Études mongoles et sibériennes,
centrasiatiques et tibétaines
51 | 2020
Ladakh Through the Ages. A Volume on Art History
and Archaeology, followed by Varia
The spiritual quest of the Buddha in the Dungkar
cave temple – Indian sources and Western Tibetan
image-making. Part 1: the narrative cycle from
Tuṣita heaven up to the Enlightenment
La quête spirituelle du Bouddha de la grotte de Dungkar – sources indiennes et
création visuelle du Tibet occidental. Partie 1 : le cycle narratif depuis le paradis
Tuṣita jusqu’à l’Éveil
Christiane Kalantari and Eva Allinger
Electronic version
URL: http://journals.openedition.org/emscat/4308
DOI: 10.4000/emscat.4308
ISSN: 2101-0013
Publisher
Centre d'Etudes Mongoles & Sibériennes / École Pratique des Hautes Études
Electronic reference
Christiane Kalantari and Eva Allinger, « The spiritual quest of the Buddha in the Dungkar cave temple –
Indian sources and Western Tibetan image-making. Part 1: the narrative cycle from Tuṣita heaven up
to the Enlightenment », Études mongoles et sibériennes, centrasiatiques et tibétaines [Online], 51 | 2020,
Online since 09 December 2020, connection on 11 December 2020. URL : http://
journals.openedition.org/emscat/4308 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/emscat.4308
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The spiritual quest of the Buddha in the Dungkar cave temple – Indian sources...
The spiritual quest of the Buddha in
the Dungkar cave temple – Indian
sources and Western Tibetan imagemaking. Part 1: the narrative cycle
from Tuṣita heaven up to the
Enlightenment
La quête spirituelle du Bouddha de la grotte de Dungkar – sources indiennes et
création visuelle du Tibet occidental. Partie 1 : le cycle narratif depuis le paradis
Tuṣita jusqu’à l’Éveil
Christiane Kalantari and Eva Allinger
Introduction
1
This article deals with the narrative paintings of the Buddha’s life in cave 1 of the three
monumental cave shrines at Dungkar (Tib. Dung dkar, also Dun bkar, DuN mkhar, etc.;
cf. Vitali 1996, p. 631) in historical Western Tibet, situated north of Tholing in a side
valley of the Sutlej (Tsamda district1, Ngari prefecture – Tib. mNga’ ris – Tibet
Autonomous Region, PRC), (figs 1-3). These painting of the Buddha’s life are of
enormous significance as they do not only show completely new themes and aesthetic
principles of pictorial space and visual narration compared to earlier life cycles in the
region but they also shed light on the conceptualizations of that time with regard to
aspects of the social and religio-political context. These temples are among the oldest
and most fascinating Buddhist foundations in the Western Himalayas, but their overall
programme has not yet been identified in the historical record, while the caves’
narratives of the Buddha’s life have not as yet been subject of a detailed study.
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The spiritual quest of the Buddha in the Dungkar cave temple – Indian sources...
Figure 1. Map of historical Western Tibet
© Quentin Devers, 2020
Figure 2. Dungkar village
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
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Figure 3. Dungkar village, and steep cliffs with the caves on the north side of the valley
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
2
The history of this religious site is embedded in the development of the West Tibetan
kingdom of Ngari Korsum (Tib. mNga’ ri skor gsum) where in the 10 th century the
Second Propagation of Buddhism (Chidar; Tib. phyi dar) was initiated by rulers who
claimed to be from the lineage of the early kings of Tibet, most importantly by the
Royal Lama Yeshe Ö (Tib. Lha bla ma ye shes ʼod, 947-1024 2). In this period the major
early institutions in the area, including the nearby monasteries of Tholing (Purang,
TAR, China), Nyarma (Ladakh, Jammu-Kashmir, India) and Tabo (Spiti, Himachal
Pradesh, India) were founded. According to the Ngari Gyalrab (Tib. mNga’ ris rgyal
rabs) the locality of Dungkar was chosen by several kings of Guge as their residence in
the second half of the 11th century (Vitali 1996, pp. 126-1273). The Dungkar cave
temples4 may belong to the later phase of foundations by descendants of the royal
house of Purang-Guge in the 12th century.
3
Research in the West on Dungkar started with Giuseppe Tucci who published the site
(together with Eugenio Ghersi) in 1937 (Tucci 1978); in his expedition report Tucci
writes with enthusiasm on the high quality of the paintings 5. Much later the caves
again became the focus of scholarly interest in China and in the West; they have now
been extensively published with an emphasis on individual aspects such as the ceilings
and the iconography of the mandala paintings and clay sculptures on the walls 6.
However, a comprehensive scientific documentation including the reconstruction of
the historic context is still missing, and the narratives in the cave 1 discussed here have
so far been neglected in the scientific literature.
4
The Dungkar caves are situated at the bottom of steep cliffs on the north side of the
valley (figs 2, 3). Cave 1 is the central cave of the group. Through a small door – the only
access and opening to allow light – the devotee/viewer enters a sacred space of
enormous richness and visual splendour. The paintings of cave 1 are not only
remarkable for their innovations in terms of iconographic programme and pictorial
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style; concerning the development of Buddhism in this period, Luczanits (2004a, p. 121)
points out that they contrast to earlier temples such as the Tabo Main temple
(Tib. gTsug lag khang, created ca. mid-11 th century) and herald a new era concerning
the religious programme: “The shrine contains a pair of Guhyasamājamaṇḍala on the
opposite side of the entrance on the main wall, a pair of Vajradhātumaṇḍala on the lefthand wall and an extensive Dharmadhātuvāgīśvaramañjuśrīmaṇḍala […] on the righthand wall” (Luczanits 2004a, 114, 223) (figs 4-6). The remarkable ceiling of cave 1
mimics a lantern ceiling featuring an elaborate decorative system and iconography,
which has not as yet been studied in detail (fig. 7). It shows a richer repertoire of motifs
than the earlier temples at Tabo. The themes at Dungkar reflect a complex layering of
meanings to which the descriptions in the Lalitavistara (Tib. ’Phags pa rgya cher rol pa
zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo; the epic which presents the life of the Buddha in his
own words7) and other Mahāyāna texts appear to have greatly contributed8.
Figure 4. Dungkar, cave 1, south wall, painted narrative of the Buddha’s life in the lowest section
© Rob Linrothe, 2005
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Figure 5. Dungkar, cave 1, west wall
© Rob Linrothe, 2005
Figure 6. Dungkar, cave 1, north wall
© ÖAW, Christian Jahoda archive; photo: Tsering Gyalpo, 2007
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Figure 7. Dungkar, cave 1, ceiling
© Rob Linrothe, 2005
5
The painted narrative cycle of Sākyamuni’s life which is complemented by inscriptions
is shown at eye-level on the lowest zone of the walls starting from the left of the
entrance (south wall) and continuing in a clockwise direction on the left side-wall
(west) and the back wall (north); the final scene is depicted on a small section of the
eastern wall followed by a mandala. The frieze is located on the lowest zone of the wall;
the total length of the frieze is approximately 17 m and it is roughly 70-80 cm high 9.
The narrative can be “read” by the devotee in the course of ritual circumambulation
inside the temple, keeping the wall to their left (figs 8, 9).
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Figure 8. Sketch plan of cave 1 with the location and progression of the Buddha’s life marked in red
© after Tropper 2018, p. 650
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Figure 9. Dungkar, cave 1, sketch with location of the inscriptions 1-13 on the south, west and north
wall
A: south wall; B: west wall; C: north wall
© after Tropper 2018, p. 652
6
In the following we will examine the first part of the narrative, i.e. the scenes from the
Bodhisattva waiting in Tuṣita to Māravijaya, the Enlightenment at Bodh Gayā (the
second part of the narrative up to the Nirvāṇa will be published in separate article by
the present authors). As we will show in some detail, for these initial episodes the
Lalitavistara was used as one of the textual sources. Methodologically, we attempt to
bring together information from the images, the adjacent framed inscriptional panels
(which contain the appropriate portions of the sutra text), and the textual source of the
Lalitavistara. Kurt Tropper (2018) recently published the text cartouches inserted into
the narrative at Dungkar together with translations of most of the legible epigraphic
evidence10 (fig. 9). Some of these inscriptions provide essential clues for the
identification of the visual representations.
7
Characteristic of most of the temples in the tradition of the Purang-Guge kingdom, to
the right of the entrance (south) are depictions of donors (fig. 10). The noble elite is
shown in a large assembly in front of a ceremonial tent and surrounded by soldiers; this
commemorates the consecration of the temple. They mirror and provide a visual
resonance of the first scene of the spiritual biography of the Bodhisattva, describing
the excellent abode where the Bodhisattva resides before being reborn on earth.
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Figure 10. Dungkar, cave 1, donor depiction on the entrance (south) wall
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
8
It is significant that at Dungkar we do not find a continuous narrative as in the Main
temple (Tib. gTsug lag khang) of Tabo, where the story unfolds in a loose chain of
scenes on the walls (figs 11, 12). By contrast, at Dungkar we observe for the first time a
succession of single geometric panels in frames. These organize the scenes combined
with inserts of rectangular cartouches with inscriptions.
Figure 11. Tabo, assembly hall of the Main temple (Tib. gTsug lag khang), beginning of the painted
narrative of the Buddha’s life on the lower part of the south wall
© Christiane Kalantari, 2006
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Figure 12, Tabo, assembly hall, Buddha’s life, detail with “The transmission of the crown to Maitreya
in Tuṣita heaven”
© Christiane Kalantari, 2006
Panel 1: the transmission of the crown to Maitreya in
Tuṣita heaven
9
This event is narrated in the chapters 3, 4 and 5 of the Lalitavistara (LV): “The complete
purity of family”, “The luminous doors of the dharma” and “Setting in motion”, no
inscription is extant in this panel. The Tuṣita heaven (figs 13, 14 11) is the abode where
the Bodhisattva Sākyamuni was honoured and worshipped and where he taught the
dharma to the Tuṣita gods while waiting to be reborn in his final human life before
Enlightenment and extinction12. In this realm he hands over his Bodhisattva crown to
Maitreya, who will be the Future Buddha in this sphere.
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Figure 13. Dungkar, cave 1 (left half of the image)
© Christiane Kalantari 2007
Figure 14. Dungkar, cave 1
© drawing by Huo Wei, Li Yongxian, Zhang Changhong from Huo Wei et al. 2008, with adaptations by
John Harrison and Christiane Kalantari, 2018
10
In the mural, the scene is set in a luxurious interior space, indicating the “excellent
abode”. It is depicted as a cubic building with a flat roof and towers on top, flanked by
apsaras (heavenly beings). The upper border is embellished with textile hangings,
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jewels and strings of pearls. The palace not only defines the locality but also structures
the whole image panel. The side walls intersect with the vertical borders of the image
field adding solidity to the whole structure13. The LV describes the great celestial
palace14, where the Bodhisattva dwelled on his throne, decked with “rich results of his
merits” and “[…] fitted with the finest cotton cloth, redolent of both heavenly
perfumes and the smoke of purest incense, gleamed softly with the rainbow colors of
fragrant flowers, the throne glowed with hundreds of thousands of precious stones, and
over it hung a jeweled lattice, resonating with the sounds of many little bells”
(LV 4/54).
11
In the centre are two seated persons: the right one is Maitreya with a red body colour
while the Bodhisattva to the left has a white complexion. The Bodhisattva transfers the
crown, holding it horizontally in his palms, while at the same time Maitreya grasps it
with one hand; it is hanging down from his hand, orientated to the left. Thus two
moments of the handover are shown fused into one scene; this mode emphasizes the
central moment of the coronation episode and adds a sense of movement to it.
12
A new attitude towards pictorial space can be observed here: the palace provides an
architectonic structure which is anchored on the base-line and organizes the whole
panel; this imagined space follows a constructive logic and the figures and objects are
subjected to it. The Austrian art historian Otto Pächt coined a term “spatialization” for
this tendency in European manuscript illumination in the Middle Ages (Pächt 1984).
This approach contrasts with the ornamental arcade-like structure of the building in
the same scene at Tabo (figs 11, 12), which is instead a decorative compilation of setpieces of architecture creating a planar frame; the figures and objects are submitted to
this abstract formal arrangement as elements of a quasi-ornamental surface pattern.
13
Around the central figures are at least two persons kneeling: the left one is folding his
hands before his body. On the right is perhaps a standing person. Unfortunately, large
sections of the lower part are destroyed. But in a comparable composition of the
heavenly palace at Tabo an assembly of Tuṣita gods is shown around the two
protagonists (figs 11, 12). The identification as assembly of gods for the lower part may
be a possibility for Dungkar as well15. As described in the Lalitavistara, the Bodhisattva
“addressed himself to the great assembly of gods” (LV 4/54) and he discoursed on the
108 luminous doors of the dharma “which will always be taught to the assembly of gods
by the Bodhisattva at the moment of the descent from Tuṣita” (LV 4/65). Then he told
the assembly that after him the Bodhisattva Maitreya will instruct them in the dharma;
taking the diadem from his own head and placing it upon the head of the Bodhisattva
Maitreya he stated: “Noble Being, after me you will become the perfect and completely
enlightened Buddha” (LV 5/71).
Panel 2: Māyā asks for austerity and bestows her care
and kindness
14
This episode, which cannot be found elsewhere in Western Tibetan paintings, is
described mainly in LV chapter 5 entitled “Setting in motion” (inscription 1 is about
Māyā’s conversation with Śuddhodana; fig. 9; Tropper 2018, p. 655). However, in the
preceding chapters 3 and 4 of the LV, Māyā’s beauty, excellent nature and noble role as
the Buddha’s mother is also extolled.
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15
The scene at Dungkar depicts the story of the discussion on austerity between queen
Māyā and her husband Śuddhodana, king of the Śākyas, in the music hall of his
excellent palace (figs 15-17). This episode illustrates the moment before Māyā’s dream
and the conception, when Māyā asks to take on a fast of noble conduct in order to
concentrate on the divine and become the mother of the Buddha-to-be out of love and
for the benefit of all beings. The scene in the mural takes place in a Tibetan interior
space in the form of a mobile residence, indicated by a textile hanging in the
background, fixed on poles. Alluding to a marvellous environment, pearls are dispersed
in the background, and on the finials of the tent are sitting birds. According to the
LV text, already while dwelling in Tuṣita abode the Bodhisattva caused eight signs to
manifest at the palace of king Śuddhodana, such as the birds which came from the
Himalayas, the king of mountains, and which “perched on the terraces and
balustrades, […] all the flowering trees and fruit trees of different seasons suddenly
came into bloom” (LV 5/73); at the same time, musical instruments all emitted sweet
sounds by themselves
Figure 15. Dungkar, cave 1 (right half of the image)
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
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Figure 16. Dungkar, cave 1
© drawing by Huo Wei, Li Yongxian, Zhang Changhong from Huo Wei et al. 2008, with adaptations by
John Harrison and Christiane Kalantari, 2018
Figure 17. Dungkar, cave 1
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
16
On the left stands Māyā, depicted as a Tibetan queen with her courtly entourage in
front of her enthroned husband. In chapter 3, the mother of the Bodhisattva is
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described as the enchanting wife of king Śuddhodana, devoted to spiritual pursuits
(LV 3/43) and being “the first among a thousand: she has attained perfection. Ravishing
the heart like a magical creation, she is called Māyādevī, Goddess of Illusion” (LV 3/46).
