession nor the actual number of tests!) and the number under each text indicates the relative succession of the tests in the relevant text. Numbers written f.ex. 213 indicate that the test in the text in question is presented as a mixture of test 2 and 3. MBNTH, not listed above, for instance has the sequence 213, 1, 6, 7, 8, thus following KCHKKHM-1+3. 664 For instance to quote in extenso MNKB: 0 0 0 0 0 0 U 0 U 0 de ltar kha ba can gi mi mums bsdus ba 'i phyir I khyod kyi sems dang spyod lam 'di ltar mdzod I lta ba mtho zhing spyod pa zhi bar mdzod I theg stobs che zhing khong yangs che bar mdzod I snga dro lungs pa snga la dgongs mo nyal 'phyi mdzod I bka' blo bde zhing mdzes legs yam par mdzod I lus tshags dam zhing lus sgo bsrungs bar mdzod I la gor che thing lag spyad gtsang bar mdzod I sog brun mkhas shing tshags kyang bzang bar mdzod I gzengs ni mtho zhing 'dzum dang ldan par mdzod I I brtse sems che zhing 'khor la byarns par rndzod I 0 mchor sems ma m d d khyo ga'i dad ma che I I khyo la gus shing bu la rtsi bar gyis I 0 chang dad chung zhing khyim mdzes grong ma rgyu I I mtho la zhabs tog drna' la b y m pa mdzod I D thad kar mthun bya rgan la zhe sa bya I I kun la byams shing bden par smra bar bya I 0 'gro la snying rje sgom zhing ngan long sbyin pas bskyang I 0 slong la sbyin bya ngan byed lan mi bya I 0 bu tsha yig tshang bslab cing dge ba dug la sbyar I 0 dkon mchog dbu dbangs bstod cing dad dang gus pa bskyed I 0 chos 'khor gtsug lag btsugs shing sa mdor dge gnus tshugs I 0 sangs rgyas sku gzugs bzhengs shing dam chos gzhung yang bris I B rhos bsam sgom pa bya zhing dam chos nang du spyad I 0 dge 'dun bsnyen bkur bya zhing s h m pa gtsang mar bsrungs I 0 dam chos dus dran byas la di ring nyid nus 'bad I 0 chos la long yod mi bsam tshe 'dir chugs mi bya I 0 skyabs chen lha ru bzung la dkon mchog skyabs 'gro bya I B lar su rgyu 'bras b s m la sdig spong dge la 'bad I O 'khor ba'i nyes dmigs bsams la nges 'byung blo bnan bya I B 'khor ba'i nyon mongs spang zhing de yi gnyen po bnen I B byams dang snying rje bsams la byang chub sems kyang bskyed I I byang chub spyod pa spyad cing theg chen lam dgod bye I 0 de ltar bym na bkra shis bde legs 'gyur I 717 The deviation from the version embedded in GLR compels us to render it here, following in this case KCHKKHM-2: 1 kye ma btsun mo khri btsun nyon I 1 de ltar yin no khyod bden no I 0 khyod ni che rgyu[d] btsun rgyu[dJde I 0 khyod la gnyan par ngas blra yis I 0 khyod kyis gnyan par shes par gyis I 0 sprul pa 'i rgyal mo mi mo dman I 0 byang chub sems dpa 'i rd dzi re I O khyod la gus par ngas Mud kyis I 0 nyen bral gang gi rigs la yod I 0 nad kyis ma gzir su zhig yod I O 'phongs pa gang gis mthong ma gyur I 1 'byor ba rrag pa su zhig yod I 1 sa steng nor myed su mi grags I I bgegs dang bral ba su zhig yin I 1 rtag ru rgyal sa su yis tin I 0 su zhig khyim thab gyis ma smad I 1 nag ru rgyal po'i yid du 'ong I I gshin j e 'i yul du gang ma gyur I B skyes nas 'byung du ma gyur pa I I skyes bu 'bad bsam mthar phyin su I I chen chun 'gran pa su zhig yod I U khyod ni che rgyu btsun rgyu de I I khyod la gnyan par ngas blta yin I O khyod kyis chen mar shes par bgyis I U 'gran pa 'i 'gran sems med mod kyang I U khyod kyis 'gran no zhes smrar pas I B them ba snga rgal chen ma khyod I 0 che rgyu[dJ btsun rgyu[dJ khyod yin pas I 0 nor rdzongs lag ris khyod che bas I O zhabs tog nga rgyal khyod che bas I 0 zhe sdang phrag dog khyod che bar I O lha khang rgya mtsho 'i steng du bzhengs I 0 nga ni khad snyam [ = mnyam] sa la bzhengs I 0 chen mas dka' shos byed pas na I 0 khyod la de skad bskul bar bya I 0 'gran pa 'i 'gran do de mums la I 0 rang la rang phan byed pa la I 0 'gran rgyu de las ngas ma mthong I to identify and specify a number of these puzzling geomantic and topographical configurations. Or, equally plausible, Bla-ma dam-pa's interesting identifications may simply reflect the use of a hitherto unknown (currently non-extant) version of the Vita-cycle which did contain these linkings. MNKB (in the somewhat abbreviated version employed here, at least), KCHKKHM-1 and KCHKKHM-3 all contain brief variants of the Vita-cycle, where the latter version nevertheless occasionally demonstrates a striking correspondance with the version embodied in Nyang-ral's CHBYMTNYP. 726 Of equal interest is the testimony in PMKTH (Chap. 62: 376.1-383.18; cf. Appendix, note 790) associating this (or a similar) metonym with a description of bSam-yas (tendered by Padmasambhava) during the purificatory rites of this vihdra at the time of the reign of king Khri-srong Ide'u-btsan. It remains to be settled what the connection is between the use of this metonym in relation to the descriptions of the two most famed temples of Tibet during the dynastic period: The Jo-khang and the bSam-yas. But since this metonym is not to be found in the oldest Padma-Vitas such as KTHZGM, one would suspect that 0-rgyan gling-pa is responsible for introducing it in PMKTH, possibly being inspired by the present Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang story. For this metonym more generally, cf. note 34 supra, and foremost the discussion and synopsis in Aris, 1979, pp. 8-33; Gyatso, 1987; A. W. Macdonald, 1984, pp. 132-134. It was first briefly detailed by Hummel in a number of papers, 1962-64. This depiction of a prostrate figure finds an analogy in the Kathmandu Valley where a statue of a sleeping Visnu is found named klu gun rkyal, cf. A.W. Macdonald, 1983, p. 245. Not only k'a-sa 'Phrul-snang but, as said, also bSam-yas was subjected to a geomantic-divinatory investigation (SO dpyad, sa btsal, sa bnags) conducted by Padmasambhava (usually ~iintaraksitais mentioned, cf. e.g. CHBY 141a4-5) prior to its erection, cf. BZH (Chin. ed. 37.538.6); PMKTH (Chap. 56, 346.1-347.16). This topographical pattern is cherished in later literature. For a similar geo- or topographical exposition (sa bkra, ri bkra) in casu of the district of Myang-stod, cf. Myang chos-'byung (Chin. ed., 1983, 4.18-7.19, 12.13-13.12, 78.23-80.6). The mythological and symbolic import of this popular geomantic metonym makes it worthwhile to render here in extenso (taken from KCHKKHM-2) the most relevant portions culled from this namative. It shall supply us with the background of this system as it is found delineated in the most detailed version. It will be clear from the main narrative that Kong-jo in fact committed three - with mutually overlapping components - successive geomantic-divinatory prognostications (the two first alone, the last together with the king): the first (A), as seen below, was more of a general nature slowly encircling Tibet in its description, the second (B) was of a more specific nature, made upon the order or request of Khnbtsun and focussing mainly upon the lacustrine site of '0-thang and the Ma-* area, while the last (C), being even more specific and detailed (sa dpyad zhib mar mdzad pa, KCHKKHM-2 233.17), focusses upon the actual Ru-gnon, m ~ h a ' - ' ~ ~ l and Yang-'dul-temple schemes (cf. note 770 infra). The most detailed verions are found embedded in KCHKKHM-2 (A) 200.17-203.15, (B) 212.8-215.11 and (C) 233.14-235.15 (and at places almost similarly worded, yet slightly differently detailed - in fact at times also confounding narrative sections - in MNKB (A) E (Ca) 129b4-130b2, (Cd) 197a2-bl; (B) E (Ca) 132b2-134a1, E (Cd) 19ibl-199al; (0 E (Ca) 137a2-5, E (Cd) 19911-2Wa4 (based upon which Aris, 1979, pp. 12-15 made a very useful albeit brief paraphrase) and by Nyang-ral in his CHBYMTNYP (A) 247a2-248a1, (B) 25 1b1-253a.3, and (C) 260a5-263a2) the latter two sources at places being highly congruous). Further reminiscences are found in MBNTH 55a5ff; GBCHBY 277.3ff.; HBCHBY 32b4ff.: KCHKKHM-2 A: ...spor thang khra m bting ste gtsug lag gi rtsis mdtad pa 'i tshe 1 sa dpyad rin chen spungs pa mdzad nus I spyir lho 'dtambu gling 'di'i so 'dug lugs kyi dbang du byas na I rgya gar rdo j e gdun gyi byang phyogs na ri'i rgyal po 'bigs byed kyi shar nub tu bcad pa nu I glang po che sa srungs kyi rgyal khams me tog gi gling 'dra ba yod I de'i byang ngos na ri'i rgyal po gangs can zhes bya ba I kha ba can gyi ri she1 dkar gyi mchod rten 'dra bas shar nub tu bcad pa 'i byang phyogs na I bod kha ba can gyi rgyal khams srin mo gun rkyal du sgyel ba 'dra ba yod 1 de'i tsho'i lho phyogs na seng deng tsan dun gyi ris shar nub tu bcad pa'i kho ngos na I rgya gar gyi rgyal khams gling dgu nor bu rin po che'i gling 'dra ba yod I de'i lho phyogs dze ta'i chu bo chen po rndzes ldan gyi shar nub tu bcad pa'i lho ngos nu srin po'i rgyal &hums mtsho la me tog padrna kha phye ba skyes pa 'dra ba yod I bod kha ba can gyi shar na rgya nag gi yul khams yod I nub na sum pa dung I bal yul I zhang zhung gi yul khams yod I byang no li dang B hor dung I me nyag gi yul khams yod I bod kha ba can gyi dbus dbu ru shod kyi mthil nu srin mo'i snying kha na 'o[n]thang gi mtsho yod pas 'di srin mo'i snying khrag yin par shes I rgyal po'i pho brang srin mo'i snying khar shes I ri bogs chad gsum 'dug pa 'di snying ka'i nu ma srin mo'i srog rtsar shes I phyogs bzhi na ri m sbal gi gzugs 'dra ba re 'dug pa ni srin mo'i kha ru shes I dmar po ri dang lcags kha ri gnyis seng ge mjug ma sbrel ba 'dra ba 'di srin mo 'i gnod sems su shes I ri bogs chad gnyis 'dug pa 'di srin mo'i snying gi r u s pa yin pas sems can gyi srog za ba yin par mkhyen I de ni dmar lcags gnyis yin no II ri de gnyis rgyal po srong btsan sgam po jo bo thugs rje chen po'i sku dngos de dang 0 bal bza' khri brsun sgrol ma dkar mo khro gnyer can kyi sku dngos yin I de gnyis kyi phu brang srin yul lung ka pu ri'i grong khyer 'dra ba des gnon dgos par rgyal pos mkhyen nas mnan yod pa yin no I I de'i phyogs bzhi nu ri sdig pa'i gzugs 'dra ba bzhi yod pa de srin mo'i 'khor yin par mkhyen I ri sna thams cad dbur su zug pa de ni lha sar mi spyod pa ngan pa jag pa la sogs pas sa gcig tu gang bar shes I sa gzhi 'di 'i phyogs bzhi'i ri'i rgyab nu I shar phyogs nu padma spungs pa 'dra ba 'i ri yod I lho na n n c k n spungs pa 'dra ba 'i ri yod I nub na rnchod rten brtsegs pa 'dra ba'i n yod I byang nu man dzi'i steng na dung phor bzhag pa 'dra ba'i n yod I de ni sa phyogs 'dir dad pa can mang du 'ong bar shes I mi chen po bsod namr can mang po dang I sa la gnas pa 'i byang chub serns dpa' mang po dang I byang chub sems dpa ' rhod rgal ba re re dus dus su yong bar mkhyen I phyogs bzhi'i mi rnams longs spyod thams cad ni 'dir 'ong bar mkhyen I mtsho'i steng du lha khang brtsigs na bod 'dir rang bzhin gyis yon tan 'byung zhing rgyas par shes I sa gzhi padma 'dab brgyad Ira bur shes I logs bzhi la bkra shis nags brgyad I gnam la 'khor lo rtsibs brgyad mams su shes 1 de rnanzs lha sar yon tan 'byung ba'i rten 'brel yin I de rnams la gnod pa 'i dgra lnga yod B de mums bzlog pa 'i thabs lnga dgos par 'dug I ra mo che na sa bdag klu'i phu brang 'jigs gzugs yod par gzigs nus de lha cig ong cong gis nga'i gser gyi lha shdkya mu m s gnon dgos par mkhyen nus I lha'i phyogs bzhir gser ldan gyi ka ba bzhi btsugs 0 de la dar dkar gyi yo1 ba bres I za 'og gi gur phub nas bzhag gyad stobs chen lha dga' klu dga' gnyis lha'i sku srung la bzhag ... I B: . ..ong jos spor thang khra bo bting nas sa dpyad legs par ltas te sa bshad byas pas I ngas kha sang nas khyed tsho la bshad de zhe sdug byed par go da sa'i dpyad 'di la byed pa brgya rtsa brgyad O brtag pa dgu bcu tham pa I nor la bdun cu don gnyis 0 sa 'i dgra ngos tin pa I de bzlog pa 'i thabs dgos pas 0 de dug t h m cad bsdu nu skye bo mang po 'du bas bdag rgyal po 'i pho brang gi sa dang gcig 'phags pa'i dge bdun mang po 'du ba gtsug lag khang gi sa dang gnyis I drang srong 'byung ba 'i gnas 'brog dgon pa 'i sa dang gsum I re zhig bde bar spyod pa skye bo phal ba 'i sa dang bzhi I cung zhig gnas pa bas mtha 'i sa gtan la dbab pa dang lnga 'o II da res 'di 'i dbang du byas nu yon tan brgyad dang ldan pa rgyal po'i sa gtan la 'bebs dgos 1 de'i mgo 'don pa la skyon bzlog dgos I de yang lha sa'i phyogs bzhi'i ri rgyab na I shar nu ri padma dpungs (= spungs) lho na rin po che 'dra ba yod I nub nu ri mchod rten rtsegs pa 'dra ba 'dug byang nu padma kha phye ba 'dra ba 'dug pas sa phyogs der ston pa rgyal ba shdkya thub pa 'i sku gzugs sku gdung ring bsrel la mchod pa rgyas shing yun ring du 'byung ba'i nags yin 0 de'i nang khongs nu bkra shis nags brgyad yod de I byang 'phan dkar gyi ri la dbu la gdugs lta bu 'dra ba'i ri yod I shar gyi gdos pa'i brag la spyan la nya 'dra ba'i ri yod 0 lho'i ldong btsan ri la gsung 'bud dung 'dra ba yod I rdzong btsan ri la ljags la padmo'i lo 'dab 'dra ba yod I grib rdzong gi brag la mgul la bum pa 'dra ba'i ri yod 0 sgo phu nu thugs dpal be'u 'dra ba yod I nub byang phu nu sku lus rgyal mtshan 'dra ba yod I stod lung mda' nu phyag zhabs 'khor lo 'dra ba mams yod do 0 0 sa la padma 'dab brgyad 'dra ba yod I gnam la 'khor lo nsib brgyad yod pa de ni sa phyogs 'dir yon tan thams cad 'byung ba'i nags yin I gzhan yang gter kha rang byung bzhi ni I dog sde ra ga'i brag la rin po the bzangs yod 0 dog te sgo phu nu lcags yod I la dong gi ri la dngul yod 0 lcags kha ri la gser yod 0 'o thang gi mtsho 'di la shar nu stag skya bo yod I lho nu ' b W sngon po yod 0 nub nu bya dmar mo 'dra ba'i ri yod I byang nu rus sbal nag Po 'dra ba yod I de bzhi ni gtsug lag khang gi lha bzhi tshang ba yin I de tsho'i thud ka nu sa dgra re re zug yod pus I de tsho bzlog pa 'i thabs shes dgos pa yin no 11 bod kyi yul 'di srin mo gun rkyal du sgyel ba 'dra I lha sa'i mthil 'di srin mo'i snying kha 'dra ba I 'o thang gi mtsho 'di srin mo'i snying khrag 'dra bar mkhyen I dmar po ri dang lcags kha ri gnyis stag dung seng[g]e gnyis nljug ma sbrel ba 'dra ba 'di srin mo'i gnod sems yin par mkhyen I ra mo che klu'i pho bra% du mkhyen 0 brag !ha nu ma mo T nyal khang yod I grib phu nus nyang ran gyi bar la klu btsan gyi rgyu srang yod I dkar chung zla ba tshal nu 'dre dung the'u rang gi 'dun ma byed pa'i sa yod I shar nu chu srin lungs pa 'dra ba'i sa dgra yod I ngan lam gron pa ri yod I lho no sdig pa nag po gzan la rub pa 'dra ba dkar chung yug ma'i ri la sa dgra yod I nub nu shun gyi brag te'u rtse la bdud nag Po bya ra byed pa 'dra ba'i sa dgra yod I byang na nyang bran dang dor te'u bar gyl ri la glang po che g.yul du zhugs pa 'dra ba'i sa dgra yod I sa'i yon tan brgyyod ni D sa la padma 'dubbrgyad I gnam la 'khor lo rtsibs brgyad I log[s]&I bkra rhis rtags brgyad yod do 91 dang por sa 'i bcos byed I 'dre 'i mun khang shig btsan gyi rgyu srang du mchod rten dkar po brtsigs I nub byang mtshams lcags Wur ri la ma mo'i nyal sa yod pas de la brag lha mgon po bzhengs I klu'i 'jigs g a g s kyi pho brang jo bos mnan nos yod I shar bye ma lung srong M srin m nag mo 'dams bzed pa 'dra ba yod D de la dbang phyug chen po 'i lingga rshugs I gzhun yang chu srin la dung kha sron D sdig pa la bya khyung sron I Mud nag po bya ra byed pa la bar chu'i khar mchod rten dmar po rtsigs I gbng po che la seng ge ston I C: de ltar brtsigs pa 'dre srin rnams kyis bshig sre zhig par brtsigs ru mu brub par B yang rgyal po chen po srong brsan sgam po dang I rgya mo ong cong gnyis bko ' gros nas sa dpyad zhib mor rndzad pas I bod yul h ba can gyi sa gzhi 'di srin mo gan rkyal du sgyel ba 'dra ba 'i mgo dang I dpung mgo gnyis gru mo gnyis dpyi AS dang I pus mo gnyis dung I rkang mgo gnyis dung I yan lag gi rshigs bzhi'i me btsm mnun dgos par shes nus I ru bzhi 'i grsug lag khang bzhengs dgos par mkhyen nos I rgyal po chen pos sprul pa 'i las mi dung bzo bo rnang po mdzad nos I dpung mgo g.ym pa gnon pa la dbu m ka tshal ni dge bsnyen nyi shu rtsa gcig gi dkyil 'khor du bzhengs so II dpung mgo g.yon pa gnon pa la I g.yu ru na khra 'bmg ni gza' chen po brgyad kyi dkyil 'khor du bzhengs so II dpyi g.yar g m n pa la g.yas ru gtsang 'brang ni rgyal chen rigs bzhi'i dkyil 'khor du bzhengs so II dpyi g.yon gnon pa la B g.yon ru nu gnun pa rgyal gyi lha khang ni I dges rdor dpal 'bar dbyangs grub pa 'i dkyil ' h r du bzhengs so II de bzhi ni ru bzhi 'i grsug lag khang ngo I I bar tshigs gnon par bya ba 'i phyir mrha ' 'dul gyi grsug lag khung bzhengs su gsol re I shar lho na gru mo g.ym pa la sgong bu bur chud ni mgon po nag po 'i dkyil 'khor du bzhengs so II lho nub ru gru mo g.yon pa la lho brag rnkh~nmrhing ni I rigs lnga'i sangs rgyas kyi dhyil 'khor du bzhengs su gsol I pus mo g.yas pa la byang tshal phyi dbang chen gyi lha khang ni rin po che'i dhyil 'khor du bzhengs so II pus mo g.yon pa la l h nub ru mon bum rhung skyes chu 'i lha khang ni padma dbang gi dkyil 'khor du bzhengs so I I yang brtsigs pas ma brub par I nying lag gnon par bya ba 'i phyir lag mrhil g.yas pa la shar mdo khams kyi klong rhang sgrol ma'i lha khang ni bdud 'dul ba'i dkyil 'khor du bzhengs so II lag mrhil g.yon pa la bal chad ka brag ni nuun rhos sras kyi dkyil 'khor du bzhengs so II nub byang du rkang ba g.ym pa la spra dun rtse ni O grsug lag dgu 'i dkyil 'khor du bzhengs so II lho nub ru b y m pa sprin gyi lha khang ni sa'i Iha mo'i dkyil 'khor du bzhengs so II srin mo'i sbubs [= dbugs] gnon pa la rshangs pa rlung gnon gyi lha khang bzhengs bya ba la sogs pa rgyal po chen po'i bka' chems mums brsun mo mums kyis mdzad pas [= pa'fJ bka' chems dar dkar gsal ba dang I blon po bcu drug gis mdzad pa 'i bka ' cherns zla ba 'dod 'jo la sogs par rgyas par gsal lo I rgyal po'i bka ' chems 'di'i nang du yi ge mangs kyis dogs nus yang dag par gsal zhing rgyas par ma bris so I Translation: ...While [Princess] Ong-jo [= Kong-jo] spread out the striped scroll [ofl trigrams and made [her] grsug lag calculation, she performed the geomantic probe, [denotedlor equal to?] 'A Jewel Mound' (rin chen spungs pa),' [to wit:] With A: respect to the terrestrial disposition of this [continent of] Jambudvipa in general, [we may say that behind] the eastern and western [direction] which are being dividing (bcad) by the king of mountains, Mt. Vindhyi ('Bigs byed) [located to] the north of VajrPsana [i.e. Bodhgayi] in India, [we] find the kingdom of Glangpo-che Sa-srungs, resembling a continent of flowers. [Similarly] to the north from [this kingdom] the king of mountains denoted Himavat (Gangs-can) is found resembling a white caitya, a [chain ofl snow-clad crystal-mountain[s] and to the north of [this chain of mountains] dividing the eastern and western direction, [we] find the kingdom of Tibet, the Snow-clad [country] (Kha-ba-can) resembling a prostrate demoness. In the southern direction from these [sites], being divided southwards by the mountains of Tsan-dan and Khadiraka (Seng-ldeng ['dzin]; or by the mountains filled with the Catechu tree (acacia catechu) and the sandal tree (sirium mynifolium)), the Indian kingdom, [also called] Gling-dgu is found resembling a continent of precious jewels. In the southern direction, one finds to the south of the large river of Dze-ta [i.e. Jeta], [named] mDzes-ldan (*Carurnant), dividing the eastern and western direction, the kingdom of the rdksasa-s resembling a disclosing lotus in a lake. To the east of the Snow-clad kingdom of Tibet, one finds the realm of China. To the south, one finds the countries of Sum-pa, Nepal (Bal-yul) and Zhang-zhung. In the north, one finds the countries of Khotan (Li[yul]], Hor and Me-nyag. In the central [part] of the Snow-clad kingdom of Tibet, in the centre of the [district] dBu-ru-shod, the lake of 'On-thang [= 'O-thang] is located being the heart of the [supine] rdksasi-demoness, and [the lake] is therefore known as the ~ heart-blood of the demonkss. The palace of the king [of the k l u - ~ ~ i r i tiss ][further] known to be the [very] heart of the demoness. The three parts of hillocks (or spurs; ri bogs chad gsum)3 towering [around 1Ha-sa] are [respectively] known to be the nipples of [her] breast and the vein of the life [force] of the demoness. In the four directions [around 1Ha-sa] [four] mountains are found, each resembling the form of a tortoise [etc.]. These are known as the mouth of the demoness. dMar-pori and 1Cags-kha-ri, the two, resemble the tail[s] of a lion [and a tiger; cf. below1 tied together. [They] should be known as the vicious disposition (gnod sem) of the demoness. The[se] two parts of hillocks (ri bogs chad gnyis; cf. above) [towering on the plain of 1~a-sa14,are [moreover viewed as] the heart-bones of the demoness, recognized to devour the life of the sentient beings [living there]. These are the [mountains of] dMar[-po-ri and] lCags[-kha-ri]. These two mountains are [actually] the very body of king Srong-btsan sgam-po, the [embodiment of AvalokiteSvara,] the Lord MahP&nika and of the Nepalese princess Khri-btsW . . The palaces of these two resemble the the [embodiment ofl s y i m i TZrP, ~hrkuti. 1 Cf. also ibid. 216.3. One may wonder whether this is not a title of a Chinese divinatory manual, as we also during the dynastic period know of a medical work titled Rin-chen spungs-pa, cf. Beckwith, 1979, p. 305. 2 MNKB E (Ca) 129b5. 3 So also CHBYMTNYP, but MNKB E (Ca) 129b5: ri ngos chad [ = cha?] gsum, the three slolJ=; ri bog = bog ri, i.e. ba gam, timet, cf. Emmerick, 1967, p. 141. MNKB E (Cd) 197b5: ri mgo chad gnyis. 4 Cf. CHBYMTNYP 247x5. city of Ladgkapuri, the country of the rakrara-s and the king [should] recognize that [they] must to be suppressed by the [statue of ~ ~ ~ a m uwherefore ni] [they] are [actually going to be] suppressed. In the four directions [around 1Ha-sa] four mountains are found appearing in the garb of malevolence, being the retinue ('&or) of the demoness. All these summits (ri sna) pointed in [the direction ofJ the centre, whereby it was recognized that here in 1Ha-sa [all] the wicked deportments of the [Tibetan] people such as brigandage etc. were piled up in [this] one [place]; on the rear side of the mountains [towering] in the four directions, in the eastern direction the mountain resembing a heap of lotuses is found; in the southern direction the mountain resembling a mound of jewels is found; in the western direction the mountain is found resembling an erected caifya; in the northern direction the mountain which resembles a skull-bowl placed upon a tripod is located; this was known to be a [conjunction] that many pious people would [eventually] gather at this place and [it was further] recognized to mean that many meritious magnanimous beings, many bodhisatma-s residing on the earth [or on the [ten] bhSimi-s], and that each and every thod rgal ba ~odhisattva*would from time to time make his appearance [there]. And [it was further] recognized [as an indicator] that [all] the material wealth of the people [living] in the four directions would [eventually] amve in this [very] place. If a temple were to be raised upon the lake [of '0-thang], it was reckoned that good qualities all by itself would loom and spread here in Tibet. It was reckoned that the site [of 1Ha-sa] resembles the eight-leaved lotus, the sides [of the plain i.e. the surrounding mountains resemble] the eight [Buddhist] auspicious tokens, and in space the eight-spoked wheel [would be found]. These [signs] are the auspices for the manifestations of prosperous attributes llmding happiness] in 1Ha-sa. [However,] five foes exist that [may] harm these [prospects, Kong-jo recognized,] and five means were required to obstruct these: At Ra-moche, [Kong-jo] perceived the presence of the frightening palace of the [king of the] nffga-s, the local spirit (sa bdag). Princess Kong-jo recognized that this had to be suppressed by her own golden [receptacle, the statue of] Shdcyamuni. Therefore four pillars were to be erected on the four sides of the statue [where it had stranded], and a brocade tent be set up [above the idol] being drawn over by a piece of white silk. The two strong champions 1Ha-dga' and Klu-dga' were placed as guardian of the statue.. .. B: ...Ong-jo [= Kong-jo] laid out the striped scroll of trigrams and while observing thoroughly the geomantic [configurations] [she] gave the [following] geographical description: "What I explained you previously (i .e. above)6 [I] understand caused [you some] misery! [Sorry!] Now in this geomantic probe one hundred and eight [sites] have to be made;' [further], ninety probes be conduced;' 5 Cf. the introduction. 6 sang, yesterday, but MNKB: some weeks ago (Wlosing); CHBYMTIWP: last year (kha ning). 7 Instead of byed p a , read with MNKB, CHBYMTNYP and GBCHBY: dbye ba, division, i.e. in fact three hundred and sixty mantic tic] divisions; one hundred and thirteen according 10 KCHKKHM-1 753 4 5 . 8 Nineteen according to KCHKKHM-1. seventy-two geomantic errors [to be recognized] and [ninety] gamantic identifications (ngos zin pa) made. Since the means9 of obstructing the [geomantic] errors must be made, when [one attempts] to sum all these up, [the following four/five items will be found indispensable]: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. [The establishment (gtan la dbab pa)] of a site for a palace to [our] king, a place where many individuals convene. p h e establishment] of a site of a gtsug lag khang, a place where many [members ofJ the noble clergy gather. p h e establisment] of a site for a monastery in the soltitude, a site where many rsi-s [were to] appear. [The ekblishment] of a site for the common people, [a place where] they can indulge in happiness temporarily. The establishment of a site of ultimate [happiness], [where one can sojourn] more than just for a while. lo Now, in question of this [conjunction] it is necessary to establish the site of the king," [which will have to be] endowed with eight favourable attributes. It was [also] necessary to eliminate the perils [threatening] the successful (mgo 'don pa) [establishment] of this [site]. Further, on the rear side of the mountains [towering] in the four directions around 1Ha-sa: In the east, the mountain is found resembling a heap of lotuses; in the south the mountain is found which resembles [a mound ofJ precious jewels; in the west the mountain stands looking like a caitya piled up; in the north [the mountain] rises looking like a disclosing lotus. This is an omen that in these regions veneration for the relics and the bodily form of Buddha ~ 2 k y a muni will increase and durate for a long time. Amidst these [one finds] [the mountains] endowed with the eight auspicious emblems: The mountain of 'Phandkar in the north is the mountain looking like an umbrella being the head; the rock of gDos in the east is the mountain resembling a fish being the eyes; the mountain of 1Dong-btsan in the south is the mountain having a form like a conch giving sound; the mountain of rDzong-btsan is the mountain looking like the leaves of a lotus representing the tongue; the rock of Grib-rdzong is the mountain resembling a vase being the neck; in sGo-phu [the mountain is found that] resembles the Sflvatsa-emblem as breast; in Byang [ = Brangl-phu in the west one finds [the mountain] resembling a victory banner being the body; in s~od-lung-mda'[the mountain is found] resembling a wheel being the hands and feet. On earth the eight-leaved lotus, in the sky the eight-spoked wheel. It is all a portent [predicting] the occurence of all prosperous qualities in this area. Further, four natural troves are found: At the rock of Ra-ga of Dog-sde precious copper-ores are found; at sGo-phu of Dog-te iron-ores are found; in the mountain of La-dong silver is found and on 1Cags-kha-ri gold-ores are found. To the east of the '0-thang lake [the mountain resembling] the gray tiger is found; to the south [the river flows?],l 2 this 9 MNKB, CHBYMTNYP, GBCHBY: Effect or result. 10 Item 5 lacking from other versions. 11 MNKB: the place of the common people. 12 Cf. note 767. is the blue dragon; to the west the mountain resembling the red rooster is found; to the north [the mountain] resembling the black tortoise is found. These four [animal-configured mountains] are the four gods of the [prospective Ra-sa 'Phnrlsnang] gtsug lag khang complete. Directly before these [mountains] each 'terrestrial antagonist' had set up [his residence] and so [one] had to know the means of how to eliminate them. The country of Tibet resembles a rdkrarldemoness lying on [her] back, the heart of 1Ha-sa resembles the heart of the demoness and the lake of '0-thang was reckoned to be the heart-blood of her. dMar-po-ri and 1Cags-kha-ri, the two, resembling the tails of a lion and a tigerI3 being tied together, are recognized to be the vicious character of the demoness. Ramo-che is recognized as the palace of the ndga-spirit. In Brag-lha the sleepingplace of the ma-mo-spirits is located. Between Grib-phu and Nyang-ran the oftfrequented path of the klu-btsan runs. In dKar-chung Zla [= Glal-ba-tshal, the meeting-place of the 'dre and and the'u-rang-spirits is found. In the east, the 'terrestrial antagonist' resembling a water-demon standing up is found, this is the mountain of Ngan-lam gron-pa. In the south, the 'terrestrial antagonist' resembling the black scorpion pouncing on [its pray] is found, it is the mountain of dKarchung Yug-ma'i ri. In the west, the 'terrestrial antagonist' resembling a black bdud-demon on the guard is found, it is the summit of Shun gyi brag te'u. In the north, the 'terrestrial antagonist' resembling an elefant in battle is found, this is the central mountain between Nyang-bran and Dor-te'u. The eight auspicious qualities of the soil: On the earth the eight-leaved lotus, in the sky the eight-spoked wheel and along the [mountain-]sides the eight auspicious [Buddhist] emblems. Initially, the terrestrial renovation (sa'i bcos byed) [must] be conducted: Destroy the dungeon of the 'dre-spirit! Raise a white caitya [as antidote] against the oftfrequented path of the btsan-spirits. Between the western and northern direction of 1Cags-kha-ri the sleeping-place of the ma-mo-spirits is found. As [antidote] erect the [idol ofJ Brag-lha mgon-po. The temfying palace of the ndga-s [underneath the Ra-mo-che] will me] suppressed by the Jo-bo [ShZikyamuni] statue. In Bye-ma~ u n g - s t o n to ~ ' ~the east the ['terrestrial antagonist'] resembling a rdksarf-demon baring her genitals is found. [Affront her by] erecting a phallos of ~ a h e ~ v a r a ! Further, affront the water-demon with a conch, [aflfront the scorpion with a gamda-bird. Against the bdud-demon on the guard raise a red caitya. [Aflfrontthe elephant with a lion. C:Unable to built [further] since [everything] which had been built like that b y day] were [tracelessly] destroyed and erased by the [native] 'dre srin [spirits] [overnight], the great king Srong-btsan sgam-po and the Chinese Ong-cong [= Kong-jo] therefore counseled and made a detailed gmmantic probe: [It] was recognized that this temtory of the Snow-clad Tibet, configured as a prostrate reasf-demoness, were to be suppressed by means of pivotal fwi (me brsa? of [her] four limbs [such as] the head, the two shoulders, the two hips, the elbows and the two knee-joints, the two hands and feet. Therefore it was reckoned to be necessary to erect the Ru-[gnon-Ibzhi temples. To suppress the right shoulder, the 13 Cf. also BZH (Stein ed. 78.13-14,78.15-16,79.3-5)and note 455. 