The king is depicted on a sumptuous throne studded with gems; below him stands a
figure, perhaps a servant. The couple is further dignified with umbrellas held above
each of them. The honorific parasol of king Śuddhodana is embellished with red
streamers; it is held by a servant standing behind the dignitary who is depicted smaller
in size. The king wears a red flat turban and is clad in a long Tibetan woollen cloak
(Tib. chupa), in brownish red colour with a blue lining; large lapels adorn the neckline
which is further embellished with a turquoise stone. His right arm is covered by a
characteristic overlong sleeve, which he holds aloft in a gesture of discussion.
17
His wife also wears a full-length woolen cloak and a white cape with a blue hem. Long
braids of hair bedecked with small turquoises fall over her shoulders. A new feature are
the dynamic undulations of the folds of the females’ long cloaks. This movement at the
“periphery of the body” is a device for expressing body movement; it is motivated in
the general tendency towards naturalism of the figures. As hinted at in the
inscription 1 – which is about the discussion between Māyā and Śuddhodana (fig. 9) – in
the upper right corner, above the tent, Māyādevī, “after bathing and rubbing her body
with aloes […] dressed herself in finest festival garments. Filled with contentment, joy
and happiness, she approached king Śuddhodana” (LV 5/74). The text recounts that,
preceded by thousands of attendants, Māyā speaks to her husband in verses: “I wish to
undertake, o Lord, a practice of strict moral conduct and fasting. For the love of all
beings […] Now is it my desire, Master of Men, to enter the highest apartments of the
palace and there where the swans roost, to recline on [a] couch sweetly perfumed and
strewn with flowers” (LV 5/74-75). Then Māyā requests care, kindness and liberation
for the people in the kingdom and asks her husband to look upon all creatures, like an
“only child” (LV 5/76). The king grants her wishes replying “may she recline like a
daughter of the gods who went into the Miśraka garden” (LV 5/76).
18
In the image, outside the palace, to the left stands a tree recalling a passage in the text
describing the beautiful parks of king Śuddhodana’s palace which bloomed and
flowered as one of various auspicious signs which appeared (LV 5/73). In general, we
find an emphasis on visual abundance and sensual pleasure in the depictions, symbolic
of the magnificence of the abode of the Buddha as described in the Lalitavistara.
19
In the left upper corner are two figures. Their outfit suggests they are personalities of
high status in the story: one of the two standing figures has a flywhisk; it is perhaps
Māheśvara (the source of knowledge and a manifestation of Śiva), as indicated by the
headgear; another evidence for this assumption being that the figure of Māheśvara is
later shown in a similar fashion, namely in the Asita episode. It recalls the assembly of
“[…] the four Great Kings, Śakra the lord of the gods […] Brahmā the lord of the sahā
world […] Māheśvara” (LV 5/77) and other hundred thousand gods which arrived. They
wish to follow the Bodhisattva during his entry into the womb and also on his way to
the final Nirvāṇa.
20
In the panel design the new approach towards space is shown on various levels: the
architecture, indicated by the upper border of the tent, stands on a base-line.
Particularly striking is the heavy throne of the king which emphasizes the fact that
objects are conceived as anchored by gravity to the ground. This imaginary space
harbours the scene and the figures are shown as the inhabitants of it.
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Panel 3: dream and conception
21
As described in the LV chapters 5 “Setting in motion” and 6 “Entrance into the womb”,
the third scene illustrates the events after the Bodhisattva has descended from the
Tuṣita abode (figs 18-20). From the outset it is made clear that “His purposeful stay in
the womb of the mother shows the Bodhisattva’s power of the earth at his
birth” (LV 1/9). According to the text, he became a baby white elephant which entered
into the womb of his mother Māyādevī when she was lying in the tower of the great
palace; Māyā experienced this event as a dream.
22
In the right upper corner of this image field we see an interior space, indicated by a
background cloth crowned by a large umbrella. Queen Māyā lies on her right side clad
in a sumptuous Tibetan attire; behind her stand three female companions, all wearing
aristocratic Tibetan robes.
Figure 18. Dungkar, cave 1
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
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Figure 19. Dungkar, cave 1
© drawing by Huo Wei, Li Yongxian, Zhang Changhong from Huo Wei et al. 2008, with adaptations by
John Harrison and Christiane Kalantari, 2018
Figure 20 Dungkar, cave 1, detail
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
23
Already the previous chapter 5 addresses the setting of Māyā’s tower. Accordingly, the
king had the topmost tower ornamented “[…] with beautiful flowers in profusion, with
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perfumes and chosen scents, decorate the summit of the most beautiful palace.
Arranged there parasols and streamers and a row of tāla trees. […] May the queen
ascend to the sanctuary that is worthy of goddesses to the sound of sweet and moving
music from thousands of divine instruments” (LV 5/76).
24
Māyā is described as the mother of excellent and foremost soul and also her beauty is
described in exuberance: “shining with the splendid merit of stainless virtue, wearing
diaphanous garments and row upon row of jeweled bracelets, the goddess enters the
swan – filled palace, as a precious jewel is placed inside a beautiful vase, so will this
queen be the vase for the god of gods” (LV 5/84-85).
25
A white elephant approaches in a cloud from the left upper corner. The text reports:
“[…] just at the appropriate moment […] through her right side he entered in the form
of a small white elephant with six tusks, his head the color of cochineal, his tusks of
gold” (LV 6/95). And Māyā reportedly “Never […] had known such pleasure both in
body and in mind” (LV 6/96).
26
Below various figures are visible in the murals, but their identification is difficult. They
may have been the gods which saw Māyā in the chamber. The text states that seen by
the gods she rested on her couch and they knew it was time of the Bodhisattva’s
descent from Tuṣita. And at that time the bodhisattvas came to honor him and they saw
how the departing Bodhisattva projected from his body a light surpassing divine light
(LV 5/87). To the left of Māyā a large figure with halo and multiple heads is shown,
perhaps Brahmā (with four heads of which only three are visible) in a group of gods
which are later also present at the time of the birth.
27
The text states what happened then: Māyā arose from her bed and descended from the
upper apartment, went into the Aśoka wood 16 and “called for the king, who came
surrounded by ministers, merchants, […] and called for Brāhmanas […] who knew the
Vedas, who can interpret the dream” (LV 6/98). A brahmin priest reportedly
prophesised that “if he [the Bodhisattva] abandons love, royalty and home, departing
to wander as a monk, he will become a Buddha, worthy of the offerings of the three
worlds” (LV 6/99). The interpretation of the dream might have once been depicted in
the lowest zone, but this must remain speculation.
28
On the right side of the panel are two superimposed trees, which perhaps refer to the
slim, upright form of the Aśoka tree 17; the upper one links two image fields in the
corner, and functions like a clamp directing the viewer’s eye to the subsequent scene.
Panel 4: adoration of the Bodhisattva (the gods see
the Bodhisattva in a palace in Māyā’s womb)
29
In the same chapter 6, “The Descent into the Womb”, the assembly of gods gather
around the jeweled abode enjoyed by the Bodhisattva in the womb of Māyā (figs 21-23).
The story is as follows: king Śuddhodana asked in what house would Māyādevī live
comfortably without disturbance. The gods answered they will each give beautiful
abodes for the Bodhisattva (LV 6/101) as the glorious one who descended from the
divine realm of Tuṣita cannot remain in a human body with its disagreeable odor. The
related wall-painting shows the moment when the Bodhisattva makes each of these
gods see these abodes in the womb of his mother Māyā. To our knowledge, the typology
of this illustration is unique in Western Tibetan art. The text informs: “[…] each of the
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powerful gods […] offered a dwelling as homage to the Bodhisattva […] and through the
power of the Bodhisattva’s great contemplation, Māyādevī appeared to reside in each
one of the dwellings. During the time the Bodhisattva lived in the womb of his mother,
he remained on the right side, seated with his legs crossed and each of the most
powerful gods knew clearly that it was indeed in his own palace that the mother of the
Bodhisattva lived, and not elsewhere” (LV 6/101-102).
Figure 21. Dungkar, cave 1
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
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Figure 22. Dungkar, cave 1
© drawing by Huo Wei, Li Yongxian, Zhang Changhong from Huo Wei et al. 2008, with adaptations by
John Harrison and Christiane Kalantari, 2018
Figures. 23. Dungkar, cave 1
© photos, stitched: Christiane Kalantari, 2007
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30
This episode is shown in the first scene on left (west) wall; the setting is a palace,
adorned on top with pagodas or towers. In the corners hover apsaras holding offerings.
In the centre of the dwelling the Bodhisattva is seated on a throne; he is shown with
nude upper body, adorned with a shawl draped on his upper arms. The throne is
covered with a striped textile. Around the palace are gods of various kinds; as described
in the LV (6/103) these gods, yakṣas (nature spirits), gandharvas (celestial musicians in
Indra’s heaven), garuḍas (mythic bird-like beings) and other spirits see the Bodhisattva
as a luminous body residing in his mother’s womb on a throne, in a jeweled and wellfurnished pavilion. The jeweled, three-tiered sanctum is described as shining, with
“fine proportions wonderful to behold. It was four-sided in shape and rested on four
pillars” with a throne for a child (LV 6/106). And in the “Ratnavyūha, the jeweled
sanctum of the Bodhisattva, there also appeared an assortment of cloth which was
called ‘Śatasahasravyūha, Array of a Hundred Thousand’. For no being among the
multitudes of beings could such cloth be produced, save only for a Bodhisattva who is
in his last existence” (LV 6/108); this illustrates not only the preciousness of textiles but
also that of colour pigments as signs of status.
31
The Bodhisattva sat on the bedstead in the pavilion, which “manifests on the right side
of the mother’s womb where the Bodhisattva makes his entry, and he remains
seated […] endowed with limbs, fully formed […] luminous, glorious, gracious, beautiful
to see, seated with his legs crossed within the tier of the Ratnavyūha […] illuminating
the entire body of his mother” (LV 6/108-109). There he sat and the gods arrived to
honour, circumambulate and guard him and to hear the dharma 18. The Bodhisattva
reportedly resided in this crystal sanctum in his mother’s womb for ten lunar months
(LV 6/116), the kingdom was filled with prosperity and peace and the king of the Śākyas
devoted himself in this period to spiritual practice alone.
Figure. 24. Alchi Dukhang
© Christiane Kalantari, 2005
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32
Also, in the Alchi Dukhang (Tib. ‘Du khang), (fig. 24) the scene of the adoration of the
Bodhisattva residing in the womb of Māyā has so far not been properly described or
understood in the ongoing debate in this field19. There the visionary event of the abode
of the Bodhisattva in the womb of Māyā is represented in a different form: the palace in
the womb is not shown, but the mother of the Buddha is represented enthroned on a
lotus like a deity. Māyā, who is referred to as “Māyādevī, goddess of illusion” in the LV
is depicted in a halo of light, with gods to her right side who came to salute and
worship, and with humans in Tibetan aristocratic garb to her left side; she is shown
larger as the figures around her. As described in the LV, the female body is depicted
here as the jeweled sanctum. In addition to the characteristic lotus seat resting on a
lotus rhizome which grows out of the base-line indicating the ground and is held by a
serpent and sometimes anthropomorphized demigod (Skt. nāga), at Alchi Māyā is
emanating a light aureole; this indicates the Bodhisattva who lit up his mother’s body,
as described in the text: “[…] the night, that [the] Bodhisattva entered into his
mother’s womb, from the great depth of the sea […] a lotus rose up to the world of
Brahmā, seen only by the holy Cakravartin, the Best of Men and by the great Brahmā,
commander of millions of beings. Gathered in the great lotus in the form of a drop of
nectar was the essence […] of the great thousand or worlds. Placing this drop into a
shining vase of lapis lazuli, the great Brahmā offers this drop of nectar to the
Bodhisattva” (LV 6/107). The Bodhisattva’s mother, too, in meditation, saw the son in
her womb, who “like a lighting flash from a great wall of clouds, radiating great
light, […] entered the womb of his mother […] with majesty, great brilliance, splendor,
and color, […] illuminating the body of his mother” (LV 6/109) 20.
33
This comparison with Alchi serves as an example for completely different forms of
presentations of one episode, indicating that the program designers found different
ways and visual formulations based on the Lalitavistara, and it appears that no
standardized canonical pictorial models existed as yet. While Māyādevī is only one
figure in the flow of scenes at Tabo, she obtains a new prominent role, and female
virtues become visible, in later phases21.
Panel 5: travel to Lumbinī
34
As recounted in LV chapter 7 “The birth”, Māyā is shown standing in the centre of a
chariot on her way to Lumbinī (figs 25-27). The king has lavishly decorated the
excellent chariot; two banners indicate her royal status. The cart is drawn by a group of
figures led by a lady in Tibetan attire (together with her servants). As described in the
7th chapter the king requested: “Let Queen Māyā ride alone with the finest of chariots,
drawn by maidens of rank” (LV 7/127). She left the palace surrounded by “[…] 84 000
horse-drawn chariots, […] heroic soldiers armed with shields” (LV 7/129) and thousand
of gods escorted her singing melodies and praises. On the left are depicted soldiers with
shields which escort the queen.
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Figure 25. Dungkar, cave 1
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
Figure 26. Dungkar, cave 1
© drawing by Huo Wei, Li Yongxian, Zhang Changhong from Huo Wei et al. 2008, with adaptations by
John Harrison and Christiane Kalantari, 2018
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Figure 27. Dungkar, cave 1, detail
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
35
Landscape details such as patches of grass indicate the setting of the scene, working to
create an illusionistic continuous space. Trees and musicians in the background and
upper part of the image field recall the beginning of this chapter, describing the time
when the birth was imminent and signs appeared in king Śuddhodana’s garden, such as
flowers bursting into bloom and jewelled trees arising from the ground (LV 7/123). The
figures in this panel are anchored on a base-ground with the central image of Māyā
shown larger. Above, dwelling in clouds, are musicians, saluting queen Māyā with their
sounds.
36
Concerning the figural type and style, a remarkable sense of individuality is shown on
various levels: first an attempt to portray different figural types; second, to make a
succession of movements such as the pulling of the cart, and the role of the different
figures in action, comprehensible and palpable. This tendency towards humanizing the
figures and a focus on the emotions of the various actors of the scenes helps to bring
the life-story closer to the devotee and it creates empathy and identification in the
viewer.
37
The chariot is depicted empty a second time in this scene, linking one rectangular
section of the murals with the next. It illustrates the moment, when, stepping forth
from her chariot, Māyādevī entered the Lumbinī gardens.
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Panel 6: the birth of the Bodhisattva
38
The fragments of inscription 2, placed above the animal births, recount the
simultaneous birth of other beings; and inscription 3 positioned on the right corner of
the panel, identifies the scene as Asita’s visit (fig. 9).
Figure 28. Dungkar, cave 1
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
Figure 29. Dungkar, cave 1
© drawing by Huo Wei, Li Yongxian, Zhang Changhong from Huo Wei et al. 2008, with adaptations by
John Harrison and Christiane Kalantari, 2018
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39
As described in the 7th chapter “The birth”, Māyā gives birth under the bejeweled tree
(figs 28-32). Her image is set against a red background colour, with various scenes
arranged around her; Māyā in the centre is shown larger in size than the other figures.
On the left side, Māyā, recognizable by her blue robe and the umbrella is shown with
her entourage after she has left the cart on the way to Lumbinī. Māyā’s search for a
suitable tree for the birth is narrated in great detail in the text: “Māyādevī entered the
Lumbinī garden, walking from grove to grove, she looked at one tree after another,
until she came to the plākṣa tree, the most beautiful of them all […] This tree gave off
the sweetest perfumes, and its branches were draped with streamers of many colors […
and it] shone with precious jewels” (LV 9/129).
Figure 30. Detail
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
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Figure 31. Detail of animal births
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
Figure 32. Dungkar, cave 1, detail of inscription
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
40
In the centre Māyā stands below the excellent tree which “bowed to her in
greeting” (LV 7/130). Then Māyā “raised her right arm, shining like a lighting in the
sky, and grasped a branch of the tree to bear her weight. Stretching she gazed at the
broad expanse of the sky […] and thousand apsarases drew near to serve her […]”
(LV 7/130). The central scene of the birth is oriented on a base-line and Māyā is shown
larger, lending her the appropriate prominence in the pictorial space.
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41
The scene in the LV culminates in the moment when the boy emerged from his
mother’s womb. The Bodhisattva issued forth from the right side of his mother,
“possessing full memory and knowledge, […] untouched by the taint of the
womb” (LV 7/130). Brahmā took away the jeweled sanctum in which the Bodhisattva
had dwelt within the womb of his mother. At the moment when the Bodhisattva was
born, reportedly a great lotus arose from the depth of the earth to receive him, and
Śakra and Brahmā greeted the Bodhisattva. In the image they stand to the left of Māyā
and receive the Bodhisattva in their arms, and royal fans and jeweled parasols appear
in the air above the Bodhisattva, “who stood on the great lotus, surveying the ten
directions with the gaze of a lion, with the gaze of a great being” (LV 7/131) 22. Above
Māyā are depicted apsaras hovering in the air and throwing offerings, while nymphs
salute her with music offerings23.
42
However, the first bath, which is described next in the text, does not seem to be
depicted here as at Tabo, where the upper bodies of the nāga kings Nanda and
Upananda are shown pouring cool and warm water to bathe the Bodhisattva. Here, only
Śakra and Brahmā sprinkle him with perfumed waters and flower essence (LV 7/131). It
is possible that the nāga kings were once depicted below, but it also might well be the
case that the “welcome reception” is condensed at Dungkar to the essential appearance
of the two gods.
43
The text recounts several further events after the birth (LV 7/131). To the right are
shown the “Seven Steps” of the Bodhisattva; he is depicted six times in the scene as he
walks in six directions (including nadir and zenith). Wherever he steps, lotus flowers
emerge. The Bodhisattva states “I will be the Greatest of Physicians, the destroyer of
sickness and death” (LV 7/140).
44
Around the central scenes are depicted further episodes illustrating the miraculous
manifestations taking place. Women with children are shown on the left (upper part),
recalling the text passage in which king Śuddhodana is informed that the Sākya race is
blessed by good fortune as “five hundred thousand allies have been born […] as well as
thousand foals have been born to the horses with Kaṇṭhaka at their head […] twenty
thousand elephants […] cows and calves” (LV 7/142).
45
On the left we see how simultaneously many animals give birth; for instance elephants
are shown with their calves; in the bottom zone of the left side is shown a peacock
(representing one of the foremost animals, which had come to salute the Bodhisattva).
We find on the right side superimposed wild animals, which come to the palace. Cow
and jackal or leopard are depicted above; the text states that lions found their way into
the city and they did not hurt any being (LV 7/123), and all animals became tame and
gentle at the sight of the Buddha-to-be.
46
Seven nights after the Bodhisattva’s birth his mother died and was reborn into the
realm of the Thirty-three gods. Thereafter the Bodhisattva was escorted to the great
city of Kapilavastu and entered in the king’s palace (LV 7/149) 24. There it was asked,
who would be fit to nurse the Bodhisattva; Mahāprajāpatī Gautamī, the prince’s
maternal aunt was chosen, and in addition thirty-two nurses were engaged.
47
The scene in the upper right corner shows the boy’s abode, indicated again by a tentlike structure. We see the sleeping Bodhisattva on a throne bedecked with a cloth and
above the textile valance the heads of the servants or nurses are visible. An inscription
tells us that this scene is part of the following episode, the visit of the hermit ascetic
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(Skt. ṛṣi) Asita, who possesses the five superior kinds of knowledge and who realized the
supreme truth.
48
Asita is not shown in this panel, but the text informs the reader that the seer Asita
observed many supernatural phenomena at the moment of the Bodhisattva’s birth and
foresaw the greatness of the boy. Rising up in the sky he passed from the Himalayas to
Kapilavastu as described in the next passage of this chapter (LV 7/150). Asita visits the
young prince at his home but the servants say he is asleep. Asita answers they should
wake him up, stating that such great men remain always alert (LV 7/152; Tropper 2018,
p. 658).
49
As a significant feature of the compositions we find again a linkage on a thematic level
and between two image fields. The text cartouche and the setting of the Bodhisattva’s
abode provides a bridge to the episode depicted in the following panel to the right,
where the encounter between the boy and the Great Asita is shown in various scenes.
Panel 7: encounters with the hermit Asita and
Māheśvara and their prophesies
50
A large section of chapter 7 of the Lalitasvistara “The birth” concerns the visit of the
great Sage Asita25 versed in the five sciences, who predicted the 32 signs of a
Cakravartin on the Bodhisattva and prophesized that he will become an Enlightened
being on earth (figs 33-36). This event is visualized in several episodes arranged from
top to bottom.
Figure 33. Dungkar, cave 1
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
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Figure 34. Dungkar, cave 1
© drawing by Huo Wei, Li Yongxian, Zhang Changhong from Huo Wei et al. 2008, with adaptations by
John Harrison and Christiane Kalantari, 2018
Figure 35. Dungkar, cave 1, detail
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
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Figure 36. Dungkar, cave 1, detail
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
51
In the left upper corner king Śuddhodana appears with the boy in his arm and escorted
by two servants; an umbrella dignifies them. To the right is the great Sage Asita clad in
a wrap-around skirt. The physical features of his emaciated face are precisely defined.
Asita said that a great wonder has appeared in the world; he arose from his seat and –
as shown in the image – bowed down in veneration before the boy with folded hands
(LV 7/152). The man behind Asita is most likely Māheśvara who appears later in a
separate episode in the LV, where – like Asita – he wishes to worship the Bodhisattva.
Here it appears that two phases of the text’s version of the story are conflated.
Māheśvara26 is bearded and his attributes are a turban-like headdress adorned with a
ritual weapon in the shape of crossed vajras (Skt. viśvavajra; Tib. rdo rje rgya gram), and a
flywhisk; behind him is a second person, also bearing a flywhisk.
52
In the next scene below, Asita is shown kneeling in front of the Bodhisattva, who is held
with both arms by Śuddhodana; with folded hands Asita takes the Bodhisattva on his
lap. Behind Asita is again perhaps Māheśvara and a bearer of the flywhisk.
53
As to the narrative mode, Asita and Māheśvara are represented as if they would visit
the prince in the same moment, but in the text they appear after each other. We thus
find a conflation of the timing of the two episodes. In the upper right corner in this
panel is perhaps the Bodhisattva riding in his cart to the next scene, thus connecting
the Asita story with the visit in the temple depicted in the following panel.
54
The good condition of this panel allows an appreciation of the secure line drawing and
the impressive artistic skills of the painter. The figures have finely executed facial
features, and differences of age are subtly characterized. These paintings reflect a
master artisan's striking sensitivity and artistic skill.
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Panel 8: visit to the temple
55
The temple visit is narrated in the 8th chapter of the Lalitavistara “The visit to the
temple”. The lower half of the painting shows a rectangular building with a sloping
roof surmounted by a stupa-like tower (figs 33, 34/ right half of the image, 37). There is
again a visual and spatial link between the encounter with Asita and the temple, as it
appears that the Bodhisattva, held in the left arm of his father “crosses the border”
from the “Asita panel” to the “temple panel”, as if walking downstairs. The latter is
“constructed” by a text panel which has a stepped shape. He then enters the temple
through a door in the lower left part of the architectural structure. In this panel the
narrative develops from bottom to top. Thus, the building organizes the whole image
field, and in this tectonic structure the figures move in a quasi-three-dimensional space
from left to right and from bottom to top.
Figure 37. Dungkar, cave 1, detail of the upper part (see also right part of figs 33, 34)
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
56
The next phase of the story is shown as if inside the temple: the young Bodhisattva sits
in the left part of the building, identified by a nimbus and an umbrella. In front of the
boy, the gods bow down in respect. Two phases of the departure from the temple by the
Bodhisattva are perhaps depicted on the top of the building: Śuddhodana with the
prince in his arms and a servant with dark complexion next to him to the left of the
tower, and the Bodhisattva alone with the servant holding an umbrella to the right of
the tower on the roof. In the latter scene the Bodhisattva walks to the right and leads
the viewer’s gaze to the next episode, the visit to the school. In an interesting detail of
the composition, the Bodhisattva moves from the roof of the temple, which slightly
overlaps the vertical line and border to the next image panel in which is painted the
Bodhisattva in the school. This permeability of scene borders demonstrates that the
framing devices are not intended as inviolable barriers. The overlap of one scene into
an adjacent one conveys a sense of narrative momentum. This visual strategy is in
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particular useful for motifs and sequences of the story which are associated with
movement and action.
Panel 9: ornamenting the Bodhisattva and the visit to
the school
57
The two events depicted in the next image field are set against a red background; they
are narrated in the chapters 9 “The jewelry” and chapter 10 “ The visit to the
schoolroom”. The ornamentation episode occupies the lower left part of the panel
(figs 38-40); the story explains that the Bodhisattva, the Supremely Intelligent One,
does not need the common ornaments of this world.
Figure 38. Dungkar, cave 1
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
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Figure 39. Dungkar, cave 1
© drawing by Huo Wei, Li Yongxian, Zhang Changhong from Huo Wei et al. 2008, with adaptations by
John Harrison and Christiane Kalantari, 2018
Figure 40. Dungkar, cave 1, detail
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
58
In this scene five persons sit under a baldachin, adorned with colourful textile hangings
consisting of rows of oblong stripes made of quilted patches of precious textiles in
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The spiritual quest of the Buddha in the Dungkar cave temple – Indian sources...
different colours. These are typical adornments of Tibetan sacred spaces, doorways and
pillars. In the background an honorific textile is fixed on poles. In the centre the young
prince sits under a honorific umbrella. A figure in front is apparently transferring an
objet to him.
59
The story explains that the brahmin priest Udāyana, a priest to the king, said the
Bodhisattva should have ornaments, whereupon the king had jewellry prepared for the
prince (LV 9/181). The following day brahmin priests gathered to adorn and honor the
prince, and ten thousand girls came and gazed upon his face. “But no sooner were the
ornaments put in place than the splendor of his body outshone them” (LV 9/182) 27.
Figure 41. Dungkar, cave 1 (see also drawing/ fig. 39, right part)
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
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The spiritual quest of the Buddha in the Dungkar cave temple – Indian sources...
Figure 42. Dungkar, cave 1, detail
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
60
The visit to the school is narrated in the subsequent 10th chapter of the Lalitavistara
“The visit of the schoolroom”, but here it is illustrated in the upper section of the same
panel as the ornamentation of the Bodhisattva (fig. 41 right half of the image, fig. 42).
The text explains that the Bodhisattva was, from his previous lives, expert in all the
śāstras (commentaries on texts associated with the Buddha or with the Vedas) found in
the world as well as in all other sciences. He visited the school in Kapila solely to bring
the ten thousand children which surrounded him closer to Enlightenment. In the upper
part of this image field, boys are shown kneeling under trees hold writing tablets 28 with
script on them. The boys are arranged around the Bodhisattva – recognizable by his
nimbus and the umbrella – who sits on a pedestal-like stool. In the text only boys are
mentioned but among the students in the painting are two persons in Tibetan
aristocratic attire, one male with a black board. A single female is identifiable by the
long braids and the turquoise ornament on her forehead. She is the only one who does
not have a writing tablet, and could be one of the Bodhisattva’s escorts, strewing
flowers and holding a jewel as an auspicious sign (LV 10/187).
61
In front of the Bodhisattva is a person wearing a turban and seated under a wide
honorific parasol on a sumptuous footstool draped with a striped cloth. This is most
likely Viśvāmitra, the schoolmaster. He seems to be shown again after falling to the
ground, as he was “[…] unable to bear the majesty and the splendor of the
Bodhisattva” (LV 10/188). However, an inhabitant of the heavenly world
(Skt. devaputra) raised him up. And the teacher states that the Bodhisattva has come to
the school “so that many children may mature completely in the best of all
vehicles […]. There is no teacher above him in all the three worlds; […] He has been
familiar with scripts whose names you do not even know” (LV 10/188-189). “O monks,
while the children were pronouncing the alphabet, countless hundreds of thousand of
principal doors of the Dharma appeared, all through the power of the Bodhisattva […
and the children …] were brought to complete maturation and their thoughts were
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directed toward perfect and complete Enlightenment” (LV 10/195). Below are more
sitting figures, but they are too damaged for identification. Perhaps they are the gods
who witnessed this event.
62
At Dungkar, the visual narrative overall tends to conflate scenes which appear in
temporal succession in order to emphasize space and setting. The two depictions of the
schoolmaster, in two phases of the episode, illustrates the convention affirming the
priority of a shared space embracing two different moments over distinct space-time
episodes29.
Panel 10: the meditation under the “rose-apple”
(jambu) tree
63
This episode is narrated in chapter 11, “The farming village”. Inscription 4 tells about
the five hermit ascetics who were stopped during flight to the spot where the
Bodhisattva meditated under the “rose-apple” (jambu) tree.
64
The text explains that the Bodhisattva – when he was a little older – wished to visit a
farming village; he saw there farmers working hard in the fields and was full of sorrow
(LV 11/ 205). He entered into a grove of trees and saw a pleasant “rose-apple” (jambu)
tree30. He sat in its shade with legs crossed, and there he “attained one-pointedness of
mind. Having so fixed his mind, he was free from non-virtue and obscuration and
achieved the first level of meditation, in which there is observation and reflection, a
meditation endowed with joy and pleasure born of solitude. There he remained steady”
(LV 11/199).