14 Or rather read Upper (stod) Bye-ma-lung. Ka-tshal [temple] was erected in dBu-ru, [raised] in the form of the mandula of the twenty-one lay-devotees (dge bsnyen, updsaka). To suppress the left shoulder, the Khra-'brug [temple] was erected in g.Yu-ru, [raised] in the form of the madola of the eight great planets. In order to suppress the right hip, the [temp];' of] gTsang-'brang was erected in g. Yas-ru, [raised] in the form of the mandula of the Four Great [Guardian] Kings of the [four] Directions. To suppress the 'left hip, the temple of the Grum-pa rGyal in g.Yon-ru was erected, [raised] in the form of the mandala of the dGes rdo-rue] (or Hevajra), the Glorious [All-]fulfilling Voice (? d~zhi'bardbyangs-grub). These four are the temples of the Four Horns. In order to suppress the [intermediate] joints, the [four] temples of mTha9'dul were requested to be erected: In the south-eastern [direction], [in order to] suppress the right elbow, the Bur-chud [temple] in sGon-bu [ = Kong-pol was erected, [raised] in the form of the mandala of the mGon-po nag-po [i.e. MahPkda]. In order to suppress the left elbow, in the south-western [direction] the [temple ofJ mKhon-mthil [in] the 1Ho-brag [district] was erected, [raised] in the form of the mandala of the Buddhas of the Five Families @aRcakula). In order to suppress the right knee, the temple of Byang-tshal Phyi-dbang-chen was erected, [raised] in the form of the mandala of the Jewel (nn po che; the Ratna-Family?). In order to suppress the left 'Lee, the temple of sKyes-chu in Bum-thang was erected, [raised] in the form of the mandala . . of Padma-dbang [i.e. The Lotus or Padma-Family]. Should one still be unable to erect [the main-temple, then] in order to suppress the minor limbs, i.e. the right palm of the hand, the temple of the Klongthang sGrol-ma of mDo-khams [located in] the eastern [direction should] be erected, [raised] in the form of the mandala of bDud-'dul [i.e. the KarmanFamily?]. In order to suppress the left of the hand, [the temple ofl Ka-brag [inland] Bal-chad [? see note 770, subnote 16 infra] was erected, [raised] in the form of the mandala of Vaiiravana. In order to suppress the right foot, in the north-western [direction the temple ofl sPra-dun-rtse was erected, [raised] in the form of the mandala of the nine gtsug-lag [the Astrological mandala of the sme-badgu?]. [In ord& to suppress the left foot?] in the south-wesiern [direction] the temple of Byams-pa sPrin was erected, [raised] in the form of the mandala of the [vanaldevr. In order to suppress the respiration (sbubs = dbugs; or rehn sb~bs, inner cavity = womb?) of the rdksasr, the temple of the Tshangs-pa Rlung-gnon was erected etc. [all further details'on these temple-erections] can be seen detailed in the testaments of the great king [Srong-btsan sgam-pol such as bKa'-chems Dar-dkar gsal-ba compiled by the queens, the bKa'-chems Zla-ba 'dad-'jo compiled by the sixteen ministers etc. In the present bKa'-chems [i.eKCHKKHM], fearing [the present exposition should] become too verbose, [we] have kept [the narrative] lucid and refrained from any lengthy [account]. It is also worth noting that Nyang-ral maintains, op. cir. CHBYMTNYP 290b 1-6, that in the wake of the successful geomantic-divinatory calculation contrived by the Chinese princess Kong-jo, it was decided to invite, on a more permanent basis, a Chinese court-diviner (bla nsis) to the Tibetan court and in fact the Chinese emperor, this text confirms, acceded to this request wherefore a Chinese court-astrologer named Ru-rgya g.Yu-gzher btsan-pa was attached to the Tibetan king who ensured that this Chinese tradition spread in Tibet. Needless to say, the above geomantic-divinatory expod is mythological in nature and in particular the numerous Buddhist elements point to a later date of compilation, perhaps even simultaneously with the final compilation of the Srongbtsan sgam-po Vita, i.e. at the beginning of thephyi-dar period. However, that this exposition draws on older material which in numerous ways would point to a date of origin in the dynastic period itself we should likewise assume to be beyond doubt. See here the reflections ad note 790 inpa. 729 That the name of the site should be written Gla-ba-tshal is in fact most convincingly demonstrated by the present narrative itself (cf. e.g. the notes 790 and 792 inpa), but in particular KCHKKHM-2 220.4-22 1.5, where the hardy woodlogs orginating from the shing gla ba growing in the 1Ho-phyogs Gla-ba'i nags tshal at Lhasa were taken and employed during the construction of the wooden foundation of Ra-sa 'phrul-snang raised upon the filled-in lake of 'O-thang. Further, 1De'u Jo-sras, among others, assures us, DCHBY, op. cir. 125.10-11, in his description of the building of bSam-yas, of the utility of the rgya shing gla ba, the Chinese (?) type of the gla ba tree as building material for erecting a Chinesestyled bar &ang (i .e. second storey) in this vihdra, cf. note 1254 inpa for details. Cf. also note 496 supra and the next note. It is apparently a place of documented historicity also mentioned in BZH (Stein ed., 25.6; Chin. ed. 31.12-13): [Bragdmar] ZlaIGla-ba'i tshal-nags. We shall here assume that this refers to the same location (and not to another gla ba-Grove), although Brag-[dlmar district is located ~ cf. below. The along the gTsang-po river, the area where b ~ a m - ~ aiss lfound, place dKar-chung Gla-ba-tshal can moreover be precisely located, (cf. also the notes 790, 805) as rGyal-sde dKar-chung lies along the south bank of sKyid-chu, about two miles outside 1Ha-sa, close to the present-day village of Ra-ma-sgang; cf. Tucci, To Lhasa and Beyond. 770 The following pre-GLR sources which contain this scheme hardly make the picture of its transmission in Tibetan historiographical literature already gained by inspecting Aris' survey more transparent, although a reasonable consensus may be derived from the schemes. In default of the locus clussicus (cf. below, not MNKB as assumed by Aris, op. cir., p. 8ff.) for these schemes, the presentation rendkred below shall in no way solve the problem as to how the proto-scheme (if any) ever looked like. It rather furnishes us with a corpus compararionis primarily intended to supplement Aris' lists. More impo~lantly,KCHKKHM-2, op. cit. 235.9-15 (cf. Appendix, note 726 supra), KCHKKHM-3, op. cir. 454.3-4 and CHBYMTNYP op. cir. 262b6-263a1 15 Similarly, bSam-yas was also located close to a tamarisk grove at Brag-dmar, cf. e . g . BZH (Stein ed. 3.26, 24.8-9, Chin. ed. 4 . 9 , 30.10) [Brag-dmar] 'Om-bu'i tshal, and PMKTH (Chap. 56, 347.7-8), bSam-yas 'Om-bu-tshal, Brag-dmar 'Om-bu-tshal. inform us, all possibly drawing this information from a common source, that this scheme can be found detailed (and thus for the first time described, which can only mean its locus clussicus) in the following bKa'-chems' related to King (Srong-btsan sgam-po): the bKa'-chems Dar-dkar gsal-ba [also called Dar-dkar gsal-ba9imelong] composed/compiled by the queens and the bKa'-chems Zla-ba 'dod-'jo composed/compiled by the sixteen ministers. l6 These testaments, the above texts inform us, should be consulted for further details. I shall not hesitate to suggest that these bKa'-chems versions, is some basic form, did originate in the (late?) dynastic period, or if they were first reworked at the beginning of the phyi-dar period, then, as already suggested in note 726 above and note 790 below, they arguably draw upon older material. Although no reference to this scheme or the entire geomantic expos6 delineated in this chapter so far has been found in the usual reliable material dating from the dynastic period (Dunhuang, rdo-ring-s etc.), the BZH, usually considered a source of high authority (although different interpolated versions do exist of this source), does share some faint references to a topograhical depiction in common with e.g. KCHKKHM-2'' and the same text (Stein ed. 2.9-10; Chin. ed. 2.16-17) does confirm the existence and thus import of Chinese geomantic-divinational manuals in Tibet during the period of king Srong-btsan sgam-po. It is remarkable that almost all larger historiographical sources of some note produced in Tibet, many of which we credit with a large portion of credibility, contain these lists. A number of texts mentions that one hundred and eight temples (some texts even adduce that a set of temples with this holy number was built during different kings!) were erected in all, but as e.g. DCHBY adduces, cf. below, only a minor part of these one hundred and eight temples were actually erected during the time of Srong-btsan sgam-po (in fact most probably only a very few number: the twelve from this scheme?), the rest, i.e. the main part, were erected during the subsequent kings. The figure one hundred and eight temples of the mTha'-'dul Yang-'d~l scheme is found in Pad-ma bKa'-thang'* and in numerous other sources. As can be gauged from Aris' survey, the hitherto oldest transmission of the scheme as found embodied in MNKB and KCHKKHM is more or less faithfully followed by later sources such as' CHBY, KTHDNG, GBYTSH, etc., while the distorted (a 'distortion' which mainly consists in the headings of the groups being misplaced; cf. the notes 770-773) and 'expanded' version in GLR is slavishly followed by authorities such as HBCHBY, DTHZHG and PSJZ etc. In fact, as can be seen from Aris' table 4, p. 31, a fair consensus behind the names of the temples is clearly present regarding all sources. Disregarding therefore minor variants in terms of the succession and the introduction of a few stray templenames in the lists, the expansion of Aris' list of ten sources with the following supplementary list of eight new early sources shall not basically alter this impression. It is noteworthy that the extended list already introduced in GLR is 16 For these sources deplorably no more extant, cf. the Introduction, note 38. 17 Cf. the notes 455 and 726 above for a brief geomantic probe of bSam-yas possibly patterned UPon the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang pendant. 18 P m T H , op. cit. Chap. 55, 343.11-13; Chap. 85, 506.9-1 1; Chap. 91, 552.3-556.13;Chap. 92! 558.15ff. supplementary list of eight new early sources shall not basically alter this impression. It is noteworthy that the extended list already introduced in GLR is also found - with greater details - in CHBYMTNYP, GBCHBY and DCHBY and partly by Nel-pa, whereas the testimonies in the KCHKKHM versions and MBNTH are much more in conformity with the 'shorter' version represented by MNKB. As already observed by Uebach, op. cit. p. 33, it is conspicuous that ~ y ' a n ~ - r ainl CHBYMTNYP records the extended' list, being here the earliest witness for this version, whereas we find the normal or short version retained in MNKB, a corpus for which he was in part also responsible. But so he might also haie been for MBNTH which is closer to MNKB. It is naturally impossible to establish the relative chronology between the "short' and the 'extended' version, although one would tend to assume that the elaborated one postdates the shorter version. However, seen in a geomantic-divinatory and cosmographical context as it is presented in this chapter, I shall not hesitate to assume that the shorter version developing out of the extended scheme with all its excrescencies. x = deest NAME OF TEMPLE LOCATION LIMB RU BZHI: In order to suppress the four limbs (yen lag): [l] [2] 131 [4] Ka-rtsal Khra-'brug gTsang-lag Grom-pa Kyang dBu-ru g. Yu-ru [gTsang-lag?] Ru-lag right shoulder left shoulder right hip left hip MTHA '-'DUL BZHI: In order to suppress the four minor limbs (nying lag): [I] [2] [3] [4] Ba-chud Khom-'thing Pra-durn-rtse Pal-tsang Shar bKong lHo[r]-'brag Nub Byang right elbow left elbow right knee left knee MTHA1-YANG-'DUL: In order to suppress the twenty fingers (sor mo nyi[ sh]u = the twenty minor joints of hands and feet = the hand and feet): [I] Glong-thang sGron [2] sKyes-chu Bum-thang [3] Byams-sprin [4] Tshar Phyirthang Shar Khams 1Ho hand Nub Mang-yul Byang x x x RU BZHI: In order to suppress the [demoness'] joints of the limbs @an lag gi tshigs) by way of [moxibustional] foci (me btsa ') : [I] [2] [3] [4] Ka-tshal Khra-'brug gTsang-'brang Grum-pa rGyal dBu-ru g.Yu-ru g.Yas-ru g.Yon-ru right shoulder left shoulder right hip left hip MTHA '-'DUL BZHI: In order to suppress the intermediate joints (bar tshigs): [I] Bur-chud Shar-lho [2] mKhon-mthing 1Ho-nub [3] Tshal-phyi dBang-chen [4] Bum-thang B~ang right elbow sGong-bu left elbow 1Ho-brag right knee 1Ho-nub Mon left knee YANG-MTHA'-'DUL: In order to suppress the joints of the minor limbs (nying lag): [I] Klong-thang sGrol-ma [2] Ka-brag [3] sPra-dung-rtse Shar mDo-Khams ~al-chad19 Nub-byang right palm left palm right foot 19 Bal-chad, compare also dPal-chad in KCHKKHM-3, CHBYMTNYP and GBCHBY. It is definitely a temple, cf. KTHDNG (KHA) (Chap. XVIII, sect. 32, 202.24-203.10): rGyang-ro dPalChad Iha-khang (mentioned among other temples from this list). rGyang-ro is a region and a Valley also known as Nying-ro rGyang-ro being situated close to the Nyang-chu river, cf. Tucci, 1932-41, (IV),1, pp. 49, 53, 56, 62-63 and Uebach, 1987, p. 132-33, n. 755. However, the identity is still not certain, while the form dPal-chad (cf. KCHKKHM-3 below: dPal-chad Klu-bdud; GBCHBY: mTshal-byir dPal-char Klu-gnon) is located to the north and a Tshal-byi (Ch. Sa-pi) located on the northern border of Tibet is registered, cf. Beckwith, 1987, p. 130, n. 131. Wherever its location, its (and thus the present temple-scheme's) historicity is, in my eyes, greatly enhanced by the information that not only wall-paintings accompanying the relevant texts and depicting the Indian genealogy and related topics as enumerated in KCHKKHM are found executed in the temple or chapel of Byang dPal-chad (Byang dPal chad lha khang no yang rgyud ris dang yi ger nos yod), but also, even more significant, the same walls allegedly held frescoes depicting in great details the first twenty-eight pre-historic king of the Tibetan lineage gNyaY-khribtm-PO; cf. KCHKKHM-2 84.2-7 and also Appendix, note 370, subnote 3. l''hus Ka-brag and dPal-chad are different temples. The Ka-brag temple, as yet unidentified! is located in the province of 'DreITre and it constitutes a major variant in a number of the sources found below. Aside from the present source, it is also recorded in KCHKKHM-3, cHByMTNYP9 MBNTH, GBCHBY and NGTMTPH, in addition to later versions in CHBY, GBYTSH and by Padma dKar-po, as listed by Aris, p. 31. [4] Byams-pa sPrin 1Ho-nub left foot Adding: In order to suppress the demoness' breath (?sb&s = dbugs; or retain sbubs, inner cavity = womb?), the Tshangs-pa Rlung-gnon temple was erected. Cf. note 726 supra. RU BZHI: [I] Khra-'brug [2] bKa'-rtsal [3] rTsang-'brang [4] Brom-pa rGyang g.Yu-rung dBu-ru g. Yas-ru Ru-lag left shoulder right shoulder right hip left hip MTHA '-'DUL BZHI: In order to suppress the intermediate joints: [I] [2] [3] [4] mKho-'thing Bu-chung Ka-brag Pra-dun-tshe 1Ho Kong 'Dre BYW left elbow right elbow right knee left knee [No heading]: In order to suppress the minor limbs: [I] Glong-thang sGrol-ma [2] dPal-chad Klu-'dul [3] Byams-pa sPrin [4] sKyer-chu 'Khams left palm Byang right palm Mang-yul Mon Bum-thang right foot left foot g. Yung-drung [= g.Yu-ru] Par [ = dBu]-ru left shoulder CHBYMTNYP 260a5-26 1a2: RU BZHI: [I] Khra-'brug [2] Ka-tshal [3] gTsang-'phrang [4] Grom-pa rGyang x Ru-lag right shoulder right hip left hip MTHA '-'DUL: In order to suppress the intermediate joints: [I] Khong-'thing 1Ho-brag left elbow [2] Bu-chu Tharlegs [3] Ka-brag [4] Phra-dum-rtse sKong-po right elbow 'Dre right knee left knee x [No heading]: In order to suppress the minor limbs: [I] Glong-thang sGron-me [2] Tsha-sPe dPal-tshad Klu-non [3] Byams-sprin [4] sKyer-chu Khams left palm Bya[ngl right palm Mang-yul Mon right foot left foot In addition CHBYMTNYP op. cit. 261a2-262a5, adds a lengthy list, i.e. the 'expanded' list of temples which partly enumerates a number of the above temples, such as counting eighteen temples taming the border and beyond etc., many of which correspond to the names kept in GLR and NGTMTPH, GBCHBY and DCHBY below. MBNTH 60b6-6 1b 1 : RU BZHI'I GTSUG-LAG-KHANG: right shoulder left shoulder right hip left hip M m A '-'DUL GI7 GTSUG-LAG-KHANG: In order to suppress the four limbs: [I] [Bu-]Chu [2] Khom-thing [3] rKa-khrag [4] Bra-dum-rtse rKong-po 1Ho right elbow left elbow right knee left knee MTHA' YANG-'DUL GYI GTSUG-LAG-KHANG: In order to suppress the minor limbs: [I] mTshal gyi Rlung-non [2] Glong-thang sGron-ma [3] Byams-pa sPrin gyi lha-khang B~ang right hand Khams-gsum left hand right foot left foot GBCHBY 284.20-285.15: RU-BZHI: left shoulder right shoulder right hip left hip The text adds the branch-temples, respectively: bKra-shis dge-'phel, Mi-'gyur dge-ba'i gtsug-lag, Byang-chub dge-gnas, rNam-dag khrims kyi lha-khang. MTHA '-'D UL : 1Ho-brag Kong-po Tre left elbow right elbow left knee right knee Khams left palm BYW right palm Mang-yul right foot Mon Bum-thang left foot MTHA ' YANG- 'DUL: [I] Slong-thang sGron-me [2] mTshal Byir dPal-char Klu-gnon* [3] Byang-sPrin [du, sic] Yid'ong dGe-rgyas [4] sKyer-chur * The text adds Byang Tshang-pa rlung-gnon Iha-khang. mKhas-pa 1De'u further adds, like his confrere 1De'u Jo-sras below, an expanded list with other temples, op. cir. 285.16ff. not infrequently containing already listed items. YANG- 'D UL BRGYAD: dPal-'byung [4] Sha Indra [5] dBang-chen brtsegs-pa [6] B U - C ~ U ~ ' [7J sKyer-chu dPal-bo rgyas-pa [a1 ? [ YANG- 'DUL BRGYAD] : [I] rDo-rje 'Gyur-med [2] dKa'-chu [3] Bum-rtse-lung [4] Sha-rma [5] Byang-sPrin [6] Myang sPrin [7J sPra-bdun-rtse [8] gShen-gsal x Myang 1Ho rMa Nub, Mang-yul x x x x B~ang x x In the above list nos. 1, 3, 5, 7 should constitute Yang-'dul temples, whereas nos. 2, 4, 6, 8 are denoted affiliated ('phyong btags pa) branch temples. mKhas-pa lDe'u, as part of a very 'extended' version which in length surpasses other sources, adds further temples, the temples of the ru mtshams, such as Lig-tig brGya-rtsabrgyad kyi lha-khang, Kong-chu'i lha-khang, Kho-mthing and Pad-ma g.Yungdrung gi lha-khang. Among further eighteen Yang-'dul gyi yang-'dul temples: Gling-chu, sKam-chung and KO-chu, the three, erected in order to suppress the sun, moon and lunar constellation in the eastern direction. Bum-thang [and] Klongrtse, the two, were erected in order to propitiate the me lha drahg srong. The temples dGe-re, dGyer-chu and Hor-chu, the three, erected in order to support the gnod sbyin mo; cf. also DCHBY 116.17-1 1. Along the border of Tibet and Balyul, Shang Iha-khang and Hab-shang Iha-khang were erected. Further: Gangs-bar lha-hang, sPra-dun-rtse temple, Nub-ri'i lha-khang, Khyung-lung dNgul-dkar temple, Khri-bse temple in Mang-yul, Glang-po temple in Li-yul, Yongs-rdzogs Rab-dga'. As mKhas-pa 1De'u adduces, op. cit. 296.13-298.9, the king (i.e. Srongbtsan sgam-po) had forty-two temples built, the rest were to be erected by his [royal] grandsons [i.e. kings] and congenial subjects of the posterity as a sort of repayment (between the ruler and the populace; rje skyin 'bangs sobs). This list tallies to a large extent with a list of temples and religious centres raised by the queens, kalydnamitra-s and ministers and which is also found in non-extant works . ~ ' the such as dPag-bsam ijon-shing (cf. note 437 supra) and by ~ e l - ~ aAmong grandsons, rJe Khri-lde gtsug-brtan rose mGrin-bzang in Brag-dmar, Nam-rd in 20 The text adds, like IDe'u Jo-sras below, g. Yung-drung brtsegs-pa which then may be a metonyrn. 21 Cf. Uebach, 1987, pp. 35-36, 1 10-119, q . v . for corresponding details. 'Ching [= mChims1-phu, Ka-chu, and mKhar-phug in dBu-ru, Gling gi khri-rtse in mDo-khams smad, the five.22 Khri-lde srong-btsan rose [a temple ofj rDo-rjedbyings gyi dkyil-'khor at dKar-chung, mNga'-bdag Ral-pa-can rose g.Yu'i Iha khang dGu-thog in 'On-ljang (i.e. 'On-shang-rdo, i.e. dPe-med bKra-shis dge-'phel temple, cf. note 1445) and the Rab-stong temple in mDo-smad. His brother gTsang-ma rose the Bud mKhar khram-sna temple in Mon; Khri-srong Ide-btsan rose, aside from dBu-rtse Rigs-gsum and its gling-phran bcu-gnyis [bSam-yas], the Dag-byed khrus-khang-gling, Tshang-rmang Ke-ru-gling, Klu-sgrub mThu-rtsalgling, g.Yag Sha-sta 'og-gling, in all seventeen chapels (gling, lit. insulae or continents). This made sixty-eight (re brgyad) temples. The mother of the grandson-kings: 'Ong-cong rose the Dam-pa'i Iha-khang; Tshe-spong bza' rose the Khams-gsum Zangs-khang; 'Bro-bza' Byang-chub rose the dGe-rgyas Bye-magling; Tshe-spong-bza' btsan-mo rose the 'Phan gyi[s] 1Cang-ngu and Pho-yongbza' rgyal-mo rose the Bu-tshal gser-khang. This made now seventy-two temples. The ordinary people: [Minister] Bran-ka rose the dGe-tshal, Myang Hra-te-rtse rose the 'Phang-thang, Myang-mchog btsun-bla-ma rose the Za-'ug temple, Myang Sha-mi-go-cha rose the rGya-tshal temple, Myang Ting-nge-'dzin rose the Va'i [ = Zha'i] lha-khang [and] the 'Brog temple; Myang Ma-ha-yan rose the Glog gi lhakhang; Myang Shri Ra-sal-skyong rose the rGyun-mi-chad temple; Myang Debzhin gshegs-pa rose the Kha-rag rtsa-med yul-bye temple. Further: the sMon-gro sTag-tshal temple, the sTod-lung-lhan and sNa-rtse temples, the Lo Byams-pa mdung temple, the mKhar-stod gNam-ru-gong temple, the 'Gur-mo'i lha-khang, the mDo-tshul lha-khang, the 'Od-mchog mdzes temple, the Brag-sna temple, the Dva'i lha-khang, the Ban-pa'i lha-khang, the Drang-chung temple, the Bya-zug temple, the 1Ho-phu chus-khyer gyi lha-khang, the mKhan-dmar-steng temple, the sGo-bzhi'i bang-so'i lha-khang and the Ra-lpags sdong temple. So all in all one hundred and seven temples, missing one single of the one hundred and eight temples scheduled to be raised, were erected by the grandsons, father and mother [i.e. king and queen] and by prominent subjects and thus brought to completion. The last, the one hundred and eighth temple, the text, op. cir. 363.3-4, informs us, a temple named the 'Gur-mo Iha-khang was erected by Myang-ro rTsibs kyi khrabsgo-can.23 22 Cf. also BZH (Stein ed. 2.13ff.); CHBY 139a5, Szerb, pp. 15-16; CHB~lWI"I'YP292a6ff. 23 Cf. also CHBYMTNYP 453a2-3; DCHBY 135.3-4. Another version uniformly transmitted in V K B E (Cd) 205b5, KCHKKHM-1 790.4-5; KCHKKHM-2 268.12- 14; KCHKKHM-3 467.5-6; CHBYMTNYP 272b2; MBNTH 7 5 2 - 3 ; n J B C H B Y 53.5-7; HBCHBY (JA) 44b7-45al maintains that one hundred and eight temples actually were erected during [or by] Srong-btsan sgam-po [and that he also erected one hundred and eight thugs-dam temples in China] and the texts list a Yongs-rdzogs Rab-dga'i (or Rab-sgang) h a khang, i.e. the Yongs-rdzogs temple in the Rab-sgang [district] as the last temple. DCHBY 115.15-116.3: RU BZHI: the four limbs: [I] Khra-'brug [2] gTsang-'phrad [3] bKa'-tshal [4] Khrom-pa [g. Yon-]ru g .Y as-ru dBu-ru Ru-lag rGyang x x x x M M '-'DUL BRGYAD: In order to suppress the minor limbs: [I] KI-chu Thogs-med [2] Glong-thang sGron-ma [3] Ke-ru gZimdangs [4] Du-ba-dag In-tra [5] Byang sPrin Yid-'ong dGergyas [6] Rab-snang dBang-chen rgyas-pa [q Bo-chu Thar[a] sKyer-chu dPal-Be'u rgyas-pa Kong-yul dPal-gro In the above list only nos. 2, 5, 7 and 8 should be considered as mTha''dul temples, the other temples are denoted affiliated ('phyongs, mchongs) temples, cf. below. In addition, DCHBY op. cit. 116.3117.5, like GBCHBY, offers an 'extended' list too, and enumerates a number of temples, partly overlapping some of the temples in the above list and continues by maintaining that one hundred and eight temples were built in all (compare GBCHBY), among others: 24 The text adds here g. Yung rung brtsegs pa which could be the name of [yet] another temple. So also by m u a s - p a IDe'u, cf. above. Or it may indicate that the temple in question was erected in a Banfashion. YANG-'DUL BRGYAD: In order to suppress the ten finger-joints (sor mo): [I] rDo-j e Mi-'gyur [2] KP-chu [3] sKyer-chu [4] sMan Sha-nasma [5] Byang sPrin [6] sTang sPrin [q sPra-dun-rtse [8] gNyen-gsal Myang Khams IHo, dPa'-gro X Nub, Mang-yul X Byang X In the above list, nos. I , 3, 5, 7 are Yang-'dul temples, the others nos. 2, 4, 6 and 8 are denoted affiliated or attached branch temples ('phyong [or mchong] gis brags pa bzhi) to the [main?] temples. In addition, pursuing an unusual description which partly parallels GBCHBY, cf. above, DCHBY adds a few other temples among the forty-two temples (out of the initially planned one hundred and eight temples to be raised by the king, the rest was erected later).25 1De'u Jo-sras enumerates, inter alia, also eighteen Yang-'dul temples, such as: Gling-chung, Kam-chung and Ke-chung raised in order to suppress the sun, moon, and the lunar constellation. Next, sGe-ri, sKyer-chung and sDe-chung, Shang Iha-khang, Hab-shang lha-khang, Gangs-bar lha-khang, 'Pra-durn gyi Iha khang, Nub-ri'i Iha-khang, Khyung-lung dngul-khang, Mang-yul Khri-dpe'i Ihakhang, Li-yul Glang-po'i gtsug-lag-khang. Similar to GBCHBY and Nel-pa (cf. above), DCHBY, op. cir. 131.21132.20; 136.2-5, mentions the establishment of a number of religious institutions, of which one was located to the east in Kong-po, at the Bo-chu dGa'-ldan (= mTha'-'dul, no. 7 above). Further, the text mentions four great Yang'-dul temples (being somewhat in contradiction with the above scheme): 1. The rDo-je'i gtsug-lag-khang, raised in order to tame (or convert?)/suppress the Chinese in the east (shar phyogs rgya 'dul ba). 2. The Bum-thang rTsi-lung gi gtsug-lag-khang, raised in order to tame or suppress the Mon-area in the south.26 3. The Pra-dung-rtse dPal-rgyas kyi gtsug-lag-khang, raised in order to suppress the mouth of the nPga Ma-dros-pa in the western dirction. 25 This corroborates also the statement in GBCHBY (see above) and, prior to this text, the BGR 199b3 and bSod-nams rtse-mo in his Chos la 'jug-pa'i sgo (written 1167 A.D.), where it is mentioned that not only Srong-btsan sgam-po but also later kings each erected one hundred and eight temples (cf. Szerb, 1990, p. 12). What is meant obviously is that one hundred and eight temples (cf. GBCHBY above) were erected in all. This Buddhist figure: One hundred and eight is a phyi-dar invention. So also in HBCHBY (JA) 44b7-45al. 26 Note here the mention of rTsi-lung, not sKyer-chu; for this old temple, here being associated with the other temples built by Srong-btsan sgam-po, cf. Aris. 1979, pp. 6-7, 37-9, 54-5; KTHDNG N H A ) Chap. XVIII, sect. 30, 202.7-14. 4. The sPro-rtsi lha-khang, raised in order to tame Ke-le [sic] in the north. NGTMTPH 8a3-9a2: RU BZHI: In order to suppress the limbs: right hand left hand right foot left foot MTHA '-'DUL BZHI: Shar 1Ho Nub, Mang-yul Byang x Khams x x x x x x x X YANG- 'DUL BZHI: [ I ] Glong-thang sGrol-ma [2] Bum-thang [3] sGye-ri [4] s ~ ~ e r - c h u ~ ~ 790 We must probably assume that the proto-type of the story contained most of the variant narrative elements found in the various versions. The information contained in the relevant passages,30 which all refer to the 27 Cf. the notes 446 and 836. 28 Nel-pa mentions under each temple also its affiliated temple and its meditation-cave. Cf. Uebach* 1987. 29 The description by Nel-pa is here somewhat unclear and compounded, and the reconstruction of lhe list of the Yang-'dul temples may be construed otherwise, cf. Uebach, 1987, pp. 91-93, 30 F K B E (Ca) 135a3: Wlri brsun gyis glong [ = klong] rdol rgyul Ida ' la sogs pa zur phug rk~a*g nu1 rshal gyi klu la chos skyong du bcol l chu skar chung gi lbu ba gdong la bsgyur nas 1 de same narrative incidence, proves for various historical and literary historical reasons to be of major importance, wherefore we shall deal with them at greater length. As is seen, MNKB E (Ca), KCHKKHM-3, CHBYMTNYP and HBCHBY on the one hand all'contain a cognate version whereas the fragmentary narrative versions found in MNKB E (Cd), KCHKKHM-2 and MBNTH, on the other hand, all draw from hother common version. Without attempting to proffer an exact translation of the above passages, or even attempt to construe a plausible proto-version, one thing nevertheless leaps to the fore. All the fragments relate about the threat of some flood or inundation (either coming from some subterranean water or wells etc., the true home of the klu-s) underneath 1Ha-sa and '0-thang or running from the nearby sKyid-chu river being caused by some local klu-spirits endangering the edifice of Ra-sa 'Phrulsnang. The Nepalese princess is here depicted resp. propitiating, resp. being successful in turning these local phreatic klu-creatures into Defenders of the Dharma (dhamtapdla); in any case, the watery menace is thereby reduced to such an extent, most of these passages tell us, that the water assumed the form of foam and bubbles, harmless to anyone.3 More than anything, the place-names and phrases contained in the above passages, however distorted they seem, can be clarified thanks, mainly, to an utmost important narrative and a literary and mythological tradition embodied in the Padmasambhava Vita-cycles. The above episode finds in substance a remarkable parallel in his biography. In essence, it refers to the submission of the nus.....; MNKB E (Cd) 199a3-4: lha gcig gk ma1 gro'i klu rnams la zhu phul nas I chu lho ngos su bsgyur I ~Angrgyal po la thus pas I gla ba'i tshal chod la phub gsungs nas I mtsho phub pas shing gis dkyil du ma sleb nas I rgyal po la z h u pas rgyal pos lha la drk pa dung I 'odkyi dra ba dra phyed mtsho la babs so.. . ; KCHKKHM-2 220.1-4: bal mos ma1 gro 'i klu la gtor ma phul nas gsol ba btab pas 'odzer de Lho ngos su 'gyur II 'od zer de lho ngos su 'gyur ba las kyi chu phyed dkor chung sbu ba gdong du gyur to.. . ; KCHKKHM-3 445.4-5: khri btsun gyis nag po blo [= klong] rdol dang zur phur skyang bu mrshan la gyi [sic]klu la chos skyong bcol I chu skyar chu sgya ba'i steng du sgyur n m I chu shing bu bas phub bas dkyil du shing gi. ma slebs.. .; CHBYMTNYP 254b3-5: khri btsun gyis glong brdol dung I rgyun 'dul la sogs pa zul phug dbus rkyang bu tshal gyi klu de r n m la chos skyong bcol D chu dkar chung sbu ba sdong la bsgyur r n msho shing gla bas phigs [ = phub] pas I dkyil du shing gL ma slebs. MBNTH 60a2-3: khri btsun gyk ma [ = mad gro 'i klu mums la chos skyong zhus re I chu dbu ba stong du bskyur bay 'o thong gud du chad I... ; HBCHBY (JA) 36a7-bl : klu nag po klong rdol dung rgyun brdal dang zur phung rkyang tshal gyi klu la lar bcol ste skyi chu Iho ngos dkor chung lbu ba gdong du bsgyur bas mtsho gung du lus mtsho nang gi phyogs bzhir rdo spe [ = dpe] byas gla ba'i shing g k phub pas dbus su ma sleb nas.. . ; 31 1 assume here that lbu ba gdong is not a geographical name, which, to be true, is quite plausible, i.e. sBoJlBu-ba-gdong similar to what another place-name such as dGa'-ba-gdong, also close to IHaSa (cf. e.g. Ferrari, p. 167) and other place-names containing the element gdong (cf. e.g. note 809) may suggest. most powerful and influencial ndgardja called Mal-gro gZi-can nag-po.32 The Padmasambhava Vita-tradition has retained an almost ~ i m i l a r - ~ ~ ~ d ~ account of the oath-binding (dam la brags) and the submission ('dul ba) of this klu'i rgyal po and his acolytes as well as a description of the subsequent assistance (grogs byed pa) proffered by them in erecting and protecting the bSam-yas vihdra. 