Figure 43. Dungkar, cave 1
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
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Figure 44. Dungkar, cave 1 (left part of the drawing)
© drawing by Huo Wei, Li Yongxian, Zhang Changhong from Huo Wei et al. 2008, with adaptations by
John Harrison and Christiane Kalantari, 2018
65
In the image, the Bodhisattva sits unmoved in the meditative posture (Skt. dhyānāsana)
and surrounded by an aureole (figs 43, 44). The text panel (which concerns the hermit
ascetics) in the lower part has a double function as text field and as a throne-like
pedestal which supports the prince. To his left seems to be a second area with a figure
placed above31. The “rose-apple” (jambu) tree’s trunk flanks the scene on the left side;
from it issue long branches on which are located single leaves in a rather ornamental
form. The limbs are regularly arranged forming a kind of protective cover or canopy
above the prince.
66
The story continues with the characterization of the five foreign hermit ascetics ,
possessing superior knowledge and powers by means of which they traveled through
the air, traversing Mount Meru; when they were passing over “[…] the dense grove of
trees, they found themselves held back and unable to advance” (LV 11/200). In the
composition the story is visualized in a remarkable way: the hermit ascetics (Skt. rṣis)
travel from left to right and they appear to be blocked by the border of the next image
field. The lowest hermit ascetic of the group looks at the Bodhisattva, directing the
viewer's attention to the meditating Bodhisattva in the centre. As described in the text
the tree is animated with respect, and is shown bowing down to the meditating
Bodhisattva who is described as “brilliant with majesty and radiant with splendor”
(LV 11/201).
67
The shape of the rose-apple tree recalling an umbrella illustrates that during the
extended period of his meditation under the tree, its shade had not left the body of the
Bodhisattva. Hardly visible is a figure to the left of the Bodhisattva; this might be the
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goddess of the forest who came and uttered that he “[…] has entered this grove and
given himself over entirely to meditation. The gods, the gandharvas, the master of the
nāgas, […] all pay their respects to him” (LV 11/201). However, it could also be the
Bodhisattva’s father who searched for his son; when he saw him in deep meditation he
bowed down at his son’s feet. The 11th chapter of the Lalitavistara ends with following
verse: “After speaking thus with great authority to his father and his followers, the
Perfectly Pure One returns to the finest of cities, and conforming to custom, remains in
the city. But his mind is occupied with departure from home” (LV 11/208).
Panel 11: the search for a bride for the Bodhisattva
68
This event is recounted in chapter 12, “Skill in the worldly arts”. Inscription 5, in the
right-hand lower corner tells the viewer that Gopā has a comely appearance, and the
inscription 8 in the upper left-hand corner is about the archery in the following panel.
Figure 45. Dungkar, cave 1, detail (see also right part of fig. 44)
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
69
The scene shows the search for and the courting of the bride Gopā (figs 44, 45), as
confirmed by the inscription. The king decided to search for a suitable maiden for the
prince because the brahmin priests predicted that if the prince does not leave his
family “[…] he will be a Cakravartin king, a king devoted to the Dharma, possessing the
seven precious jewels […]. Having subjugated this great earth without using weapons or
force, he will govern by means of the Dharma” (LV 12/211).
70
This event is narrated on two levels on top of another: in the left upper level sits the
brahmin priest who has been called to give advice and to examine the young women.
Next to him is the Bodhisattva; the two appear to be what the text describes as the
brahmin priest speaking to the prince about marriage and the prince thought that “for
the qualities of desire, I have neither taste nor inclination” (LV 12/212). He decides to
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follow the previous wise bodhisattvas who, even though they were married, did not get
distracted from contemplation. The text then explains which bride would delight the
Bodhisattva, and that he is looking only for the virtues of modesty and pureness in
body and birth, family and race. Then he lists as desirable qualities that she should be
well educated, in the flower of youth and beauty and yet without pride, benevolent, and
without bitterness or meanness and always practising the dharma. Finally, he asks,
“may she have no passion for wine or rich food, […] may she know, like a courtesan, the
way of the Śāstras” (LV 12/213-214). Ultimately the daughter of Daṇḍapāṇi of the
Śākyas, Gopā, meets all these requirements32.
71
The scene below the conversation between the brahmin priest and the Bodhisattva
shows the prince and Gopā, clad in Tibetan attire in the centre. According to the text,
the Bodhisattva was asked by his father to distribute ornaments to all the young
women but unable to endure his splendour, they went off quickly carrying the
ornaments (LV 12/ 216-217). The figures to the left are unclear; perhaps they are the
maidens who came to the assembly hall to be examined and took the jewels. In the
centre is perhaps depicted a later phase of the story: by the time the prince saw Gopā
all the jewels had been given away so he offered her a ring from his fingers. She refused
it as she did not want to deprive him of his jewellery. The king was delighted and sent a
brahmin priest to Gopā’s father, asking him to give his daughter to the king’s son.
72
It is possible that Gopā’s father is shown in the centre of the panel; however, the figure
has Indic clothes as opposed to the Tibetan attire of his daughter Gopā. The father
reportedly came to the brahmin priest and told him that it was the custom of his family
to give a daughter to one who is skilled in the arts and proficient in martial arts such
wrestling or archery (LV 12/218). The king explained the situation to the prince and he
answered he is willing to demonstrate his abilities in a contest. Gopā is promised as the
prize for one who wins in fencing, in archery, in boxing and in wrestling. In the right
upper corner, badly damaged, a pedestal with a nimbus above can be seen. It is the
young prince shooting an arrow, which is also confirmed by the inscription 33; it is an
effective textual and visual premonition to the next scenes of the contests with his
rival, his cousin Devadatta. His arrow cuts across the frame, which again adds an
intensive dynamic element to the overall structure.
Panel 12: contests for Gopā
73
74
In the 12th chapter of the Lalitasvisatara “Skill in the worldly arts”, king Śuddhodana
announces that the young prince will demonstrate his superiority over all other young
Śākyas by showing his skills in the worldly arts for seven days (figs 46-48).
Inscriptions 6-9: no. 6 informs us that the Bodhisattva tosses a dead elephant across the
city walls; no. 7 mentions wrestling; no. 8 is about shooting an arrow which as just
mentioned also occurs in the previous panel; no. 9 describes the Bodhisattva stringing
the exceptionally strong bow of his grandfather.
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Figure 46. Dungkar, cave 1
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
Figure 47. Dungkar, cave 1
© drawing by Huo Wei, Li Yongxian, Zhang Changhong from Huo Wei et al. 2008, with adaptations by
John Harrison and Christiane Kalantari, 2018
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Figures. 48. Dungkar, cave 1, the Bodhisattva strings the bow of his grandfather Siṃhahanu
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
75
76
The painted story starts in the lower right corner showing a white elephant which had
been led to the city for the Bodhisattva. However, the Bodhisattva’s cousin Devadatta,
full of envy and pride as a proud Śākya, killed the animal with the palm of his hand
(LV 12/219). Above are figures around the dead elephant referring to the next episode
when the young Sundarānanda sees a dead elephant at the gate of the city; he took him
by the tail and dragged him out of the city. We see a person grasping the tail of the
elephant; however, the identity of this figure is not clear. In the text it is next stated
that the Bodhisattva came and praised Sundarānanda; however, in order to prevent the
city from the decomposing elephant’s foul odour, he picks it up by the tail with his toe
and tosses him outside the city. It is not clear if one of the figures around the elephant,
who heave the animal up, is the Bodhisattva. The stupa in the corner next to it might
depict the place where the corpse of the elephant landed, called the “ditch of the
elephant” (LV 12/220)34.
The text then lets the reader know that many monks and Śākyas came to the place –
perhaps shown in the middle of the group depicted around the seated, nimbated
Bodhisattva at the centre. In the text, his intellectual abilities are first recounted and in
a challenge he demonstrated his knowledge of writing. Then with a quick mind he
solved problems of mathematics and astrology (LV 12/222) 35.
77
He then demonstrated his skills in other arts. On the left he is shown in the wrestling
contest. The Bodhisattva is the protagonist of two different matches but he is depicted
only once. The relevant inscription (7) is in the upper right corner 36. First, the Śākyas
Nanda and Ānanda were touched by his hand and immediately fell down, unable to
resist his power; they appear to lie on the ground above the Bodhisattva (LV 12/229).
78
In the second part of the contest the Bodhisattva asks to wrestle with the whole group.
Despite their overwhelming numerical advantage, they all fall to the ground in defeat.
We find here again a fusion of two scenes happening in chronological succession being
depicted simultaneously.
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79
The archery competition is recounted next in the Lalitavistara. First the princes
attempted to string the bow of his grandfather Siṃhahanu, but only the Bodhisattva
was able to do so (fig. 48); this is explained in inscription 9.
80
The competition is shown in the uppermost section. Iron drums were placed between
palm trees and a mechanical boar made of iron on the right end (LV 12/ 231).
Inscription 8 dealing with archery is in the left upper corner of the former panel. The
arrow which is shot by the prince, depicted in the previous panel, penetrated the
drums, the palm trees, and the iron boar, and then fell to the ground. Then the
devaputras addressed king Śuddhodana in a verse (Skt. gātha): “Just as this bow has been
bent by the Muni without effort and without rising from his seat, so […] will he
conquer the army of Māra, and soon fulfil his purpose […] shooting the arrows of
egolessness and emptiness through the sky of tranquility to vanquish the enemy, the
fettering passions” (LV 12/233-234)37.
81
Daṇḍapāṇi then gave his daughter Gopā to the Bodhisattva, and king Śuddhodana
accepted her as the betrothed princess38. Gopā herself is not shown here, but a woman
depicted in the upper left corner of the next panel is probably Gopā. She stands alone
on the palace’s roof turning left (back) to the previous panel, while the Bodhisattva
already dwells in the women’s apartment. The narrative mode of space boxes at
Dungkar – which function like stages – open up to new possibilities for the artist’s
creativity. It also shows that minor episodes do not always follow the chronological
sequence in the LV; they are often submitted to the dictates of pictorial space in the
panel.
Panel 13: life in palace and great departure
82
The relevant texts for this panel are in chapters 13 “Exhortation”, 14 “Dream” and
15 “Departure from Home”. There are two inscriptions: no. 10 is about married life with
Gopā in the palace, and no. 11 describes the discussion between the Bodhisattva and his
father demonstrating the Bodhisattva’s determination to renounce palace life in order
to practice austerity.
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Figure 49. Dungkar, cave 1
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
Figure 50. Dungkar, cave 1
© drawing by Huo Wei, Li Yongxian, Zhang Changhong from Huo Wei et al. 2008, with adaptations by
John Harrison and Christiane Kalantari, 2018
83
The following narrative space is dominated by the architectural structure of the royal
palace which takes up the left part of the panel. In the centre is the excellent abode of
the Bodhisattva in the women’s apartment (figs 49, 50). There he decides to leave his
home in order to teach the dharma and to help beings cross the ocean of existence. Two
inscriptions are placed in the upper left corner; one of them, inscription 10, has to do
with Gopā, and is most likely linked to the lady in Tibetan attire; both image and text
thus create an interface with the competitions for Gopā shown in the previous panel.
Inscription 11 is concerned with the prince’s departure from the life in the palace. The
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central multi-storied building is depicted with a novel sense of naturalism, gravity and
spatialization; it functions as stage inhabited by figures and serves as a focal point from
which the story of the Great Departure evolves. The complex pagoda-like palace
consists of three storeys topped by a small tower; the middle and upper storeys are
decked with sloping roofs, and the upper one is embellished with a further tower. On
the right and left edges of the lower storey are shown doors into the plane, while the
upper story has openings to balcony-like platforms on which the Bodhisattva stands.
These four doors are both borders of the palace and openings to the outside world; the
prince steps through these portals to encounter the deficiencies of human life which
lead him to the final departure.
84
On the upper levels guardians are positioned to prevent the prince from leaving, and
on the roofs are also men with shields. The magnificent palace is described in
chapter 13 of the Lalitavistara: “[…] like the dwellings of the long-lived gods, the palace
is remarkable for its terraces, and […] porticos, for its arcades, round windows, and
observation towers. All sorts of precious ornament have been arranged with careful art,
as well as parasols, standards, and unfurled banners. Jeweled nets hang from all the
many trellises, and hundreds of thousands of silk fringes” (LV 13/ 45).
85
In the middle storey the Bodhisattva is shown in the women’s apartment. He sits on a
bed under an umbrella, accompanied to his left by a lady with sensuous curves and
exposed bosom. This recalls the long passages describing the maidens stretched out at
ease on his couch: “The women here are joyful, adorned with brilliant
garments, […] their thoughts are affectionate and tender. But by the power of the Jinas,
verses are heard instead from the music urging the Best of Beings to depart” (LV 13/
254).
86
The sitting figures on the bed and the one standing to the left of the Bodhisattva may
be the gods who venerate the Bodhisattva and remind him of his purpose and to
fundamentally change his life39. Behind the group stand bearers of flywhisks. As
described in chapter 13, the gods exhort the Bodhisattva while he is residing in the
women’s apartments, encouraging him with melodious voices and instruments: “You
vowed to be Protector and refuge of the world, to be the Best of Guides […] now is the
time […] to depart from home” (LV 13/243-245). Finally, when the maidens listen to the
words which emerge from the music, they beg the Bodhisattva to be the highest and
first of beings to strive for supreme Enlightenment (LV 13/275).
87
Chapter 14 “The dream” recounts king Śuddhodana’s dream of the Bodhisattva
departing from home. To prevent the prince from leaving, the king had three palaces
built for the prince’s enjoyment. Men were appointed to patrol the staircases of each
palace, and heavy gates were made, so that the prince could not leave home without
being seen. Then the Bodhisattva asked his father for permission to go to the pleasure
garden, and he granted him this wish out of esteem for his son 40.
88
In the lower two storeys we see on each corner a door through which the Bodhisattva
seems to depart.
89
On every of these four occasions he meets respectively an old man, a sick man, a
corpse, and finally a monk. The four encounters are roughly situated according to their
orientation in space indicated in the text41. The Lalitavistara relates that the prince
departed first through the Eastern gate of the city and met an old man, who had been
abandoned in the forest (LV 14/286); after this encounter he asks to return, thinking:
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“What do games and pleasures matter to me, I who will be the abode of old age!” The
image is damaged but we can still see a man standing before the prince next to the door
of the lower storey.
90
At another time, when the prince departed through the Southern gate, a man struck by
disease appeared there; this is illustrated on the lower left side where a man sits in
crooked position while a person holds his arms above him in a protective gesture. On
another occasion, the prince left through the Western gate, and saw a corpse on a
palanquin covered with a cloth. The two figures with arms held aloft may depict the
lamenting family; all this made the Bodhisattva again thinking of deliverance.
91
Finally, when leaving through the Northern gate, the gods arranged for a monk with an
alms bowl to appear on the road, walking with a peaceful mind (LV 14/290). The
Bodhisattva thought that this life of spiritual practice would be desirable.
Unfortunately, only the prince stepping out the portal on the upper right side of the
palace remains visible.
92
When the king heard that the prince had seen these forbidden things, he had strong
gates built and had them guarded by armed patrols and cavalry, to prevent the prince
from leaving. They are visible on the different terraces of the building 42. In the
meantime, the maidens in the prince’s palace receive the order never to cease their
songs, and to ensnare his heart with games and pleasures to prevent him from leaving.
But signs of the time of departure appear, such as trees ceasing their blooming, drums
and tambourines breaking when struck and making no sound, and the whole city being
overcome by sleep (LV 14/292).
93
In the upper storey, explained in inscription 11, the Bodhisattva asks for his father’s
permission to leave the palace (LV 15/301), as found in the next chapter “The departure
from home”. Through a window we see king Śuddhodana – identified by his Tibetan
headgear – seated in a room embellished with textile valances. The second person must
be the Bodhisattva. He tells the king that he will not leave the palace if old age never
takes hold of him, nor illness or death; the king is overcome with sorrow at these
words, as this cannot be done. He “restrains his attachment and controlling his love for
his son” and says “May you do great good in the world. May you rejoice in liberating
beings” (LV 15/303).
94
However, when the prince returned to the palace, his father commanded that all gates
be closed, locked and guarded and that music must be played. But then the Four
Mahārājas entered the capital, and informed the yakṣas that the Bodhisattva will depart
(LV 15/306). So the gods put all the people in the city of Kapilavastu to sleep. Śakra
opened the gates and showed the Bodhisattva the way out. The text states the
Bodhisattva entered into the thoughts of dharma and wished “May I be able to free all
beings chained tight by the strong bonds of desire!” (LV 15/308). At that instance a
devaputra caused the women’s apartment to appear disagreeable and unpleasant. “The
Bodhisattva looked at the entire gathering of women […] he saw that some had torn
clothing and dishevelled hair, […] some were lying naked, coarse bodies in view […] the
Bodhisattva indeed had the impression of a cemetery” (LV 15/310-311). The
Bodhisattva thought these creatures were miserable-looking, and revulsion welled up
within him. He formed for himself a clear consciousness of the pure and penetrated the
idea of the impureness of the body: “Having seen this, what wise man would not look
upon his own body as an enemy?” (LV 15/315).
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95
And the devaputras spoke: “Ah, truly, he is as deep as the ocean; it is impossible to take
his measure. And truly, the mind of the one without attachment does not attach itself
to sense objects” (LV 15/315).
96
The image at Dungkar shows the Bodhisattva on the roof, standing orientated to the
right side, towards the image of the departure group; as described in the text, the
Bodhisattva arose facing the east, and went to the palace roof. “Looking into the
expanse of heaven, he saw the large community of masters of the gods […] holding
flowers, incense, perfumes […] monastic garments and parasols” all bowing before him.
The prince called Chandaka to bring the king of horses decorated with his ornaments.
The text recounts that Chandaka again asked the Bodhisattva not to wander forth as a
monk, but the Bodhisattva replied because of desire he has endured hundreds of
sufferings in the course of his previous lives (LV 15/322), bound by the net of ignorance
and confusion. He shall now be the lord of the dharma.
97
In the upper right part of the panel are shown various scenes connected with the
departure. To the right of the uppermost storey we see the prince on his noble horse,
led by a group of gods; among them Brahmā is clearly visible. The text recounts this
event in ornate verses: He mounted the king of horses, “white as the disk of the full
moon, and the whole earth shakes” (LV 15/333), and he travelled through the sky with
Kaṇṭhaka: “The Guardians of the World lift the best of horses with their hands, pure as
a spotless lotus” and Śakra and Brahmā go before him to show the best route
(LV 15/334).
98
In the middle section of the right side on the border of the next panel the Bodhisattva
cuts his hair with his sword, and Chandaka is shown seated in front of him. After the
tonsure he threw his hair to the wind. The Thirty-three gods collected his hair to do it
honor and a stupa was erected there, as is depicted above. The black strands of hair are
held by an airborne divinity clearly shown in the upper right corner, above the stupas.
99
Beneath this the princely horse is shown with lowered head walking towards the
palace, perhaps led by Chandaka. This illustrates the moment after the Bodhisattva had
handed his horse and his ornaments to Chandaka, asking him to return to the palace
(LV 15/338)43. Devaputras then carried the Bodhisattva's garments, and Chandaka led
the horse Kaṇṭhaka to the palace (LV 15/342).
100
In the meantime, the king and Gopā had found the Bodhisattva’s couch empty; in
despair they ordered messengers to find the young prince. They questioned Chandaka,
who told them that the prince will not return (LV 15/341). On the right of the upper
storey of the palace a person is shown standing in a doorway This could be the king
(once again wearing a characteristic woollen cloak typical of depictions of him) looking
for his son.
101
In the lowest section to the right of the palace a group of persons appears. This could
be the scene when Chandaka “leading the great horse and carrying the
ornaments […] returned to the garden of the palace”44. Family members of the prince
receive the horse without the Bodhisattva and fall into despair.
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Panel 14: austerities, giving up asceticism and
recuperating on the banks of the Nairañjanā river
102
The following panel deals with the Bodhisattva’s practices which lead to his final path
to the seat of Enlightenment (figs 51, 52). The various stories combined in the panel
lead from one wall to the next, with the river Nairañjanā as the connection between the
two walls. On this river the Bodhisattva as a wandering monk met various people who
became aware of his greatness. He first performed and then gave up fasting, and he
received his first meal from the village cow-herding girl Sujātā. These episodes are
from the LV chapters 16 “The visit with Bimbisāra”, 17 “Practice of austerities”, 18
“Nairañjanā river” and 19 “The walk toward Bodhimaṇḍa”.
Figure 51. Dungkar, cave 1
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
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Figure 52. Dungkar, cave 1
© drawing by Huo Wei, Li Yongxian, Zhang Changhong from Huo Wei et al. 2008, with adaptations by
John Harrison and Christiane Kalantari, 2018
103
Chapter 16 begins with the story of the Bodhisattva who has donned the saffroncoloured garments to become an itinerant monk. Wandering with an alms bowl, he
started on the path to the Bodhimaṇḍa. On this path he met various people, and the
Bodhisattva informs them of his intention to teach the dharma. At first, he visits king
Bimbisāra45 who wished to see the excellent being and offered half of his kingdom. The
Bodhisattva replied he is no long attracted by the qualities of desire, whereupon the
king requested him to share the teaching when he has attained Enlightenment
(LV 16/368).
104
In the upper right corner of the narrative space two episodes of these encounters
appear to be depicted. They are shown in small image fields one above the other with
indecipherable inscriptions. Although these two encounters are described in the text
before the Bodhisattva’s austerities at the Nairañjanā river, in the composition here
they are shown on the right side, and thus “after” the fasting scenes.
105
In the lower field the Bodhisattva sits on a chair in front of a person who appears to be
of high rank; perhaps king Bimbsāra of Magadha. However, the Bodhisattva is shown
seated, unlike the account in the Lalitavistara where he is described as a wandering
monk with an offering bowl. In the painting, a man with a turban and a tight-fitting
Kashmir-style jacket appears to converse with the Bodhisattva. This most likely
represents Bimbisāra who is shown in a very similar attire in a preaching scene after
the Enlightenment.
106
In the upper field we see the Bodhisattva seated with four or five men standing in front
of him. This could be the story of the encounter with Rudraka, the son of Rāma, that is
recounted in the following chapter 17 of the Lalitavistara. We see a group of ascetics
(which perhaps also includes the Five men of good family who came and were
practicing under Rudraka as recounted in the text). The text informs us that Rudraka
was dwelling in Rājagṛha with an assembly of seven hundred disciples and taught them
ascetic practices. The Bodhisattva thought if he does not practice austerities, Rudraka
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will not respect him, and the Bodhisattva will not be able to demonstrate superiority of
his meditation and to refute Rudraka’s false teachings which are transitory and limited
(LV 17/373). The Five men were satisfied with the Bodhisattva’s reasoning and
determination to practice asceticism and they attached themselves to him (LV 17/375).
They appear again in subsequent scenes.
107
After this decision, the Bodhisattva goes to the Nairañjanā river depicted on the left
side of the image field; the river is described as having pure water and beautiful
waterfalls surrounded by pastures. There his mind was extremely content and he
decided to practice asceticism. In the upper left corner we see the Bodhisattva engaging
in extreme austerities; he sits on the bare earth in monk’s dress under a tree,
demonstrating the method of nourishing the body with only a single juniper berry,
sesame seed and grain of rice; his emaciated body “with a rib cage like an old stable”
(LV 17/387) is clearly visible. Two herder boys collecting cow dung in their wicker bags
flank him; as recounted in the text they smear dust on him because they take him for a
dust goblin. The right one has his arm raised and appears to put grass into the
Bodhisattva’s ears (LV 17/390).
108
Below the emaciated Bodhisattva sits a man, arms in head in front of a woman 46. This
seems to be the Bodhisattva who already left the meditation under the tree, after
realizing that strict asceticism would not lead to Enlightenment. It is described in the
next chapter 18 of the Lalitavistara. The woman could thus be Sujātā, one of the village
girls, who reportedly kept offering food (LV 17/404); she will later also offer the first
meal to the Bodhisattva at the Nairañjanā47.
109
The text of the Lalitavistara states that it now occurred to the Bodhisattva that brahmin
priests and śramaṇas, eating meagrely and tormenting their bodies, do not attain the
highest wisdom, and thus such practices do not bring an end to future birth, old age,
death and suffering. “On a path where one become exhausted and weak, one cannot
manifest complete Enlightenment” (LV 17/403). Here again two scenes – fasting and
renunciation – which happen at different points of time, but which are thematically
linked, have been combined.
110
Below are gods, perhaps with Brahmā among them, who witness the austerities just as
the Lalitavistara states that also the gods, nāgas, yakṣas and gandharvas and so on
witnessed the virtues of the Bodhisattva (LV 17/390). In the lowest zone appear to be
persons, at least one of them in Tibetan attire, echoing the passage that king
Śuddhodana sent a messenger to the Bodhisattva every day. On the other hand, they
may be meant to portray donors.
111
In the next scenes along the river the Bodhisattva decides to recuperate from strict
fasting, bathes, dresses and meets the Five men and the milk maiden Sujātā to restore
his body as described in chapter 18.
112
The story in the Lalitavistara continues with the criticism by the Five men of good
family of the Bodhisattva’s relinquishing austerity, but this is joined with the first meal
in the Sujātā scene. The painted story starts in the left upper corner of the wall with
the washing of clothes after his years of austerity. We see the Bodhisattva picking up a
cloth; the text informs it is from a maidservant of the village, Radha by name, who had
served Sujātā, who had died and was wrapped in a hempen cloth.
113
The Bodhisattva asked for water to wash the rag (LV 18/405). The gods then struck the
earth there, and a pond appeared (LV 18/408), as depicted below. The wicked Māra
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constructed the pond with high banks, but the Bodhisattva asked the tree goddess to
lower a branch of the tree, so that he could climb out of the pond (LV 18/249.) Then he
obtained a stone (depicted in the uppermost corner, figs 51, 52) and washed the dustcloth himself with the stone in accordance with the obligations of a wandering monk
(LV 12/406). However, the text recounts gods offered various garments dyed with
saffron, such as are suitable to a “mendicant” (Skt. śramaṇa); he took them, and dressed
himself in a monk’s garment; then he went to the village.
114
In the lowest zone of the figure 51, is the Bodhisattva near the Nairañjanā river with
the Five men of good family who were disappointed to see that he had given up
austerity and who turned away; they were on their way to Sārnāth to sojourn in the
Deer park (LV 18/404), the place of the First Sermon. The Five are depicted again later
both in the Enlightenment scene (to the left) and the First Sermon, as they are among
the first to hear his teaching.
115
Then the maidens, with offering bowls, approach the Bodhisattva from the right; they
had served him during his austerity. In the figure 52, the Bodhisattva sits on a stool and
Sujātā brings the honeyed milk rice, as the gods have told her that he needs a
substantial food. Thus, here again two episodes are joined into one scene, that of the
encounter with the Five ascetics and with Sujātā. Chronologically, they are not
sequential, but there exists a spatial connection with the river and they are both
thematically associated with taking nourishment after practicing austerities.
116
In the painting Sujātā offers the Bodhisattva a bowl, described in the Lalitavistara as
golden; he took the bowl full of food with him and later arrived at the Nairañjanā river.
Placing the bowl and his garment to one side, he entered the river to refresh himself, as
depicted in the mural (fig. 52). The text says: “several hundreds of thousands of
devaputras rendered homage by filling the river with aloes and powders of sandal wood
and tossing into the water heavenly flowers of many colors” (LV 18/408-409). Some of
the figures in the river may relate to this passage.
117
In the left lower corner of the figure 51, to the right of the river is a figure holding a
bowl. It is said that after the Bodhisattva had bathed, the daughters of the nāgas who
resided there brought a throne, where the Bodhisattva sat and ate his milk rice; then he
threw the golden bowl into the river without a thought of attachment (LV 18/409).
118
In the lower left corner is an image field or text field and above it an apsara or nāga,
recalling the passage in the Lalitavistara: gods scooped up the water and took it away to
their abode, and built a caitya (sacred place consecrated with Buddhist relics) there 48. In
the upper right corner are teaching scenes which in the Lalitavistara take place before
the austerity at the Nairañjanā river, but they are depicted as separate panels on the
right, subordinated to the events at the river. We have seen already in the “competition
field” (figs 46, 47) that the narrative direction is not always from left to right. As these
scenes are concerned with meditation practices, it thus appears appropriate that they
are shown in the context of fasting and giving up severe austerities at the Nairañjanā
which strengthens the location as the organizing principle of compositions.
Panel 15: walking toward Bodhimaṇḍa, temptation of
Māra and Enlightenment (inscription 12)
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Figure 53. Dungkar, cave 1
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
Figure 54. Dungkar, cave 1
© drawing by Huo Wei, Li Yongxian, Zhang Changhong from Huo Wei et al. 2008, with adaptations by
John Harrison and Christiane Kalantari, 2018
119
This part of the Lalitavistara (chapters 19-21) recounts the events during the
Bodhisattva’s advance on foot to the Bodhimaṇḍa to achieve the perfect and complete
Enlightenment and to overcome the army of Māra (figs 53-57). Chapter 19 “The walk
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toward Bodhimaṇḍa”, begins: “Monks, after the Bodhisattva had bathed himself in the
Nairañjanā river, after he had eaten and regained his strength and vitality, in order to
triumph completely over Māra, he turned toward the foot of the great tree of
Enlightenment. […] He walked with the stride of firm mind, indestructible like the
vajra […] a stride […] showing the road of deliverance, […] clearing away saṃsāra”
(LV 19/415-416).
Figure 55. Dungkar, cave 1, detail, nāga king Kālika and the nāga queen praising the Bodhisattva
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
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Figure 56, Dungkar, cave 1, detail
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
Figure 57. Dungkar, cave 1, detail
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
120
After a description of the eruption of beauty in nature as he walked to the Bodhimaṇḍa,
the text recounts the different humans and gods that the Bodhisattva encountered on
his path towards the seat of Enlightenment49. These meetings are illustrated on the left
(figs 54, 55), featuring three scenes in separate stacked registers. As confirmed by
inscription 12, the top scene (fig. 55) shows the nāga king Kālika and the nāga queen
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praising the Bodhisattva and worshipping his feet, venerating him together with the
nāga maidens50.