33 The first narrated episode offers a lengthy description of what in one version is called the purification ('byongs pa) of the bSam-yas site, where (Padmasambhava) states that the barbarous country of Tibet is a 'dre yi yul, replete with these creatures, and that in order to tame them (and the Tibetan people), the nine-storeyed ~ country of Tibet which resembles a glo bo snn mo gun r k y ~ l a, ~ gtsug lag khang should be raised upon its heart. The head of the snn-mo needs a black stone ([r]delu to suppress it) and one hundred and eight caitya-s were to be erected to suppress the srin-mo's limbs. Most relevant for our present needs, the description continues by stating that in the district or Valley of Mal-gro, the ndgardja called Mal-gro gZi-can resides, who rules over the entire Tibetan realm (bod khams dbang byed pa) and in order to overcome or pacify this creature, Padmasambhava displayed the rite of dam skongs dong sprug 'dus pa 'i bshags pa, and by depositing klu gter and a klu rten at Mal-gro, the digvijaya-magician was able to acquire the srog chu and the ndgardja was suppressed. Thereby any acquatic threat against bSam-yas in the future was abolished. In fact, by oathbinding this pivotal klu rigs gyur pa mums kyi j e , the path was paved for the erection of bSam-yas. Among the NPgarPja's acolytes not only a Zul-phug rKyangbu-tshal gyi klu was listed but also a klu'i ded dpon [nag-pol Klong-rdol [= Klurdol = *Miitangal etc. The klu'i rgyal po of Zul-phug rKyang-bu-tshal, the other narrated episode reveals, is instrumental in supplying the king, Khri-srong lde'ubtsan, with wood and riches for the construction of his bSam-yas grsug-lagk h ~ n ~ . ~ ~ 32 The black Niigariija TapasviIManasvi. Also called Se-'phang nag-po or Srog-dkar dkar-po. He is a gestalt with human body, one text tells, having nine snakes as head, a black body, the lower part being coiled like a snake and is commonly regarded as klu rigs gyur pa pa r n a m kyi j e . He resides in the Valley, in Ba-lam Grom-pa brag-phug and Grom-pa mtsho in Mal-gro. Cf, also note 1197 infra. For a dhdrani-s on this figure cf. also the Tibetan Canon: TTPE Nos. 333, 691. 33 The two sets of narrative passages are: Nyang-ral's KTHZGM Chap. 10, 48.5-12 resp. Chap. 11, 52.16-54.5; Chap. 20, 119.15-123.5; 0-rgyan gling-pa's KTHDNG (KA) Chap. 18, 56.9-60.19, Chap. 24, 81.9-82.8 resp. Chap. 24, 77.1-22, 82.4-8 (cf. also Blondeau, 1971, pp. 88-91, 115); KTHDNG (CA) Chap. 17, 485.12-486.8 resp. Chap. 28, 519.5-19; and his PMKTH Chap. 629 377.3-16 r a p . Chap. 60, 367.5-6; Chap. 62, 380.5-14 (cf. also Toussaint, pp. 248, 258); Nyangral again in his huge CHBYMTNYP op. cir. 314bl-317a5, finally combines the two related sets of stories. Cf. also briefly MBNTH 98b3-6; CHBY 141~13and also Tiraniitha's Yid-ches @urnldan (Chin. ed. 264.9-265.15); GBYTSH 129bl. 34 Resembling thus the present 'Phrul-snang-story, cf. note 726. 35 This narrative element with wood is also important in the Srong-btsan sgam-po Vita. In the present bsam-yas narrative, the klu-s in question living along the msho chen Mal-gro'i 'gram, the great lake/ocean of Mal-gro [sic], threw huge quantities into the gTsang-po river whereafter the area around bSam-yas became completely forested, thus providing enough material for the coming construction. Cf. BZH (Stein ed. 23.14-24.1, Chin. ed. 29.17-22). Zul-phug r ~ ~ a n ~ - b u - t s hisa lan ~ ~ ancient place-name of documented historicity. Usually it is associated with the district of ~ a l - ~ r o l ~ o nand ~ -is~ u l ~ ~ already mentioned in the the Annals of Dun-huang. The entry for the years 713 and 7 1 5 e.g. ~ ~ mentions that a summer-meeting took place at Zu-spug gi rKyang-butshal. Equally interesting is the testimony in sBa-bzhed (Stein ed. 23.14-24.1; Chin. ed. 29.17-30.7) which corroborates the above narration embedded in the Padma-Vita. It is told how [Mal-gro] gZi-can, the most powerful N1 argja, after his submission, made his appearance in Zur-phug [s]Kyang-bu-tsha19 when he proclaimed: "Upon earth, king Khri-srong lde-btsan is mighty, but in the whereupon he offered the king underworld melow Tibet], 1 am the fourteen mule-loads of gold as donation for erecting bSam-yas. The place also housed a royal pho brang, sBa-bzhed (Stein ed. 27.10-28.9, Chin. ed. 34.6-35.10) = HBCHBY (JA) 89b7-90a1, further assures us, where in a certain pig-year (arguably 759 A.D.), a crucial Bon-Buddhist Debate took place.41 36 Numerous scribal varieties of this toponym are found: Zur-phug, Zur-phur, Zur-phunglphud dc. and sKyang-chung-tshal, Klung-rgyu-tshal, rKyang-nul-tshal/mtshanetc. Zul-phug, or the Zul-cave, might plausibly be the best reading, while the var. lect. Zur-phug etc. may just be toponyrnical adaptations inspired by the type of klu reigning there: He is described as khye'u chung zur phud can. PMKTH moreover specifies that Zur-phug [of] rKyang-bu-tshal is a cave which houses spirits of the bdud-gza' and dam-sri types. Behind the distorted phrase ffiyun-brdal/'dul etc. found in the above Srong-Vita passages, we may further assume the NHgar2ja Klu-rdol or rGp-'dal, i.e. *Mstanga. 37 The district of Mal-gro, a district and a valley north-east of 1Ha-sa, lying further upstream the southern bank of sKyid-chu river, is closely related to the activities of Srong-btsan sgam-po, since e.g. the Ka-tshal vihdra was erected there and since the king himself allegedly was born there (cf. notes 444-446 supra). For a connection between Mal-gro and the klu-s, cf. also Ferrari, pp. 109110; &sen & Thingo, 1991, p. 92. But Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP op. cit. 314b1-2, surprisingly reads IHa-sa rKyang-phu'i klu, the Mu-spirit inhabiting the rKyang-phu (rivulet?) in IHa-sa (cf. Nakane, Map of U l a a , rKyang-phu running into sKyidchu river from north and lying due west from IHa-sa). This would then arguably make the adjacent(?) rKyang-bu-tshal identical with the IHasa rKyang-thang (DTHNGP, Roerich, p. 498: 1Ha-sa rKyang-thang; the 'Wild Ass Meadow' abutting Nor-bu gling-ka park to the west of 1Ha-sa, cf. also Waddell, 1905, pp. 328-29, 355). There is no reason to assume that ZullZur-phug slrKyang-bu-tshal should be located in the vicinity of the IHa-sa area. It is definitely to be located in the Mal-gro district. Mal-gro 8s district is already recorded in the Dunhuang documents being read as Mal-tro. The gZi-can MU is not infrequently associated with Ma-dros (cf. e.g. Kapstein, 1990, p. 514), but this clearly reflects a simple scribal error while Mal-gro is often falsely rendered Ma-dro such as in the Nyang-ral's CHBYMTNYP, inspiring some later authors to construe this as Madros, i.e. Anavatapta = mtsho Ma-pham, Manasarovar. Cf. similarly, Wylie, 1962, pp. 4-6, 56-59, 121-123. 38 Cf. Documents de Touen-houang relar@ a i'histoire du Tibet, p. 21; Nel-pa even states, NGTMTPH, l la3, that later a temple was erected there locating rKyang-bu-tshal in rKang[= rKongl-yul; cf. Uehach, p. 104-05, n. 480. 39 Var. lecr. Zur-phud Klung-rgyu-tshal. These numerous variant readings might suggest that this narrative episode early sunk into oblivion. 40 BZH (Stein ed. op. cir. 23.14- 16; Chin. ed. 29.19-20) = MBNTH 98b3-5 = HBCHBY (JA) 86b45 ; Taranstha, Yid-ches gsum-ldan, (Chin. ed. 264.11-13). 41 Corroborated by the Annals (pp. 57-58, 64-65), entry for the years 758 and 761 A.D. where king Khri-srong Ide-btsan spent the summers in his residencial palace of Zu-phug. Cf. Appendix, note 1186. Noteworthy also is the reference to d~ar-chungls~ar-chung42 in the above Srong-btsan sgam-po Vita-passages. It is identical with sKar-c[h]ung, otherwise known for its famous rdo-ring inscription,43and is located some two miles southwest of IHa-sa along the bank of sKyid-chu. Thereby we also have an identification of the location of Gla-ba-tshal (cf. note 729) since nub phyogs dkar chung gla ba tshal is found rendered several times. We may thus assume that somewhere in the Lhasa vicinity and the neighbouring district Mal-gro, water from some subterranean wells (connecting the lake of 'O-thang and the sKyid-chu river? and each housing distinct klu-spirits) runs, and that the propitiation and pacification of the sa bda and klu-spirits were intended to render any potential aquatic hazard harmless. d What we most probably have here (in connection with the PadmasambhavaVita) is thus a clear parallel to the fragmentary narrative found in the Srong-btsan sgam-po-Vita. This is moreover, to my knowledge, the only direct rapport between the two Vitas, aside from the exposition on the Six-syllabic formula (cf. note 273). But how did this narrative element so well-known from the Padma-Vita turn up in the Srong-Vita? The tiny reminiscence in GLR of the narrative of a watery threat towards the erection of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang unfolds a story about the submission of a powerful ndgardja and his associates ruling over the area, without which the 42 ~Kar-c[h]ungis apparently the best reading (so also according to BZH (Stein ed. 69.15-16), since this form is found rendered in an inscription, nevertheless the editors in Lhasa calls it rGyal-sde dKar-chung; cf. Bod kyi rdo-ring dung dril-bu 'i kha-byang, p. 106; orthographical confusion between prefixed-supertixed d/s due to homophony has long prevailed in Tibetan, cf. Schuh, 1973, pp. 18-19. 43 Cf. e.g. Richardson, 1985, pp. 72-81. 44 It will be recalled that the present Jo-khang temple houses a so-called Chapel of the 'O-thang-rntsho (cf. Taring, Inder to the L h a a Carlledral, p. 16, no. 86), a room which contains a well with water coming from the subterranean 'O-thang lake. Moreover, not far from Lhasa a lake called Chu-mgo is found (for photo, cf. Hummel) which is connected with the water running underneath Lhasa and Jo-khang. Up to 1950 A.D. groups of monks used to settle down close to the lake in order, at appropriate times, to pray that water from the lake would not overflow its bank and thus threaten Lhasa. It may further have some relation to the klu allegedly living in the waters of the lakelet located behind the northern escarpment (rdzong rgyab) of the Potala Palace (which, to be true, came into being when the present Potala Palace was erected in the seventeenth cent.) and upon which a tiny klu khang has been erected housing the klu ruling the waters underneath the City of Lhasa, cf. Sofensen, 1990, pp. 278-79; Waddell, 1905, pp. 367-368; Richardson, 1993, pp. 86-87. ~lthough we have not found any literary evidence for these particular traditions, it may very well have some bearing on the present narrative episode or may have developed from it. More pertinent to our discussion is the diluvial threat of flooding Lhasa which forced king Srong-btsan sgam-po to conceal treasuries and advices, foremost in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang, hidden there for the future Tibetan population to meet the expenses (cha rkyen) of the inner and outer repair and restauration of Uasa when or if the watery menace should strike. This is not only alluded to in GLR,cf. Chap. XVll ad note 1023ff. infra, but specifically detailed by dPal-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 152b4. In fact, a large part of the districts sKyid-stod/sKyid-smad, along sKyid-chu river from Mal-gro until present-day Lhasa, a key area of great imporlance during the early dynastic period, may have been regarded as the land of the klu. That a watery menace caused by the water-residing klu-s and related spirits and its abolition occupied an important role during the dynastic period is moreover reptcd'y documented in BZH and in the numerous Padmasambhava-Vitas. erection of bSam-yas would come to nill. In the Srong-btsan sgam-po-Vita-s, we are informed that Khri-btsun, the Nepalese princess, succeeded in turning the local klu-s into Defenders of Dharma, a forerunner of what precisely was the main-task of Padmasambhava. Would this imply that this part of the Srong-Vita was influenced by the Padma-Vita, or vice versa? A possible clue, however faint, that may account for the occurence of these parallel episodes in the Srong-Vita and Padma-Vita or for this strange case of borrowing, is to be traced in BZH where, in a lengthy passage describing the search for holy water, it is told how Padmasambhava in his investigation turned the barren sand and banks of Nam-shod, in the vicinity of bSam-yas, into groves and forests, in the wake of which, he also turned Brag-dmar Zla-ba-tshal into a forest and secured water in the Ntiga-pools e t ~ . ~ Could ' we assume that the occurence of Brag-dmar Gla-ba-tshal and 1Ha-sa Gla-ba-tshal (cf. notes 729, 792) have caused a confusion, where Brag-dmar Gla-ba-tshal in reality should be read as Brag-dmar 'Om-bu-tshal as this site adjacent to bSam-yas is documented repeatedly in e.g. BZH? Whatever, it is worth paying attention, at least, to what 0-rgyan gling-pa informs us, (KTHDNG(KHA) Chap. 18, 161.114-162.8), namely that the lha sa 'i lo rgyus kyi yig ris (= yi ge shog dril) etc. was found and later hidden again by Padmasambhava in the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang temple. The lha sa'i lo rgyus kyi yig, i.e. the story about (the erection of) 1Ha-sa ('Phrul-snang) is nothing but the K C H K K H M . ~ The ~ crucial question, as always, remains: what kind of biographical documents were at hand for Vita-biographers such as Nyang-ral, a central figure in the transmission of these Vita-s, when compiling his works. 831 This explanation is elaborated by dPa'-bo in HBCHBY (JA) 44b2-4: Until the foundation of the Ra-sa temple [of Khri-btsun, i.e. Jo-khang] had been laid, Kongjo had no power to raise [her own] temple, wherefore she only raised the mare] pillars [upholding the edifice of her future temple]. ...Later (under the same queen Kong-jo? or the second Kong-jo? cf. below), [it was properly] built with brickwork and as its Chinese roof was variegated like a Chinese tiger, it became known as Ra-mo-che, the temple [resembling or representing] the Chinese Tiger. Cf. similarly CHBYMTNYP 272a1-2, KCHKKHM-2 270.2-9, where it e.g. is told that the golden statue of Shdcya-muni at Ra-mo-che first had its face and front looking towards the west in the direction of the king's summit-fortress (nse mkhar) (located on dMar-po-ri), but later its front turned towards the east (i.e. China). In fact, as the narrative here goes, Ra-mo-che was actually erected precisely at the location where the statue initially stranded (i.e. on the plain of Ra-mo-che) and 45 Op. cir. Stein ed. 24.8-25.8, Chin. ed. 30.8-31.15. According to Bon sources it is related that Tibet at one point became full of water. This is recorded to be the reason why the regions between Lhasa and hSam-yas are full of sand. Cf. Kamay, 1972, p. 93. 46 Cf. e.g. KCHKKHM-2 314.3-4. Cf. also dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) op. cit. 149a6-7. Cf. also the Introduction to this book, note 24. four pillars were erected around the statue, which were then covered with planks and rafters. Until a proper house was raised, the statue was covered by a large silk curtain. Cf. also note 71 1 supra. True, samples of the propensity or fondness among Tibetans to provide etymologically clarifying tales to any incidence of historical and even ahistorical importance are well documented and we cannot, of course, exclude that rGya-stag, this etymological gloss which is foremost documented in MNKB, is not just another post-dynastic fabrication, but as it may emerge from thd present chapter, where we have seen to what extent the imagery of sacred animals and related divinatory elements played for the naming of temples and sites, such an etymology should not surprise us. We only need to look at the name Ra-mo-che which in itself merely means the 'Great She-goat' (with a word-play on the prominent sacred role purportedly played by the goats of Ra-sa when erecting Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang). More important and perhaps an indication of the name's antiquity, BZH also has rGya[l]-stag Ra-mo-che (e.g. Stein ed. 3.9; Chin. ed. 3.21); this application occasionally also emerges when Ra-mo-che is described.47 Of major significance, moreover, is the statement in Nyang-ral's MBNTH 82a1-2, where it is stated that (the original?) Ra-mo-che, besides having a Chinese roof (rgya phibs), was quipped with a Chinese entrance gate, had wall-paintings or murals (rgyud ris) depicting the holy Wu-tai-shan (ri'i rtse mo lnga) and finally that Chinese [calligraphic] characters were to be found written on the arched pinnacles (= lcog) of the roof. In conformity with a later unanimous tradition, we may with some reason thus conclude that the original Ra-mo-che temple in concept and in artistic-cultural expression (being raised by Chinese artists and craftsmen) was Chinese in contrast to Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang which basically was NepaleseNewari in concept and expression. Decidedly more problematic is the question whether the bride of Srong-btsan sgam-po actually did erect Ra-mo-che or not. Richardson questions the ascription and erection of this temple to Kong-jo, the first Chinese queen, and instead assigns it to the second Chinese queen, i.e. Gyim-shing Kong-jo or Jincheng Gongzhu, Khri-lde gtsug-btsan's consort, who first arrived in 1Ha-sa in 710 and who died 739 A . D . For ~ ~ this assumption ~ i c h a r d s o nquotes ~ ~ Li-yul chos kyi lo-rgyus, but the 47 KCHKKHM-1 789.6-790.1-2; KCHKKHM-3 467.2-4; CHBYMTNYP 271 b6-272a3; MBNTH 74b4-6; GBCHBY 276.18, 292.9- 10 (saying e.g. that the Ra-mo-che temple was three-storeyed); HBCHBY (JA) 41 bl-2; TSLKHKCH 9b3, 17a5, 17bl; cf. Chab-spel, 1989(b), p. 195. 48 However, see the discussion Appendix, note 1137. 49 Cf. 1985, p. 26. The source upon which Richardson finds support for his assumption is the reliable source titled Li-yul chos kyi lo-rgyus (Emmerick, 1967, pp. 84-85 (52-60)), where a small narrative episode is unfolded which relates about the destruction of Buddhism in Khotan and the subsequent journey of Khotanese monks to Tibet. There a princess named Kong-jo resides, the bride of a Tibetan lha brsan po, and she is responsible for erecting a grsug lag khang ched Po She shelters the monks and provided the livelihood for them. For twelve full years, laity and clergy could practice Buddhism, but then she contracted small-pox and died. This latter information could cefiainly speak in favour of identifying this Koag-jo with the second Chinese queen and could eo ips0 entail that the gtsug lag khang be identified Ra-mo-che, even though Ra-mo-che nowhere else is designated a glsug lag khang. Cf. also Li-yul dGra-hcorn-bas lung-hstan-pa conservd in the bsTdn-'gyur. As demonstrated in Appendix, note 920 infra, later Vita-mythographers and Tibetan information given there is not unproblematic. A later? tradition identifies the Tibetan lha brsan po mentioned in this Khotan-story with Srong-btsan sgam-po, cf. note 920 infra. And this may very well be the truth. In support of Richardson's view counts the fact that the second Kong-jo actively supported and gave shelter to Khotanese monks as told in the Li-yul story. Against the assumption of Richardson is the information e.g. tracsd in BZH (and in fact an unanimous Tibetan tradition) where Ra-mo-che unmistakably is ascribed to the first Kong-jo, i.e. Wencheng Gongzhu. A possible solution to the conundrum may arguably be alluded to by dPa9-boabove, as he maintains that the foundation of Ra-mo-che was laid by Wencheng Gongzhu (probably around 641-43 A.D.), but that it was perhaps first fully built or completed during the second Kong-jo or later (as was quite often the case with other temples and grand plans in the dynastic period, cf. e.g. DCHBY 1 17.6-7). That this latter conjecture is contradicted by the present Vita in this chapter, inasmuch as it is maintained that the temples of Ra-sa and Ramo-che were completed simultaneously during Srong-btsan sgam-po, shall neither surprise us or nor disprove our assumption, since the traditional Vita is highly idealized and in its final form, at least, largely an apologetic fabrication. 836 The same bKa'-chems text, op. cir. 260.18-19, maintains that during king Srongbtsan sgam-po's time, ndgavidhi (klu chog) ritual texts were allegedly buried at Khra-'brug. So also MNKB E (Cd) 209a1-2; CHBYMTNYP 379a5; KTHZGM (Chap. 21, 131.9-lo), PMKTH (Chap. 91, 553.6-7, 555.9-lo), representing the Vita-cycle of Padmasambhava, mention e.g. that zab grer and rdzas gter were buried there later. For a fuller survey over the inner construction and treasuries, see the lengthy and interesting exposition in the fourteenth cent. KTHDNG (KHA) Chap. XVIII (9. sect.), 162.9-165.11. Cf. also Ferrari, p. 50, n. 237. For an etymological explanation of its name, Khra-'brug, cf. KCHKKHM-2 297.4-299.6 and HBCHBY (JA) 38a5-39a3 associating it with the story of the taming of a local klu. 866 As indicated in the above passages, this narrative element with the disguised beggar is in the traditional Vita of the king mostly rendered as the second and third element out of three reasons, convincing arguments or signs (gtan rshigs, Wlungs dung yid ches, rtags, rgyu mrshan) given as to why the king, Srong-btsan sgam-po, was to be considered as an embodiment of Avalokiteivara. These points are usually proclaimed by minister Thon-mi: 1. At the point when the king was born in the Byams-pa mi-'gyur palace (= Khra-'brug, cf. notes 446 and 836 supra), his head was already that of Amitiibha. historians have combined the above information with the period of king Smng-btsan sgam-po and thus with the first Kong-jo. A s c r i w to the second Kong-jo in later literature is not Ra-mo-che. but a certain rGya'i dam-pa, modelled upon lndian pattern, cf. Nel-pa's NGTMTPH 12a7 (Uebach, P P 108-109). 2. At the time he erected the Khra-'brug temple, he paid his respect to a [disguised] bhiksu who was sitting in front of a five-pointed cairya) and 3. The wonder and miracle-worlung accruing from the encounter betwen these two saints. The version in MNKB WAM differs somewhat in content, as does GLR. In most of the versions this narrative element is further linked up with the story of two monks from Li-yul, cf. note 920, so also GLR, note 1073 where the arguments differ from those given above. Appendix Chapter XV 874 All these sources uniformly confirm that the north-western wall-paintings in Jokhang with the lde'u-motifs (and also with g.yung-dmng bon-motifs),' as a pedagogic device, allegedly sought to enhance the understanding among the future Tibetan populace of the yuktidhama (rigs pa'i chos), the teaching of logic, whereas the many depicted fables and animal-tales (sgrung rgyud, i.e. spre'u sgrung, such as the tale of the Monkey-Champion (spre'u gyad) Bha-la-ma[n]-da [= Haniim2n[t]] and various bya'i sgmng such as parrot-fables etc.) aimed at enhancing the understanding of dgamadham (lun gi c h s ) among the people and ~ i s i t o r s .The ~ inspiration behind and the introduction of these motifs and in 1 At some length KCHKKHM-2 explains that depictions of space-going bon sha ba (bon deers) etc. were executed along the pillar with a capital shaped like leaves (ka ba shing lo can). Further, there were paintings with voluble bon ya 'dam pa 'i sha ba, flying birds, horse-racing, paintings depicting miracles being performed by Bon-po-s (bon gyi rdzu 'phruC) and depictions of Bon ston-pa gShenrab mi-bo (who, the Buddhist redactor of KCHKKHM-2 informs us, was to be considered an incarnation of Thugs-rje chen-po Avalokitedvara). It will be recalled that the soaring deer is one of the twelve kinds of knowledge listed in Cause or rGyu-Bon. According to Bon-creed, one is capable of flying to the palace of the btsan, if one offers them deer-effigies made of barley-flour, cf. for details, Kannay, 1972, pp. 31-32. Rather than presuming here an attempt on the side of the Vita-compilerldiscoverer(s) to reconcile Buddhist and Bon doctrines, or at least acknowledge Bon-influence and presence in the architecture of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang, the allusion to Bon-motifs should rather to conceived as a reminiscence of the existence in dynastic times of the substantial influence of Bon. From the notes 818 and 827-28 above we are informed that Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang was also constructed to please the Bon-po-s, who in the days of Srong-btsan sgam-po still played a decisive role not only at court but also among the people. dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 44al-2, informs us moreover that Bon writings were concealed below the pillars with the aim that the original writings one day should serve as be'u bum in case the restoration of the frescoes should prove necessary. 2 Almost similar words in MNKB E (Ca) 140a3-4, (Cd) 207b1-4,208a2-4, (cf. also Blondeau, 1984, p. 86, n. 40) and GBYTSH 119b5-120b4, where we are informed that in order to improve the understanding among children and ordinary people for the Buddhist cIgarna and yulai and for Dharma in general, not only depictions of monkey-tales, Vetala-tales (such as e.g. the story (and drama-play) of the bram Ze mo gZugs kyi nyi-ma etc.), but also Ide'u-motifs (and Bon-motifs, Bon [ha ldem etc.) were executed on the square re'u mig along the pillars and beams (ka gdung) on the upper floor (steng Wlang) of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang. A question which cannot be satisfactorily answered here is the above reference to depictions of the tale (sgrung) denoted Bram-ze gZugs hyi nyi-ma. In some passages of e.g. V K B above it is written gZungs kyi snye-ma. And, incidentally, in Ratna gling-pa's (1403-1478 A.D.) glosses to the transmission of the King's Will, he lists a certain Bram-ze gZungs hyi snye-ma'i d o [sic], Purportedly being a part of the Siirna-section of F K B and moreover a siitra allegedly translated by Than-mi, cf. his gTer-'byung chen-mo (KHA) 53.5-6 (= 2 7 6 6 ) . The reference in this unusual gloss by Ratna gling-pa seems to be untraced in the list of twenty-one siitra-s and tantra-s [ = dharani-sl commonly attributed to the Avalokiteivara-cult and listed in Lo-rgyus chen-mo ( V K B E (A); Chap. XXXV), of which a number allegedly was translated by Thon-mi, cf. note 490. Beyond that, the only clue to this enigmatic statement is the popular Tibetan Indian-inspired dramaplay gzugs kyi snye-malnyi-ma (*RQpamafijarS/sQrya), cf. e.g. Bacot, 1957. The identity of this tale and drama-play's Indian Vorlage (if it not just a question of simple inspiration, setting the tale in particular of the above Haniimh are to be sought in Nepal. That these walls were the works of the Newari craftsmen active during the construction of Ra-sa 'phrulsnang should be considered a fact. As already indicated by Vitali and substantiated by the literary sources employed here, the overall concept of and model for the construction of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang was Newari-Nepalese in origin. (Cf. notes 829 and 831 supra). The crucial question is: When were these murals executed? Here we shall opt that these (now deplorably lost) wall-paintings with the motifs lde'u, sgrung and bon pertain to the earliest stratum of frescoes installed in Ra-sa 'Phrulsnang. The most significant discovery in this respect would then be that the myth anent the origin of the Tibetan race (cf. note 329 supra) from the union of a monkey (foremost inspired by the HanUmFm gestalt) and a rock-demoness possibly already had its roots in the seventh century. Another question is then when and how the ape-gestalt as motif was transfigured into the Avalokita-cult. This is hinged upon the overall question when this divinity came to be regarded as the national tutelary guardian of Tibet. This most likely already took shape in the later part of the dynastic period, as discussed in the introduction to this book, albeit first universally established at the inception of the phyi-dar period. As the sources confirm, during the time of Srong-btsan sgam-po these topics or literary forms were the chosen means to educate and teach the common people (skye bo kun, bod 'bangs).3 The parallel passages in MNKB above do not refer to the wall-paintings, but state that the teachings of these topics were intended for the sake of ordinary people and sick persons. Here clearly, these literary components are depicted to be 'inferior' to the Buddhist teaching, and the Buddhist redactors of MNKB even conclude that all Bon teachings (later?) were converted? to Dharma (bon ;hams cad chos la brsud). This Buddhist interpretative veneer of the usability of the murals and frescoes (i.e. the allusion to dgama and yukridhama), as indicated above, may well be of an Indian cultural ambience, as often is the case in Tibetan Erzdhlgut), its relative age and dissemination in Tibet are still relatively unknown, not to talk about its relation to the king's Vita. If an early, now lost, translation by Thon-mi of this tale or an early reminiscence of the tale could be documented, it would indirectly corroborate the age of these murals. It should be recalled that Nyang-ral, CHBYMTNYP 184b5-185a2 chronicles that Than-mi, aside from the usual bulk of smaller siitra-s pertaining mainly to the Avalokita-cult, also translated many lha chos dung mi chos kyi g d a m pa. 3 A note should here be given to the twenty-chapter4 collection or cycle of Indian-inspired Tibetan stories and tales conserved in the Bu-chos section of bKa'-gdams glegs-barn and entitled Be'u-bum w o n - p o compiled by Dol-pa dMar-zhur-pa Rog Shes-rab rgya-mtsho (1059-1 131 A.D.). It enjoys great popularity in the bKa'-gdams-pa school of AtiSa and was not infrequently commented upon. Although this collection, which mainly consisted of non-religious tales and edifying parables, was embedded into the bKa'-gdams-pa literature no doubt while some of the stories also served as a sort of jdtako in the biographical narrative of 'Brom-ston 1064 A. D.), the cycle itself shows no direct thematic affiliation with the topical triad (bon Ue'u sgrung) illustrated on the pillars in Jokhang. It does allow us to assume that sgrung as literary genre was prevalent in the milieu from which the Vita-compiler(s) emerged and that we cannot exlude that some of the murals depicting these partly Indian, partly autochthonous tales and fables were actually executed in the XIth and Xllth century during restoration-work using extant be 'u-burn modelbooks as Vorlage. Cf. also note 892. In fact, this already took place during the reign of Ral-pa-can, where the king had be'u-bumbased murals in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang executed and restored. Cf. note 1448. a significantly later origin, say first added by the group of people around Atih in the XIth century when the text was 'found', but the very wall-paintings themselves (in some basic form at least) with these topics, being so massively referred to in the above sources, must be brought further back in time. These sgrung, lde'u and bon-illustrative murals etc. therefore most probably must be regarded to pertain to the earliest stratum of the structure of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang. Appendix Chapter XVI 920 Now, in the Li-yul chos kyi lo-rgyus (loc. cit., pp. 84-85 (49-62)),' there is a reference to a Tibetan king devoted to Buddhism and while the Saddharma was described to have been annihilated in Li-yul, Khotanese monks set out for Tibet where they are supported by Kong-jo, the queen of the Tibetan king. As we had occasion to discuss elsewhere (cf. note 831 supra + Appendix), this king and queen may in fact refer to king Khri-lde gtsug-btsan (rl. 712-754 A.D.) and his Chinese queen Gyim-sheng Kong-jo (cf. however Appendix, note 1137)' who we know from other sources actively supported Khotanese monks in Tibet (cf. also Vitali, 1990, for the early contact between Tibet and Khotan). Nevertheless, the present Li-yul story being linked up with king Srong-btsan sgam-po as the embodiment of AvalokiteSvara, is employed by the above Vita-mythographers as well as by all subsequent historians in Tibet from the XIth cent. and onwards (such as Bu-ston, ref. above) as an argument (and as such, incidentally, the reason why the story is attached to the Vita-passages discussing king Srong-btsan sgam-po's divine origin, cf. note 866 supra), or a proof (obviously the oldest 'historical' or most authoritative testimony existing according to the Tibetans) why Srong-btsan sgam-po should be regarded as an incarnation of Avalokiteivara. The problem is only that in the Li-yul chos kyi lo-rgyus there is no information conducive to identifying the king with Srong-btsan sgam-po. If we thus can assume some sort of equation between the non-extant Li-yul lung-bstan chen-mo (allegedly embodying or hinting at the narrative of the Li-yul monks) and Li-yul chos kyi 10rgyus (conking the above brief non-specific data), an equation which is far from certain, then it means that the entire Tibetan tradition has been mistaken in using the ex eventu prophecies embodied in these Li-yul-narratives to identify the king with Srong-btsan sgam-po and thereby with AvalokiteSvara. Until new data or the Li-yul lung-bstan chen-rno itself one day surface and thus substantiate the claim that Srong-btsan sgam-po was considered an embodiment of ~valokiteivara,we must adduce that this ascription in the main is a post-dynastic apologetic fabrication, at least in its most elaborate fashion as evidenced in the bulky Vitacycles dealt with in the present work. Cf. the Introduction. 