121
The identity of the royal or aristocratic family, depicted in the middle field in Tibetan
attire, is unclear; in general, persons in local garb can be associated either with the
Bodhisattva’s family in this cycle, or with the donors who are frequently depicted in
the lowest part of the murals.
122
The third panel at the bottom most probably shows the Five men of good family. They
have the same attire as those in the Nairañjanā scene. They left the Bodhisattva when
he gave up austerity; however, they are among the first who receive his teachings after
the Enlightenment.
123
In the Lalitavistara version of the story, the final encounter before approaching the
bodhi tree (sacred tree under which the Buddha meditated and was enlightenend) is the
meeting with the grass cutter Swastika; however, it appears that this is not illustrated
here. Swastika gave a bundle of the softest kuśa grass (grass on which the Buddha sat
under the bodhi tree) for the seat of Enlightenment on which the Bodhisattva sat down
(LV 19/436) proclaiming that he will not move until he has obtained Enlightenment
(LV 19/439).
124
There follows in the Lalitavistara a glowing description of the miracles and healings
which occur, and of the outburst of beauty in nature as the Bodhisattva walked to the
Bodhimaṇḍa: “O Monks, the road from the river Nairañjanā leading up to Bodhimaṇḍa
was cleansed by the gods of the winds and the clouds; it was sprinkled with perfumed
water by the devaputras of the rain clouds who strew flowers down upon it […] Each
jeweled dais was encircled by jeweled staircases of pearl and lapis lazuli. The calls of
thrushes, cranes, and geese, of swans, herons, and peacocks enlivened the air. [… On]
each platform apsarases singing sweet melodies assembled into groups of fifty
thousand and played concerts on divine instruments” (LV 19/417-418). “Instruments
played while flowers rained down. Thousands of floating banners were waving in the
breeze”51.
125
Later in the Lalitavistara text the abode of the Buddha-to-be is described as adorned
with: “[…] many trees, and at the feet of all these trees stood lion thrones […] covered
with heavenly cloths […] and thrones of precious jewels” (LV 19/437).
126
As already stated, the splendour of the Bodhimaṇḍa – and in particular the tree – is
described in great detail in this chapter. In the Dungkar painting, the Bodhisattva is
shown performing bhūmisparśa under the bodhi tree in a circular aureole, described in
the text as a “circle of lapislazuli”. “And the goddesses of the bodhi tree, […] beautified
the tree, wonderful and radiant, the tree entirely delighted the mind. […] here at the
centre of the three thousand great thousand of worlds, the earth was unchangeable, its
essence immutable, its nature that of a diamond” (LV 19/424). The sumptuous throne is
represented in great detail, looking like a mountain-shaped hill, or a pedestal made of
jewels, alternating red and blue colour, recalling the passage in the Lalitavistara
describing the bejeweled throne which appeared to honor the Bodhisattva. Then the
Bodhisattva entered into the contemplation called lalitavyūha (LV 19/438).
127
Chapter 20 of the Lalitavistara, “The displays at Bodhimaṇḍa”, praises the Buddha-to-be
dwelling at the Bodhimaṇḍa. We can see (figs 53, 54) the about-to-be Buddha, the ocean
of virtues, sitting in meditation, “eclipsing all other light in all the ten
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directions” (LV 20/444)52. This is illustrated in the image by the light aureole behind the
Bodhisattva.
128
The Lalitavistara’s chapter 21 “The defeat of Māra” recounts the victory over the lord of
the realm of desire and the turning of the thoughts of the devaputras of Māra's realm
toward Enlightenment (LV 21/457). We see (fig. 57) distorted and grotesque images of
demons with corpulent bodies, with frightening expressions and with hair standing on
end, holding weapons, but also loud instruments such as cymbals and drums. These are
the troops, the men and sons that Māra assembled, the “allies of darkness” attempting
to frighten and to strike the Bodhisattva who sits alone at the foot of the king of trees
(LV 21/461). The Lalitavistara explains that Māra’s soldiers were “endowed with the
ability to change their faces into many different shapes and to transform themselves in
a hundred million ways” (LV 21/463). The text further informs us that their bodies were
protected by fine coats of armor. On the right side of the figures 53 and 57 bellies with
fierce faces and demonic forms on them are depicted.
129
Below the seat we see a dark figure with its feet pushing up trying to shake the throne
and chasing away the Bodhisattva, recalling the text stating: “They stirred up the great
seas and shook mount Meru, king of mountains. They threw their limbs from side to
side, uttering great screams of laughter, in the attempt to frighten the Bodhisattva”.
The frightful yakṣas advanced brandishing wheels of fire and – as clearly shown on the
right side of the figure 53 – hurled iron balls and stones. One figure on the right has the
head of an animal, recalling the passage: “[…] some had ears like goats, elephant, or
boar, some had stomachs like pitchers, with raucous voices, ugly, harsh and
frightening, they called out to strike Śramaṇa Gautama and the tree” (LV 21/465). On
the right we see a muscular man brandishing a sword with a jagged blade, and below
another throws stones towards the Bodhisattva. Māra’s army filled the air, with
numerous terrors, occupying entirely the three thousand of worlds.
130
Then the Lalitavistara text recounts the disputation among Māra's sons. Those on the
right reportedly claim they can defeat the Bodhisattva, and those on the left say the
Bodhisattva cannot be defeated. The ignorant sons say they should excite his desires
with music, and apsaras, but the wise ones state he finds no pleasure in the joys of
passion, his pleasure is in the dharma, contemplation and in the meaning of
immortality, love, and delivering all beings (LV 21/474). And they ask their father to
withdraw: “Yet, even as he views these shocking forms, the mind of the one with the
signs of virtue, shining in his glory like mount Meru, remains unmoved” (LV 21/468).
131
As the Buddha-to-be sits still in meditation, abiding in the dharma, he reflects: “These
who think ‘I’ and ‘mine’ are attached to themselves, and to other things. These wise
who see this condition of grasping become intent on breaking free” (LV 21/468). Then
the Bodhisattva said to Māra: “[…] through a single offering freely made you have
become head of the empire of desire; but I have freely made hundreds of millions of
offerings” (LV 21/480). Māra replies that he made an irreproachable offering that the
Bodhisattva witnessed, but that the Bodhisattva has no witness to offer evidence to
support his claim and so will be conquered (LV 21/481).
132
Then Bodhisattva, who during innumerable “aeons” (Skt. kalpas) had accumulated
virtue, asked Māra to take the earth as his witness. With his right hand he first touched
all parts of his body, and then he gently touched the earth (LV 21/481). He stated, “This
earth, the home of all beings, is impartial and free of malice toward everything which
moves or does not move” (LV 21/482). When he touched the great earth, it trembled
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and the earth goddess appeared (and with her other earth goddesses), and revealed the
whole great half of her body, as shown in the image. She praised him, and spoke to the
Bodhisattva: “Just so, Great Beings53. It is indeed as you have declared! We appear to
attest it. Moreover, O Bhagavat, you yourself have become the supreme witness of both
the human and god realm. In truth, you are the purest of all beings” (LV 21/482).
Having heard the voice of the goddess, Māra and his army became terrified and fled
(LV 21/483).
133
Then – depicted in the lowest part on the right of the figures 53 and 56 – Māra sent his
daughters to display their charms and excite the desire of the Bodhisattva. One sees
three half-naked females, described in the Lalitavistara as the illusory daughters of
Māra, intoxicated with passion, arrogance, and pride (LV 21/484-490); on the left the
same three women are shown as old and ugly hags. The text recounts that some of
them showed off their firm round breasts, some stretched out their rounded arms, just
as illustrated in the image. Their garments were loosely belted or transparent,
revealing the curves of the waists, while others were dancing or singing in order to
excite the Bodhisattva (LV 21/484). But he remained calm, his body unaffected and
glorious, saying “there is no satisfaction to be found in […] desiring women. […] Desires
collect much suffering; desires indeed are the root of suffering” (LV 21/487-488). He
continued: “I do not dwell with either passion or hatred; I do not see anything of
permanence, attraction, or self; I do not dwell with what is pleasant or unpleasant; like
the wind in the sky, my mind is completely free” (LV 21/489).
134
The Bodhisattva told Māra’s daughters that his pleasure is in the dharma, his mind is
not delighted with the objects of the senses (LV 21/490), and he sees the body as
“unclean and impure, filled with worms, fragile and enveloped in suffering”
(LV 21/493). He states that beings who understand wrongdoing will surely be set free
(LV 21/494).
135
Some of Māra’s daughters then fled in shame while others bowed down the to feet of
the Bodhisattva praising him. In the painted image (fig. 56), they are shown as
emaciated old women, full of sorrow; in the text they inform their father that the
Bodhisattva knows the true nature of the body, and his thoughts are profound
(LV 21/496). They asked Māra and his army to turn their backs on him. Then the
devaputras declared Māra defeated, but the demons did not turn away. They attacked
again (LV 21/506). Some fell back, their feet and hand twisted around, and their eyes
emitted sparkling flashes (LV 21/507).
136
The Bodhisattva again extended his right arm and called the earth as his witness; when
he touched the earth it resounded like a bronze vase that has been struck, knocking
Māra down to the ground (LV 21/508). “The goddess of the tree of wisdom, moved with
pity, takes water and sprinkles the ally of darkness, saying: Arise quickly! Depart
without delay” (LV 21/509).
137
Māra’s army has thus been put to rout‚ and finally Māra regrets that “for not listening
to the gentle and wise words of my sons, for having offended a pure being, I have today
obtained great suffering, fright, misfortune, sorrow and ruin” (LV 21/510). Then the
gods, asuras (powerful demigods), garuḍas (mythic bird-like beings), and kinnara s
(mythic hybrid creatures), all hail in triumph; they offer garlands of pearls, standards,
and banners. They rain down flowers while musical instruments play. The Lalitavistara
chapter concludes with the gods rejoicing: “O Here, having gently overcome by your
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love the forces of the crafty demon, here on the best of seats you will today obtain
incomparable Enlightenment” (LV 21/510).
138
The sumptuous seat of Enlightenment marking the central event of the life story, which
is described in detail in chapters 22 “Attaining perfect and complete Enlightenment”
and 23 “Praise” of the LV is not only shown in the form of a jeweled throne base below
the excellent bodhi tree (fig. 53). In addition, the lavish descriptions of the environment
and the rich treasures which showered from the heaven are visualized in the medium
of painting throughout the narrative cycle as well as in other parts of the sacred space.
The signs which appeared include apsaras showering flowers and honorific textiles
(LV 23/539) and adorning the sky with silks, pearls, bells and lotus flowers
(LV 23/552-3), as well as circling birds and rows of tāla trees (see footnote 51), as
depicted on the ceiling of the cave temple (figs 7, 58-61). Thus motifs from Buddha’s life
extend to other parts of the overall decoration oft he cave. In particular, the ceiling was
deemed suitable for events located in the air or in heaven, such as animals swirling in
the air54 or “flying Buddhas” 55 – the latter referring to miracle stories in which the
Buddha was able to fly. Also, the acrobats and atlantes supporting the ceiling’s rafters
at Dungkar (from the illusion of a lantern ceiling) are adapted from such descriptions in
the Māra episode. The assimilation of these motifs on the ceiling’s design is in line with
the urge of spatialization; the aesthetic principle to represent the logic of a palpable
reality finds its counterparts in the aesthetics of the overall decoration of sacred space
in this period.
Figure 58. Dungkar, cave 1, detail of the ceiling’s depictions
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
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Figure 59. Dungkar, cave 1, detail of the ceiling’s depictions
© Rob Linrothe, 2005
Figure 60. Dungkar, cave 1, detail of the ceiling’s depictions
© Rob Linrothe, 2005
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Figure 61. Dungkar, cave 1, detail of the ceiling’s depictions
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
139
All these are the material riches, outbursts of nature and fertility, and sensual treasures
that render homage to the “lamp of wisdom”, “which can awaken this world and those
who listen to the Dharma”, as described in the Lalitavistara text. They function to
eulogize the sumptuous throne of the Noble one, the King of the dharma, and to praise
the perfect and complete Enlightenment56.
140
In general, the Lalitavistara is not only a medium to disseminate abstract philosophical
ideas and moral values. The text attempts to narrate the Buddha’s life story vivaciously,
trying to appeal to an emotional identification by the onlooker. It describes in
abundance the visual pleasures and beauty of thrones, jewels, ornaments, textiles,
flowers, perfumes57, trees and animals, suggesting a world where nature and humans
are not regarded as separate entities. These descriptions of beauty and exuberance
express the superb quality of the family in which the Bodhisattva was born as the pure
abode, the magnificence of the Buddha-realm, the excellent nature of the Buddha and
his teaching, and the rejoice of nature at the moment of his Enlightenment. In later
temples of Dungkar and at Alchi various references to the Buddha’s magnificence as
described in the LV are depicted also on the ceilings, transforming the temple to the
sumptuous abode of the Enlightened One as described in the sutra text.
Dating, artistic context and stylistic attribution
141
Nothing concrete is known about the founders and patrons who sponsored the
12th century west Tibetan monuments, and of their programme designers 58. The
construction of the Dungkar temples appears to coincide with the period in which the
main seat of the Guge kings (after rTse lde) was transferred from Tholing to Dungkar,
but we have no clues for the dating of the caves 59. One can only try to approximate the
time-frame from the style and iconography of the paintings. The Dungkar paintings
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belong to a strand of the Western Himalayan painting tradition geographically centred
on the Guge kingdom which continues a painterly Indo-Tibetan style (figs 62, 63);
another example of this style are the temples of Nako situated further to the northwest, in Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh/India, ca. first half 12 th century (figs 69, 70)60. This
style contrasts with the more graphic Kashmir-style predominant in western areas, for
which Alchi is the most prominent example.
Figure 62. Dungkar, cave 1, detail of deity on the entrance wall
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
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Figure 63. Dungkar, cave 1, detail of deity on the entrance wall
© Christiane Kalantari, 2007
142
Dungkar may represent one of the latest royal foundations in the area, founded
towards the end of the 12th century. This late date is suggested on the one hand on the
basis of the iconography, namely by virtue of the prominence of the types of mandala,
in particular the representation of the Guhyasamājamaṇḍala as the religious focus on
the main wall of cave 1 (Luczanits 2004a, p. 118). In addition, the depiction of the
Buddha’s life displays important innovations, both in composition and narrative mode
and in the setting of the life-story: Dungkar’s narrative is perhaps the first extant
example where the complete narrative is set in a Tibetan milieu.
143
There are many stylistic differences with the narratives in the Alchi Dukhang; however,
there are similarities with regard to the narrative mode and the Tibetan setting. This
gives us a further clue to the chronology of Dungkar, as we have a reference point for a
dating of Alchi first proposed by Roger Goepper (1990, 1993). It has been generally
accepted these are provided by lineage depictions with inscriptions in the Sumtsek and
in the “great stupa” of Alchi that give names of the donor and show portraits of a
Drigung (Tib. 'Bri gung) hierarch, Jigten Gönpo (Tib. 'jig rten mgon po), who died in
121761. We thus propose a dating for cave 1 of Dungkar to the second half of the
12th century62.
144
Only a few wall-paintings of the life of the Buddha remain from the early religiousartistic period between the 10th to 13 th centuries in the Western Himalaya63. The first
painted life cycle can be found in the assembly hall of the Tabo “gTsug lag khang” in
Spiti (Himachal Pradesh, India) created around the middle of the 11. th century (figs 11,
12, 64). Chronologically this is followed by the 12th century narratives in the Nako
Lotsaba Lhakhang (of which little survived). The paintings in the Dungkar cave and in
the monuments of Alchi (in the Dukhang, fig. 24, and in the Sumtsek, fig. 65) and in
Mangyu64 (fig. 66) in Ladakh (Jammu and Kashmir, India) are datable to the end of the
12th century to the beginning of the 13th century.
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145
At Tabo the state of preservation of the scenes from Tuṣita to the Birth (including the
Seven Steps) is quite good, but most of the later scenes up to the Enlightenment are
damaged or have been overpainted; only in the central part fragments of the Departure
and the Practice of asceticism are still visible 65. The scenes unroll along the lowest part
of three walls (west, north, east) of the Assembly Hall; they are complemented on the
southern wall by the narrative of Sudhana’s journey (Steinkellner 1996). The scenes up
to the Enlightenment are organized as a continuous frieze in chronological order
without dividers between the episodes. The arrangement of the scenes and the motifs is
still “abstract-formal”. That is, objects and figures are placed on a flat background of
the wall, densely arranged in a stream of scenes which covers the whole wall in a rather
ornamental way, almost like a carpet design. After the scenes from the Lalitavistara
(which end with the first sermon) are episodes such as teachings and miracles; they are
organized in additional independent rectangular panels.
Figure 64. Tabo, assembly hall, Buddha’s life, north wall
© Christiane Kalantari, 2006
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Figure 65. Alchi, Sumtsek, skirt (Skt. dhoṭī) of a colossal Bodhisattva Maitreya depicting the
Buddha’s life
© Christiane Kalantari, 2006
Figure 66. Mangyu, Vairocana I temple, “dispensing gifts to the brahmin”
© Christian Luczanits, 1994 (private archive, CL94 39,2)
146
At Dungkar there is only one narrative, the Buddha’s life, which runs along the lowest
part of the temple’s walls in a clockwise direction starting from the left of the entrance
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(south) and ending at the east wall (covering a small section of the latter). In this phase
one observes a new urge of the painter or programme designer to develop a systematic,
continuous illustration of the complete life story, from Tuṣita heaven to the final
Nirvāṇa. The narrative becomes richer and more detailed and we see a reordering of
the “image inventory”: the episodes are perhaps for the first time arranged in separate
geometric, rectangular panels. The backgrounds of the panels are painted in
alternating colours (blue, red and white) which both separate the panels and unify
them in an overall surface pattern. Another feature distinct from the Tabo life cycle is
that the panels at Dungkar include cartouches with inscriptions and inserts of single or
groups of framed rectangles with additional scenes.
147
This mode of clearly separated scenes can also be found in the Alchi Dukhang and in
the nearby Vairocana I temple at Mangyu, both in Ladakh. However, in the Alchi
Dukhang the scenes are smaller and condensed, and trees are used as scene dividers.
Another significant difference is that in the Ladakhi examples the scenes are arranged
in superimposed registers on one wall, e.g. in the Alchi Dukhang on the entrance wall
to the left of the door. Another format for the Buddha’s life has been used on Maitreya
wrap-around skirt (Skt. dhoṭī) in the Alchi Sumtsek where 48 single scenes are
organized in connected circles mimicking a textile design (Luczanits 2004b; fig. 65 in
this article).
148
At Dungkar the organization of the image fields reflects a fundamentally different
aesthetic compared to earlier 11th century paintings. The picture inventory is newly
distributed shaping a unified scene which is anchored gravitationally on an imaginary
base-line and motifs are weighted to this base-line or ground surface. Take for example
the scene where Māyā asks for permission to practice asceticism (figs 15, 16); there the
throne is a massive piece of furniture standing on the base line and the scene is given
an architectural background in the form of a tent, which shapes an inner unity of the
scene. The birth scene (fig. 28) is another example where the central action is anchored
to a base-line on the lower border of the panel; the whole scene is organized as a
unified, concrete space.
149
Frequently the images at Dungkar are contained within an architectural structure or a
mobile residence. The depiction of architecture or of the interior space of a building
not only defines locality, it has an important role in the spatalization of the image field.
If we compare the scenes of the Tuṣita palace at Tabo and at Dungkar, this new attitude
towards space becomes evident. The structure in this scene at Tabo (figs 11, 12) consists
of multi-lobed arches with a stepped roof on which fabulous creatures rest; this
assemblage of decorative elements borrowed from architecture rather recalls a planar
frame or arcade66. Also the architectural structures in the subsequent scenes at Tabo
recall assemblages of single elements or set pieces which indicate the setting and they
fill the gaps between the motifs in the meandering flow of scenes.
150
In contrast, at Dungkar the depiction of architecture or interior space of a building
creates an imaginary space, giving the convincing illusion of a certain threedimensionality. The building houses the scenes and the figures and objects act in it. A
good example is the Bodhisattva residing in the palace before the departure (figs 49,
50); the palace creates a space of a certain shallow depth and the figures and objects are
submitted to this imaginary three-dimensional building. The whole story evolves in
and around the palace.
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151
Another characteristic principle of space and image construction is that the individual
large image panel is not a strict, impermeable border: frequently single motifs cut the
border and function as visual bridges between two panels such as the empty cart in the
scene of Māyā’s travel to Lumbinī (figs 25, 26); another example is the Bodhisattva with
his bow standing in the panel prior to the competition scene and “shooting” into the
following panel, where the actual competition takes place; this mode helps to dynamize
the narrative and defies the rigid structure of the framed panels (fig. 46).
152
In addition, inscriptions help to link the fields by referring to events depicted in the
next panel. In sum, the narrative at Dungkar provides more variations than the
continuous (first) part of the Tabo narrative, which more or less flows in chronological
order along the plain, flat walls (fig. 64).
153
Concerning the ordering of scenes within a panel, the direction of the scenes is
variable, and the ordering can be flexible; this means the episodes are submitted to the
logic of the imaginary space. Scenes from different phases of the story can be joined if
they match thematically or if they occur at the same location; this system strengthens
the primacy of space and the landscape’s continuum. Take for example the scenes of
the encounters with Sujātā and the Five men (figs 51, 52): both episodes occur at the
Nairañjanā, but at different points of time; here they are depicted together, affirming
the logic of space.
154
Another characteristic of the narrative mode at Dungkar is what Dehejia termed a
“synoptic narration”, whereby multiple episodes from a story are depicted within a
single visual field, but their temporal sequence is not communicated. One example is
the encounters with the hermits Asita and Māheśvara which are fused into one scene
(figs 33-35). A prominent precursor of such narrative techniques is the 8 th century
Kashmiri ivory in the Cleveland Museum of Art featuring the asceticism of the
Bodhisattva (Linrothe 2015), in which three phases of the episode (Austerity, Giving up
of ascetic practice, and the First meal) are condensed into one composition and
represented in a way as if it would be one moment of the story. In the Dungkar scene of
the handover of the crown to Maitreya in Tuṣita heaven (figs 13, 14) two moments of
the action, are shown fused into one scene. This recalls a long exposure in photography
and adds a sense of movement and humanization to the scene. This contrasts with the
narrative at Tabo, where Śākyamuni and Maitreya are shown twice in two
superimposed aureoles, creating independent abstract spaces. In the Sumtsek at Alchi
only one moment – the result of the action – is shown in a rather naturalistic and
economic manner.
155
A specificity of the panels’ pictorial space at Dungkar is the inclusion of inserts of
(single or groups of) framed rectangles for images that show related episodes from the
Lalitavistara. These picture inserts are not always in chronological order, i.e. in the
reading direction from left to right. One example is the Nairañjanā scene (fig. 52) where
the inserts on the right show encounters and conversations which happen before the
First Meal that is depicted on the lower left side (fig. 52); here the smaller episodes are
grouped according to a thematic focus67.
156
Concerning the cartouches with texts, there is frequently a close inner contact between
image and script. Frequently inserts of texts are positioned near figures and “make
them speak”, adding to the tendency towards individualization and of the figures and
the humanization of the narrative.
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157
This new “naturalistic” approach towards pictorial space finds its counterpart in the
figural style. Continuing the painterly Indo-Tibetan style of Nako, we observe a further
development towards individualization. The figural style in this artistic phase displays
an interest in the depiction of scenes in which the figures act in a lively way, full of
movement; they are set into a Tibetan environment replete with motifs of local
material culture, making the story from a remote past perceptible in the here and
now68.
158
The figural types at Dungkar are refined and show a variety of emotional expression. To
this tendency of individualization fits the interest in subtle, organic shading of the
body; one of the best examples are the well-preserved images of the hermit Asita and
Māheśvara (fig. 35). These paintings reflect a master artisan's sensitivity and technical
skills. In contrast, at Tabo the Kashmir-style figures in minor scenes appear rigid, flat,
schematic and graphic with little shading of the body (figs 67, 68). The rather abstract
figure patterns consist of simple graphic shapes for details of the face and
characteristic almond-shaped forms for eyes, which protrude out of the silhouette of
the face; these decorative figural forms find their counterparts in the objects which are
densely decorated with ornamental patterns which cast a quasi-ornamental unity of
the whole.
Figure 67. Tabo, assembly hall of the Main temple (Tib. gTsug lag khang), Bodhisattva in the
ambulatory, mid-11th century
© Christiane Kalantari, 2006
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Figure 68. Tabo Assembly Hall, painted cycle in the lowest zone showing the birth of the
Bodhisattva and the bath
© Christiane Kalantari, 2006
159
The narratives in the temples of Dungkar and the early temples of Alchi (1200-1220)
share a common “Zeitstil” (style of a specific time) period style in terms of composition
of the narratives in single panels. However, the rendering of the figures is quite
different: at Alchi a rather graphic, ornamental Kashmir-informed tradition is at work.
As we have seen, at Dungkar a more painterly style prevails in the tradition of the IndoTibetan idiom (figs 62, 63). A similar tradition prevails in the temples of Nako
(ca. 12th century; figs 69, 70); (Luczanits 2015; Kalantari 2016). All this makes an
attribution of the Dungkar paintings to the second half of the 12 th century plausible.
160
Regarding the iconography, at Dungkar many themes were newly implemented as
images. The narrative at Tabo appears less extensive, more straightforward and more
concise than in the later paintings at Dungkar and Alchi. Scenes such as the episodes of
Māyā asking for consent to practice austerity and of the Bodhisattva in the womb of
Māyā do not occur at Tabo. The latter episode is also found in the Alchi Dukhang
(fig. 24). While at Dungkar this episode is depicted as a palace in which the young
prince rests, at Alchi the event is shown as the majestic, deified image of Māyā, residing
on a lotus, representing the “jeweled sanctum of the Bodhisattva”. She is depicted in
hieratic form and larger than the figures surrounding her. This means the new ideals of
spatialization and humanisation – taking somehow the magic of the sacred – had to be
balanced by a hieratization of the main figure.
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Figure 69. Nako, Lotsaba lhakhang, Indic deities in the mandala
© Christian Jahoda, 2006
Figure 70. Nako, Upper temple, main wall, Bodhisattva in a shrine
© Christiane Kalantari, 2006
161
This illustrates that the programme designers at Dungkar found individual ways and
formulations based on the Lalitavistara and related sources , and it appears that no
canonical pictorial models existed as yet. At Mangyu69 (fig. 66) completely new and
singular scenes are illustrated, such as the “Royal couple dispensing gifts to the
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brahmin ascetic” which occurred after the Dream of Māyā. This expansion of themes
leads to a new visual and narrative richness.
162
While the designers of the programme at Dungkar used the Lalitavistara and related
texts or oral transmissions for the creation of some of the new images (and perhaps
also visual models), for well-known and popular scenes – such as the central scene of
Māra’s Assault and Enlightenment – a long image tradition existed. For example both in
Eastern Bengal (Bautze-Picron 1992) and in the Himalayas (including Nepal: Pal 2003,
pp. 50-51; Heller 2009, fig. 79) the event is shown in much detail. Such scenes appear
much earlier at Dunhuang as well (Whitfield & Otsuka 1996, p. 189). It cannot be
excluded that visual models circulated in the form of larger portable objects such as
paintings on cloth70. An example for a detailed scene of Māra’s Assault in the Western
Himalaya is the title page of a manuscript at Pooh (Himachal Pradesh, India; fig. 71); it
is a densely filled scene in which the demons harass the Buddha and different
grotesque forms are portrayed in great detail and with a great sense of variation 71
(Allinger & Kalantari 2012). Interesting in this context is the appearance of the
daughters of Māra who, in the Himalayas, are frequently depicted at the moment of the
Enlightenment (Pal 2003, pp. 50-51; Allinger & Kalantari 2012) 72.
Figure 71. Prajñāpāramitā MS, Pooh, Kinnaur/ H.P, India, frontispiece, detail with “Enlightenment
scene on the left side of the folio”
© Christiane Kalantari, 2006
163
In Dungkar, and the Western Himalaya in general, there was an urge to represent the
Enlightenment in visual richness. Therefore, various motifs (for example the demons,
and the horrors spread by the adversaries of the Buddha) were illustrated, taking
inspiration from detailed textual descriptions. The urge to find new visual solutions
allowed a certain freedom of imagination for the Western Tibetan artist (fig. 71).
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164
From the fact that on the Maitreya skirt in the Alchi Sumtsek 32 of the 48 scenes are
devoted to the Life of the Buddha up to the Great Departure, while the remaining
themes are rather reduced, we can deduce that there was a vital interest in the
depiction and eulogy of the royal household of the Buddha in the later phases. An
enormous variation is found in the scenes of aristocratic pastimes, lifestyles and
material culture73. In general, we find an emphasis on visual abundance and sensual
pleasure in the depictions, which is characteristic for the descriptions of the royal
abode of the Buddha in the Lalitavistara and which appear as signs when he reached
Enlightenment. Thus, they are mainly symbolic of his magnificence.