1 The same story, more detailed, also found in the Li-yul gyi dGra-bcorn-bas lung-bstan-Pe conserved in the bsTan-'gyur, cf. Uray, Old Tibetan Sources, pp. 288-289 and foremost lhe valuable reflections in Vitali, 1990, pp. 6-1 1. Appendix Chapter XVII 961 Another title for the text, as it can be adduced from the source itself, is dGongs-pa Gab-pa mngon-phyung, i.e. 'Revelation of the Hidden [Nature] of the Intent [of the Buddhalthe King]'. It is usually embodied in MNKB WAM (G). The initial part of the section [Ma-'ongs] cab-pa mngon-phyung or 'The Revelation of the Hidden [for] the Future' (WaM (G) 1 la5-47a6) is denoted Gyurshog smon-lam (MNKB WAM (G) 1 la5- 1 2 d , rkpeated by HBCHBY (JA) 49d-7) or 'The Prayers fo; the ~ulfillment'i.e. that the king's writings will be beneficial for the sentient beings of [Tibet] in the future after [they] had been concealed in precious trove^.^ After this introduction follows the actual Gab-pa mngon-phyung which is faithfully retained in GLR here. The religious content expounded in this cycle, as with other parts in this text tradition, displays a rich syncretic license in its choice of doctrinal and philosophical star~d~oints.~ In particular, in this section the doctrine of the fourfold division: view, meditation, action and fruit[ion] (Ira sgom spyod 'bras bzhi) is promulgated. But also the well-known Trihya-system is found as well as the [Chinese] doctrine and the quietistic ideal of non-activity (byar med = bya bar med, Ch. wu-wei), a principle centered around the theory of non-conceptualization (mam par mi nog pa, a~ikalpa).~ The literary diction and the religious garb in which the present exposition is clothed shall point to its ultimate denominational origin. Here we find expressions and idioms for the Ultimate Nature (of mind) employed such as awareness and cognition (rig pa, shes pa) being rang rig and rang shes, and the conceptualization [of mind] being [ultimately] rang grol,5 etc., all variant expressions for the primordial pure and unaffected state of mind. The entire section of Gab-pa mngon-phyung, as well as other sections of the MNKB WAM, are brimming with a language and diction that carry the unmistakabie imprint of the 1 It is defined as a zhal g d m and a man ngag, cf. MNKB E dKar-chag, 10a3, 1l b l and the Vth Dalai Lama's @an-yig, 111 150.3 ( = 75b3), hence its incorporation in the section F of MT!JKB, of which section G merely is a subsection. 2 I. e. bka ' chos r n m rin po che 'i grer du bzhugs nus ma 'ongs pa 'i 'gro ba la phan par gyur shog gi smon lam btab pa. 3 Cf. also briefly Kapstein, 1992, pp. 90-91. 4 The theory and doctrine of non-action is a key thesis in the rDzogs-chen tradition, which itself is called the 'vehicle of non-activity' (by0 ba med pa'i rheg pa). Cf. most conveniently, Karmay, 1988, pp. 115-116. 0-rgyan gling-pa's KTHDNG (CA), Chap. XI, XI1 and XIII, has similarly conserved an exposition of crucial rDzogs-chen themes. These sections display in diction and doctrine a close correspondence to the present Gabpa mngon-phyug section. 5 Illustrative of the rDzogs-chen anchorage are expressions such as gcer mthong, i.e. (the ultimate nature of mind) being 'seenlmanifested nakedly', but also stray idioms such as ji bzhin pa, rang sar dag, rang brdol etc. which all carry specfic connotations within this school's nomenclatura reflecting variously the ultimate ontological and cognitive status of Reality. The Gab-pa mngonphyung cycle deserves to be subjected to a separate study to assess its position in relation to other writings from this school. rNying-ma and the rDzogs-chenlcig-car-pa tradition. The title Gab-pa mngonphyung also points to the latter traditi~n.~ Its language is occasionally quite archaic and unfeigned and would suggest not only a relative antiquity, but it would also point to the uninterpolated state of the text-segment. In fact, one may well consider the present exposition a unique piece of original rDzogs-chen literature which was doubtlessly embedded into the MNKB Vita-cycle by the gTer-ston-s responsible for its compilation. Speculations about its inclusion into MNKB suggest that it was probably considered helpful in tinging the rDzogs-chen doc'trine and tradition with an added touch of authenticity and repute by being directly associating with the celebrated founder of Buddhism in Tibet. It is otherwise conjectural to speculate about the origin of Gab-pa mngonphyung. It was allegedly traced or extracted by rJe-btsun Sh&ya bzang-po and then handed over to 1Ha-rje dGe-ba-'bum (cf. note 1041). For these figures we have no certain dates, aside from the fact that they flourished in the XIIth century. As recorded by dPa'-bo and gZhon-nu-dpal (cf. note 1023 below), dGe-ba 'bum must have been a contemporary of the mad ascetic Zhig-po bDud-rtsi, a key figure in the dissemination of rDzogs-chen precepts in Tibet and a personal disciple of Nyang-ral Nyi-ma 'od-zer. We can observe that the Gab-pa mngon-phyung, along with precepts, an exposition on its meditative procedure (man ngag sgom sdebs su bshad pa) are chronicled to have been conferred upon ffa-ston Jo-yes (1 163-1230 A.D.) by Zhig-po bDud-rtsi (1 149-1199 A.D.), between the years 1 190-1199 A.D. Zhig-po bDud-rtsi, on his side, had listened to and received teaching from this text, along with other rDzogs-chen precepts, from dBus-pa sTon-sh& (? - 116465), when he was sixteen years of age in 1 164-65 A.D . A ~ good guess therefore is that the text was recovered (i.e. was composed or compiled?) no later than 1 15060 A.D., but conceivably before. At this point it cannot be far from the period when it was included into MNKB. The present chapter finaily contains, as a second part, the legendary narrative anent the 'ritual apotheosis' or the secret departure of the king and his two principal consorts by being united or absorbed into the heart of the king's selforiginated istadevatd, the autogenous Eleven-headed Ekdahmukha (cf. note 801). Being the Gng9s last act, it is usually also closing the Vita of the king, and although it should properly have be appended the biographical part of the Vitacycle (i.e. E (Ca) and (Cd) of MNKB, it has been treated as a sort of appendix to this cycle.8 6 Cf. e.g. bsam-gtan mig-sgron: ...rgyal ba 'i dgongs pa mngon du phyung ba.. . (op. cit. KarmaY 1988, p. 112). 7 Cf. DTI-INGP (1, 165.17-166.12, 170.13-180.1, 180.13-188.10, Roerich, pp. 129-30, 133-141, 142-148); cf. also HBCHBY (JA) 148b6-149al. 1s is tempting albeit not conclusive to identify dBus-ston or dBus-pa sTon-pa Shakya with rJebtsun Shgkya bzang-pol'od, the original founder of the cycle in Jo-khang. The former was a personal disciple of Zhang-ston bKra-shis rdo-rje (1097-1167 A.D.), famed foremost for his recovery of the Bi-ma swing-thig, also known as the gSang-ba swing-thig cycle in 1117 Cf. however Intro., note 39 above. 8 Cf. MNKB E dKar-chag, 10a3-4. 1023 The following text-segment, which with good reason may boast to originate from the same religious milieu as the preceding Gab-pa mngon-phyung cycle,9contains an original, arguably very old (judged from t o p s and diction employed) narrative which offers a somewhat cryptic and symbolic description as to how 1Ha-sa (here 'Phrul-snang) is seen or depicted to undergo different topographical and physical changes. The key in this description is water, the element which has always been considered - real or imaginary - to be the foremost foe threatening to destroy 1Hasa. We have already noted the paramount importance played by water in the erection of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang, cf. e.g. the notes 728, 790 supra. Confronted with diluvial threats of inundation and flooding from the gTsang-po river (making no distinction here between this main river and sKyid-chu while this tributary here should be considered an extention of gTsang-po), the 1Ha-sa site is here consecutively configured so as to resemble four aquatic animals. Suchlike minatory animalic analogies we have already witnessed in connection with the geomantic or topographical configuration of Tibet offered by Kong-jo in her divinatory probes (cf. esp. the notes 726, 770 supra), albeit there mainly restricted to demonconfigured mountains. The importance of building embankments (chu rags) and barricades to protect 1Ha-sa from watery menaces should evidently be taken serious, as such constructions constituted an important part, aside from running restorations (zhig gso), in rendering service to Jo-khang, especially in the phyi-dar period. dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 149b7ff. (esp. 150b5ff.) has retained a highly informative parallel description, doubtless originating from the same literary or epic milieu as the present piece and both possibly being culled from a common original source. It delineates the elemental threats facing respectively 1Ha-sa (water) and bSam-yas (fire). In the description relevant to the 1Ha-sa site, i.e. the gtsug lag khang, it is detailed how the Lhasa temple had been erected along the bank of the gTsang-po river, wherefore the people of posterity were urged to construct embankments. The water of this river (gtsang chab) is depicted to be the cause for the destruction ('jig rkyen) of the temple, where a number of fiendishoriented Nlgarlja-s had taken up abode. By inviting and propitiating these hypogeal genii loci, by erecting Buddhist sanctuaries to affront them, by building different embankments, altering and damming up parts of the gTsang-po river-arms etc. the NlgarIja-s would eventually be barred from causing any inundation. The 1Ha-sa site is here similarly characterized by undergoing an animal-configured development. The narrative conserved by dPa'-bo, which may be conceived as a sort of commentary to the versified ex eventu-prophecies or advices given by the king here in GLR, supplies us with detailed information on the physical alteration of each stage particular in relation to the gTsang-po river. The understanding of the laconic description in the present piece in GLR is greatly enhanced through the parallel narrative proffered by dPa'-bo. 9 It is worth noting that all the XlIth century religious figures involved in the transmission of Gabpa mngon-phyung without exception were simultaneously active in rendering grand-scale service to Jo-khang. This service involved in particular the building of dykes and water-barricades. For ref. cf. Appendix, note 952 (subnote 9), note 961 (subnote 7). Cf. also the Introduction, note 30. Even is recorded to have provided the means for undertaking such a punya-rewarding task. Attempting to identify the original source for these descriptions, dPa9-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 150al and the Vth Dalai Lama, gSan-yig, 111, 150b4-5 (= 75b45), respectively cites and refers to a 1Ho-brag mKho-thing gi gter ma traced or extracted (spyan drangs), the Vth Dalai Lama adds, by one Bla-ma mNga'-bdag chen-po (= Nyi-ma 'od-zer?)" in this temple from a statue of Amitiibha, the topic of which is a versified exposition delineating the condition and circumstances behind an envisaged threat and destruction of the 1Ha-sa and bSam-yas temples respectively (lha sa bsam yas gnyis kyi yig rkyen) and the means of its avertion (bzlog thabs) in connection with prophecies articulated by Padmasambhava. The apotropaic means to avoid these natural threats are, similar to the topographicaldivinatory probe offered by Kong-jo in order to suppress the terrestrial foes of Tibet (cf. GLR Chap. XIV), the erection of various Buddhist emblems and sanctuaries. As indicated above, the present description may well have originated or been composed in the XIIth century milieu of rDzogs-chen gTer-ston-s, while a number of them, as said, were very active erecting embarkments outside and restoring the statues inside the 1Ha-sa temples, in deference, incidentally, to the prophecies found in the cycles recovered by themselves. Beyond these notes given here, this interesting topic deserves a separate study. 1036 The Yer-pa'i dkar-chag, currently not accessible, appears at one point to have been part of MNKB's Instruction-cycle. According to dPa'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 106a3, 138b7-139a5, we are inter alia informed that this most important source was recovered by the XIIth century master Bla-ma Zangs-ri-ba, while he was engaged in the restoration of the Yer-pa site. Different versions are recorded to have existed, an earlier (snga ma) and a later @hyi ma). The content of the latter, in contrast, appears in part to deal with 1Ha-lung and his legacy (cf. note 1538). As to the former, which in content resembles the present versified prophetic narrative dealing with the king's instruction to his posterity, it has nothing to do with the short MNKB dkar chug as purported by Kapstein, 1992, pp. 164-165. '' 1046 The issues relative to the dating of Srong-btsan sgam-po have always stimulated great controversies. One reason is that Tibetan sources generally are in discord (due, not infrequently, to simple carelessness in quotations and calculations) what concerns the dates and figures of their kings: IW)IKB E (Cd) 209a6-bl: Age eighty-four, he passed away on the twelfth day of the first spring month (no year indicated); WAM (G) 17a5-6: On the full-moon day of the first spring-month (no year), but 18bl-2: The king reached the age of 10 In the same temple in IHo-brag, bZhod-ston and Nyang-ral discovered other texts, cf. Blondeau! 1984, pp. 90-91, 106-107. 11 S o according to an interlinear gloss in Y K B E (dKar-chag) 10a4. eighty-four, on the tenth day of the third month in the wood-female-tiger year, i.e. 654 A.D., which places his birth in 571 A.D. (sic); KCHKKHM-2 289.18-290.1: Age eighty-five, he passed away in the year wood-female-ox year, i.e. in 665 A.D., on the full-moon day in the first month of spring (which places his birth in 582 A.D. (sic); KCHKKHM-3 478.3: Age eighty-four and passed away in 'Phanyul Za-mo-'or; CHBYMTNYP 290a3-5: Age eighty-four and he passed away in Za-mo-ra of Li-yul (sic, not 'Phan-yul) and in Ra-sa'i gtsug-lag-khang (i.e. his two 'ways' of passing away); MBNTH 81a5: Age eighty-four, he passed away in 'Phan-yul Za-mo-dar (no date); BGR 198a.3-4 and NGTMTPH 5b5 (Uebach, pp. 76-77): Born in a fire-ox year (5571617 A.D.), he ruled for sixty-nine years, attained the age of eighty-two (i.e. thus died 6381698 A.D.) and passed away in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang and 'Phan-yul Zal-mo sgang; DCHBY 117.20-118.1: He ruled for sixty-nine years, attained the age of eighty-four and passed away in 'Phan-yul Zab-mo'i tshal; DTHMP 17a4: Age eighty-two he passed away in an earth-femalebird year, which corresponds with 649 A.D. and places his birth in 568 A.D., a calculation fitting neatly with GLR above and in part obviously also taken from rGya'i deb-ther; GBYTSH 12la1-2: Age eighty-two he passed away in a earthmale-dog year, i.e. 5571617-6381698 A.D.; so also HBCHBY (JA) 53b7-54al and DTHZHG 46.16, following BGR and Nel-pa above. Kah-thog, DSYML 57.5-59.3 discusses at greater length the king's dates and, combining data from BGR and GLR obviously, he opts for 557-650 A.D., but is then compelled to maintain that the king reached the age of ninety-four. As demonstrated most recently by Uebach, op. cit. pp. 29-30, the chronological data culled from the Dunhuang Annals and Chinese sources and the data embedded in later Tibetan historiographical material rarely dovetail. The only trustworthy(?) anchorage concerning his birth appears to be that he was born in an ox year and that he received the reins of power aged thirteen. His death poses no problem. He died in 649 A.D. (cf. most recently and appositely, Yamaguchi, 1984, pp. 410-412). The majority of modem researchers tend to place the king's birth in 617 A.D., wherefore he reached majority in 629 to take over power. He married (according to later tradition five/six consorts), notably the Chinese princess in 641 A.D., cf. the 8211822 A.D. Treaty Inscription (East Face 1. 21-25);12 it will be noted that Srong-btsan sgam-po is called myes = mes po, grandfather (or 'old father') upon his death in 649-650 A.D. according to the Dunhuang Annals). l3 Now, in an attempt to encircle his dates, a number of unknown quantities still cause frustration. We do not b o w when his father gNam-ri srong-btsan (i.e. gNam-ri slon-brtsan) passed away, and hence when his son ascended the throne. 12 It is to be assumed that she was intended for his son Gung-srong gung-btsan, rl. 641-646 A.D., or that this marriage coincided with Srong-btsan sgam-po's retirement from the throne in favour of his son, after whose death the old king resumed, for a second term, the throne. 13 Although this is not conclusive, while mes as a supplementary epithet for this king is found recorded, cf. GBCHBY 302.1. Here it clearly means ancestor and not grandfather. This may also be the case with the entry in the Dunhuang Annah, which may have been finally compiled in the IXth or Xth century, at which point Srong-btsan sgam-po acknowledgedly could have been regarded as true ancestor of the dynasty. Nor do we know exactly the age reached by Srong-btsan sgam-po. The ox year opens up for 557, 569, 581, 593, 605 and even 617 A.D. Opting for 617 A.D. would in my eyes render his putative status as grandfather and his death in 649 A.D. at an age of thirty-two most unlikely, not to speak of his far-reaching fame as a grand ruler and statesman, having by then under his sway most of Central Asia. Admitting even a certain measure of precocity, given the notorious idealization of juvenescence and martial vigourousness in the tribal warrior-state of Tibet, the span of time required for this appears too narrow. This favours the years 593 and 605 A.D. for alternative birth years, which appear more in conformity with recent studies.14 One point, which in my eyes has been given too little weight, is the almost unanimous voice in Tibetan historiography that he became an octogenarian before he passed away. This, to be true, could equally well be a post-dynastic fabrication construed in order to assign to the king, himself regarded as a Buddha, an age similar to the historic Buddha. Maugre the fact that the data chronicled in later Tibetan literature generally should be taken cum grano salis and a high age in early war-infested and plague-ridden Tibet possibly may sound anything else than credible, the information, tenaciously recorded already in the earliest post-dynastic sources, may nevertheless reflect historical facts. It would leave enough room for the king to reach most of the grand-scaled objectives ascribed to him, rightly or wrongly, by posterity. As a viable hypothesis we shall therefore suggest 569-649 A.D. This is also undergirded by DTHNGP (I, 78.1517, Roerich, p. 53). 14 Cf. Beckwith, 1987, pp. 11-20, where it is suggested, supported by some vague Chinese references and initial contacts between the two countries, that gNam-ri srong-btsan died in 617-618 A.D. UPon which the son mounted the throne. Yamaguchi, 1984, p. 415, suggests 581-649 A.D., accepting the information, altogether not infeasible, proffered by some sources that the king reached the age of sixty-nine. Appendix Chapter XVIlI 1094 The alleged Chinese military invasion of Lhasa in order to abduct or forcibly take back the Jo-bo Shaya idol initially brought to Tibet by the Chinese consort is bereft of any foundation as already shown by Richardson, 1971(b), 'The Growth of a Legend", where Richardson has attempted to unravel the legend. As is often the case, the picture of the legend's transmission is more complex, also more than the one proposed by Richardson. In the light of new sources which have surfaced in recent years, partly inaccessible at the time of Richardson's writing, the picture can now be revised accordingly, avoiding, hopefully, merely to proffer a rkhauffk of previous research. One text which Richardson might have consulted and which may serve as a meaningful point d'appui for (at least a part of) the genesis of this legend is MNKB. It must be recalled what Richardson, op. cit. p. 174, noticed and what ve& likely constitutes the underlying motive, no doubt, for introducing this 'story' (also as a narrative element in the Vita-cycle of Srong-btsan sgam-po, albeit only briefly). Clearly a need was at hand at some early point in the phyi-dar period after the resurgence of Buddhism, to provide an explanation as to why the two statues had changed place of site.' In KCHKKHM and MNKB,the earliest literary testimony of this shift, this event is anticipated by making the Chinese Kong-jo tersely prophesy that at some point2 a Chinese army would emerge in Tibet, wherefore in beforehand the two statues should change site. [Her own] Jo-bo Shdqa-muni's [future] hiding-place [in a door in Jo-khang] should be covered with bricks. No king, period or further specific episode are attached to this terse proclamation by Kong-jo conserved in MNKB, which in this Vita is delivered by her as a part of her testamentary prophetical manifesto (bka ' chems; cf. the notes 1060 and 1069 supra) prior to her ritual absorption into the self-originated Eleven-headed tutelary image (cf. note 1065).~More important is perhaps the witness in the cognate and even older KCHKKHM-2 where the background is further elucidated. In Kong-jo's testamentary advice to the Tibetan people, she orders the leading ministers (sNachen, Thon-mi, mGar and their descendants) to carry through the change of site, while she predicts that later a Chinese army would occur which may threaten to 1 It shall only lead to further speculation to attempt to explain why, or f a t all, the images actually did exchange site in the first place. Without sufficient proof that the Nepalese consort actually was a historic figure, which, however, now has become a fair possibility in the light of the considerable and undeniable NepaleseINewari presence and influence during the early phase of Srong-bban %am-po's empire-building and foremost tangible in the sphere of architecture, culture and religion (cf. e.g. Chap. XIV and XV supra), it thus remains pure conjecture to try to y e s s the background for this transfer. 2 sang nang par lan cig, here = once upon a time. 3 Thus, it appears, the story was either fostered in the milieu around the Srong-btsan sgam-po Vitacompilers or, at least, an oral narrative anent this historcal episode was adopted by them and thereby connected with the Vita of Srong-btsan sgam-po. take away her image by force.4 This set of versions probably constituted the narrative backcloth for the Tibetan historians. These have not only attempted to read the above information and story into a historical setting, but in particular supplied the story with some narrative embellishments and accretions as already shown by Richardson. Where Bu-ston, CHBY 139a3-4 (Szerb, pp. 14-15) rather neutrally repeats the information offered by the above Vita-versions, already Kun-dga' rdo-rje, some twenty or thirty years later, (DTHMP 9a5-6), and presumably by employing the Tibetan translation of the Tibetan section of ~ a n ~ s h uhad , ' attempted to identify the date and episode by stating that it refers to a Chinese invasion of Lhasa in an iron-malehorse year which can only correspond to 670 A.D., mentioned in this no more extant source. True enough, in this year a Chinese army launched a campaign against ~ i b e tin~ response to earlier Tibetan offensives against Chinese-held territories in the western Tarim Basin. The Chinese offensive, under General Xie ~ e n ~ uwas i , roundly ~ defeated by the Tibetan General mGar Khri-'bring and thus never reached Lhasa. The alleged capture of Lhasa by the Chinese army has evidently been based upon the misconception, first introduced in the rGya'i debther, that because the Chinese army operated along the Luo-suo (i.e. Ra-sa, Lhasa) 4 A detailed account is given as to how the Jo-bo ShHkya first was carried around in different directions of Lhasa. Before it reached Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang and was installed (glo 'bur-wise) in the door-frame in a chapel (northern or southern, the texts disagree) on the ground-floor with a painted image of Maiijughosa covering the plastered door, the statue was brought from Ra-mo-che via either the rock of Phag-sna-gdong (cf. note 708 supra and note 15 further below) being camed along by water o r carried on a waggon pulled by human beings. On its way, some of the versions tell, it stranded for a while in the lake of Klu-phug in Lhasa remaining knee-high in the water before it continued its short journey to Ra-sa. Aside from offering the above details, KCHKKHM-3, CHBYMTNYP and MBNTH (so also in part in GLR), drawing upon a common source, add that the reason for the invasion was the rumours that had reached the ears of the Chinese informing them that the Tibetan king was dead, the dbon sras (i.e. Mang-srong mang-btsan) was tender in age and that Kong-jo too had passed away. Herewith, for the first time, is the period for the alleged invasion also indicated. MBNTH has an unusual outgrowth of the story, telling that the Chinese invading troops (no king named) entered Lhasa as travelling merchants, attacked and destroyed the mKhar-rtsepho-brang of dMar-po-ri (and this also accounts for the enigmatic khri rrse (Richardson, p. 176) in later accounts of the episode, which is the seat (khrr) of mKhar-rtse, the king's summit citadel and pho brang on dMar-po-ri, cf. note 604). Visiting Ra-mo-che, the merchant-garbed soldiers could not find the Jo-bo and doubting that the one exhibited (i.e. Jo-bo Mi-bskyod rdo-rje?) was the authentic one, they asked an old Chinese who confirmed that the one exhibited was lacking some nimina and la@anas, wherefore they left it behind (cf. also Vitali, 1990, p. 86, n. 71). Cf. further below for a possible confusion with other narrative segments of this story. 5 rGya'i deb-ther, cf. notes 133 and 135 supra and note 1458. SOalso by Bla-ma dam-pa in GLR, cf. note 1468. As shown in the above notes, Kun-dga' rdorje was apparently the first to employ this translation of the Tibetan part of Tangshu dating, most convincingly, from 1325 A.D. 6 Cf. Richardson, 1971(b), pp. 172-73; Bushell, 1887, p. 448; Pelliot, 1961, pp. 7, 86; and in particular Beckwith, 1987, pp. 33-36. 7 DTHMP: Sye bZhin-gu; GBYTSH: dPya bZhin-gu'i. He was Great Protecting General of the Right and he was appointed commander-in-chief Of the Ra-sa duo (i.e. the Road to Lhasa) Expeditionary Army. Route (duo), it actually also got there.8 The author of GLR too, again some twenty years later (cf. the notes 1 178-1179 and subnote 16 below), via DTHMP and rGya'i deb-ther, has evidently pursued the same line of argumentation and now adds that this Chinese ghost-army burnt down the Potala (= the king's palace mKhar-rtse, cf. note 4 above) and, as something new, that they as booty tried to take away the Jo-bo Mi-bskyod rdo-j e instead, but that they only managed to carry it the distance of a morning's march. From this p i n t in the transmission of the narrative in Tibetan historical sources, the story acquires even more picturesque proportions,9 where, partly inspired by already circulating versions, partly, we must assume, by oral legends or otherwise unknown literary sources, an incredulous story was circulated about the creation of a defensive Tibetan phantom or epiphany-army being issued from the image of Khro-r a1 rMe-brtsegs. l o In BZH (Stein ed. 3.7-13, Chin. ed. 3.19-4.4),' infer olio, the story continues after the arrival of the second Chinese consort in 710 A.D. The narrative goes that she wanted to pay her respect to her aunt's Jo-bo idol which appeared to be lacking in her Ra-mo-che temple. She traced the idol to a southern protuding wall-section being hidden by a door in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang. After its recovery, she instituted an 'offering for beholding its countenance' (zhal mthong gi mchod pa). What again moves this story of the alleged swapping of site of the Jo-bo idols, a story, doubtlessly, which has seen the busy hands of pst-dynastic Buddhist redactors, into further obscurity and, on the other hand, into the sphere of some credibility are the additional narrative segments surrounding the continuous fortunes of the golden Jo-bo Shdcya-muni idol. An interesting and repeated ~ that in the wake of the oppression of a (protestimony in B Z H ~adduces Buddhist?) revolt against ruling Bon court circles, which arguably culminated with the death of king Mes Ag-tshom(s) in 754 A.D., the Jo-bo Shikya-muni was to be brought from ~a-mo-che13and be taken back to India (rgya yut) again, while this 8 Richardson, op. cit., p. 173. 9 Cf. dPa'-bo's HBCHBY (JA) 70a2-5, followed by Vth Dalai Lama, TSLKHKCH 8a2 and 17bl-2, see further Richardson. However, Bla-ma dam-pa has also retained this legend about the Mi-bskyod rdo-rje idol, cf. the notes 1178 and 1468. 10 Cf. Richardson, pp. 170-71. For this statue, cf. note 881 supra. 11 Also briefly retained MBNTH 84a6-b4; CHBY 139bl (Szerb, p. 17-18), followed by dl%'-bo, HBCHBY (JA) 71b6, 72b4-6; the Vth Dalai Lama, DTHZHG 50.21-5 1.2, TSLKHKCH 1 la4-5, 17bl-2. Cf. note 1147 infro. There may be only little reason to doubt the historicity of this single incident, only, again, it sparks the interesting question why actually the image was hidden and concealed in the first place, when not for fear of e.g. an invasion or the threat of anti-Buddhist vandalism. 12 (Stein ed. 8.3 and 28.9-10, Chin. ed. 8.20 and 35.12-13). Paralleled by C H B Y M m P 294a2; MBNTH 87b6-88b3, Y2b5-6, 100a4-5; CHBY 139b3-5; HBCHBY (JA) 75a5,75b2-76a2,79a3-4; DTHZHG 54.4-5. 13 Here we are confronted with an anachronism or puzzling testimony further. According to all previous narrative segments of this story delineated above, cf. in particular note 11 supra, the Jo-bo Shakya-muni idol was by now installed in Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang (cf. note 1147) which was to h m e its future shelter (accounting for its later renaming to Jo-khang, 'the house of the Lord' i.e. JO-bo Shakya-muni). In the present narrative version (cf. e.g. BZH (Chin. ed. 8.22-23 and 35.11-12); CHBYMTNYP 294a2; YLJBCHBY 60.2-9; HBCHBY (JA) 90a6), obviously describing the idol was an Indian idol (rgya'i lha).14 T h e story continues with the attempt to transport the heavy idol, first an abortive attempt with one horse, then by three hundred men, then by one thousand men. They were finally able to push it in front of mKhar-brag-gdong. l5 Unable to lift it further, it was dug or got stuck into the sandy plain. While Lhasa, from a Buddhist point of view, allegedly was turned into a slaughter-house (bsha' ra) d u e to anti-Buddhist activities, an old Chinese was appointed dkon gnyer of the statue. Eventually, this old Chinese hva shang proceeded to the border between China and Tibet where he proclaimed that he had left one of his shoes (mchid = mchil l h m ) behind, at some point along his morning's march the day before (kha sang gi dro lam).16 This shoe, BZH tells us, activities covering approx. the years from 754-756 A.D., the statue is apparently still installed in Ra-mo-che and after a detour in Mang-yul during the anti-Buddhist wave, it was again installed in Ra-mo-che (YLJBCHBY: gtsang khang dbus ma in Ra-sa). Are we to assume that it had been brought back to Ra-mo-che again in the meantime by the Chinese Kong-jo after she found it hidden away in Jo-hang? - if the story is true at all, this is not unimaginable, since a Chinese dowry-idol obviously belongs to a Chinese-founded temple and the mention that it was removed to gtsang Wlang dbus ma (cf. ad note 1147) may altogether be a later Buddhist reconstruction. As seen above, according to the above testimony in BZH, the idol is in fact in Ra-mo-che after Kim-sheng Kong-jo had passed away in 739 A.D. Aside from this inconsistency, which we may ascribe to the general inextricably concocted state of our sources or to the not infrequent dearth of historical sense that prevails among Tibetan historians, this part of the narrative seems to carry some trustworthy elements. 14 Cf. GLR Chap. 11, Sect. 1 and 3, notes 84- 101, 121-132 supra. The statue was manufactured by ViSvakarman. The idol passed from India to China and eventually to Tibet, cf. GLR Chap. 111, notes 134-155 and Chap. XIII, pussim. One would tentatively assume here that the destination is China, because of the activity of the Chinese hva shang involved here in this part of the narrative. But in fact what is meant is India as directly alluded to in GLR itself cf. ad note 1173ff., 1185 and e.g. BZH (Stein ed. 8.3-6, Chin. ed. 9.20-10.1), because the idol was in fact originally an Indian fabrication. As declared in the sources (cf. previous note), the statue was hidden in Mang-yul during the anti-Buddhist tumult and vandalism allegedly set in scene by the Bon-adherents under the M r i m bu chung enacted by them. It is maintained that during Khri-srong Ide-btsan's years of minority, the statue was brought to the Valley of Mang-yul. Reaching full age and Buddhism having been restored again, it was brought from Mang-yul and installed in Ra-mo-che or in the Central Chapel of Ra-sa. Mang-yul is on the way to India. 15 mKhar-brag, cf. note 91 1, but better Phag-sna-gdong? cf. note 4 supra. But according to GLR itself, cf. note 1174-75 infra, mKhar-sna-gdong is the correct reading. Here we find a narrative segment analogous to the one found in the earliest version concerning the initial transport of the idol purportedly bringing it from Ra-mo-che to Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang and where it similarly first made a halt at the rock of Phag-sna-gdong in Lhasa. Here evidently the narrative segments have been confounded, probably beyond extrication. 16 We shall see that Bla-ma dam-pa, cf. note 1178, have retained a segment (also dPa'-bo, c f note 9 above) concerning Jo-bo Mi-bskyod-rdo-rje which equally speaks about this statue being carried off by the Chinese army the distance of a morning's march (snga dro gcig), whereafter it was leA on a plain called Ngo-ma (to the east of Lhasa) or Jo-bo '0-rgyal thang. Only this part pertains an earlier stratum of the legend's transmission being bound up with the (non-existing and legendary) capture of Lhasa by the Chinese army. The source, according to Bla-ma dam-pa, was r G ~ a deb '~ ther. We may perhaps assume that somewhere in the reappraisal and assessments of these narrative fragments the two Jo-bo idols have been confounded. was to mean that Buddhism at one point again would sparkle in Tibet." The last tumult befalling the idol during the dynastic period, it appears, is associated with an attempt of vandalism allegedly perpetrated by Bon-adherents during the reign of king Glang-dar-ma and his cohort, who are depicted in a last and abortive attempt to restore the indigenous Bon religion as the dominant religion in the country. l 8 After this brief tour d'horizon, it is evident that some narrative material have long circulated in Tibet dedicated the story or description of at least two spectacular removals of the statue(s). And the above brief overview may perhaps reflect what actually was the fate of the(=) statue(s). Only it is a hapless task to venture to verify historically whether one or both of these removals or concealments actually did take place. The lengthy narrative concerning the second removal of the Jo-bo statue from Lhasa to Mang-yul during the persecution of Buddhism as testified and recorded in BZH, a text in its core of considerable antiquity (IXth century) and usually accorded more than a modicum of credibility, does allow us to trust this episode as historically correct. Perhaps one concealment or removal later developed into two stories. It nevertheless appears that an 17 BZH (Stein ed. 8.5-7, Chin. ed. 9.4-7). It is conspicuous, precisely in BZH, to find this narrative pattern with a Chinese monk and a boot left behind in this part dealing with an inner-Tibetan BonBuddhist contest and connected with the story about the Jo-bo idol. From the witness in BZH (cf. note 1186), the Bon-Buddhist dispute arguably could only take place in 759 A.D. Nevertheless, this 'boot1-episode should be read as a metaphorical analogy to be met with again in the narrative tradition pertaining to the bSam-yas Debate (cf. note 1376), and where the Chinese representative hva shang MahHyHna, after the alleged defeat to his Indian opponent KamalaSila during the Debate, is said to use this analogous dictum or prophecy in order to predict that his teachings shall remain behind in Tibet after the Indian Buddhist victory. Aside from a brief reference by Nyang-ral to this prophetic statement ascribed to the Chinese master, it is, as seen, also retained in GLR (and by dPa'-bo, who expressed some misgivings, cf. HBCHBY (JA) 75M76a2). It is noteworthy that no other source, aside from dPal-bo, mentions this first episode with the boot, albeit we must assume that it adheres to the core part of BZH. 18 BZH (Stein 4.78.5-79.13,79.16-8 1.5) = CHBYMTNYP 467b3-469b3 = MBNTH 140a6-141b l (both briefer)) where it is related how the presence of the Jo-bo idol by the anti-Buddhist Glang-darma is made responsible for the occurence of natural disasters etc. Cf. the notes 1512, 1514, 1555 for details. In an attempt, once more, to conceal Jo-bo Shikya-muni, it was initially brought hither and thither aimlessly. Later it was dug into the sand and a plastered door installed to hide or cover it. The Bon-adherents are reported to have smeared the door with (defaming) paintings of beerdrinking Buddhist monks (btsun pa chang 'thung bo 'i ri mo).Cf. similarly Bu-ston's CHBY 145b45. This description may clearly reflect a later Buddhist apologetic attempt to belittle and slander an old religious opponent. But there is, again, only little reason to doubt that in these violent clashes following in the wake of the prolonged Bon-Buddhist conflict that raged for the greater part of the dynastic period and which eventually led to its collapse, not only the precious Jo-bo idol, but also monasteries and sanctuaries fell victims of severe destructions or vandalism. Among the numerous temples destroyed immediately after their erection we may mention the mGrin-bzang and Kvachu temples. From a literary point of view these distinct narrative segments contain, not infrequently, similar themes or identical elements such as removing and hiding the statue and the door being plastered or being furnished with a brick-wall. This makes it virtually impossible to determine which story is the oldest or to what extent we are witness to cases of plagiarism. underlying or more credible motive for hiding the Buddhist Jo-bo idol or, alternatively, for abducting the idol and forcibly bringing it back to China or into safety in China by some Chinese Buddhist pertaining to the Tibetan court, would far more be the fear for a fierce non-Buddhist threat that came from powerful Bancircles rather than, as it turns out, from an attempt to ascribe this to a non-existing Chinese invasion. Internally the Buddhist-Bon conflict was just as seething as externally the Sino-Tibetan struggle vacillated between peace and hostility during the dynastic period. That an anti-Buddhist iconoclastic threat could have been the reason for its removal and concealment is far more likely. It is directly stated to be the case and it reflects moreover what most probably did take place, although it is not easy for us to penetrate through the later Buddhist apologetic veneer and recast of the material. It should be recalled, as discussed ad note 1512, that the main target for Glang-dar-ma in his attempted foray for or recrudescence of the pre-Buddhist religion is recorded to have been the Jo-bo Shdcya statue, which according to BZH to him represented an ominous symbol of Chinese lore and imperiali~m.'~ In this text the direct target thus appears to have been the Buddhist religion, whereas the indirect one was the Chinese presence. In the phyi-dar period, however, the story about the removal and concealment and the concomitant story about the forcible attempt to abduct the holy idol could easily, in some anti-Chinese vein (like the one imputed, rightly or wrongly, on Glang-dar-ma), have been dated back and recast into a non-Tibetan or foreign attempt of removing it, written by the Vitamythographers and gter-ston-s of MNKB, KCHKKHM etc., who on their side were not unknown for their conciliatory attitude towards the Bon tradition. 1137 The data proffered by the entire Tibetan historiographical tradition which contend that Kim-sheng Kong-jo was intended for a matrimonial alliance with Uang-tsha 1Ha-dBon, allegedly the oldest son of Mes Ag-tshom(s) (b. 704, rl. 712-754 A.D.), fit only too badly with the data derived from the Annals. When she arrived in 710 A.D., Mes Ag-tshoms was barely six years old and a son named 1Jang-tsha IhadBon could thus not have been born. This has prompted Petech, 1967 (reprint 1988), 1988(b), reiterated by Beckwith 1983; Beckwith 1987, pp. 69-70, to suggest that she was originally intended for Mes Ag-tshom's elder (or step-)brother 1Ha Bal-p[h]o, who, despite being the legitimate, obvious successor claiming the status 19 This point has particularly been stressed by Karmay, 1988, pp. 4-6 also. Sinophobic sentiments in leading court circles, weary of enervating warfare with Tang China, may well have been a motivating factor for the anti-Buddhist retaliation launched by Glang-dar-ma, only the literary witness for this assumption is not unproblematic. True, Glang-dar-ma has by later Buddhist historiography perhaps undeservedly been painted in too dark colours as an unmitigated antiBuddhist. NOW, it should be remembered that this part of BZH did not pertain to the core-part of this old document, which closes with the passing of Khri-srong Ide-btsan at Zung-[m]k[hlar (cf. note 1380). The appended or annotated part of BZH (conserved in Stein ed.), which relates about the fortunes of the remaining members of the royal gallery from Mu-tig btsan-po until the Gu-ge kings and the anival of Atiia, was consequently first compiled in the middle of the N t h cenmiy. BYthen history could easily have been rewritten into imputing an anti-Chinese attitude to him. of primogeniture, lost the battle by being forced(?) to abdict from the throne after only one year of rule during the dramatic court-intrigues in 705 A.D. The points under discussion here have already been dealt with competently by the above scholars and the following can only be a little more than a rkhauffk, yet new material may now cement already suggested conclusions further. Before introducing these new moments, it is worthwhile to recapitulate the contradictory or incompatible data at our disposal: The entry for the year 705 A.D. in the Annals chronicles that the brsan po gcen 1Ha Bal-pho was deposed from the throne and the entries for the years 739 and 741 A.D. record the death and funeral ceremonies of both btsan po sras 1Has-Bon and btsan m Kim-sheng Kong-co. The nub of the entire matter is whether 1Ha Bal-pho and 1Ha-[d/s]Bon should be considered as one person or not. As we shall see, no conclusive position can be reached on this point, but DCHBY 120.20-21 now offers interesting news on this nebulous throne-loser 1Ha Bal-p[h]o. It is said that Mes Ag-tshoms' elder brother Pa-tshab-tsha 1Ha Bal-po (which thus means that 1Ha Bal-p[h]o was the son of a consort of his father 'Dus-srong Mang-po-j e being of Pa-tshab extraction (rsha), i.e. descending from the Pa-tshab clan) and his younger brothers Lod-po and Lodchung, the two, three (in all) were deposed (or passed over) (rgyal po 'di'i gcen po pa rshub t s h 1Ha bal po dung gcung lod po lod chung gnyis te gswn rhang mtsharns su phab bo). 1De'u Jo-sras, op. cir. 120.21-121.2 then continues with the story that the eldest son of the king (of 'Dus-srong? or of Mes Ag-tshoms) Uangtsha 1Ha-dBon passed away prior to the arrival of Kim-shing ~ o n g - j o . ~ ' Equally significant is the brief entry in the cognate GBCHBY 300.10-11, where mKhas-pa 1De'u quotes the same fragmented entry as 1De'u Jo-sras, with the very important variant that he here reads 'Jang-tsha 1Ha-dBon instead of 1Ha Bal-po and thus not only corroborates our reading of DCHBY above but conduces to equate 1Ha Bal-pho and 1Ha-[d]Bon. mKhas-pa 1De'u chronicles that Uang-tsha 1Ha-dBon (temporarily?) retired (thang m t s h m su phab) (was deposed), while he did not come to power (rgyal sa ma zin re).21 In a passage, op. cir. 300.4-9, immediately preceding the above terse statement, mKhas-pa 1De'u claims that after having consulted her divinatory mirror (of prognostication), Kong-jo realized that the mo-omens which prior to her journey to Tibet looked promising, now boded ill and that 1Jang-tsha 1Ha-dBon, who was said to be the son (of 'Dus-srong? or of Mes Ag-tshoms) and was to be her prospective groom, in fact proved to be obtuse 20 The first impression to be drawn from IDe'u Jo-sras' account would be that IHa Bal-PO and IHa[s][dlBon are two different royal figures. On the other hand, it readily appears that his statement here consists of two components, where the last part appears to be a standard recapitulation found in later Tibetan historiography ~urportingthat ]Ha-dbon passed away prior to the amival of the imperial princess. Consisting thus of two distinct components unwittingly rendered by IDe'u JO-sm, it needs not undermine the proposed hypothesis that IHa Bal-pho and IHa-dBon ultimately may be identical. 21 The phrase rhang (=mngo1 thong?) nushams su phab usually indicates a heir's deprivation of the throne either by way of abdication (voluntarily or forced), deposition or by being passed over in the succession. (glen par song Consequently, when she arrived in Tibet, she was forced to have nocturnal rendezvous' with the father-in-law (gyos po) Khri-lde tsugbrtan, alias Mes Ag-tshom[s] and eventually Khri-srong lde-blsan was born."This latter point is a post-dynastic fabrication. Collating the two above statements, it seems clear, at least it is a fair option, that 1Ha Bal-pho and 1Ha-dBon refer to the same personage despite different provenance or paternityz4and that they later have been conflated. In the latter text, it should be added, there is no word about any untimely or premature death or assassination (cf. note 1141) of Uang-tsha ]HadBon given as is the case with the remaining Tibetan historiographical material. The information is nevertheless indicative as it would suggest that a certain conflation concerning the figure(s) 1Ha-dBon (whose real background is still nebulous) and lHa[s] Bal-p[h]o, whether identical or not, here must have taken place.2s At any rate, it adds weight to the contention that Kim-sheng Kong-jo 22 Assuming that the text is correct, the word glen pa, which readily covers the meaning stupid etc., rather than indicating any mental insanity (smyon pa) or downright stupidity or idiocy (lkugs pa), alludes foremost to a person characterized by mental dullness, stubborn imprudence and naivety. 23 Here mKhas-pa IDe'u, almost inadvertently, peddles the assumption that IHa-dBon is son of Mes Ag-tshoms, so popular in later literature. Admittedly, this position seems, at least indirectly, undergirded by a most trustworthy witness, the Annals: The years 739 and 741 A.D. record, as we have seen, that IHa-[d]Bon was the heir apparent (btsan po sras). This therefore appears to indicate that he was considered the son of the current king, i.e. Mes Ag-tshoms. Cf. also Vitali, 1990, p. 28. 24 Trusting the genealogical data, the problem remains: IHa Bal-pho's mother is said to come from the Pa-tshab clan and people, whereas IHa-[d]Bon's mother purportedly adhered to the petty Yunnanese dynasty of Nanzhao, where king 'Dus-srong, incidentally, passed away during a campaign in 704 A.D. The latter may possibly be clarified: The complement IJang-tsha may simply be a later addition provided by the Tibetan historians, while he, in their historical construct, is made the son of Mes Ag-tshoms' (who according to these later sources was born in 680 A.D.) first or senior consort, Uang-rno Khri-btsun (cf. the notes 1120, 1135). Proving that 1Ha[s]-dbon or Bal-pho actually was of Nan-zhao blood or Pa-tshab descent is therefore ultimately hinged upon the condition whether we can verify that 'Dus-srong actually espoused a Nan-zhao or a Pa-tshab royal bride. 25 Here just a small note on their names, be it either IHa Bal-p[h]o (Royal [of] Nepal) and IHaIsl[dlBon (Divine = Royal Grandson) to see if they can yield any clue as to histtheir origin. BZH (Stein ed. 2.3-15, Chin. ed. 2.2-10) has conserved a possibly fanciful etymology of his name, stating that his physical appearance was so extraordinary beautiful, that it resembled the gods, wherefore he was considered a grandson (dbon po) of the gods (lha) and hence thus named. Cf. note 1135. Beckwith, 1983, p. 9, n. 25, opts for IHa-stdBon (most probably suggesting IHas-Ban = IHa-~Bon = IHa-dBon) as the original name, by alluding to the relationship between the grandmother @hyi mo) and grandson (dbon PO), so prominent in contemporary politics at the court. But this is not unproblematic. True, this rapport was conspicuous, just like the patruity or crucial relationship between the material uncle (zhang) and nephew (dbon po) throughout the dynasty. l'he role of the grandmother, and in particular that of Kh-i-ma-lod, is reflected by the fact that her shifting residences and activities are duly reported annually in the Dunhuang material indicating, as already suggested by Beckwith, that Khri-ma-lod in fact ruled Tibet sovereignly and singlehandedly from 704 to 712 A.D. in a manner quite similar to the well-nigh contemporary allpowerful Chinese empress Wu (684-704 A.D.). Further, as shown by the fact that the joint sojourn of phyi sbon (i.e. Khri-ma-lod and rGyal gTsug-ru, alias Khri-lde gtsug-btsan in spe) e . 6 is reported for the year 707 A.D. in the Annals, it more than hints at the fact that rGyal gTsug-ru by actually or originally was intended for this elder brother of Mes Ag-tshom[s], and that he was nor killed after having lost his throne, but that he temporarily went into exile or into a sort of forced semi-retirement, being important for the legitimacy. In this light the information offered by the Annals, which record that both brsan mo Kong-jo and brsan po sras 1Has-Bon died in 739 A . D . and ~ ~ that they were buried together, may induce us to conclude that they may also have lived together (but see also subnote 30 below) and that Kong-jo possibly never(?) cohabited with Mes Ag-tshoms. If this assumption reflects fact, it underpins the already established equation between the two figures and shall compel us to assume that the entire arrangement originally was conceived as a matrimony between this elder brother and the Chinese princess as suggested by Petech long ago, only Petech (and so also recently Vitali, 1990, p. 28) adduces that 1Ha Bal-pho and 1Has[d]Bon are two different persons (inferred from the statement in the Annals, cf. subnote 23 above), an assumption which, as seen, still cannot be conclusivel clarified. Another illation is also feasible. As may be deduced from the Annals, the coup-like dethronement of the rightful claimant to the throne, the brsan po gcen, i.e. the king, the elder brother, 1Ha Bal-p[h]o was set in scene by the X his paternal grandmother (cf. note 1092) of the foreign and influential 'Bro clan, i.e. of Mo-lu (a Yang-dong people) extraction ( t s h ) , was kept under close surveillance and that he, albeit being a crown-prince, was a child usuper installed by his grandmother on behalf of his much older halfbrother 1Ha Bal-pho/lHa-dBon of Nan-zhao extraction(?), at that point under Tibetan vassalage. Tradition moreover claims that rGyal gTsug-ru, in addition to his 'Bro-blood through his grandmother, was son of 'Dus-srong's (senior queen?), the mChims consort bTsan-ma-thog (cf. note 1 1 15). Returniag to the throne-loser, it helps us only little in ascertaining whether the name IHadBon, through his status as grandson, was the original form or not. Both names may finally reflect simple miswritten variants of the same name. The suggestion offered by Beckwith that the 705 A.D. entry in the Annak could also be construed to mean that the elder brother IHa was deposed from the throne (rgyal sa) [inlofj Bal-pho, allegedly alluding to one of the summer-recidences and palaces of the dynasty, may now be rebutted by the entry in DCHBY. It would also require a genetivemarker. We can therefore conclude that 1Ha Bal-pho is to be conceived as a name. Another good argument, incidentally, for the equation between these two figures (i.e. 1Ha Balpo and IHa-[d]Bon) may be offered by the fact that a tomb was raised for IHa-dBon. It was occasionally listed among the tombs counting the abdicated or thronelosing royals (thang m ~ s kyi bang so). Cf. note 1143. The information ~rofferedby the list delineating the cases of regicide (conserved in GBCHBY) which purports that 1Ha-dBon was killed by the minister sNyags Khribzang yang-ston, while he turned over the mNga'-ris (? = mnga' thang, the power) to Khri-srong Ide-btsan [sic], better Khri-lde gtsug-brtanlbtsan (cf. note 1138) needs to be properly assessed. Most readily it seems to gainsay any identification of the two figures, but this revengeful elimination of Ma-dBon, when or if reflecting fact at all, may allude to another episode than the complex throne succession in 704-712 A.D. and simply refer to his death in 739 A.D. 26 As correctly seen by Petech, Glosse agli (reprint, Selected Papers, 1988, pp. 276-277), the btsan Po S ~ U S1Ha.s-Bon of the Ann& 739 and 741 A.D. should be conceived as a parallel to 705 A.D. btsan po gcen IHa Bal-pho, i.e. 're figlio' and 're fratello maggiore'. We shall argue that the btsan Po in btsan po gcen of 705 A.D. alludes to bTsan-po (Khri-lde gtsug-btsan), i.e. Mes Ag-tshom, although he was first officially enthroned 712 A.D. The reason is, as already noted by Beckwith. that it is a case of anachronism since the AnnaD-, as an anonymous piece of dossier, was first compiled in the IXth century at the earliest, at a point when, in retrospect, this king's ensuing monarchy is anticipated. Similarly with the btsan p in btsan po srar. 27 Cf. also Beckwith, 1983, pp. 8-9; op. cit. 1987, pp. 69-70. h powerful dowager queen Khri-ma-lod in 705 A.D. But rGyal gTsug-m, his younger half-brother, was first enthroned under his regal name Khri-lde gtsugbtsan in 712 A.D., barely being seven years of age, in whose interegnum the old grandmother and dowager queen @hyi) held sovereign regency. But negotiations for the matrimonial alliance had been under way since long and continued after the dethronement of IHa ~ a l - ~ [ h ] o . "When the imperial princess arrived in 710 A.D., there was in fact no male ruler on the throne. First in 712 A.D. rGyal gTsug-ru was formally (albeit prematurely) enthroned, possibly also under mysterious or dramatic circumstances, while his powerful guardian, the dowager grandmother passed away (accidentally?) in the same year and while he had yet not reached the age of thirteen as dictated by convention. Was a new coup under way, led by the legitimate claimant 1Ha Bal-pho, which forced the faction behind the dominant 'Bro (Mo-lu) clan to counter? Or was an agreement reached to share power, rights and throne? To all effects and purposes, we may argue, by way of consolation or after mutual agreement, the long-scheduled mamage alliance with 1Ha Bal-pho was carried through. With the proviso that 1Ha Bal-pho and 1Ha-[d]Bon are different names for the same personage, it must be recalled that the elder brother until his death was designated btsan po, i.e. he held the title of a 'king' and obviously functioned as such, being second only to the Khri, the throne-holder bTsan-po, his younger half-brother Mes Ag-tshoms, whom he most probably substituted during the latter's temporary absence and at other occasions. This 'king' therefore received and cohabited with the imperial princess and btsan mo until 739 A . D . ~ ~ 28 The Tibetans had repeatedly asked for a new matrimonial alliance with imperial China already back in 676 A.D. But deeming the unending warfare between the two countries a positive reply was first given from Chinese side in 702-703 A.D. With the untimely death of Khri 'Dus-srong in 704 A.D., its effectuation was postponed first to 706 and later to 709-710 A.D. From Chinese side, it should be noted, the impression seems to be conveyed that the prospective groom was the infant Khri-lde gtsug-btsan. Cf. DemiCville, 1952, pp. 2-3; but see Petech, pp. 257-258, who argues that the negotiations were held on behalf of IHa Bal-pho. 29 This may also be supported by another incidence recorded. In 723 A.D. Jincheng wrote a letter to Candripida, the king of Kashmir, to ask for asulum. Cf. Beckwith, 1983, p. 7 and 1987, p. 96; Vitali, 1990, pp. 3-4. This may reflect a considerable frustration and discomfort on the side of the imperial princess, who was perhaps unsatisfied with her (subordinate?) position at the court, being (only or simultaneously?) mamed to the king's brother. This point deserves further research. While it was institutionalized practice that each Tibetan king entertained more consorts throughout the dynastic period, we know next to nothing whether one queen could be married to several male members of the royal house. Polygamous habits in ancient Tibet meant almost exclusively polygyny in this patriarchal and tribal society, while the practice of polyandry was mainly known to have been a widely prevailed custom among, in particular, the Tibetan nobilities of the later centuries and then basically for economical and herditary reasons. Its practice in dynastic Tibet would solve many unanswered questions. The princess, during the later part of her sojourn in Tibet, may well have been married to (or shared by) both Mes Ag-tshoms (cf. also note 920) and the brother. 'l''his would, in retrospect, also mean that the first-arriving Kong-jo, i.e. Wencheng, simultaneously could have been married to (and cohabited with?) king Srong-btsan sgam-po and Gung-ri gung-btsan. According to a reliable witness, originating from the dynastic period, a Tibetan king ([habtsan po) ( = Mes Ag-tshoms?) is recorded to have been married to a Chinese consort named Kong-jo (cf. note 920 and Vitali, pp. 4-8). Identifying tentatively this Kong-jo with the second Kong-jo Jincheng, it is further reported that she died by having contracted smallpox ('brum nag), allegedly brought to Tibet by Khotanese monks, in which case it accounts for the death-cause of IHas-[dlBon also. This would also account for the persistence found in later narratives that ]Ha-dBon alias 1Ha Bal-pho was the crown-prince for whom the princess was intended.30 This aspect of the story has truthfully been retained by this tradition, only the same tradition has conflated Mes Ag-tshoms' son with his elder brother. The positive depiction of Kong-jo in the same literature has also paved the way, apparently, for setting the myth in circulation that Kong-jo was the mother of Khri-srong Idebtsan. Here, doubtlessly, the imperial princess' documented pro-Buddhist attitude, being recorded to have erected vihdra-s and giving shelter to Khotanese monks etc. must have layed an important role in the shaping of her picture in later Buddhist literature.3f' 1154 Another identification is also feasible since the palace and centre of this king (Khrilde gtsug-brtan) was Brag-[dlmar, i.e. the vicinity of bSam-yas: As a pendant to the detailed geomantic analysis (sa dpyad) contrived by the first Kong-jo (cf. GLR Chap. XIV), we here have, as said, reminiscences of another geomantic probe and exposition allegedly contrived by the second Kong-jo, but here restricted to a mountain-centred geomantic probe (ri dpyad). Most significantly, in PMKTH Chap. 59, 346.1-347.16, we have a brief geomantic-terrestrial description (so btsal) of bSam-yas and vicinity delivered by the royal court geomancer or diviner, a Chinese bla mkhyen named Bi-rje (*biji, a Sogdian word: physician, cf. note 1134 supra). Here we find, parallel to the geo- or topographical exposition found delineated in relation to the erection of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang (cf. note 726ff.), a topographical depiction of a number of mountains surrounding bSam-yas. These depictions are in a few incidences identical with the ones allegedly given by the second Kong-jo here. In casu the king's bla ri, gauged from this depiction, could also be: Has-po-ri or mChims-phu'i ri. It remains to be settled, from a literary historical point of view, to what extent these partly parallel expositions and narratives are mutually interdependent. 1186 As recorded in the version of BZH (Stein ed. 27.9-28.9, Chin. ed. 34.6-35.11 = MBNTH 99b4-100a.3 = HBCHBY (JA) 89b6-90a6) the Bon-Buddhist dispute first took place in a pig-year (i.e. 759 A.D. after the king's assumption of majority and enthronement in 756 A.D. and prior to the erection of bSam-yas which commenced ~ ~ the king resided in his palace at Zul-phug in a hare year, 763-775 A . D . ) , while [rKyang-bu-tshal] and this inner-Tibetan religious dispute was occasioned by a famous dictum allegedly expressed by Bodhisattva ~Sntaraksitastating that 'the presence of two religious systems in one kingdom was highly sacrilegious' jrgyal 30 Cf. the reflections in Beckwith, 1983, pp. 10-1 1 . We shall leave out here the hypothesis, altogether possible, that the btsan po sras IHa-Bon mentioned in the Annak to have passed away in 739 and buried 741 A.D., thus sharing the same fate as Kong-jo, actually was the common son of her and Mes Ag-tshoms. 31 Cf. note 920 supra and Vitali, 1990, PP. 4-8. 32 Cf. for details note 1244. khams gcig tu chos lugs gnyis byung nu shin tu sdig he),^^ an advice which is recorded (in Buddhism-prone sources) to have sparked off the contentious contest ('gran) and the ensuing Bon defeat. The present incidence with Ananda (for him, cf. note 1352), as seen in BZH (Stein ed. 16.10-12, Chin. ed. 20.14-16), predates markedly this religious conflict. True, as briefly discussed above (Appendix, note 1094 passim) religious clashes between pro- and anti-Buddhist circles flashed throughout the later part of the dynastic period. However, one major strife is by numerous sources, Buddhist and Bon, recorded to have taken place. Fixing the date of this main Bon-Buddhist contest is of paramount importance, albeit in no way unproblematic. Karmay, 1972, pp. 88-94, basing himself upon a collation of sundry Bon sources and arguing by means of fixing some chronological data anent the Bon-saint Dran-pa Nam-mkha's Joruit, reaches the conclusion that the pig year,34 in which the dispute is recorded to have taken place, must correspond to 783 A.D. In other words, after the erection of bSam-yas (763-775 A.D., inaugurated 779 A.D.). Karmay argues that the abolition of Bon and the concealment of Bon-texts, which according to one of the apparently more trustworthy Bon-witnesses followed in the king's forty-fifth year, must be fixed to ca. 785-86 A.D. The indication of the king's age would here seem to be crucial for Karmay's dating of the abolition of Bon. Albeit these sources are couched in a strong apologetic diction, we shall abstain from passing any final verdict on the general validity of the chronological data offered in these Bon sources, also in the question whether they reflect some historical fact at all, the crucial issue nevertheless remains whether this contest took place prior to or after the erection of bSam-yas. No doubt, this point demands further research and consideration, also beyond the reflections proffered here.)' 33 TO what extent this statement ascribed to ~ ~ n t a r a k ~isi taa literary fabrication (contrived by some later redactors), being pattern upon or inspired by a similar contextual prophecy articulated by him (and conserved in his b h ' chem) and which led to the invitation of his pupil KamalaSila and, in turn, to the grand bSam-yas Debate in 792-794 A.D., remains to be substantiated. Cf. the notes 1361 and 1371. Our suspicion is not decreased by the fact that a similar case of literary and narrative parallelism can be registered in the same narrative tradition conserved in BZH. It concerns the narrative segment with the famous dictum or analogy allegedly delivered by a Chinese master or heshang, predicting that one of his boots ( = teachings) will remain back in Tibet after his passing. Paradoxically, the dictum turns up in two historically distinct episodes. The same dictum is moreover found in an expanded form in a slightly different version of a Buddhist-Bon dispute conserved in PMKTH (cf. subnote 37 infra) and there unspecifically ascribed to Buddhist 10 pan-S. Cf. Appendix, note 1094, subnote 17 supra and note 1376 for details. 34 TO be true, this year indication is only offered by BZH. For contextual reasons, it makes sound sense. 35 Chab-spel, 1989(b), op. cir. pp. 334-343, quotes in atenso a version of an alleged dispute or contest between Buddhist and Bon-po-s gleaned from a hitherto unknown and unique d~a'-bzhed manuscript (differing markedly from the extant sBa9-bzhedversions!), which recently has surfaced in Lhasa. A few narrative components retained in this version vis-8-vis the accounts conserved in BZH and the relevant Bon sources do as such correspond neatly, such as for instance one or two of the names of the participants and the site, i.e. Brag-dmar mTsho-mo-mgur (cf. note 1320) where the dispute took place. In this respect some measure of literary borrowing can be inferrd, also in respect to the grand Buddhist bSam-yas Debate. Decisive differences or diftinities, however, abound not only in terms of the narrative length (far longer and basically different in dPa'-bzhed), but The version o f the dispute conserved in the BZH differs somewhat from the details found in the relevant Bon sources. The arena for the dispute (Bragdmar mTshomo-mgur1Brag-dmar m ~ r i n - b z a n ~and ) ~ ~the gallery o f persons involved are roughly the same in both parallel a ~ c o u n t s . ~But ' where the Bon-sources stress that foremost in the narrated details to such an extent that the overall question of correspondence between all the versions safely can be excluded. Firstly, the version in dPa'-bzhed delineates a dispute taking place after the passing of Khrisrong Ide-btsan (742-797 A.D.), which in this text is situated in a horse (rta) year (i.e. 7901802 A.D.? or mistake, as is so often seen, for tiger (stag) year, 798 A.D.?; (cf. note 1381)). It further states that Mu-ne btsan-po still was a minor (which hardly corresponds with fact while he was, according to general consensus, born in 774 A.D.), which places this episode around 800 A.D. (Chab-spel opts for 796 A.D.). The set-up and the rendering of the names of religious personages engaged in this dispute here clearly presupposes the Buddhist bSam-yas Debate of 792-794 A.D., which again matches with the above data. This last impression, more than anything else, shall prevent us from an attempt to see in this version the name Khri-srong Ide-btsan as a simple mistake for Khri-lde gtsug-btsan, i.e. Mes Ag-tshoms (704-754 A.D.) and Mu-ne btsan-po as a mistake for Khri-srong Ide-btsan and then push the entire episode told in dPa'-bzhed half a century back in time, in which case it would tally nicely with the historical circumstance. surrounding Mes Agtshoms and Khri-srong Ide-btsan, during whose minority the Bon-adherents codified the k h r h bu chung legislation which temporarily spelt the end for Buddhism in Tibet. A part of the version in dPa'-b~hedwould in fact otherwise suit these circumstances all too good. Nevettheless, taking the witness at face value, the narrative tells the story of a dispute around 800 A.D. Reading the sKarchung and Zhva'i Iha-khang Inscriptions (cf. Richardson, 1985, pp. 47, 73), both dating from the beginning of the IXth century during the early reign of Khri-lde srong-b[r]tsan, provides us with enough reference to infer the existence of an open opposition against Buddhism during precisely these years. The present witness in dPa'-bzhed may therefore be a concrete piece of reference to this dissension. The two contests are moreover also distinguished by Chab-spel. The slightly pre-classical diction, the t o p s and the narrative particulars of this dPa'-bzhed version display moreover so many distinct and unique traits that it deserves a separate study, also for its historical importance. 36 For these places, ci. the notes 1 129 and 1320 respectively. If we were to take the text-witness found in BZH and foremost in bKa' yi Thang-yig chen-mo literally, the naming of mTsho-mo-mgur allegedly first came into existence during the erection of bSam-yas proper. Only this part of the narrative is steeped in mythology so as to carry any historical weight. 37 A notable exception and a point, incidentally, which is a strong rebuttal against the dating proffered by Karrnay, is the information given by the Srid-rgyud and cited in Treasury of Good Sayings. This text purports that Ma-zhang Phrom-pa-sky= ( = Ma-zhang Grom-pa-skyes of sNa-nam, cf. the notes 1171 and 1183) was a leading proponent (h'&in) for the Bon party during the dispute. NOW,Mazhang Grom-pa-skyes was at this point, i.e. 759 A.D., already eliminated by the pro-Buddhist ministers, while he, arguably in 758 A.D., was buried alive at his estate in sTod-lung Brang, cf. note 1183 for details. Under no circumstances is he alive in 783 A.D., while his anti-Buddhist vendetta, which ultimately sparkled the contest leading to the ensuing Bon defeat and its abolition, are mentioned in the king's edict of 779 A.D. on the occasion of bSam-yas' consecration or inauguration. True enough, Ma-=hang's name is also signally absent from the list of participants as retained in the versions found in BZH and related sources. His appearance in the contest in Ban sources may be ascribed to his pro-Ban sympathies and the repute he had won in these circles for having attempted to keep a curb on the Buddhist expansion. Another problem, this time involving the version in BZH, is the mention of the participation in the debate of one Nyang Sha-mi ( = Myang Sha-mi go-cha?; details on him, cf. note 1449). If this identification can be corroborated, a chronological problem is possibly involved, while this Powerful monk fmm the influential Myang clan is recorded to have been an adherent of the Chinese the parties mainly competed on physical skill and other supernatural crafts, the Buddhist version in BZH etc. points out that the procedure was by way of verbal debating exclusively. However, we must for a number of reasons retain the year 759 A.D. as the year for this inner-Tibetan religious dispute and, a fortiori, the recorded abolition and concealment of Bon-works must be fixed to the ensuing years, say 760-762 A.D., even though this appears to be manifestly out of line with recorded Ban data. We shall leave out here the not uncomplicated discussion as to whether bon po siddha-s internally and vis-a-vis chos pa should be considered as a sort of Buddhists who during the dynastic period came in opposition to official Buddhism or not. Reading the various Bon sources, the decline or oppression of Eon is chronicled to have been effectuated several times (Karmay, 1972; Blondeau, 1990, pp. 41-49). Problematic also is the attempt to gain a picture of what kind of bon po-s were active at the contest while the internal development of Bon is still hazy. Brief case-stories such as these offered by Martin (1982) and further discussed foremost by Blondeau and Kvaerne in a number of papers show how difficult it was to draw a distinction between chos and bon po-s, possibly already during the Tibetan imperial, but at least in the early post-imperial period. As to the dating of the contest the Buddhist and other reliable historical sources speak their own clear language. Taking as point of departure some information conserved in PMKTH Chap. 54, as a convenient chronological frame, the reasons are: As corroborated in the Dunhuang Annals also, the king was born in a horse year, i.e. 742 A.D. Age thirteen, his father Mes Ag-tshoms passed away, i.e. 754 A . D . ; ~ 'age fifteen he was appointed king under the regal name master heshang Mahayiina, and, more problematic, he is recorded to have been the seventh in the line of abbots of bSam-yas (cf. Karmay, 1988, p. 78) and moreover chronicled to have been active during the reign of Ral-pa-can (rl. 817-ca. 836 A.D.). To span such a long period requires that we allow him a very high age indeed, which altogether is not impossible. A reason for his (anachronistic?) listing in the Buddhist sources may simply be that he, quite similar to Ma-zhang's introduction into the Bon ditto, for yet unknown reasons was introduced by later chronologically unconscious historians. But the picture is more complex. A brief version delineating the (same?) competition between C ~ O Sand bon adherents on argumentative rhetorics (ngag nus 'gran) is found conserved in PMKTH (Chap. 81, 472.1-476.6; Toussaint, pp. 361ff. ; Hoffmann, 1950, pp. 223-225, 261-263). The contest referred to in this version nevertheless appears to allude to another dispute than the (main) one described in BZH etc. while the one in PMKTH purportedly took place on the passing of minister sTag-sgra Klu-gong, who on one hand is recorded to have been participating in the dispute in the other versions, but who was also active at least until the middle of the 780'ies, i.e. after the erection of bSam-yas (cf. note 1181 above). The place of the dispute is also different: Don-mkharthang in contrast to mTsho-mo-mt'gur. Beyond that, the material does not allow us to draw further conclusions, but no doubt, it is a safe guess to assume that a fair degree of contamination between these versions have taken place in the course of time. It is beyond the compass of the present brief commentary to expatiate further on this interesting point, but it would be a rewarding initiative indeed, to subject the various segments of the (doubtlessly) numerous versions which record religious clashes between these religious factions in the dynastic period in an attempt to set right the degree of narrative affiliation and the relative chronology involved. Cf. also more generally! Hoffmann, 1950, pp. 223-225 and his Religions of Tibet, pp. 66-83. 38 However, cf. Beckwith, 1983, passim suggesting 755 A.D. for the king's passing. Khri-srong Ide-btsan, i.e. 756 A.D. (again corroborated by the Dunhuang Anmls). Age seventeen, i.e. 758 A.D. he was mindful of ~ h a r r n a This, . ~ ~ we shall argue, was crowned by the Bon-Buddhist dispute, taking place in 759 A.D. in the above mentioned pig year. An important clue here is that BZH in connection with the dispute chronicles that the king sojourned in the palace of Zul-phu[g] rKyang-phutshal. Now, according to the entries in the Annals for 758 and 761 A.D., the kin resided in these years in his palace of Zu-phug = Zul-phug rKyang-bu-tshal.4% According to all sources - Buddhist and Bon - the Buddhists are recorded to have been victorious and, within a few years, the king, by now age twenty-one according to most sources,41laid the foundation of his grand Buddhist edifice, the physical sign of its victory: The erection of bSam-yas was c o m m e n d in a tiger year 762 A.D. or a hare year 763 A.D. (cf. note 1244 for details). In 775 A. D., according to general consensus, the vihdra was brought to completion, in a dragon year, i.e. 776 A.D. the completion was celebrated and on the seventeenth day of the~ edifice was consecrated the first spring month of a sheep year, i.e. 779 A . D . , ~ (rten btsugs). Cf. note 1320 and the king's sworn b ~ a ' - g t s i g s .This ~ ~ and the collateral bKal-mchid were both issued in order to announce publicly that the Buddhist religion should be practised forever hereafter. This famous edict was thus intimately bound up and coincided with the formal consecration of bSam-yas, the ordination of monks and the previous abolition of Bon, which at that point since long had been beschlossene Sache, a fact which was also mentioned in the edict of 779 A.D. as one of the main instigations for issuing it. This is alluded to by the 39 This can only allude to the year where the anti-Buddhist k h r h bu chung legislation initially codified and implemented by Zhang-ma-zhang Grom-pa-skyes during the king's minority was (or was planned to be) abolished (cf. the notes 1171 and 1183). Its climax is chronicled to have been the living'confinement of this minister of the sNa-nam clan. This in turn opened up for the debate which temporarily spelt the end for Bon in form of its abolition (later briefly resuscitated during Glang-dar-ma). In the present historical reading we shall, logically, assume that the abolition and ensuing Bon textual concealment followed immediately after the religious defeat and that the dispute and the concealment were not two distinct episodes separated by a longer spell of years. 40 That the place Zu-spug is identical with Zul-phug rKyang-bu-tshal is confirmed by the entries for the years 713 and 715 A.D. in the Annals. Cf. in particular Appendix, note 790 supra for a lengthy discussion of this most important site during the dynastic period, a location which turns out to play a central role in both major Vita cycles dedicated to Srong-btsan sgam-po and Padmasambhava. 41 Also corroborated by Ban sources, cf. Karmay, p. 94. The Bon chronological text bsTm-rt~i~ bsKal-ldan dang-'dren discussed by Kvaerne (1990), adds further to the confusion. On the one hand, it corroborates the dates proposed by other Bon-sources studied by Karmay. On the other hand, it suggests that the suppression took place in 757 A.D., but computed on the untenable assumption that the king was born in 730 A.D. against the correct 742 A.D. 42 As deftly shown by Yamaguchi, 1984, p. 408, the Tibetan calender started from the first day of the third month of spring. Consequently the first month of spring of the sheep year, when converting it to a corresponding Western date, must be situated in the preceding year, i.e. 778 A.D. Phrased differently, the consecration of bSam-yas was formally performed towards the end of 778 A.D. of our calender. 43 Cf. HBCHBY (JA) 108b7. This edict was also issued in the same sheep year, i.e. 779 A.D.. the same year, incidentally, the seven first men of Tibet were ordained as monks (sad mi mi bdun), cf. note 1210. edict's reference to the earlier anti-Buddhist (i.e. Bon) activities of Ma-zhang Grom-pa-skyes, which initially sparked off the inner-Tibetan strife in 759. This was naturally not the last to be heard from the Bon-po-s, who continued to be propped by powerful members of the court and the aristocratic clans and the struggle should also continue down to and eventually cause the break-up of the dynasty in the IXth century. After a decade or so, however, internal strife within Buddhism paved the way for the famous inner-Buddhist Debate at bSam-yas, arguably launched 792-794 A.D., where the Indian orientation is recorded to have gained the upper hand. The above historical and chronological reading is also underpinned by the narrative sequence recorded in BZH and in all Buddhist historiographies such as GLR, where the episode with the Bon-Buddhist contest is described before the erection of bSam-yas and long before the inner-Buddhist bSam-yas Debate. Equally astonishing, the entire episode with the Buddhist-Bon Debate is absent from Nyang-ral's CHBYMTNYP (though present in (his?) MBNTH). Are we here to see an attempt at reconciliation on the side of the rNying-ma master towards the Bon tradition? Cf. also Chab-spel, 1989(b), pp. 301-302. 1240 BZH (Stein ed. 32.14-34.9, Chin. ed. 40.12-42.8) = HBCHBY (JA) 89a.2-6, 92b2-93a7: A lengthy description of the symbolic import of bSam-yas, which in toto reflects the Tripitaka (incl. Mantray2na). The Tibetan monastery, the first real Buddhist temple in T'ibet, was patterned upon the Indian 0-tanta-puri monastery; CHBYMTNYP 3 18a1-5; MBNTH 103b5-114a3; GBCHBY 349.2-6: The pattern of bSam-yas was conceived in accordance with [the cosmographical section of] Abhidharma. In fact, the entire edifice reflects in form (dbyibs) the Tripipka: Externally bSam-yas is conceived in the fashion of an imago mundi in accordance with Abhidharma, with Mt. Meru in the centre, the four continents or insulae (gling, dvpa) and the eight sub-continents (gling phran, antaradvpa), twelve in all, represented by the central dBu-rtse chapel, the four cardinal chapels and their eight satellite chapels in addition to two twin chapels reflecting the pair, the sun and the moon; further, the fashion in which the roofs (thog 'bubs lugs) and the fashion in which the 'openings' [in the roof and walls?ldoors] (bu ga brhag lugslthabs) were laid reflect the Vinaya-section; finally, inside [the chapels] the murals are painted and executed in accordance with the Sltra-section; see similarly DCHBY 124.13-125.1; KTHZGM Chap. 11, 51.3-52.2; KTHDNG (GA) Chap. 1, 231.20-233.13; GBYTSH 129b2-6; HBCHBY (JA) 89a2-b6. Of importance is to note that the image-sculptors (gzugs mkhan, lha bzo), active at bSam-yas, mainly were recruited from Nepal, cf. e.g. BZH (Chin. ed. 42.9); GBCHBY 35 1.1. GBCHBY 349.7- 17 and DCHBY 125.1-3 add that the dBu-rtse rigs-gsum central chapel was erected in the pattern reflecting Vairocana converting or taming the worldlings. For the importance of Vairocana during the dynastic period, cfe.g. Appendix, note 92. 1300 The function as a manual supervisor (lag dpon) probably here indicates that the person in question was the patron, i.e. the one financing the ertction of the cairya or, as in other cases, a building. Concerning the four cuitya-s, each in a different colour, CBCHBY 354.15-21 summarizes symbolically that the white caitya was set up in the south-eastern direction [of the bSam-yas vihdra lay-out], representing the Srdvaka-s and being considered a heap (bnsegs pa) of joy (dga' ba, pHti) piled up and raised in the manner of Mt. Meru. The red caitya was set up in the south-western direction, representing the bodhisattva-s, being considered a heap of lotuses piled up and raised in the manner of a thousand lotuses. The black cairya was set up in the north-western direction, representing the pratyekabuddha-s, being considered a heap of marigala piled up, and raised in the manner (i.e. endowed with) of a thousand miniature (conch) figures (rsh t s h stong ldan). The green-blue caitya was set up in the north-eastern direction, representing the Buddha-s, being considered a heap of endowments (guna) piled up, and raised in the manner of the many-door VajradhBtu. 1561 Here just a brief note on the language in which this episode is dressed. A number of texts employ the highly interesting and classical expressions: dbu [g.lyogs and la [g.]yogs. The first idiom designates more or less retribution and is most regularly found in Bon sources (cf. e.g. Hoffmann, 1950, p. 225; Karmay, 1972, pp. 61, 82, 97-104), used in order to illustrate the victimization and ill-fated misfortunes that the Bon-adherents had to suffer due to their persecution by the Buddhists. However, and what is perhaps less known, the idiom is also found employed in Buddhist texts, f.ex. by Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan in his BGR, where Glang-dar-ma is designated chos kyi dbu g.yogs, the (sinful) revenger or retributor causing the persecution of Buddhism. The expression always cames the added sense of deception and even delusion. The other expression, equally popular and also found in use up to the present day in both literary sources and colloquial tongue, is the idiom la g.yogs. It cames another sense altogether. For this term, cf. Smensen, 1990, p. 353. Its usage is quite broad, and we can only aspire to catch aspects of its broad meaning. It partly overlaps, partly differs from kannan in meaning. Semantically it may cover the sense expressed via ate, hybris and nemesis. Yet a fully equivalent synonym is not easily found. Being trapped in a scrape after having ignored a good and sound advice (whether articulated or not, implied or merely acting against plain sense) often defines what la g.yogs means, in other words it alludes subjectively to a sort of retributive Hochmut initially being directed towards others (albeit not necessarily), but backfiring or rebounding (la g.yogs brgyab), it becomes self-inflicted and the action or move is paid back in kind, although the expression need not carry any malicious connotations of spite. The best equivalent is possibly comeuppance or 'talionic' and just deserts. When f. ex. 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Yamaguchi, Zuiho, 1985(a), "On the Author and Date of the rGyal-rabs rnams kyi byung tshul gsal ba'i me long", Proceedings of the International Conference on China Border Area Studies, April 1985, Taipei, pp. 1043-1066. Yamaguchi, Zuiho, 1985(b), "Chibettoshi ni okeru Kanbunshiryb no Godan", Tdyd Gakuho, 66, 1-4, pp. 482493. Tibetan Sources Primary Historical & Canonical Sources ABHINIS: Abhiniskramana Mahdydnasatra: mNgon-par 'byung-ba Theg-pa chen-po'i mdo Ed. TTPE 967: bKa'-'gyur mDo-sde lbl - 131b1. AK[-BH]: AbhidhannakoSa[-bhdsya]:Chos mngon-pa 'i rndzod [kyi bshad-pal Edition : TTPE 559 1 :' bsTan-'gyur , mNgon-pa 'i bstan-bcos, mDo- ' P l LXIII (GU) 27b6 - LXIV (NGU) 109a8; here esp. chap. 111: 'Jig-rten bstan-pa (lokanirdeia) (GU) 125b1- 190a3. Author: Vasubandhu Tr. cf. Vallk Poussin, 1923-31. BMGPNTH: De-bzhin gshegs-pa thams-cad kyi brgod-pa gcig-pa 'i lam-chen gswn ngag rin-po-che 'i Bla-ma brgyud-pa 'i mum-thar, also Lum- 'bras bla-ma 'i mumthar Ed. sDe-dge, 13 vols (KA-PA): glegs-bam dang-po: 1b 1-237a6 Author: 'Jam-dbyangs Blo-gter dbang-po Date: BZH : sBa-bzhed, differently [or supplementarily titled] also bSam-yas kyi dkarchug chen-mo, or mNga'-bdag Khri-srong lde'u-btsan gyi zhul-chem bSam-yas Ka-brtsigs chen-mo, or bTsan-po mNga'-bdag gi bka'-gtsigs kyi yi-ge zhib-mo, or bSam-yas bKa '-thung, etc. 1. pp. 1-92, ed. Stein, 1961. [= Stein ed.] 2. Modem book-ed. (copied from a manuscript (bris ma) kept in the Library pertaining to the Cultural Palace, Beijing), ed. mGon-po rgyalmtshan, pp. 1-82, Mi-rigs dpe-skrun-khang, 1980, repr. 1982 [= Chin. ed.1 Author: sBaIdBa gSal-snang (et al.). Date: Core part ca. 800 A.D. The two published or extant versions that hitherto have come down to us above are grosso modo identical, albeit in the main narrative they at places occasionally differ. Approximate correspondence exists between Stein ed. 1.1-65.15 = Chin. ed. 1.1-82.8, whereas Stein ed. 65.16-92.9 constitutes a later appended annotation (zhubs brags ma, kha skong) delineating Tibetan history up to the kings of Gu-ge. Cf. below. The picture of the transmission and dissemination of BZH as such is complex since we are dealing with a number of unknown quantities. Only some of the apparently numerous versions that exist of this basic source, not to speak of the original version, have come down to us in full as can be gauged from its many quotations, often lengthy, in later historical works. As delineated in BZH (Stein ed. 63.13-15, Chin. ed. 82.9-22) and CHBYMTNYP 439b3-6 the (proto-version @hyi mo) of) bTsan-po mNga 'bdag gi bka'-gtsigs gi zhib-mo or yi ge, the core-version of BZH, was arguably composed in three versions by the king: One was deposited in 1Ha-sa, one in Khams and one in the king's personal deposit or archive (je'i phyag sbat). Different nameslversions for this bSam-yar kyi bka'gtsigs, or 'Edict/Chronicle of bSam-yas', also called the Testament of the king (i.e. Khri-srong lde'u-btsan) include: It was e.g. called [in briefJ sBabzhed (reflecting the testimonylopinion (bzhed lugs) of either sBa gSalsnang or sBa Sang-shi). But versions are found with mutually confounding or indiscriminate titles such as bSm-yas bKa'-thang and Thang-yig chenmo, bSarn-yas [b]Ka[ 7-btsigs chen-mo. After its recording three versions were made, and later tradition speaks about a rGyal-bzhed (incl. a testament and the king's testimony of the bSam-yas erection and of the bSam-yas Debate = the one deposited in the king's hand?), a Bla-bzhed (the Prelate's version = the one deposited in Khams?] and the sBa-bzed (the version of the sBa clan = the version deposited in 1Ha-sa?); Tamatha, Yid-chen gsurn-ldan (Chin. ed. p. 256.3-17), merely calls them the three versions of the king's testament. The above references maintain that the largest version was distributed among the zhang-blon, which would suggest that the sBa-bzhed is the larger one. Of the latter(?), moreover, three different sizes were executed among which BZH (Chin. ed.) maintains to be identical with the middlesized one. As already adduced by Vostrikov, basing himself here upon BZHquotations in dPa'-bo's HBCHBY and Sum-pa mkhan-PO'SPSJZ, inter alia, we know that the BZH essentially renders the story of the erection of the bSam-yas vihdra, a narrative composed by the minister sBa gSal-snang, sBa s[h]ang-shi and others. A part of it (or a separate version?) was also known, as said, as the Testament (bka' (or zhal) chems) of the king, cf. e.g. the rNam-thar of Rva Lotsava (as mentioned by Tucci, TPS, I, p. 143: mNga '-bdag Khri-srong lde 'u-btsan gyi zhal-chems bSam-yas Kabrtsigs chen-mo (= the non-extant rGyal-bzhed?), cf. the Intro., n. 24. The picture, needless to say, of BZH's transmission is thus unclear, and in later literature a bulk of versions is quoted, as e.g. the sBa-bzhed che-ba, occasionally also called bSam-yas kyi dkar-chug chen-mo, cf. e.g. HBCHBY (JA) 89b6, 155al; PSJZ 155.26-156.9, 383.18-26; but also versions labelled or qualified as gtsang ma or the pure (i.e. uninterpolated) one, khungs ma and khungs thub or the authoritative ones or 'bring po, the middle-sized (= the Chin. ed. version?), lhad can or the interpolated version and even a zhabs btags ma, an annotated/supplementaryversion ( = Stein ed.). An evaluation of the mutual relation between these fragments remains to be worked out (a rewarding task in fact to collate the numerous quotes from sBa-bzhed), when or if further versions of BZH should surface. Thus the basic version (or matrix) of BZH undoubtedly originated in the late VIIIth cent. and the above versions essentially relate the same basic narrative story, but from the phyi-dar period BZH was repeatedly worked over. The Chin. ed. may well be from the XIIth century. The annotated (zhabs btags ma), Stein ed., at the earliest from ca. 1350 A.D., as e.g. Buston's CHBY is found cited therein (Stein ed. 54.10-11) being supplemented, probably by a bKa'-gdams-pa master (cf. also Blondeau, 1980, p. 48 and TiiranPtha, ref. above) and later recensions worked over during the XIII-XIVth cent. As seen from the notes 1122-1378 in the present book, BZH, CHBYMTNYP (ab 292a5ff., though interspersed with lengthy sub-sections), MBNTH followed by the 1De'u versions (GBCHBY, DCHBY) display a fair degree of correspondence in the chain of events related, suggesting that they draw from a common proto-version of BZH, possibly bsam-yas Ka-gtsigs chen-mo (cf. the introduction). Nyang-ral, moreover, has employed a version identical or cognate to the Chin. ed. of BZH, while he cites a part of its colophon (439b3-61, but' most surprisingly, Nyang-ral (ab 440a6, cf. ad note 1385ff.) shares long verbatim passages with the annotated version of BZH (found in Stein ed.), which indicates that the so-called zhabs-btags-mu, was in circulation and inserted (?) into a BZH-version already in the XI-XIIth century. Tr.: Cf. paraphrase Stein, 1961; Blondeau, 1980, pp. 48-49; van der Kuijp, 1984, pp. 176-180; Ruegg, 1989, pp. 68-71 and Intro. to this work. CHBY: bDe-bar gshegs-pa'i bstan-pa rigs-byed c h s kyi 'byung-gnu gSung-rubs rin-po-che 'i mdzod (also Zhva-lu-pa 'i c h s - 'byung) Xyl. lbl-212al 1Ha-sa zhol ed., vol. ya of gSung-'bum (cf. Lokesh Chandra SPS vol. 64). Section on Tibet, cf. Szerb, 1990, whose version is used here. Author: Bu-ston Rin-chen-grub (1290-1364) Date: 1322, no indication in col., but cf. e.g. CHBY, 93al: chu-pho-khyi, i.e. 1322 A.D. (Some versions with glosses up to 1326 A.D.). Tr. partly cf. E. Obermiller, 1931-32 and ed. partly cf. Szerb, 1990. CHBYMTNYP: Chos- 'byung me-tog snying-po 'i sbrang-rtsi 'i bcud, rNying-ma 'i chos'byung chen-m, or mNga '-bdug Nyang gi c h s - 'byung, Dam-chos chos'byung 1. Manuscript A (Ugyen Tempai Gyaltsen, Paro, 1979); Manuscript B (Ugyen Tempai Gyaltsen , Paro 1979). 2. Faksimile ed. of MS, 515 fols (Tafel 1-366). ed. R.O. Meisezahl, St. Augustin 1985. This version is followed here. 3. Mod. book ed. pp. 1-544, Gangs-can rigs-mdzod, Vol. 5, ed. Chab-spel Tshe-brtan phun-tshogs, Bod-ljongs midmangs dpe-skrun-khang, 1988. Author: mNga'-bdag Nyang-ral Nyi-ma 'od-zer (1 124-1192 A.D.) Date:? ca. 1175-1190 A.D. Tr. cf. L.S. Dagyab's brief synopsis in Meisezahl, 1985, pp. 21-23. DCHBY: 1De'u chos-'byung, also Chos-'byung chen-m bstan-pa'i rgyal-mtshun 1De'u Jo-sras kyis mdzad-pa Modem book-ed. pp. 1-163, Bod-ljongs mi-dmangs dpe-skrun-khang, 1987. Author: 1De'u Jo-sras(?) Date: around 1230-1240 A.D.? Thematically and textually closely affiliated with GBCHBY and like in the case with the relationship between CHBYMTNYP and MBNTH, both possibly by Nyang-ral, we have reasons to believe that 1De'u Jo-sras and mKhas-pa 1De'u are somehow related, rather than identical persons. As to the authorship we cannot presently add anything beyond what van der Kuijp, 1992, pp. 471-472, offers, namely that both nebulous IDe'u-s must be sought in a rNying-ma-pa ambience centered around the circles of Zhigpo bDud-rtsi (1 149-1199 A.D.) and his successors. If, however, the contention holds true that they are related by blood, it must be assumed that 1De'u Jo-sras, or the Noble-son 1De'u is the younger and mKhas-pa 1De'u the older IDe'u, in which case, one would suggest that DCHBY postdates GBCHBY. Based, however, upon an analysis of the postdynastic royal genealogical exposition retained in DCHBY and GBCHBY, it appears, as already deftly discussed by van der Kuijp and by us in note 1829, that DCHBY possibly antedates GBCHBY by one or two decades. Cf. intro. and intro. to GBCHBY infra and van der Kuijp, 1992. DSYML: rGyal-ba 'i bstan-pa rin-po-che byang-phyogs su byung-ba 'i rtsa-lag Bod-je lha btsan-po 'i gdung-rubs tshig-nyung don-gsal yid kyi me-long 1. Mod. book ed. pp. 55-86, Gangs-can rig-mdzod IX, Bod-ljongs Bod-yig dpe-mying dpe-skrun-khang, Lhasa, 1990. Author: Kah-thog Rig-'dzin Tshe-dbang nor-bu (1698- 1755 A. D.) Date: 1745 'A.D. DTHNGP: Deb-ther sngon-po 1. Xyl. 2 Vols. (I, 1-297; 11, 1-271), A-mdo ed.; 2. Modem book-ed., Sechuan Minzu Chubanshe, 1984. 2 Vols. The text covers fifteen sections (skabs). This version is used here. Author: 'Gos Lo-ts2-ba gZhon-nu-dpal (1392-1481) Date: 1476-1478 A.D. Tr. G.N.Roerich, The Blue Annals, 1-11, 1949-53. DTHMP: 'Tshal-pa Kun-dga ' rdo-rjes rndzad-pa 'i Hu-lan deb-ther (less correctly, yet currently) Deb-ther dmar-po 1. l b l-40a7, Reprint. Gangtok ed. (Used here). 2. Mod. book-ed. (with comm.), ed. Dung-dkar Blo-bzang 'phrin-las, Beijing, 1981, pp. 1-151. Author: 'Tshal-pa Kun-dga' rdo-rje (i.e. Si-tu dGe-ba'i blo-gros) (13091364 A. D .). Both available versions above contain glosses added after 1376 A.D. at least since YWBCHBY is quoted (cf. note 242). Date: 1346, no indication in col., but cf. e.g. DTHMP, 6b4: me-pho-khyi, i.e. 1346 and terminated 1363 A.D. according to Dung-dkar, 1981, Intro. Tr. Inaba, Sh. & Satb, H., Hu-lan deb-ther (Chibetto Nendaiki). DTHMPSM: rGyal-rubs 'phrul gyi lde'u-mig gum Deb-ther dmar-po gsar-ma 1. Ms lbl-103b2, reprod. Tucci, 1971. Used here. 2. Mod. book ed., pp. 1-110, Xizang Minzu Chubanshe, 1982. Author: Pag-chen bSod-nams grags-pa (1478- 1554) Date: 1538, no. indication in col., but cf. DTHMPSM, 65b1-3: sa-khyi, i.e. 1538. Tr. G. Tucci, 1971, SOR, XXIV. DTMZHG: Gangs-can yul gyi sa la spyod-pa'i mtho-ris kyi rgyal-blon gtso-bor bjodpa'i deb-ther rdzogs-ldan gzhon-nu'i dga'-ston dpyid kyi rgyal-mo'i gludbyangs (or Deb-ther rgyal-mo 'i gludbyangs, or Bod kyi rgyal-rabs debther rdzogs-ldan gzhon-nu-ma, or rGyal-ba Inga-pa 'i deb-ther) 1. Xyl. lbl-113~15,vol. dza of gSung-'bum; 2. book-ed. Ngawang Gelek Demo, New Delhi, 1967. 3. book-ed., pp. 1-202, Mi-rigs dpe-skrun-khang, Beijing, 1988. The latter version is used here. Author: Ngag-dbang Blo-bzang rgya-mtsho, the Vth Dalai Lama (16171682) Date: 1643, col. 1 13a4, chu-mo-lug. Tr. Xizang wang-chen-ji, Beijing 1957. GBCHBY: mKhas-pa IDe 'us rndzad-pa 'i rGya-bod kyi chos- 'byung rgyas-pa or rather Chos- 'byung rgyas-pa (alias 1De-sron chos- 'byung) 1. Modem ed., pp. 1-412; Gangs-can rigs-rndzod, 111, ed. by Chab-spel Tshe-brtan phun-tshogs, Bod-yig dpe-mying dpe-skrun-khang, 1987. Author: dGe-bshes alias mKhas-pa 1De'u (=lDe-ston Shes-rab tshulkhrims?, known and following directly in the transmission-line of Sha-mi sgom-chen sMon-lam 'bar (1085-1 171 A.D.)) Date: 1260-61 A.D. Cf. DCHBY above for the authorship. As already discussed by van der Kuijp, to which currently only little can be added, mChims Nam-mkha' grags' famous calculation of Atih's system (made 1257 A.D.) is mentioned and from an approximate evaluation of thefloruit of the postdynastic rulers of Western and Central Tibet, its compilation must be placed in the middle of the XIIIth century. See note 1829 in the present work, but foremost van der Kuijp, 1992 and Chab-spel's Intro., I-X. Full identification of title, authorship and date thus still conjectural. The contention that the nebulous figures 1De'u Jo-sras (cf. DCHBY) and mKhas-pa 1De'u refer to one and the same person (as young resp. as older) remains ultimately to be proved. GBYTSH: rCya-bod kyi yig-tshang (or rGya-bod [@I] yig-tshang rnkhar-pa 'i dga 'byed chen-mo 'Dzam-~linggsal-ba 'i me-long) 1. Fasc. reprod. 2 vols. srod-cha lal-218a2; smad-cha lal-212b3, ed. Kunzang Topgyel & Mani Doji, Thimphu 1979; used here. 2. Mod. ed. pp. 1-609; ed. by Dung-dkar Blo-bzang 'phrin-las, Si-khron mi-rigs dpe-skrun-khang, chengdu, 1985. Cf. also Yamaguchi, Catalogue, 520-3066. Author: Yig-mkhan Shdcya'i dge-bsnyen ~nibhiitibhadra(alias g.Yas-ru sTag-tsang-pa dPal-'byor bzang-po) Date: 1434, col. et passim, shing-pho-stag Tr. Cf. Macdonald's analysis in J A 1963. GGCHBY: rGya-gar chos-'byung, alias dPal gyi 'byung-gnas dam-pa'i rin-po-che 'phags-yul du ji-ltar dar-pa'i tshul gsal-bar ston-pa dgos- 'dod kun- 'byung Ed. A. Schiefner, 1868. Author: Kun-dga' snying-po, alias TaanBtha (1575-?) Date: 1608 A.D. Tr. A. Schiefner, 1869. GJBTSNK: Gangs-ljongs dbus-gtsang gnas-bskor lam-yig nor-bu zla-she1 gyi se-mo-do Ed. 1.1-539.4 (la1-270a4); Sungrab Nyamso Gyunphel Parkhang, Tashigong 1972. Author: Kah-thog Si-tu Chos kyi rgya-mtsho (1880- 1925) Date: 1920. GTHDTH: Bod-rje Iha btsan-po 'i gdung-rabs mNga '4s smad mang-yul gung-thang du ji-ltar byung-ba'i tshul deb-ther dvangs-she1 'phml gyi me-long 1. Mod. book ed. pp. 89-150, Gangs-can rig-rndzod IX, Bod-ljongs Bodyig dpe-mying dpe-skrun-khang, Lhasa, 1990. Author: Kah-thog Rig-'dzin Tshe-dbang nor-bu (1698-1755) Date: 1748/'9 A.D. GZBZNTH: rGya-bza ' bal-bza 'i rnam-thar 1. mod. print, pp. 1-47, Bod-ljongs mi-dmangs dpe-skrun-khang, Lhasa, 1981. The legendary and popular script-play ('khrab-gzhung) germane to the theatrical drama-play (a-Ice Iha-mo) based upon the section of Srong-btsan sgam-po'i rnam-thar in MNKB, KCHKKHM, and in particular in GLR dealing with this king's marriage to the two princesses. Author: putative author Srong-btsan sgam-po, cf. MNKB, infra. Date: Prob. compiled in the 16th cent. HBCHBY: ~Ho-bragchos- 'byung alias Dam-pa 'i chos kyi 'khor-lo bsgyur-ba rnams k ~ i byung-ba gsal-bar byed-pa mKhas-pa 'i dgal-ston Ed. L. Chandra, SPS, 9 (1-4); here vol. KA, KHA, NGA and JA; SPS 9 (1) and vol. MA, SPS, 9 (4); Author: dPa'-bo gTsug-lag 'phreng-ba (1504-1566) Date: 1545-1564, col. vol. tsa, p. 864.21-24: commenced 1545, completed, shing-pho-byi, 1564. HCHBY: Hor chos- 'byung, alias Chen-po hor gyi yul-du dam-pa 'i chosji-ltar byungba 'i tshul bshad-pa rgyal-ba 'i bstan-pa rin-po-che gsal-bar byed-pa 'i sgron-me Ed. Huth, I, 1892. Author: Gu-Sri (Guoshi) Blo-bzang tshe-'phel Date: 1819 A.D. Tr. Huth, 1896. KCHKKHM: bKa '-chems Ka-khol-ma: 3 diff. versions: KCHKKHM-1: A: rGyal-rubs dang I gser gyi Iha shdkya mu-ne bzhengs na bod-yul dbussu gdan-drangs lugs dang rigs-gswn mgon-po m d d - s p y 4 I rgyal-po srong-btsan sgam-po mum-thar bsdus-pa (also denoted parsim: rGyal-po'i bka '-chems) 1. Manuscript, 1b 1-81a2, Collection Dybykov, Akademija Nauk SSSR, Institut Narodov Azii, Leningrad; cf. Vostrikov, 1962, pp. 25-29; B. id., but other title: 'Phags-pa spyan-ras-gzigs dbang-phyug gyi momthar B rigs gswn mgon-po 'i mdzad-spyod I jo-bo-je 'i bzhengs lugs I ma-ni padme 'i lung-bstan I mes-mgon gswn gyi dpe 'i rgyal-po srong-btsan sg&po 'i roam-sprul U bod-yul dbus kyi yon-tan gtsup-lag-khang gi bshad-pa I rgyal-po bka '-chems kyi shog-ril mdo-tsam byos-pa I bka ' Wlol-ma MS, fasc. reprod. 6 13.1-803.4, embodied in Ma- 'ongs lung-bstan gsal-ba 'i sgron-me, vol. 1, The Stog Manuscript, Leh 1973, 13 chapters. KCHKKHM-2: Bod kyi rgyal-po Srong-btsan sgam-po 'i bka '-chemgser gyi 'phreng-ba (or bKa '-chems Ka-khol-ma) Book-ed., pp. 1-321 copied from two identical Mss kept in Bejing Nationalties Library and the Library of Bla-brang bKra-shis 'khyil, ed. by sMon-lam rgya-mtsho, Kan-su'u mi-rigs dpe-shn-khang, Lanzhou, 1989. 16 chapters. KCHKKHM-3: Chos-rgyal Srong-btsan sgam-po 'i bka '-chems MS-reprod. 363.1-481.5, embodied in The Literary Arts in Ladakh, vol. I, Kargyud Sungrab Nyamso khang, Darjeeling 1972. 15 chapters. Version 1 and 3 are closely cognate, with the latter offering the briefest version. KCHKKHM retells essentially the narrative of the erection of the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang (alias Jo-khang) temple (chos 'khor lha sa bzhengs pa'i lo rgyus rgyal po 'i bka ' chems bKa ' [ =Ka] khol ma, lha sa bzhengs pu 'i lo rgyus kyi yi ge), cf. KCHKKHM-2, 314.3-4, 316.2-3. The above recensions all appear to be later revised or reworked apographs of an original matrix-scroll @hyi mo = ma phyi) of KCHKKHM, now no more extant, when or if version 2 above should not be identified with the original version (cf. GLR B 78a3: J o bo rjes gter nas thon pa'i Ku khol ma che ba) and incidentally confirmed by KCHKKHM-2 itself, op. cit. 321.10. However, the present version of KCHKKHM-2 is a later copy of the original expanded with prophecies which include the name of AtiSa. Cf. ad note 1057. Author: Apocrypha (gter-ma), putative authorship rGyal-po Srong-btsan sgam-po; the proto-KCHKKHM was allegedly discovered by gter ston AtiSa, alias DlpamkardrljAdna, ca. 1049-1050 A. D. from beneath the kaba bum-pa-can pillar of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang1Jo-khang in Lhasa. Date: Core narrative parts of the original plausibly hailing from the late dynastic period, but prob. first compiled or reformulated in the XIth cent. Cf. Vostrikov, 1962, pp. 25-29; Snrensen, 1986, pp. 262-64 and the Introduction supra. KTHDNG : bKa '-thang sde-lnga: A pentateuch: 1. KA: IHa- 'dre bka 'i thang-yig 2. KHA: rGyal-po bka'i thang-yig 3. GA: bTsun-mo bka 'i thang-yig 4. NGA : Lo-pan bka 'i thang-yig 5. CA: ~lon-Pobka 'i thang-yig 1. Ed. Tib. print Mundgod, 1975. 3. Mod. book-ed., based upon a sDe-dge print, pp. 1-539, Mi-rigs dpeskrun-khang, Beijing, 1988. Used here. Author: Apocrypha (gter ma). Recovered or compiled by 0-rgyan gling-pa (1323- 136711374?) and Kun-dga' tshul-khrims. Date: Various dates, cf. most convincingly, yet still tentatively, Blondeau, 1971, pp. 42-48: KA: 1347 A.D. KHA: prior to 1368 A.D. GA: 1368-1393 A.D. NGA: 1393-1395 A.D. CA: 1368-1393 A.D. Cf. also Vostrikov, 1962, pp. 39-42; Tucci, 1949, pp. 110-115. Tr. Vol. KA paraphrased by Blondeau, 1971; Vol. GA, cf. B. Laufer, 1911. ~ ~ ~ Z G MSlob-dpon : Padma 'byung-gnas kyi skyes-rubs chos- 'byung nor-bu 'i 'phrengba mam-thar Zangs-gling-ma; Also called gTer-mdzod mum-thar Zangs- gling-ma 1. Vol. KA of Rin-chen gter-mdzod, la1 - 1 lOa (incl. Slob-dpon rin-po-che Padma 'byung-gnu kyi mm-thar gsol-'debs and U-rgyan mum-thar rndzad-pa bcu-gcig gi gsol- 'debs byin-rlabs sprin-phung, resp. by Nyangral and Ratna gling-pa). 2. Mod. book ed., pp. 287 (incl. the above and other small Padmabiographies, such as T h a t h a ' s notable Yid-ches gsum-ldan; pp. 239287); Si-khron mi-rigs dpe-shn-khang, 1989. The version is used here. Author: Apocrypha (gter-ma). Date: Rediscovered by grer ston mNga'-bdag Nyang-ral Nyi-ma 'od-zer (1 124-1192 A.D.) traced in the bSam-yas Khams-gsum Zangs-khang gling chapel. The oldest (original) Padma-biographical scroll (bka' rhang rhams cad kyi rtsa ba'i phyi mo) existing, being composed in forty-one chapters. [krya] Lalitavistara MahdydnasUra: [ 'Phugs-pa] rGya-cher rol-pa neg-pa chen-po 'i mdo Ed. TTPE 763: bKa'-'gyur mDo-sde 1b 1-246~15. LP: Lokaprajfidpri[S&tra], 'Jig-nen [du] bzhag-pa [bsran-bcos] Edition: TTPE 5587: bsTan-'gyur, mNgon-pa'i bstan-bcos, mDo-'grel, LXII (KHU) lal-111b8. Author: putative authorship Maudgalylyana. Tr. Cf. Vallk-Poussin, 1919; Denis, 1980. MBNTH: Mi-rje-lhas mdzad byang-chub sems-dpa' chen-po Chos-rgyal Mes-dbon mum-gswn gyi mum-par char-pa rin-po-che 'i phreng-ba 1b 1- 15la4 ( = 1.1-302.4), in Rin-chen grer-mdzod chen-po 'i rgyab-chos, vol. 7, Paro 1980. Author: Myang (or Nyang)-ral Nyi-ma 'od-zer (1 124-119211204)? To be ascribed, in all probability, to Nyang-ral, but the colophon (15 1b4 = 301.3) is incomplete, while one folio is missing, but it is mentioned that it was the work [(bya'i dpe) = compilation?] of a certain bTsun-pa Shlkya Rin-chen of 'Bri-khung, whom, Szerb, 1990, op. cit. XXVI, n. 56, makes an approx. contemporary of spyang-snga Grags-pa 'byung-gnas (1 175-1255 A.D.). See below. Date: ? ca. 1200 A.D. (writtentcompiled simultaneous with or slightly posterior to Nyang-ral's CHBYMTNYP,q.v.) Gauged from the content, Nyang-ral's Mesdbon mum-gswn gyi nwn-rhar appears to be nothing but a condensed or abbreviated version of the magnwn opus CHBYMTNYP, as large parts of the text and topics both sequentially and textually are completely congruous. But it shows also a close affinity to KCHKKHM. The topical concordance corroborates the impression that MBNTH in all likelihood, whether formally compiled or copied from CHBYMTNYP by bTsun-pa Shdcya Rin-chen or not, should be considered to stand close to the tradition of Nyang-ral. However, as seen e.g. from note 1094 and in particular ab note 1240 in this present book, it is clear that MBNTH displays a few independent traits, such as e.g. at places to be closer to the extant version of BZH than CHBYMTNYP. Chos-skyong-ba 'i rgyal-po Srong-btsan sgam-po 'i bka '-'bum, alias Ma-ni bka '-'bum: 3 Glegs-bam: stod kyi cha: [I.] dkar-chug Bla-ma 'i brgyud-pa 1b 1- 12a1 (1b 1- 1la6) 11. Vol. E (= A-E) mdo-skor: A. Sangs-rgyas stong-rtsa 'i zhal-gdams zhes-bya-ba Lo-rgyus chen-mo (36 le 'u) 12al-97b2 (lb 1-82al); B. krya-~arandavyliha-ndma-ma-mahdydnasiitra .. (lacking in Punaka ed.) (82a2- 140b4); Ba. 'Phags-pa byang-chub sems-dpa ' sPyan-ras-gigs dbang-phyug phyagstong spyan-stong dung ldan-pa thogs-pa mi-mnga ' ba 'i thugs-j e chen-po 'i sems rgya-cher yongs-su rdzogs-pa zhes-bya-ba 'i gzungs (lacking in Punaka ed.) (140b4-185a5); C . Chos-skyong-ba 'i rgyal-po Srong-btsan sgam-po 'i mdzad-pa mum-thar gyi skor 97b2- 21 la6 (1 85x5-286a1): Ca. Sangs-rgyas Shdkya thub-pa 'i bstan-pa la rndzad-pa 'i lo-rgyus (16 skabs) 97b2- 140a4 (185a6-222b5); Cb. Sangs-rgyas gzhan gyi bstan-pa la mdzad-pa'i lo-rgyus (11 skabs) 140a4-167b5 (222b5-247b2); Cc. rGyal-bu 'Jig-rten dbang-phyug gi skyes-rubs 167b5-183b5 (247b2261b6); Cd. rGyal-po 'i mdzad-pa nyi-shu nsa gcig-pa (2 1 le 'u) 183b5-21 la6 (261b6-286a1); + sgrub-skor: D. Thugs-je chen-po 'i sgnrb-thabs kyi cho-ga skor lb 1-36a6 (286al335a3); E. bShad-thabs kyi yan-lag bShad- 'grel chen-mo spyi 'i khog-dbub sogs (or Thugs-je chen-po nor-bu'i rgyan gyi bshad-'grel chen-mo) 36a6-102a6 (335a3-377a6); smad kyi cha: 111: WAM (= F-G) zhal-gdak-skor: F. Chos-skyong-ba 'i rgyal-mo Srong-btsan sgam-PO'i bka '- 'bum mad k ~ i cha z h a l - g d m kyi skor A collection of zhal-gdamr subsumed under twenty-three headings comprising 131zhal-gdams. lb 1-306a6(1b 1-288b6); G. scrub-thabs kyi phran (incl. Gab-pa mngon-phyung gi skor) 1b 1-47a6 (288b6-331a5); Numerous redactions of MNKB circulate. The one used here is a somewhat abbreviated ed.: he twevol. print of the Punakha-blocks (folioindication in parentheses is to the ed. Ra-[mol-che sPyi-khyab-hang, not used in this study). Author: Apocrypha (gter-ma). Putative authorship Srong-btsan sgam-po. Non-Tantric Vita-cycle. MNKB represents a corpus of variously transmitted text-cycles. The 'srirra-cycle (A +B (minus C) +G) was discovered or compiled (spyan drangs) by gTer-ston de-btsun Shiikya bzang-po; the slldhana-cycle (D+E) by Mahaiddha dNgos-grub and the bulky instruction-cycle (zhal-gdams-skor (F)) was recovered by mNga'bdag Myang (or Nyang)-ral Nyi-ma 'od-zer. But a study of its compilation and transmission is yet to be done. Date: Some of its core material, albeit mythographical, no doubt hail from the late dynastic period, but the detailed and elaborate composition of MNKB and the dates of the gTer-ston-s suggest a date for the overall ~ o ~ ~ i l a tof i oMNKB n between 1 170-1200 A. D. MYDTH: Bod kyi rgyal-rubs gSer gyi phreng-ba grags-pa las mNga ' 4 s stod mar-yul bdag-po 'i deb-ther 1. Mod. book ed. pp. 153-194, Gangs-can rig-mdzd IX, Bod-ljongs Bodyig dpe-mying dpe-skrun-khang, Lhasa, 1990. Author: Kah-thog Rig-'dzin Tshe-dbang nor-bu (1698-1755 A.D.) Date: ? ca. '1740-50 A.D. NGTMTPH: sNgon gyi gram me-tog phreng-ba, alias Ne 'u chos- 'byung 1. Ed. Uebach, 1987. 2. Mod. print ed., pp. 3-54, Gangs-can rig-rndzod IX, Bod-ljongs Bod-yig dpe-mying dpe-skrun-khang, Lhasa 1990. Author: Ne'u (or Nel-pa) Pandi-ta Grags-pa smon-lam blo-gros Date: 1283 A.D., col. chu-&-lug Tr. Uebach, 1987. NGTSH: Chos- 'byung ngo-mtshar rgya-mrsho 1. A two vol. reprod., The Sungrab Nyamso Gyunpel Parkhang, Tashigong, 1972, vol. 1, pp. 1-728. Author: sTag-lung-pa Ngag-dbang mam-rgyal (1571- 1626) Date: 1609 A.D. PMKTH: Pad-ma bka' yi (hang-yig, also U-rgyan Gu-ru Pudma 'byung-gnus kyi sees-rubs rnam-par rhar-pa rgyas-par bkod-pa and also ~hri-&onglde 'ubrsan bka '-chems or Shel-brag rhang-yig 1. A 258 folio-long Zhol-par-khang xyl.-print. 2. Mod. ed. Si-khron mi-rigs dpe-skrun-khang, 1987, pp. 1-721 (based upon a sDe-dge xyl.print). The latter is used here. Author: grer ma. Detectedlcompiled (spyan drangs) by the Rediscoverer (grer-ston) U-rgyan gling-pa (1323- 1367174). Date: According to the colophon (7 1 1.9- 14), it was detected in the cave of Shel-brag, in a chu-'brug year, corresponding to 1352 A.D. A bulky 108-chapters long versified biography of Gu-ru Rin-po-che or Padma Sambhava. Tr. G.C. Toussaint, Le Dicr de Padma, 1933 (English tr. by Douglas and Bays, Pt. 1-11, Emeryville 1978). Cf. also the fine discussion in Vostrikov, 1970, pp. 32-45. SKDRCHM Sa-skya gdung-rubs chen-mo, also 'Dzam-gling byang-phyogs kyi rhub-pa 'i rgyal-rshab chen-mo dPa1-ldan Sa-sea-pa 'i gdung-rubs rin-po-che ji-ltar byon-pa'i rshul kyi rnam-par thar-pa ngo-mtshar rin-po-che'i bang-mdzod dgos- 'dod kun- 'byung Ed. lbl-334a6; reprod. the Tib. Bonpo Monastic Centre, Dolanji, 1975: Author: 'Jam-mgon A-myes-zhabs Ngag-dbang kun-dga' bsod-nams gragspa rgyal-mtshan dpal-bzang-po (1576- 1662) Date: 1629 A .D., col. 334a2: sa-mo-sbrul. SHBRS: Shes-bya rub-gsal Edition: Sa-skya bkal-'bum, Pa, pod dang-po lbl-35a6 [of Toyo Bunko). Author: Chos-rgyal 'Phags-pa Bla-ma Blo-gros rgyal-mtshan (1235-1280). Date: 1278 A.D. Tr. C. Hoog, 1983. SKGPDR: Sa-skyong rgyal-po 'i gdung-rubs 'byung-khungs dang 'bangs kyi mi-rabs chad-tshul nges-par gsal-ba 'i sgron-me Ed. dbu-can MS, lbl-54a, ed. Aris, 1986, pp. 1-76. Author: Ngag-dbang (Wa-gindra) of the Byar clan. Date: 1728 A.D. Tr. Aris, 1986. STSGPNTH: Chos-skyong-ba 'i rgyal-po Srong-brsan sgam-po 'i mom-rhamuior-bsdu.f nyer-mkho gsal-ba 'i me-long zhes bya-ba 'Gro-kun ma-rig mun-sel Ed. pp. lbl-28b6 (455-510). A work belonging to the Library of Gar-zhva Jo-bo at Khang-gsar mKhar in Lahul; ed. The Tib. Bonpo Monastic Centre, H.P.1973. An abbreviated (almost verbatim) version of a part of the r m - t h a r tradition of Srong-btsan sgam-po found in MNKB and KCHKKHM. TSLKHKCH: 1Ha-ldan sprul-pa 'i gTsug-lag-khang gi dkar-chug Shel-dkar rne-long vol. Dza of gSung-'bum; 1. Griinwedel ed., 1919; 2. Ed. and repr. Ngawang Delek Demo; 3. Mod. book. ed. pp. 1-52, Bod-ljongs mi-dmangs dpe-skrun-khang, Lhasa, 1987. Griinwedel's ed., although fully unreliable, is used here. Author: V. Dalai Lama Ngag-dbang Blo-bzang rgya-mtsho (1617- 1682) Date: 1645 A. D. ; col. sa-skyong (pdnhiva) = shing-bya Tr.(!), cf. Griinwedel, 1919. YLJBCHBY: Yar-lung Jo-bo'i chos- 'byung 1. Ed. mod. print, pp. 1-196, Si-khron mi-rigs dpe-skrun-khang, 1987. Used here. 2. Ed. mod. print, pp. 1-186; Bod-ljongs mi-dmangs dpe-skrun-khang, Lhasa, 1988. The text is identical with the work denoted 'Deb-[her rdzongs dmar-mu', MS, lb-90b, British Museum OR 675 1. Author: Yar-lung Jo-bo rJe-rgyud S h w a Rin-chen-sde, alias Shidcya dPal bzang-po Date: 1376 A.D. (me-pho- 'brug), col. p. 196. Secondary dKon-mchog tshe-brtan, 1983, "SKU-zhabsRen Na'e-chang la Srong-btsan sgam-po'i khrungs-'das lo-tshigs dang bcas-pa'i skor gleng-mol zhu-ba", Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1983 (2), pp. 69-88. bKra-shis tshe-ring, 1992, "bTsan-po'i lo-rgyus las 'phros-pa'i khrims-lugs skor rags-tsam gleng-ban, Knmggo 'i Bod kyi shes-rig, 1992 (I), pp. 9 1-104. "Khra-'brug gtsug-lag-khang", Nyi-gzhon, 1982 (2), pp. 74-75. Khri-dmng Blo-bzang thub-bstan, 1988, " 'Phags-mchog lo-ke shva-ra bod du gdan drangs-pa'i lo-rgyus" , Bod-ljongs nangbstan, 1988 (I), pp. 102-106. mKhar-rme'u bSam-gtan rgyal-mtshan (= Karmay, S.G.), 1990, "bTsan-po 1Ha-sras Dar-ma dang de'i rjes-su byung-ba'i rgyal-rabs mdor-bsdus", Krung-go 'i Bod kyi shes-rig, 1990 (I), pp. 81-103. mGon-po rgyal-mtshan (ed.), 1981, Bod kyi skad las gsar-mying gi brda 'i khyad-par ston-pa legs-par bshad pa Li-shi 'i gur-khang my sKyogs-ston Rin-chen bkra-shis], Mi-rigs dpe-skrun-khang, Beijing. rGyal-mo, 1985, "rGyal-po Dri-gum btsan-po yab-sras dang de'i byung-ba mdor-bsdus", Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jub, 1985 (4), pp. 60-71. 1Cang-ra Ngag-dbang tshe-dpal, 1986, "bTsan-po Khri-srong lde'u-btsan" , Bod-ljongs nang-bstan, 1986 (2), pp. 13-16, 23. [Cha-ris] Ban-de-sgom, 1989, "mGar Khri-'bring btsan-brod ces-pa ming la rags-tsam dpyad-pa", Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1989 (3)' pp. 50-53. Cha-ris Ban-de-sgom, 1990, "Bod btsan-po'i rgyal-rabs su 1Deng-khri zhes-pa'i btsan-po zhig byung min skor rags-tsam gleng-ba" , Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1990 (2), pp. 135Chab-'gag ffa-mgrin, 1989(a), "Blon-po mGar-stong-btsan gyi mdzad-rjes skor cung-zad dpyad-pa" , Bod-bongs zhib-'jug, 1989 (I), pp. 35-50. Chab-'gag ffa-mgrin, 1989(b), 'Blon-po Ru-las-skyes kyi rigs-rus dang mdzad-jes la dpyad-pa", Bod-ljongs zhib'jug, 1989 (3), pp. 105-113. Chab-'gag ffa-mgrin, 1990(a), "Khri-srong lde-btsan rgya-tsha yin-narn skor gleng-ban, Krung-go 'i Bod kyi shesrig, 1990 (I), pp. 23-30. Chab-'gag ffa-mgrin, 1990@), Gyim-shing Kong-jo Bod kyi btsan-po su la bsus-pa'i skor gleng-ban, Krzmg-go'i Bod kyi shes-rig, 1990 (4), pp. 101-107. Chab-spel Tshe-brtan phun-tshogs, 1982, "1Ha-sa gTsug-lag-khang gi lo-rgyus rags-bshad", Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1982 (I), pp. 10-44. 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Zh[v]a-sgab-pa, dBang-phyug bDe-chen, 1982, IHa-ldan Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang gtsug-lag-khang gi dkar-chug [ = Guide to the Central Temple of 1Ha-sa], Shakabpa House, Kalimpong. Ye-shes bstan-'dzin, 1988, "Srong-btsan sgam-po'i bang-so'i lo-rgyus dkar-chagn, spang-rgyan me-tog, 1988 (21, PP. 2-7. Ye-shes lha-mtsho, 1986, "Srong-btsan sgam-po'i mdzad-rjes gtso-bo khag-gcig rags-rim-tsam bjod-pan, Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1986 (I), pp. 61-69. Rang-'gro, 1986, "rGyal-po 'U-dum-btsan gyi skabs-su sangs-rgyas chos-lugs bsnubs-pa'i skor la rags-tsam gleng-ban, Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1986 (I), pp. 103-115. Rig-grol, 1985, "rGyal-po Khri-srong lde-btsan gyi 'khrungs-yum ngo-ma yang snying-su reddam?", Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1985 (I), pp. 48-57. Ren Na'e-chang , 1983, "Srong-btsan sgam-po'i lo-tshigs", Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1983 (2), pp. 40-41. Reb-gong rDo-rje-mkhar, 1986, "gNya'-khri btsan-po ma-byon gong gi Bod kyi lo-rgyus che-long-tsam", Bodljongs zhib- 'jug, 1986 (I), pp. 91-103. Reb-gong rDo-rje-mkhar, 1986, 'Mi-nyag skor gi rags-tsam gleng-ba", Bod-ljongs zhib-'jug, 1986 (3), pp. 3-12. Reb-gong rDo-rje-mkhar, 1987(a), "Bod kyi btsan-po'i bang-so'i skor gleng-ba" , Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1987 (11, PP. 105-118. Reb-gong rDo-je-mkhar, 1987(b), 'gNam-ri srong-btsan gyi lo-rgyus mdzad-jes rags-bsdusw, Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1987 (I), pp. 127-133. Reb-gong rDo-je-mkhar, 1987(c), "Pho-bo ldong gi skor rags-tsam gleng-ba", Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1987 (3), pp. 111. Reb-gong rDo-rje-mkhar, 1987(d), "Mang-srong mang-btsan gyi lo-rgyus cung-zad gleng-ban, Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1987 (4), 68-83. Reb-gong rDo-je-mkhar, 1989, "Pho-bo ldong gi mi-rgyud khag-gcig yul gang du gnas-pa rags-tsam gleng-ba", Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1989 (2), pp. 42-45. Reb-gong rDo-je-mkhar, 1990(a), "Bod kyi lo-rgyus las 'phros te mi'u rigs bzhi sogs kyi skor rags-tsam gleng-ban, Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1990 (I), pp. 3 1-51. Reb-gong rDo-je-mkhar, 1990(b), "Bod kyi ches gna'-bo'i lo-rgyus mdor-bsdus" , Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1990 (2). pp. 26-52. bshad-sgrub, 1990, "Srong-btsan gyi dgung-grangs so-bzhir 'dod-pa'i dogs-dpyod",Kwg-go 'i Bod kyi shes-rig, 1990 (I), pp. 9-22. bSod-nams skyid & dBang-rgyal, 1983, Bod kyi gna'-rabs yig-cha gces-bsdus, Mi-rigs dpe-shn-khang, pp. 1-173. Mod-nams skyid, 1984, Bod kyi rdo-ring yi-ge dung dril-bu'i kha-byang, Mi-rigs dpe-skrun-khang, pp. 1137. bSod-nams bstan-'dzin, 1989, "Bod kyi btsan-po Khri Ral-pa-can gyi skor rags-tsam bjod-pa", Bod-ljongs zhib'jug, 1989 (I), pp. 85-92; 1989 (2), pp. 27-42. bsod-nams don-grub, 1985, "Jo-bo Mi-bskyod rdo- j e nyams-gso zhus-pa'i skor ngo-sprod byas-pan, Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1985 (4), pp. 102-110. bsod-nams don-grub, 1988, "Bod-j e thog-ma gNya'-khri btsan-po nas rab-byung dang-po'i bar gyi lo-tshigs la dpyad-pa" , Bod-ljongs zhib- 'jug, 1988 (2)' pp. 53-68. Name-Index Tibetan Ka-ba dPal-brtsegs 399 Ka-ma-la 90, 91, 456 Ka-len sMal 463 Ka'i gNyags-ston 'phel-bzang 178 Kang-king 378 Kang-dang-King 378 Kong-jo 15, 26, 54,69, 82, 83, 113, 129, 160, 181, 200, 213, 215, 216, 223-225, 228, 229, 234, 238, 241-244, 246, 247, 249, 253, 258, 262, 263, 266, 275, 280, 285, 289, 302, 307, 333, 334, 338, 341, 354-356, 358-360, 362, 363, 405, 418, 420, 428, 433, 493, 507, 537, 545, 547, 551, 552, 557, 560, 577-579, 584, 587, 588, 591, 592, 594, 596-601, 647, 649 Kun dga'-bo 52 Kun-nas 'od-zer 50 Kri-kri 5 1, 207 Klu-dga' 233, 243, 249, 557 Klu-lde 441 Klu-mes Shes-rab tshul-khrirns 448 Klu'i rgyal-mtshan 399, 412 Klu'i dBang-po bsmngs-pa 370 dKon-mchog-lde 466 bKra-shis mgon 439, 453, 454, 455, 476 bKra-shis-lde 456, 460-462, 469 bba-shis lde-mgon 453 bKra-shis brtsegs-pa 439, 45 1, 465 bKra-shis lha-lde-btsan 454 rKa-ba Khri-nam-lde 44 1 rKong-rtse 'Phml gyi rgyal-po 200 SKU-ngas1Te-chung 406 sKyabs-seng 138, 5 1 8 sKyes-bzangs 366 sKyes-legs Nyang-bran chos-skyabs 450 sKyi-bzang stong-btsan 350 sKyid-thag ring-mo 178 ~Kyid-lde438, 439, 451, 452, 465-467 ~Kyid-sdeNyi-ma-mgon 438 Khang-dbang 508 Khams-pa go-cha 41 6 Khams-gsum Chos kyi rgyal-po 37, 486 Khu-ston brTson-'grus g.yungdrung 38, 459, 524 Kho-las 87 Khyu-zha 423 Khyung-po Dum-tshugs 397 Khyung-po dpal-bzang 20 1 Khyung-po sPu-thang gzung-rtse 179 Khyung-po spun bzang-btsan 179 Khyung-po sPung-sad zu-tse 179 Khyung-po Yu-yur zur-tsho 179 Khyung-po Yul-bzung-rtse 179, 54 1 Khyung-zhags 423 Khri bKra-shis dbang-phyugs Nam-mkha' btsan 461 Khri-mgon 442, 472 Khri-rgyal 396, 442 Khri-che-mer-khan 86 Khri-chen 'De'u 409 Khri chen-po 409 Khri-chung 144, 439, 468-470, 475 Khri-dar 44 1 Khri Dar-ma 409, 474, 475 Khri-de thog-btsan 149, 150 Khri-lde 9, 24, 83, 181, 184, 302, 332, 350, 351, 362, 366, 408-410, 420, 440-442, 448, 460, 468, 470, 471, 568, 569, 578, 584, 598-601, 603, 648 Khri-sde mgon-snyan 440 Khri-snyan gzugs-btsan 151 Khri-pa 199, 267, 442, 45 1, 544 Khri-po 472, 528 Khri-dpal 441, 456, 475 Khri-dbang-btsan 472 Khri-'bar 469-471 Khri-'bum 432, 472 Khri-'bring btsan-brd 397, 646 Khri 'Bring Ma-'od 397 Khri-'od 472 Khri-tsug 442 Khri-gtsug 409, 410, 416, 475, 479 Khri-btsan 149, 179, 442, 469, 475, 476, 528, 532, 533 Khri-btsun 25-27, 113, 129, 159, lW, 199, 207, 209-211, 246, 253, 259, 262-264, 266, 273, 274, 280, 285, 287, 288, 301, 302, 331, 333, 334, 338, 341, 351, 354, 475, 492, 544, 545, 552, 556, 577, 598 Khri-tshe 442 Khri-gzigs 279, 369 Khri-bzang yab-lhag 3, 371, 395, 396 Khri-srong Ide-btsan 3, 6-10, 24, 26, 146, 178, 181, 275, 330, 352, 354, 355, 358, 361, 363, 365, 372, 373, 387, 393, 395, 403, 404, 406, 409, 412, 413, 415, 420, 424, 535, 575, 596, 598, 599, 601, 603, 605, 619, 647, 648, 650 Khro-dgra dpung-btsan 149 Khro-rgyal 288, 340, 593 Khro-gnyer-can-ma 202, 545 Khro-bo Khams-gsum mam-rgyal 377 Khro-bo sMe-brtsegs 288 Khro-bo Rol-pa 377 mKhar-chen-bza' 'Tsho.-rgyal 369, 373 'Khor-ba 'jig 50, 190 'Khor-re 454-456 Ga'i-thu-gan 87 Gangs-chen mtsho[-rgyal] 62, 64, 494, 496 Gar-mi Yon-tan g. yung-drung 473 Gal-bu-khan 88 Gi-bi-chi 87 Gu-be-lha Se-chen-gan 89 Gu-ru-legs 148, 530 Gung-btsan 200, 201, 215, 302, 306, 307, 315, 340, 346, 395, 396, 472, 473, 589, 600 Gung-ri gung-btsan 306, 307, 340, 346, 600 Gung-srong gung-btsan 200, 201, 215, 302, 307, 315, 589 Ge-gan 9 1 Go-go-chu 90 Go-dan Kha-si-khan 89 Go-yug 89 Go-lod de-mur 90 Go'u-ta'i 88 Gyam-shing Kong-jo 83, 354, 420 Grags-pa 12, 23, 31, 50, 52, 57, 77, 154, 302, 409, 435, 441, 446, 452, 453, 462-464, 467, 476, 479, 480, 509, 523, 607, 637, 641, 643, 644 Grags-btsan-lde 462 Grags-'dzin-ma 54 Gri-gum btsan-po 141, 144, 146, 147, 529 Grub-pa 276, 472 Grum-shing Shes-rab smon-lam 450 Grum Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan 446, 45 1 Grom-pa skyes 363 Glang-dar-ma 144, 254, 258, 327, 332, 359, 367, 410, 425, 427, 428, 432434, 436, 439, 442, 444, 447, 448, 468, 521, 595, 596, 605, 607 dGa'-ba'i dpal 377-379, 385 dGa'-bo 52, 54, 260 dGe-mchog 50 dGe-bsnyen Dri-ma med-pa 377 dGe-'phel 52, 413, 415, 567, 569 dGe-ba 17, 50, 66, 330, 442, 443, 445, 447, 458, 498, 535, 539, 586 dGe-'byung 430, 431, 444, 445, 447 dGe-slong 442, dGongs-pa Rab-gsal 445, 447, 448 bGegs mthar-byed 290 mGar Khri-'bring 419, 420, 592, 646 mGar sTong-btsan yul-bzung 180, 201, 4 18 mGon-ne 442, 468 mGon-btsan 44 1 mGon-brtsegs 44 1 'Gar Khri-'bring btsan-rgod 348 'Go-bong Y ul-gong 399 'Gos 17, 349, 371, 372, 395, 396, 399, 471, 636 'Gro-ba bzang-mo 378 rGya-rje btsan-po 200, 216 rGya Blo-gros shes-rab 449 rGya-ma Rin-chen sgang-pa 17, 20 rGya-mo-bza' 301, 33 1, 405 sGyu-'phrul-ma 54 sGra-gcan-'dzin 52, 61, 63 sGro Ma-'dzu-shri 447 rNgog Blo-ldan Shes-rab 460 rNgog-ring-po-la-nag-po 349 rNgog Legs-pa'i shes-rab 455, 459 Ci'u Tha'i-zu 83 Ci'u dBang-rgyal 78 Ce'u dbang 503, 504 Ce'u Tha'i-ju 507 Cog-ro sKyes-bzang 178, 395 Cog-ro brGyan 178, 541 Cog-ro dPal-bzang 201 Cog-ro 'Brong-shor 349 Cog-ro Mang-po-rje 348 Cog-ro Rig-pa'i skad-bzan 178 Cog-ro Shes-rab byang-chu 446 Cog-ro-gza' 452 Cog-ro-bza' dPal gyi ngang-tshul4 11, 426 Cog-ro-bza' brTsan-rgyal 409 gCung Rin-po-che rDo-j e Grags-pa 476 bCu-gnyis gsar-ma Grags-pa shes-rab 464 bCom-ldan-'das 52, 492, 499 1Cags-so-can 475 Cha-ga-ta'i 89 Ching Sang 82 Chos-j e g. Yam-bzang 2 1 Chos-blon Cog-ro Dar-rgyal Mang-po-j e srong 178 Chos sMon-lam 2 1 mchims-rGyal rGyal-zigs Shu-theng 35 1 mChims-rgyal-bza' Legs-mo-brtsan 409 mChims-bza' Klu-rgyal 151 mChims-bza' Khyung dkar-ma 41 1 mChims-za bTsan-ma-thog thog-steng 350 mChims-bza' bTsun-ne 439 mChog-sbyin 50 'Char-byed 56, 138, 517 'Chims-bza' 1Ha-mo-btsan 373 Jo-'Phel 478 Jo-bar 478 Jo-bo Khri-mgon 472 Jo-bo dGa'-dga' 472 Jo-bo dGos-pa 472 Jo-bo sGom-pa 475 Jo-bo 'Jig-rten 472 Jo-bo-je 10, 11, 15, 56, 273, 333, 458, 48 1 Jo-bo rNal-'byor 17, 475-477, 479 Jo-bo dBang-lde 443 Jo-bo Mi-bskyod rdo-rje 71, 205, 347, 364, 419, 592-594, 651 Jo-bo sMon-lam 475 Jo-bo bTsan-khri-dpal 475 Jo-bo Shaya bKra-shis 479 Jo-bo Shiikya rGyal 477, 478 Jo-bo 1Ha-btsun 474 Jo-bo'i dKon-gnyer-dpon 29 Jo-dbang 475 Jo-'bag 472, 476, 477 Jo-'bar 478 Jo-mo Bhrkuti 129, 202, 210, 333 Jo-mo els shes sgron 7 Jo'i khams 476 Jo-bsod 472 'Jig-rten dbang-phyug 269, 292, 642 rJe-btsun Shiikya bzang-po 8, 12, 330, 586, 643 Uang-mo Khri-btsun 35 1, 354, 598 Uang-tsha 1HadBon 648 Nya-khri 141, 143 Nya-bzangs 372, 396 Nyag-lde 468-470 Nyang Khri-bzang yang-ston 181 Nyang Sha-mi go-cha 4 16 Nyang-bzang Zhang-po Khri-rgyal 396 Nyi-ma-mgon 438, 439, 452, 453 Nyi-ma'i gnyen 51 Nyi-ma 'ad-zer 7, 8, 17, 102, 452, 586, 588, 635, 641, 643 Nyi-'od dPal-mgon 440, 44 1, 468 Nye-dga' 54 Nye-mdzes 50 gNya'-khri btsan-po 133, 137-139, 144, 146, 154, 517, 519, 521, 522, 524-527, 564, 647, 650, 651 gNyags Khri-bzang yang-ston 181, 355 gNyegs Jfiiina KumPra 352 sNyags Zur-chen 201 sNyug-rum-pa 443 Ta'i-dzung 159, 501 Ta'i si-tu 31, 33-35 Te-gyu Te-chung 406 Tog dkar-po 53 bTang-ba 50 bTang-bzung 50 ffa-mgrin 141, 143, 181, 269, 293, 340, 358, 646-648 rTa-ston Jo-yes 17, 586 nag-tu-ngu 384 flen-nas-pa 443, 474 flogs-ldan sNgo-nyal-ma Ye-shes rgyalmtshan 37 bflan-pa 443 sTag-sgra Khong-lod 348 sTag Nya-bzang 43 1 sTag-btsan gdong-gzigs 372 sTag-gzigs-gza' 452 sTag-ra klu-khong 365 sTag-ri gnyan-gzigs 152, 153 sTag-sham-can 477 sTong-chen rab-'joms 289 sTod-lungs-pa 18, 19 sTobs-chung 138 Tha'i-dzung 82, 88, 200 Thang Ka'o-zung 82 Thang Zan-zung 83 Thang-la-dga' 472 Tham-cha 86 Thar-pa Klu'i dpal-btsan 180 Thi-mur bo-kha 90 Thi-sho-legs 148 Thu-mi Klu-mang 'dre 168 Thu-mi rGyal-mtshan snang-la-'phan 168 Thu-mi Sa-'bo-ra 167 Thub-pa Brag-lha mgon-po 297 Tho-gan 90-92 Tho-lo-no-yan 89 Thog-PO44 1 Thon-mi 'Bring-sto-re A-nu 167 mTha'-bzhi rGyal-'phags 450 mTha'-yas skyongs 5 1, 52 mThing gi Byang-chub mchog-btsan 180 mThu-chen-thob 288 mTho-btsun grub-rje 67 Da-ra 472, 473 Dag-pa 69, 383 Dab-chu 87 Dam-pa Se-brag-pa 17 Dar-rgyan 479 Dar-chen grags-pa 441 Dar-ma 469, 474, 475 Ding-khri btsan-po 140 Dung-dkar-lde 466 Dung gi thor-tshugs-can 381 Dung Tsing 80, 81 Dum-bi-ni'i-khan 88 Deva-lha 159 De-sho-legs 148, 530 Don-chen 470 Dor-bun-cher-khan 87 Dvags-po sGom-tshul 19 Dharma pha-la 90 Dhe-ba ra-tsa 454 gDags-khri btsan-po 140 bDud sKrag-med nag-po 432 bDud Ya-bzher nag-po 385, 432, 434 bDud-rtsi-ma 52 bDe-spyod-lde 466 mDo-'chi 88, 89 mDo-zher spre-chung 388 'Dus-srong Mang-po-rje Rlung-Nam'phrul 348 'Dol-le 466 rDo-j e 480 1Dan-ma rtse-rmang 399 1De-rgyal-po 148, 53 1, 532 1De-chung 477 1De-snol-nam 148, 53 1 1De-snol-po 148, 532 1De-po 440-442, 456, 477 1De-sprin-btsan 148, 149 1De-btsun 472 1De-btsug mgon 453, 454 1Deng-khri 409, 646 Na-ga-lde 46 1 Na-ga ra-tsa 454 Na-'dod 370 Na-mo-gan 90 Nag-mo A-lan 87 Nag-tsho Tshul-khrims rgyal-ba 458, 459 Nam-mkha' chos-dbyings 484 Nam-mkha'i snying-po 395, 432 Ni-sa-la Bri-ho 199 Nor-dga' 472 Nor-bu 50 gNam-the1 dkar-po 432, 434 gNam-ri srong-btsan 82, 137, 153, 154, 159-161, 179, 259, 276, 417, 589, 590, 651 rNa-ba-can 5 1 rNal-'byor chen-po 20 sNa-chen-po 178, 331, 339, 541 sNa-nam rDo-rje bdud-'joms 368 sNa-nam rDo-rje dbang-phyug 365 sNa-nam bza' 358, 359, 363 sNa-nam-bza' Legs-btsun 438 sNa-nam-bza' A-rje pho-legs 4 11 sNa-mam rGyal-tsha skyes-pa 383 sNubs dPal gyi dbang-phyug 446 sNubs Phag-shi-rta 446 sNubs Babs-shing 446 sNe'u-zur-pa 18, 19 sNon Khri-bdun g.Yu 349 sNon rgyal-mtshan 349 Pa-gor 180, 370 Pa-tshab-tsha 1Ha Bal-po 597 Padma chen-po 56 Pad-ma mthar-byed 290 Pi-tsi CandraSri 354 Pi-tsi Tsan-dra-Sri 354 Pu-ni sMal 464 ~ e - h a r385, 433 Pri-ti sMal 463, 464 dPag-thog-pa 155, 464 dPal-'khor-btsan 436, 438, 439, 451,465, 468 dPal gyi mgon 440, 442, 452 dPal gyi lde Rig-pa mgon 452 dPal gyi Byang-chub 446, 447 dPal gyi yon-tan 4 11, 425, 426, 434, 437 dPal gyi seng-ge 368, 386, 387, 395, 396 dPal gyi 1Ha-mo 293 dPal 'Gar gung-btsan 395 dPal-'dren 476 dPal-ldan grags 463 dPal-lde 465-467, 472 dPal-spyi-ston 20 1 dPal-dbyangs 279, 369, 395 dPal-'byor rgyal-po 36, 483 dPal-bzang 30, 32, 33,57,201,395,477, 478, 480, 644 sPu-de gung-rgyal 142, 144, 147, 148 spyan-mnga' 470 spyan-snga 18, 19, 475 sPyil-bu-ba 476 sPri-sti-ma 69, 81, 507 Pha-ba De-se 468, 469 Phung-'gong nag-po 432 Phed-po 441 Pho-ku bTsun 423 Pho-gong Mong-bza' Khri-lcam 302 Pho-brang Zhi-ba 'od 457 Pho-yong-bza' rGyal-mo-btsun 389 Pho-yongs-bza' 1Ha-btsun 409 Phra-la ring-ba 457 Phreng-ba-can 52 'Phags skyes-po 5 1 'Phags-pa Ua-ma-li 194, 195 'Phags-pa dBu-gang 194, 195 'Phags-pa Va-ti 194, 195 'Phags-pa LokeSvara 195 'Phan-bza' 'Phan-rgyal 436 'Phrul gyi sNa-chen rigs-bzang 177 'Phrul-rgyal 350, 410 Bu-ram shing-pa 43, 5 1 Be-ci btsan-pa Ha-la 354 Ber-the1 khra-bo 432 Bi-kher 87 Bo-don-char-mu-khag 87 Bla-chen-po dGongs-pa Rab-gsal 445 Bla-ma 442-443 Bla-ma rGyal-ba Rin-po-che 479 Blo-gros dPal bzang-po 478 Blo-gros 'od 478, 480 Blo-gros ye-shes 479 Blon Gung-bzher 423 Bya-khri 141, 143, 144, 460 Bya Khri-gzigs 279 Bya-yul-pa 20 Byams mgon 129, 206 Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan 19, 29, 31, 3335, 465, 473, 631 Byang-chub-rje 373, 388 Byang-chub 'byung-gnas 20, 449 Byang-chub 'od 457, 459, 460, 477 Byang-chub rin-chen 20 Byang-ji ston-pa Shes-rab-'bum 155, 464 Byams-pa 29, 53, 137, 159-161, 206-208, 241, 275, 279, 280, 289, 340, 383, 388, 415, 428, 476, 536, 537, 560, 565, 566, 569, 572, 579, 649 Brag-lha mgon-po 243,244, 297, 301,559 Bran-ka Mila-koSa 352 Bran-ka Mu-le 352 Bran-ka Legs-khong 399 Bran-kha dPal gyi yon-tan 425, 426, 437 Brang-chung 473 Brang-ba 473 Bre-bo zas 52 dBa Ye-shes dbang-po 370 dBa'as Kho-gzher Legs-steng 437 dBang-po-lde 466 dBang-phyugs-khri 44 1 dBang-phyugs btsan 441 dBang-phyug ye-shes 478 dBas sTag-ra khong-lod 348 dBas 'Dong-sgong 349 dBus-pa sTon-shak 17, 586 dBon-ston 17, 20, 474, 475 dByangs-can-'bar 47 1 dByangs-can-ma 269, 292 'Bag-chung 476, 477 'Bri Se-ru gong-ston 181, 228, 234, 304, 3 12 'Bri-ha-long 199 'Bring Ye-shes yon-tan 449 'Brug-chung-lde 472 'Bro Chung-bzang 'Or-mang 35 1 'Bro-bza' Khri rGyal-mo-btsun 373, 388 'Bro-bza' Khri-mo-legs 409 'Bro-bza' Byang-chub-sgron 373 'Bro-bza' 1Ha-rgyal gung-skar-ma 373, 409 'Brom-ston 431, 459, 582 rBa rMang-gzigs 369 rBa Ratna 279, 399 sBa Khri-bzher Sang-shi-ta 369 sBa dPal-dbyangs 279, 369 sBa-btsun Blo-gros dbang-phyug 450 sBa gSal-snang 367, 371, 400, 633, 634 sBas rGya-to-re stag-snang 424 sBas-lcang dPal gyi legs-bzang 178, 338, 339 sBas sTag-ma-can 425-427 sBas-pa sTon-gzhon 478 sBor-tha-che 86 Bha-le 460 Bha-re 460, 461 Ma-'gag-pa 52 Ma-dros-pa 57 1 Ma-nan tho-don 87 Ma-zhang 358, 363, 365, 369, 372, 387, 395, 603, 605 Mang-snya bse-btsan 387 Mang-srong mang-btsan 200, 288, 302, 306, 307, 310, 327, 331, 346, 348, 397, 419, 592, 651 Ma~iga-la90 Mar-me-mdzad 287, 288, 340 Mar-bzher ngan-pa-po 388 Mal-gro gZi-chen 368 Mi-'khrugs-pa 287, 288, 327, 340 Mi-'gro gsung-byon 287 Mi-chung Sambhota 167 Mi-nyag ffsen-rtk Shes-rab ye-shes 84, 500 Mi-nyag-bza' 301 Mi-' thung-dga' 474 Mi-ring Zos-dkar 179 Ming-chen 52 Mu-khyud mtha'-yas 56 Mu Khri rDo-je gnam-btsan 179 Mu-khri btsan-po 140, 404 Mu-'gram Se'o 15 Mu-tig btsan-po 8, 10, 177, 387, 394, 404, 407, 410, 411, 596 Mu-ne btsan-po 373, 387, 389, 394, 403, 404, 406, 421, 603 Mu dbang 503, 504 Mu-rub btsan-po 407 Me-khri btsan-po 140 Mes Ag-tshom 9, 350, 354, 356, 357, 593, 596, 599 Mon-kha-gan 89 Mong Khri do-re mang-tshan 179 Mong-za Khri-mo mNyen-ldong-steng 302 Mong-bza' Khri-lcam 297, 302, 331, 337, 339 MU-PO-btsan 466 dMus-long dkon-pa-bkra 151, 152 dMar Shiikyamuni 430, 431 Myang Ting-nge-'dzin bzang-po 4 16 Myang-ston Chos kyi 'khor-lo 7 Myang-ro rTsibs kyi khrab-sgo-can 569 Myang Sha-mi go-cha 416, 603 rMu Za-'phen 447 rMu-gsal gZhen-'bar 447 MU-zu gSal-'bar 445 rMe-ru-rtse 457 sMan-rtse ]Ha-btsun 33, 84, 508 sMon-lam btsan 441 bTsan-pa 'U-ring 387, 407 bTsan-po IDe-'bar 469 bTsan-phyug-lde 460-462 bTsan-bzher legs-gzigs 388 bTsan-srong-lde 469 bTsun-chung-dga' 472 bTsun-pa-dga' 472 rTsibs kyi mu-khyud 51 rTse-lde 457, 459, 460, 470, 471 ffse-mangs 398 ffse-mo 29, 466, 490, 5 15, 571 Tsha-na Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan 441, 448, 45 1 Tsha-bo-Tsha 80 Tshan Hri Hang 79 Tshangs-sbyin 50 Tshul-khrims-'bar 19, 20 Tshul-khrims bzang-po 38, 452, 480 Tshul-khrims shes-rab 448, 449 Tshe sPong-bza' 406 Tshe-spong-bza' lHun gyi bu-mo 373, 389, 411, 435, 438, 439, 468, 569 Tshe-srong bza' 'Bri-mo thod-dkar 161 Tshong-ge Shes-rab seng-ge 449 Zha-lu Ma-gcig gZhon-nu-'bum 30 Zhang-khri Tsha Khri-lde-'bar 470 Zhang-nge 442 Zhang-j e Tsha Khri-'bar 470 Zhang-ston bKra-shis rdo-q e 586 Zhang-po rGyal gyi khram-bzang 178 Zhang dBu-ring 407 Zhang-zhung bza' Shi-kun 297 Zhang bzher 'U-ring 407 Zhang Ye-shes-sde 399 Zhang Se-btsan 399 Zhi-ba 'od 457, 474 Za-nam zin-te 148 Za-ya-tha'i Byang-kun 420 Za-yin-e-ka 89 Zangs-dkar-gza' 452 Zangs-ma'i 'Ber-log-can 379 Zas gtsang-ma 52 Zva Gon-ma 90 gZi-can 255, 368, 573-575 gZugs-can snying-po 56, 138, 517 bZang-ldan 52 bZang-po 50 bZang-len 52 bZhod-ston 13, 588 'A-cha-rta'i 88 'A-gza' 1Ta.r-rgyal gung-skar-ma 409 'An-bar-ba Byang-chub 446 'A1 rDo- rje dbang-phyug 445 'U Gyang-dzu 423 'Od kyi rgyal-mtshan 454 'Od sKyid-'bar 470 'Od-ste spu-rgyal 144, 530 'Od-lde 443, 457, 459, 460, 465, 466, 468-470, 472 'Od-po 441 'Od-'bar-lde 460 'Od-btsan 472, 473 'Od-zer go-cha 199, 457 'Od-zer-lde 466 'Od-mdzes 50 'On-shing Kong-jo 82 'Od-srung 144, 436-438, 468, 608 Ya-bzher nag-po 385, 432-434 Yag-'byam 354 Yang-gong bla-ma 396 Yang-gong Ye-shes g. yung-drung 446 Yangs-spyod Sa-ring-mo 201 Yar-lha sham-po 139, 142 Yungs-rta ring-po 179 Yum-brtan 22, 367, 436, 437, 439, 440, 442, 444, 448, 468, 608, 624 Ye-bun ka-ba-dur 88 Ye-shes 'od 454-457 Ye-shes blo-gros 449, 467, 479 Ye-shes dbang-po 370, 399-401 Ye-shes g. yung-drung 446 Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan 37, 272, 441, 442, 446, 448, 451 Ye-shes yon-tan 449 Ye-shes-'bar 19 Ye-sun the-mur tsi[ng]-dbang 91 Yod-re-dar 472 Yon-tan rgya-mtsho 484 g.Ya'-thung 418 g.Yang-gu'i hen 420 g .Yu-can 472-474 g. Yu-spyan 472, 473 g.Yo dGe-'byung 430, 43 1, 447 g. Yor-mo Tshe-spong-bza' Yum-chen btsan-mo 'Phan 435 Ra-khyi-phag 9 1 Rag-shi Tshul-khrims 'byung-gnas 447, 450 Ratna chen-po 5 1 Ratna gling-pa 17, 21, 581, 641 Ratna-shri 92 Rab-gsal 23, 44, 57, 57, 90, 154, 430, 444, 445, 447, 448, 468, 644 Ral-pa-can 3, 5, 184, 241, 332, 352, 372, 409-413, 415-417, 421, 423, 424, 426, 427, 431, 434, 438, 519, 521, 523, 536, 569, 582, 604, 651 Ru-rgya g. Yu-gzher btsan-pa 560 Ru-yong bza' 297 Ru-yongs-za rGyal-mo 404 Ri-lu sMal 463 Ri-sgom 20 Rig-'od 476 Rig-pa mgon 440, 452 Rong-ston Seng-ge rgyal-mtshan 43 1, 444 Rong-po 'Phrul gyi sde-btsan 180 Rva-sgreng-pa 18, 20 Lag-sor-pa 18 Lang-'gro snang-ra 367 Lam-khri bDe-lhag khri-btsan 179 Lam-sde Khri-bzang lod-btsan 179, 541 Legs-grub 370 Legs-rgyal 66, 498 Legs-pa'i shes-rab 29, 36, 459, 484 Legs-par rab-sad 52 Legs-bzang 50, 178, 331, 339, 397 Li-kying 419 Li Khri-bzher Mang-ma 354 Li-lcam mThon-bza' Khri-btsun-ma 301 Li-lcam lha'i sras-mo lDong bza' 302 Li-byin 168, 176 Ling-kying 420 Lo-ngam 141, 142, 144, 648 Lo-ston rDo-rje dbang-phyug 449 Lo-lha sTa-ba-can 474 Lod-po Lod-chung 597 Sha-kha-khri 476 Sha-khri 141, 143, 476 Sha'i spyan 4 16 Shag-khri 472, 476 S h w a dGe-gsal445 Shikya chen-po 5 1 S h w a bre-ba 369 Shikya 'od 17, 330, 370 S h w a Ri-brag-pa 5 1 Shang-shi-ta 369 Shang-hang 507 Shar-pa 56, 138 Shi-la-ha 354 Shing-bya-can 378, 385, 433 Shes-rab grags 446 Shes-rab mthar-byed 289 Shes-rab byang-chub 446 Shes-rab 'od 12, 17, 475 Shes-rab rin-chen 19 Shud-pu Khong-slebs 399 Shud-pu Nga-mi rGyal-to-re 386 Shud-pu dPal gyi seng-ge 368 gShin-rje mthar-byed 289 gShin-rje gshed 378, 379 gShen-rab mi-bo 145, 581 Sa-the1 nag-po 434 Sa-'tsho-ma 54 Sang-gha sMal 463 Sangs-rgyas zhi-ba 352 Sangs-rgyas gsang-ba 352 Sad-na-legs 10, 24, 389, 404, 407-409, 411, 412, 421, 424, 523 Si-chen 77, 8 1, 89, 507 Siddhi pha-la 91 Su-khyi Han 423 Su g.Yang-ti 82 Sum-pa Ye-shes blo-gros 449, 467 Se-ge 443 Se-chen 89, 90, 479 Se-snol nam-lde 148 Se-'phang nag-po 573 Se-ru 181, 201, 228, 234, 255, 304, 312, 431, 472 Se-hC 84-86 Seng-ge 'gram 52 Seng-ge'i khri 377 Seng-ge'i sgra 383 Sems-za'o-ji 87 So-khri btsan-po 140 So-na Di-bu 441 So-na dza-ro 44 1 So-sor brang-ma 289 Srib-khri btsan-po 140, 141 Srong-nge 454, 456, 457 Srong-btsan sgam-po 1, 3-5, 8, 9, 12, 14, 17, 19-21, 23-27, 35, 44, 45, 48, 54, 69, 82, 97, 98, 101, 127, 129, 137, 146, 150, 159, 160, 162, 167, 175, 177-182, 189, 195, 199-201, 210, 215, 216, 224, 228, 241, 242, 246, 249, 253, 269, 275-279, 295, 296, 301-304, 307, 315, 330, 331, 333, 349, 351, 354, 377, 415, 417-419, 433, 434, 468, 482, 492, 494-497, 512, 514, 527, 535, 537-541, 545, 551, 556, 559, 561, 562, 568, 569, 571, 574-577, 579, 581, 582, 584, 588-591, 600, 605, 611, 613, 621, 624, 629, 630, 638-640, 643, 645, 648 Srong-btsan-'bar 469 Srog-dkar dkar-po 573 Sle'u Blong 79 gSang-ba'i bdag-po 104, 288 gSal-rgyal 56, 138, 5 17 gSer-thub 50, 191 gSer-thog-pa 464 gSo-sbyong-'phags 50 bSi-Tsing 507 bSod-nams-lde 460, 463, 464 bSod-nams rtse-mo 490, 5 15, 571 Ha-shang Te-sha 354 Han Ka'o-dzung 79 Han Mi[ngJ-ti 79 Han-gsi hus-tsha 501 Han Hao-ti 80 Hang Cha'o 83 Hi'u Tsing 80, 81 Hu-gar-che 90 Hi-la-hi 89 He-re 441 Hen-chen 419 Hong Tha'i-zung 90 1Ha bKa'-gdams-pa 443 1Ha-khri 476, 528 IHa Gro-gro 396 1Ha-dga' 233, 243, 249, 472, 557 1Ha 'Gro-ba'i mgon-po 476, 477, 479 1Ha Ngam-shod-pa 476, 477 1Ha-chen 441, 443, 470, 474-477, 479 1Ha-mchog-lde 466 1Ha-rje 17, 19, 330, 409, 586 1Ha-ston ring-mo 473 1Ha Tho-tho-ri snyan-shal 23, 137, 150, 151, 154, 162, 533 1Ha-'the'u 473 1Ha-lde 441, 454, 456, 457, 461, 473 1Ha 1De-po 456 1Ha-sde 456 1Ha-spyad 472 1Ha-spyan 472 1Ha Bal-pho 597-601 1Ha Brag-kha-pa 479 1Ha Bla-ma 454, 455, 457-459, 618 1Ha-dbang rgya-mtsho 443 1Ha-dBon 181, 354-356, 596-599, 601, 648 1Ha-btsun 22, 33, 84, 367, 409, 441-443, 452, 463, 468, 472, 474, 480, 482, 508 1Ha-rtse 409, 466, 467, 473 1Ha Zhi-ba 474 1Ha Zur-khang-pa 478 1Ha-bzang klu-dpal 42 1 1Ha-rigs seng-ge 173 1Ha-lung Klu-gong 399 1Ha Lung gyi dbang-phyug 476 1Ha-lung rDo-rje dpal 180 1Ha-lung dPal gyi rdo-rje 332, 434, 447, 448 1Ha-lung-bza' Me-tog-ma 4 11 1Ha-lung Rab-'byor-dbyangs 43 1, 448 1Hag-ru-pa chen-po 478 1Har-gzigs Shog-po bstan-bzang 178 lHas Bon 354 1Has-byin 52 IHun-grub 409 1Hun-po 430, 472, 473 A Ma 79 A'u-jom-sbo-ro-'01 87 A-chang 500, 505 A-nan-ta sMal 462, 463 A-tsa-ra 379, 441, 442 A-'dzi sMal 463 A-rog-che 90 A-rog-lde 462 A-sho-legs 148, 530 A-su-ta-bu-yan 9 1 A-sog-lde 462 I-sho-legs 148, 530 U Ma-ti 80 U-ru-ka'i 88 E-ka-de-'un 87 E-sen ba-kha 90 0-gu-ta'i 89 01-bya-thul 90 Geographical Names Tibetan Ka-chu 279, 280, 352, 37 1 , 569-57 1 Ka-brag 277, 560, 564-567 Ka-rtsal 261, 275, 563, 572 Kang-chu 279 Kva-chu 352, 353, 567, 595 Kying-chang-hu 505 Klu-rgyal 151, 328, 466, 665 Klu-sgrub rnThu-rtsal-gling 569 Klu-phug 301, 592 Klu-tshugs 368 dKa'-bcu-thang 37 1 dKar-chung 175,254,270,424,429,449, 559, 561, 569, 576 dKar-m 416 bKra-shis khri-sgo 2 15, 216, 242 bKra-shis dge-phel 276 bKra-shis Byarns-snyorns 275, 536 bKra-shis lha-yul 275, 536 rKyang-bu-tshal 574, 575, 605 sKal-ldan shing-rta 5 1 SKU-chung 270, 353, 396, 424, 576, 603 SKU-rismug-po 346 sKyid-shod 146, 152, 160, 184, 261, 424, 440, 444, 483 sKyin-rnkhar 470 sKyer-chu 278-280, 565-568, 570-572 Kha-char 456 Kha-rag rtsa-rned yul-bye 569 Khab 53, 56, 81, 466, 467,523, 544, 547 Khams 37, 44, 46, 48, 70, 98, 103, 111, 112, 114, 129, 133, 142, 145, 146, 178, 240, 241, 262, 278, 294, 306, 316, 327, 333, 349, 367, 373, 377, 379, 380, 389, 401, 412, 413, 416, 430, 431, 435, 437, 440, 442, 444-451, 469, 476, 486, 495, 500, 503, 510, 515, 526, 553, 555, 560, 563, 564, 566, 567, 569-572, 574, 602, 633, 634, 641, 661-663, 668 Khurn-pa 443 Kho-born 159, 202 Khorn-'thing 563 Khyung-lung dngul-khang 571 Khra-'bmg 21, 24, 25, 160, 177, 189, Ga-chu 278, 572 Gar-pa'i Jo-rno Ze-ze 259 Gu-ge 453, 454, 460, 461, 596, 623, 633 Gu-lang 280 Gung-thang 38, 92, 257, 258, 365, 449, 452, 454, 459, 466, 467, 473, 474, 638 Gung-rno-che 43 1 Ge-chu 278 Ge-ri'i brag 160, 259 Go-sha-gling 302 Gog-po 473 Gong-bu rMe-ru 421 Gong-po-ri 127, 131 Gye-re 160, 163, 280 Grib 97, 235, 243, 254, 256-259, 288, 434, 442, 443, 449, 554, 558, 559 Gru-'dzin 50, 51 Grurn-pa-ri 255 Grom-pa 255, 276, 358, 363, 372, 395, 469, 563, 565-567, 572, 574, 603, 605,606,660 Grva-thang lha-khang 495 Gla-ba-tshal 243, 254, 269-27 1, 56 1 , 576, 577 Glag-mda' 371 Glag Ba-lam 442, 448 Glang-po-che Sa-srungs 556 Gling-dgu 556 Gling-chu 279, 280, 568 Glog gi lha-khang 569 dGa'-ldan 46, 383, 571, 617 dGa'-ba 416, 573 dGa'-ba'i 'od 4 16 dGa'-bo gdong 'og-ma 260 dGe-rgyas 262, 276, 278, 388, 389, 450, 567, 569 dGe-drung 276 dGe-ra 356 dGe-ri 280 dGe-tshal 569 'Ga' 84, 501, 648, 649 'Gur-mo'i lha-khang 569 mGrin-bzang 353, 389, 568, 595, 603 rGya-chu khug-pa 240, 249 rGya-ma 17, 18, 20, 178, 474, 475, 536, 537, 667 rGya-tshal 416, 569 rGya-ra Khyung-po 469 rGyang 210,261,276,277,349,564-567, 570, 572 rGyan-gong 449 rGyal-sde 561, 576 rGyal-ba 'od 468 rGyun-mi-chad 569 sGo-dong sgo-mo 241 sGo-phu 259, 558 sGo-bzhi'i bang-so'i lha-khang 569 sGrags-phu 348 sGregs 348 Ce'u-mkhar 42 1 Cung-to 505 1Cags-kha 244, 255, 257, 259, 260, 301, 359, 360, 537, 556, 558, 559 lCags-pho-ri 244, 260, 271, 359, 537 1Cang-rgyab 442, 443 1Cang-ra smug-po 303, 4 14 Jen-khog snang-rdo 175 'Jang 180, 350, 430, 506, 597 'Jad 430, 466-468 Uang 181, 350, 351, 354-356, 360, 411, 506, 507, 569, 596-598, 648, 665 To-dkar 279 Tre 277, 564, 567 gTam-shul 7 rTa-nag 467 blTa-na-sdug 46 sTag-tshal 372, 469, 569 sTag-gzigs 145, 216, 452, 670 sTod-lung 160, 179, 180, 257, 259, 302, 304, 365, 430, 558, 569, 603 Tha-chung-rdo 443 Than-mo rdo-ring 434 Thang-'khor 47 1 Thang-la-brag 44 1 Thang-shing 277, 572 Them-bu lkog-pa 263 mTho-lding 21, 453, 455 mTho-mthing 2 1 Dag-byed khrus-khang-gling 386, 569 Dan-tig-she1 430 Dam-pa'i lha-khang 569 Dar-thang 143, 151 Dar-tshags dgung-gseb 366 Do-sngon 475 Do-mo 364 Dogs-te 256, 257 Don-mkhar 151, 153, 307, 407, 409, 426, 471, 604 Dor-te'u 254, 256, 559 Dol-thang 374 Dos-sngon 475 Dva'i lha-khang 569 Drang-chung temple 569 Drang-srong lhung-ba 55 gDos 258, 554, 558 bDe-mchog ri-bo 175 mDangs-mkhar 258, 360 mDar-gdong 434 mDo-khams-sgang 112, 333 mDo-tshul lha-khang 569 mDongs-mkhar-gdong 434 rDo-je-gur 277 rDo-je-dbyings gyi dkyil-'khor 569 rDo-je'i gtsug-lag-khang 571 IDan-dkar 350, 35 1 1Dan-khog 240 1Dan-ma brag 240 1Dong-btsan-ri 258 Padma-shang 241 Pu-gu-do 475 Pra-dung-rtse dPal-rgyas kyi gtsug-lagkhang 571 dPal gyi lung 483 dPal-gro 425, 570 dPal-chad Klu-'dul 279 dPal-ri 280 dPe-med bKra-shis dge-'phel 413, 415 dPe-bzhi 443 spa-gro 255, 278, 425, 568 sPu-rang 453 spun-dgu 436 Pha-bong-kha 175, 26 1 Phag-sna-gdong 243, 302, 592, 594 Phug-po-che 276 Phung-po-ri 24 1 Phrom 354, 603 'Phags-rgyal 56 'Phang-thang 356, 368, 436, 438, 569 'Phangs 356, 435 'Phan-dkar gyi ri 257 'Phan-yul 179, 263, 301, 331, 340, 341, 374, 426, 440, 442, 447, 450, 471, 589 'Phying-nga 372, 468, 471 'Phying-phu 3 11, 35 1, 353 'Phying-ba sTag-rtse 143, 470 'Phying-lung 151 'Phying-yul 143 'Phyin-phu 357 'Phyong-rgyas 2 1, 143, 180 'Phrang 160, 162, 163, 202, 209, 241, 259, 261, 434, 442, 450, 565 'Phrul-dga' 46 'Phreng-po 160, 259 Ba-lam 255, 371,442, 443,448,449, 574 Ban-khos Gung-ba-ri 257 Ban-khos Bang-ba-ri 257 Ban-pa'i lha-hang 569 Bar-chu-kha 255 Bar-snang-sgang 347 BU-chu 277, 566-568 Bu-tshal gSer-khang-gling 4 15 Bug-pa-can 44 1, 536 Bud mKhar khram-sna 569 Bum-thang sKyer-chu 279 Bum-thang rTsi-lung gi gtsug-lag-khang 278 Bur-chud 560, 564 Bo-chu dGa'-ldan 571 Bo-dong 30, 37, 272, 430 Bong-ba-ri 537 Bya-rgod phung-po 55 Bya-phu 260 Bya-tshogs 130 Bya-yul 20, 443, 657 Bya-rung kha-shor 367 Bya-sa 443, 474-476 Byang-ngos 84, 85, 92, 420, 505 Byang-chub dge-gnas 567 Byang-stod Seng-phug 255 Byams-chen 278 Byams-snyoms mi-'gyur 160, 536 Byams-mdun 240, 241 Byams-pa mi-'gyur-gling 159-161, 536 Byar 315-318, 361, 472, 473, 477, 478, 480, 585, 644 Byas-sa 474 Bye-ma-lung 559 Brang-phu'i ri 257 Brag-dmar Ka-ru 352 Brag-sna 387, 449, 569 Brag-rtsa Iha-khang 302 Brag-rum 373, 471 Brag-lha klu-sbugs 297 Brag-lha bkra-shis 244, 302, 544 Brag-lha-gdong 27 1 Brag-lha btsun-gdong 271 Bran-khang 416 dBu-rtse rigs-gsum 389, 391, 393, 569, 606 dBu-tshal 389, 449, 450 dBu-ru-shod 556 dBus-'gyur 190 'Ban-tshigs 475, 477, 478 'Bigs byed 553, 556 'Bum-pa-sgang Zam-bu'i tshal 341 'Bre 276 'Bro 302, 346, 348, 351, 373, 388, 399, 409, 437, 449, 452, 467, 517, 530, 534, 569, 599, 600, 655 'Brog 362, 430, 540, 554, 569 'Brom-ston 431, 459, 582, 655 sBal-tshal 362 sBen-long 84 sBra stod-tshal 160, 162 Mang-gong 353 Mag-yul 193-195, 209, 278, 364, 366, 367, 452, 461, 466, 563, 565-568, 570-572, 594, 595, 638 Mar-yul 452, 453, 461, 643 Mal-gro 161, 255, 258, 275, 329, 368, 426, 442, 536, 537, 573-576, 665 Mi-nyag 33, 83-86, 88, 112, 180, 278, 301, 302, 500, 505, 627, 649, 650, 666 Mu-khyud-'dzin 46 Mu-ra-ri 362, 403, 407 Mus 430, 468, 659 Me-yar 374 Mong-mkhar 443 Myang-stod 467, 469, 552 dMar-PO-ri112, 162, 163, 210, 211, 290, 368, 537, 538, 544, 556, 559, 577, 592 dMar-ru 416, 422, 428, 429 rMa-chu 85, 419, 431 rMe-ru 416, 421, 422, 428, 429, 449, 456, 457, 668 sMan-rtse 33, 84, 421, 508, 670 sMan-ri 374 sMu-ri smug-po 346 sMon-shri 84, 85 sMyug-rum 443 Tsa-ri 369, 615 Tsan-thang 276 gTsang-kha 469 gTsang-chab 260 gTsang 'brang 276, 555, 564, 572 bTsan-thang Gong-ma'i ri 139 mTsho-mo-mgur 39 1, 602, 603 rTsi-tho rgya-ri 452 rTse-no-gdong 275 Zhang-mda' 152, 470, 47 1 Zhang-zhung 145, 179, 263, 297, 301, 453-455, 461, 556, 672 Zhing-pheng-h[v]en 355 Zhogs 447 Zhom-par 426 Zhva'i lha-khang 603 gZhong-phyag 365 gZhan-'phrul dbang-byed 46 Za-'ug 569 Zal-mo-sgang 112, 340 Zim-shi'i yul 159 Zu-phug 575, 605 Zung-mkhar 373, 403, 406 Zur-chu 374 Zur-phug 575 Zul-phug 574, 575, 601, 605 Zla-ba-tshal 254, 269, 270, 577 Zla-ba'i gling 47, 386 Zla-ba'i brag 175 Zo-thang 127, 131, 132,.475 'A-zha 307, 419, 570, 630 'U-shang-rdo 5, 304, 310, 413-415 'Um-bu glang-mkhar 140, 150 '0-rgyal-thang 365 '0-thang 112, 254, 260, 263, 266, 552, 558, 559, 561, 573, 576 'Od-mchog mdzes 569 'Od-ma'i tshal 56, 97 'Og-min 53 'On-cang-rdo 4 14, 443 'On-ljang-rdo 4 11 'On-rdo 443 'Or-mo 472 'On-shang-rdo 389, 390, 415, 427, 569 '01-kha rgyug-thang 132 '01-mo'i lung-rings 145 Ya-tshelrtse 438 Yang-dben Yon-tan Yid-bzhin 'byung-ba'i phug-po-che 276 Yar-stod 179, 441 Yar-ston 178, 536, 537 Yar-mda' 476 Yar-snon 536, 537 Yar-'phrang 160, 162, 163 Yar-'phreng 160 Yar-lung Gad-pa-kha 377 Yar-lung Me-sna 360 Yum-bu 140, 406, 435, 436, 480 Y ug-ma-ri 256 Yer-pa 301, 303, 329, 332, 431, 434, 447, 449, 588, 614 Yer-pa'i gtsug-lag-khang 302 g. Yag-sde 469 g.Yag Sha-sta 'og-gling 569 g. Yu-sgro Iha-lhang 449 g.Ye 444, 477, 478 g.Yo-ru 261, 437, 438 Ra-kha'i brag 258 Ra-lpags sdong 569 Ra-ma-sgang 56 1 Ra-mo-che 24, 175, 243, 25 1, 253, 254, 274, 275, 280, 281, 288, 289, 293, 295, 301, 307, 347, 357, 365, 366, 557, 559, 577-579, 592-594 Ra-la 452 Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang 2, 5, 8, 9, 11, 15, 22, 24, 25, 27, 65, 146, 211, 253, 263-266, 272, 274, 276, 280, 281, 285, 287, 288, 290, 293, 301, 303, 307-310, 329-331, 340, 367, 390, 415, 416, 493, 497, 514, 545, 552, 561, 562, 573, 576-578, 581-583, 587, 592-594, 601, 640, 650 Rab-stong 569 Ram-pa 180 Ras-chen 452 Ri-chung 374 Ri-dvags kyi khrod 55 Ru-mtshams Lug-ra-kha 167 Rong 30, 180, 240, 431, 444, 453, 469, 471, 478, 668, 670 Rlung-gnon 279, 560, 565, 567 Rlung-tshugs 368, 401 Rlung-shod 440 La-stod 33, 86, 259, 439, 453, 465, 467, 476 La-dong 259, 263, 558 La-Myva 180, 350, 351 Lan-dkar 350, 426 Las-stod 453 Li-yul 26, 142, 303-305, 339, 341, 414, 568, 570, 571, 578-580, 584, 589 Lus-'phags 46 Lo-mo sgom-khang 474 Shang Iha-khang 280, 568, 571 Shangs 347, 407, 467, 671 Shab 449 Shu-ri 37 1, 372, 374 Shing-kun 280, 421, 423, 501 Shing-ngan-si 505 Shug-pa-gdong 259 Shun 49,92, 256,259-261,434, 554, 559 Sho-ma-ra 184, 4 12 gShol-mda'-'dzin 46 Sa-'bur-po 168 Se-sgrom gyi phu 258 Seng-ldeng-'dzin 46 Ser-skya 55 Srad 469, 470 gSer-gling 47 Ha-nam 505 Hab-shang lha-khang 280, 568, 571 Has-po-ri 371, 372, 374, 376, 400, 601 Hvang-je-'u 508 1Ha-can-gdong 27 1, 459 1Ha 'Bri-sgang 19, 443, 444, 477 1Ha-phu'i ri 257 1Ha-rtse 409, 466, 467, 473, 664 1Ha-ri gong-po 139 1Ha-ri snying-po 43 1 1Ha-ri gtsug-nam 362 1Ha-ri yor-po 5 17 1Ha-ri rol-po 139 1Ha-lung 180, 201, 258, 332, 348, 395, 399, 41 1, 425, 431-434, 447, 448, 588, 664 1Ha-sa passim 1Ha-sa mKhar-brag lha-khang 301 1Ha-sa dPe-har 367 1Ho spyan-ri 258 1Ho-brag 7, 11, 277, 430, 442, 560, 564, 565, 567, 588, 638 Name-Index Sanskrit AmSuvman 199, 200, 544 Akaramatima 189, 190, 195, 266, 543 Abobhyavajra 207, 288, 289, 340, 492 Acala 377, 379, 388 AtiSa 6-11, 13-15, 18-22, 32, 56, 273, 294, 332, 390, 442, 443, 456, 458, 459, 466, 468, 473, 490, 494, 514, 524, 535, 582, 583, 587, 596, 614, 640 Anantapda 5 1 Aniruddha 52 AmitPbha 8, 27, 97, 98, 100-102, 107, 111, 114, 115, 190, 192, 268, 269, 271, 281, 287, 288, 315, 316, 335, 340, 375, 378, 382, 384, 388, 579, 588 Am92 49, 52 Amflodana 52 AvalokiteSvara 5, 7, 8, 12-15, 17-19, 22, 23, 26, 27, 43-45, 65, 97, 98, 103, 105, 109, 111, 116, 117, 119, 127, 129, 133, 159, 173, 175, 189, 192, 194, 195, 199, 240, 267, 270, 292, 294, 295, 304, 334, 374, 463, 482, 494-496, 512-514, 537, 538, 543, 556, 579, 581, 584, 618, 620 Arqemi 51 ASvajit 55 Ajfigta 55 h a n d a 52, 271, 293,366,368,380, 398, 602 Utpala 190, 201, 225, 334, 336, 428 Upacfuu 50 Upananda 54, 271, 293 UpPsaka 30, 127, 377, 378, 385, 560 Uposadha 50 Kanakarnuni 50, 191 Kamalagupta 455 Kamalaiila 368, 399-402, 408, 595, 602 Kamika 5 1, 539, 620 Kalyea 50, 104, 208, 498 KalyBnaSK 377-379, 385 W y a p a 51, 138, 191, 203, 207 Kaundinya 55 Ksudrabala 138, 525 Ksitigarbha 138, 377 Krakucchandra 50 &kin 5 1, 207 Khasarpaqa 26, 29 1, 428 Khasarpani 163, 190, 191, 195, 271, 291, 292, 382 Gunakiimadeva 199, 544 Guhyapati 104, 288 Gop2 54 Gopila 69, 545 Candra 50 CandApida 600 C b 50 C2rumant 50, 556 DaSaratha 5 1 Ddaskandha 271, 290, 293 Dhasqa 373, 41 1 , 428, 459, 460 Diparpkara 287, 340, 377, 456 DiparpkaraSefii4na 15, 458, 614, 640 Devadatta 52, 54 Devapiila 69, 199 DronP 52 Dronodana 52 Dhanuhsthira 52, 78 Dharmacakra 289, 387, 466, 490 Dharmapda 14, 44, 69-71, 81, 274, 326, 377-388, 455, 456, 482, 483, 573 Narendradeva 27, 199, 200, 544 Nivaranaviskharnbin . . Mucilinda 50 Pandu 138, 518 ~admakaravarman455, 456 Padmiintaka 290 Padmasarnbhava 1, 3, 4, 7, 8, 10, 12, 22, 25, 35, 87, 98, 177, 279, 330, 359, 365, 367-369, 373-375, 390, 391, 399, 494, 552, 573, 574, 576, 577, 579, 588, 605, 612-614 Parantapa Piindava 138, 517, 525 ~rajiiintaka289 Prajiiivarman 67, 5 17, 5 18 Prasenajit 56, 138, 517, 525 Yaksa Naga Kubera 271 yamiintaka 30, 289, 378, 379, 381, 383 YaSodhari 54 Bhagavat 52, 56, 56, 61, 65, 68, 77, 199201, 271, 291, 309, 384, 402, 417, 493, 498, 499, 504, 505, 508 Bhadra 50 Bhadrika 52, 55 Bhaisajyaguru 378, 388, 463 ~himiirj unadeva 199, 200 Bimasambhe 66, 498 ~ i m b i s i r a56, 138, 517, 525 Brahrnadatta 50, 56 Mani 50 ~ G h i r n 52 a MahhPman 55 Mahipadma 56 MahPpZla 66, 498 MahPprajapati 54, 65 MahZratna 5 1 MahPsambhe 66, 498 ~ah~sahasra~ramardani 289 MahPsammata 43, 49, 50, 52, 489 ~ a h i s t h . m a ~ r P ~288 ta ~ a h 3 - ~ 2 k51~ a MiindhPtr 50 Malika 52 Maitreya 53, 61, 64, 209, 240, 241, 289, 297, 340, 377, 383, 428, 429, 493 MaudgalyPyana 297, 504, 64 1 M2ya 53, 123, 277 Muci 50 R2hula 52, 61, 63, 383, 489, 493 Riihulaguptavajra 18 RaksasarPja M k a 27 1 ~ a m a p d a69 Rupati 138, 517, 525 Roca 50 Vajrapiini 137, 240, 260, 332, 359, 377, 379,' 384, 386, 429, 537 Varakaly2na 50 vighn2nt& 290 Virildhaka 51, 52 ~i~vakarrnan 61-65, 68, 72, 77, 231, 493, 594 ViSvakZra 408 Visnugupta ~ G k a n a62, 64, 240, 281, 297, 301, 369, 370, 377, 378, 380, 383, 384, 394, 398, 399, 408, 494-497, 606, 625 Vaiialya 52 Samkarasv~min67 s2kya 16, 41, 43, 50, 51, 54, 59, 62, 64, 65, 138,208,257,294, 368-370,381, 382, 385, 492, 506, 518, 558, 668 ~ P t h i k a56, 138, 526 ~iintaraksita11, 352, 371, 372, 374, 375, 400,'552, 601, 602 ~ilendrabodhi41 1, 4 12 suklP 52 SuddhP 52 ~uddhodana52, 54 ~vetaketu53 SyPmP Taii 556 sri Devi 292, 293 SadPprarudita 384 Samantaprabha 50 Samantabhadra 137, 150, 162, 189, 388, 540 Sarvanivaranaviskambhin 97 Sarvavid 281, 297, 378 Siddhiirtha 65, 77, 492, 504 Simhamukha 380, 385 ~irhhala513, 620 ~irhhakbda383 sirhhahanu 52 Subhadra 50 Siihmadiirga Suprabuddha 52 Siiryavamh 5 1 Sulabha 52 Smci 456, 457 Hanuman 127, 514, 582 Hayagriva 7, 163, 269-271, 291, 293, 340, 375, 376, 390, 496 HBmkira 408 Geographical Names Sanskrit Akanistha 53, 191, 380, 495 ~ ~ a r a g o d ~ 383, n i ~ 393 a Ayodhya 46 ASvakarna Paranirmitavaiavartin 46 Pirvavideha 46, 38 1, 393 Potala 50, 51, 114, 128, 130, 175, 195, 285, 307, 419, 538, 576, 593, 613, 622, 624 Bodhimanda . . 55 Uttarakuru 384, 393 Rsipatana .. 55, 498 Kapilavastu 55 KuSinagari 56 KoligrPma 545 Khadiraka 46, 556 MadhyadeSa 48, 483 MiSrakapura 50 Meru 45-47, 114, 131, 375,482, 606, 607 MrgadPva 55, 498 VaiSali 56 VPrPnasi 55, 498 ~ikrarnala5la458 Vinataka 46, 47 Vindhya 556 Venuvana 56, 68, 97, 150, 498 Candradvipa 47 Jambudvipa 47, 48, 50, 51, 53, 123, 203, 207, 217, 376, 382, 393, 417, 483, 486, 556 Jetavana 61, 67, 498 Simhaladvipa 47, 1 19 ~ukhavati98, 99, 104, 291, 315, 316, 384, 402, 626 SudarSana 46 Sumeru 45, 105, 131 Sriivasti 56, 65 Tusita 46, 53, 78 Daksinakoligrama . . 545 Yambu 545 ~ a n ~ a 545 la Nemindhara 46 Nairafijanii 55, 192, 267 Himavat 138, 518, 556 Expressions and Idioms kheng log 437-8, 441, 607 khrims bu chung 363 dbu brnyes pa 137, 150-1 'bras bu 'i bon 1 45 gun rkyal du 'gyel ba 353, 492, 522 gab pa mngon phyung 310, 315-16, 321, ma nnos pa'i 'bras sa lu 49 me btsa' 458 mi chos gtsang ma bcu drug 183 mi rje Iha 184, 231, 393 myu gu'i tshal49 330, 585-7 gla ba 242, 249, 265, 378, 561 glo bur gyi rgyal po 520-21 grags pa bon lugs 137, 417, 521 sgrung Ide 'u bon gsum 1-2, 145-6, 58 1-3 rgya stag 274-5 rgyu 'i bon po 145 chos kyis bsdus pa 5 14-5 smad sil chad 52 1 -4 'og gi btsan gsum 137, 149, 53 1 'od gsal Iha 48 tsen min pa 400 gnyan po gsang ba 150 rdzogs chen 8, 13, 316-3 17, 322, 585-87 stag stod stod ston sha deva 206, 309 kyi steng gnyis 137, 140, 528 Iha rubs 521-4 min pa 400 zang zing gis bsdus pa 5 14-5 yang 'dul gyi gtsug lag khang 262, 275, 563-72 thugs rje chen po mched lnga 193-4, 543 mtha 'dul gyi gtsug lag khang 261, 275, 563-72 bdud rtsi sa bcud 49 yang gsang chad lugs 137, 5 17, 52 1 g.yu 'brug sngon mo 260 g.yung drung 144 gnam la khri bdun 137, 140, 528 rang byon mched bzhi 193, 543 rama deva 206, 309 ru gnon gyi gtsug lag khang 262, 275, spun po lnga can 522 rlung rgya gram 45 277, 563-72 )hags pa 'i sku bzhi rang byon 193-4, 543 bhrul gyi Iha 223-4 bar du legs drug 137, 148, 530 be'u bum 292, 582 bla rdzogs thugs gsum 8, 437-8 sa 'i zhag 49 sa la sde brgyad 137, 149, 531 sad mi 370 gsang ba chos lugs 137, 517, 519, 521

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