165
Such displays of splendour must have conformed to the self-representations of the
sponsoring elite, among whom women played prominent roles as founders and
sponsors of temples. The mother of the Buddha features prominently in various scenes
not only as giving birth to him but also in textually-based portrayals of her, where she
is shown in the sumptuous robe of a Tibetan queen. Her powers as nourisher and
protectress are also portrayed in original forms74. We have already indicated that at
Dungkar one finds an increase in the number of scenes with an emphasis on the royal
household of Śākyamuni. In addition, in the depiction of material culture in the life
cycle at Dungkar we observe a transition from the overall Indic environment depicted
at Tabo to the setting of the story in Tibetan material cultural terms. There is
continuity between depictions of the living courtly sponsors of the paintings and the
characters in the narratives. This is in line with the concept of Religious Kingship
instigated by the Royal Lama Yeshe Ö in the 10th century (Jahoda & Kalantari 2015). By
contrast, the paintings at Alchi and Mangyu represent a unique aesthetic-cultural
multi-lingualism of Tibetan and Kashmiri courtly culture in interaction with Iranicate
signs of luxury art and prestige75. In conclusion, the article provides the first overview
of the previously understudied narrative at Dungkar cave 1 and an identification of the
complete cycle up to the Enlightenment. Despite the damaged condition of the
paintings, there is much to be learned about the overall development of Western
Himalayan narrative art by close observation of the formatting, spacing, and textual
relationships. Using documentations generated through multi-sited and multidisciplinary research in historical Western Tibet (Tsamda/Ngari, Spiti and Ladakh) the
article asseses the art-historical context and it assembles a bigger picture on the
transformations of contents and styles of life stories of the Buddha and the variety of
narrative modes developed in the early Buddhist temples in region up to the
13th century.
Acknowledgements
166
Research for this article has been conducted within the research project “Materiality
and Material in Tibet”, funded by the Innovation Fund “Research, Science and Society”,
Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna, in a multi-disciplinary team under the direction
of Dr. Christian Jahoda. Our thanks are due to Christian Jahoda, Christian Luczanits,
Kurt Tropper and Zhang Changhong. We are very thankful to Rob Linrothe for
discussions, clarifications, suggestions and corrections of the text at various stages of
its preparation. We dedicate this two-part publication to the late Prof. Tsering Gyalpo
with whom we first documented the site in 2007.
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NOTES
1. Tib. rTsa mda’ rdzong (see Gyalpo 2006, p. 173).
2. Yeshe Ö played a significant role in the Buddhist transformation of the region. In a joint effort
with the Great Translator Rinchen Zangpo (Tib. Rin chen bzang po, 958-1055), he supported the
translation of sacred texts from Sanskrit to Tibetan and sent promising students to Kashmir in
his effort towards the establishment of a “pure” Mahāyāna doctrine in Western Tibet.
3. Stoddard (2004, p. 93) has put it as follows: “Lha Bla ma Ye shes ’od’s two sons are well known,
however his daughter, Lha’i Me tog […] deserves better fame, since it appears that she is the
founder of the now famous Dung dkar cave temple, in ca. 1000, and thus was the first princess
among the patrons of the early Phyi dar […]”. According to mNga’ ris rgyal rabs (cf. Vitali 1996,
p. 114) she was ordained and founded the Kre wel dbu sde temple. Whether this temple and the
community of nuns can be related to the cave sanctuaries of Dungkar known to us cannot be
stated with certainty. Cf. Vitali’s statement (1996, p. 274): “Kre.wel, a temple unknown to me”.
However, Vaiḍūrya ser po mentions the monastery Dung dkar bKra shis chos gling and that lHa’i
Me tog supported 30 monks at this place long before this temple’s foundation (ibid., pp. 274-275).
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4. The nearby Zhag cave, Be (Tib. ’Bye) valley, Phyiwang (Tib. Phyi dbang) near Dungkar appear
to belong to the same religious-artistic phase.
5. Tucci states in his 1937 report: “L'esplorazine delle grotte intorno a Dunkar ci serba sorprese;
erano probabilmente cappelle di anacoreti e luoghi di meditazione, […] Pietà di discepoli abbellì
queste grotte, levigiò le pareti, fece più alte le volte e le ricoperse con superbe
pitture, […] avvenire, a giudicare dallo stile, intorna al XV secolo: Non c'è superficie, che non sia
stata mirabilmente affrescata […] Il lavoro è così accurato, i colori così vivi, i disegni così vari che
il soffitto sembra ricoperto da delicatissime stoffe ricamete. Neppure in Tsaparang né in Toling
ho ammirato lavore d'arte più raffinata; evidentemente questi affreschi di Dunkar sono veri
capolavori della pittura die Guge nella sua piena maturità” (Tucci 1978, pp. 137-138) [The
exploration of Dungkar provided surprises; probably they have been used as chapels for hermits
and places of meditation originally, […] Buddhist followers decorated the caves, erected the
walls, created high ceilings which they covered with superb paintings, […] judging from the style,
they are from the 15th century: there is no part of the surface which is not painted in an
admirable fashion, […] The work is so detailed, the colours so vivid, the designs so varied, that
one has the impression that the soffit has been covered by a delicate embroidered cloth. Not even
at Tsaparang or at Toling there are paintings which are more refined; obviously, the frescoes of
Dunkar are true masterpieces of Guge painting tradition in its full maturation] (translation:
Christiane Kalantari).
6. Thomas Pritzker (1996) was among the first to visit and document the area after the so-called
Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). Neumann (1999, 2000) focused on different aspects of the
iconography and style of Dungkar and other sites in the region; Kalantari (2000, 2016) analysed
the function and meaning of the ceiling paintings in Western Tibet, while Klimburg-Salter (2001)
looked at the specifics of the cave’s “lantern roof”. Visual highlights of the art of Dungkar have
been published in China (Namgyal & Chi li ta qin 1998; Yang Jia et al. 2000), followed by studies by
Huo Wei (1997), Huo Wei & Li Yongxiang (2001) and Huo Wei et al. (2008). Luczanits analysed the
iconography and individual aspects of style and chronology within his trans-regional analysis of
clay sculptures (Luczanits 2004a).
In 1996 Pritzker proposed the designation of the sanctuary discussed here as cave 1. This has
been commonly accepted among scholars: Luczanits (2004a) argues the proposed numbers of this
group of temples correspond to a possible chronology.
7. For the Lalitavistara we use the English translation by Gwendolyn Bays that is based on the
French translation from the Sanskrit and Tibetan by Edouard Foucaux and then compared with
an 8th century Tibetan translation (cf. Bays 1983, preface). We compared some of the images,
which were doubtful for us, with the Tibetan translation together with Kurt Tropper.
8. The Lalitavistara recounts in detail the splendour of the abode of the Buddha and the outburst
of nature’s beauty and abundance; it symbolizes the qualities developed by the Bodhisattva and
his actions and accomplishments. Comparable eulogies can be found in the story of Sudhana
(Tib. Nor bzangs) story: the moment of attaining higher states of perfections is described as
entering through the portal of a tower adorned with ornaments, jewels, while signs and light
appear (for the epigraphic evidence see Steinkellner 1996, p. 48).
9. The overall measurements of the walls are 6,5 x 6,7 m (Namgyal & Chi li ta qin 1998, p. 11).
10. Tropper’s article provides an edition and translation of the epigraphic cycle and he states:
“The inscriptions of Dung dkar may well be the oldest epigraphic sources on the life of the
Buddha that are still extant in the Tibetan cultural realm” (Tropper 2018, p. 652). The
documentation has been made available at www.univie.ac.at/Tibetan-inscriptions (accessed
30 September 2020).
11. The original drawing in the Chinese publication is reverse.
12. The excellent abode is first described in the second chapter of the LV.
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13. Sumptuous architectural structures that define sacred abodes are a constant feature in the
religious texts cited, and also in Kashmir-inspired art; media for such a transfer from texts to
murals are not only manuscript illustrations but also fine ivory sculptures from Kashmir (cf.
Allinger & Kalantari 2012); enriched with elements of the rich and elaborate local Himalayan
architecture in wood.
14. He stepped from his crystal palaces described as adorned with “tiny jeweled bells, parasols,
and standards and streamer floating unfurled” (LV 2/22), to the great palace dharmoccaya, where
he taught the gods of the Tuṣita realm (LV 3/29).
15. Chapter 3 of the LV describes that the Bodhisattva formed an assembly of the bodhisattvas
from the ten directions and “sixty-eight thousand kotis of being, all united in the same thought
of profound meditation” (LV 3/29).
16. The Aśoka tree obtains a prominent place in Sanskrit literature symbolizing inter alia spring,
but it also has healing properties (cf. Syed 1990).
17. The Bodhisattva spent all of the major events of his life amid the natural forest, and the tree
became one of the most sacred symbols; of course, it was already a major symbol in pre-Buddhist
periods.
18. The text further informs that Māyā devoted herself to the five rules of discipline and moral
conduct, and she was without bodily desire, and for everyone who saw her every illness of
humans disappeared.
19. As for this scene at Alchi, van Ham (2018) erroneously proposes Māyā is depicted discussing
with her husband the dream and the consultation of the brahmin priest. However, no brahmin
priest is depicted there; instead Māyā, depicted as a deity, is clearly oriented towards the gods
who see the Bodhisattva in her womb.
20. Māyā, while the Bodhisattva was in her womb, felt nothing but lightness, and pleasantness,
and all humans in that city named Kapila who were ill all regained their health, when the
Bodhisattva’s mother placed her right hand on their heads (LV 6/115).
21. It is a singular scene as compared to earlier temples, which is also uncommon in India. The
programme at Tabo features right of Tuṣita the burning Pratyeka Buddhas; above the elephant;
followed by the dream and the discussion in the palace between Māyā and Śuddhodana and
below the brahmin priests, wise men which the king invited to interpret the dream. It cannot
entirely be excluded that below the dream was Māyā asking for austerity, but this must remain
speculation.
22. The text states that they sprinkled him with scented water, but this is not depicted here.
23. As described in another passage of this chapter, thunder was heard from the heights of
heaven, the gods caused a light rain to fall and from the land of the gods came all sorts of flowers,
garments and ornaments (LV 7/133). Divine nymphs of auspicious, clear, luminous like the moon
and the sun, with sweet voices, arrived at Lumbinī and supported Māyā with oils, divine scented
water, unguents and divine clothes, and enquired as to her easy delivery and the non-fatigue of
her body (LV 7/144).
24. In a previous passage Śākyas built 500 houses for the prince (LV 7/148), and the king “had the
Bodhisattva stay in each house”.
25. Asita predicted that “Hearing the Dharma from this pure being, who knows the Dharma from
his birth, one will be completely delivered from birth and old age, from sickness, sorrow and
lamentations […]” (LV 7/154), and Asita wept because he is aged and he will not be there when
the prince will attain supreme Enlightenment (LV 7/153). He then departed through the sky by
his miraculous powers and went to his own hermitage, where he said to his nephew, the brahmin
youth: “Naradatta, when you hear it is said that a Buddha has appeared in the world, go to him
and become a wandering monk under his tutelage. Thus will you find benefit, help and happiness
for a very long time to come” (LV 7/158).
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26. The attribution as Māheśvara is based on his occurrence in the text. However, as an
appearance of Śiva, Māheśvara doesn’t usually wear a “turban”. Artists perhaps had a degree of
freedom when they represented this god; alternatively, this may be a west Tibetan
interpretation.
27. The text does not state who gave the jewels to the prince. The scene shows a person sitting
kneeling on a pillow to the left of the prince, who is dignified by an umbrella; he perhaps holds
the ornaments. He looks like Brahmā but it is not clear what his function should be in this
context.
28. According to the text the Bodhisattva took up an exquisitely coloured writing tablet made of
sandal wood (LV 10/190).
29. Vidya Dehejia studied the complex visual techniques of presentation of narratives in Indian
art and identified various distinct modes. In her extensive works on narrativity she defined a
“synoptic mode’ which organizes visual narratives on the basis of space rather than temporal
continuity (Dehejia 1990, 1999).
Whether the “Indo-Tibetan” artists assimilated something from Indian conventions, since they
employ some of the particular strategies, or if they developed independently out of an artisticreligious aim remains a question for future debate; however, analysis of the narrative techniques
in Western Tibet art is a strand of Tibetan art history which is still in its infancy.
30. A tree (Syzgium cumini, syn. Eugenia jambolana, rose-apple tree in English) described in
Buddhist scriptures as a lofty and enormous tree that abounds in Jambudvīpa. Jambudvīpa
literally means “continent of jambu trees” (Syed 1990, p. 292).
31. A further (empty) inscription panel is placed above the Bodhisattva, under the tree.
32. In between is a space for the narrative to be depicted, which is in bad condition so that only
some pairs of legs are visible. We can only speculate that they could be the brahmin priests
searching for women in the city of Kapilavastu as requested by the king.
33. Tropper’s (2018) numbering of inscription 8 (cf. fig. 9) follows the occurrence in the
Lalitavistara. He proposed its position in the previous section of the murals was chosen due to the
lack of sufficient space in the next image panel. Instead, we propose that it was a conscious
decision by the programme designers following aesthetic principles.
34. In the text the stupa is not mentioned, but stupas built on significant places of the Buddha-tobe’s life are described in various episodes the text; cf. the cutting of the hair after the departure;
these place became later on holy sites.
35. Even the great mathematician Arjuna was filled with admiration and presented garments and
ornaments as he was tutored by the prince in the numeration” which penetrates the dust of the
most subtle atoms” and the calculations of the great thousands of worlds (LV 12/225-227).
36. According to the text the arrogant young Devadatta also tried to challenge the Bodhisattva,
but the prince picked Devadatta up with his right hand and tossed him into the air; but with no
intention of hurting him, only to reduce his pride (LV 12/229-230).
37. In the lower section various scenes are arranged like a pyramid, with a stupa placed in the
right lower corner. In the upper parts are trees, indicating a unified environment.
38. After the contests, Gopā did not veil her face, saying that the gods know her intentions, her
virtues and modesty. King Śuddhodana is enchanted by the wisdom of young Gopā of the Śākyas,
and “he was filled with contentment, satisfaction, and pleasure. With great joy, he presented
young Gopā with two pieces of white cloth sewn with precious stones, […] and uttered: My son is
adorned with great virtues, and his bride has qualities like his own” (LV 12/238).
39. In this chapter “Exhortation” it is told: “[…] the gods, nāgas, yakṣas, gandharvas, asuras,
garuḍas, kinnaras, and mahoragas, Śakra, Brahmā and the Guardians of the World, all found
delight in making offerings to the Bodhisattva as he dwelt in the women’s apartment”
(LV 13/241).
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40. King Śuddhodana thought, that surrounded by the most beautiful women, the prince would
enjoy himself and would not think of leaving home and he tried “to remove all disagreeable
things from view so that the prince will see nothing unpleasant on the way” (LV 14/284).
41. In Tibetan mandalas the West is on the top; however, the succession of directions in the
image fits this system. What is thought as three-dimensional in space is shown unfolded in a
plane in the image.
42. Then Gopā had a dream seeing the whole earth shaken; when hearing of it the prince says
that she will soon remove the veil of false views; among other favorable things she will also “cast
off her female body, and will be born as a man” (LV 14/295), and there will be for her neither
unfortunate rebirths nor sorrow.
43. The episode of the devaputra who in the form of a huntsman gave the Bodhisattva the saffron
garments so that the young Siddhartha could become a monk (LV 15/339) is apparently not
depicted in Dungkar.
44. Kaṇṭhaka, the favorite white horse, plays an important role in the text as Chandaka repeats
the circumstances of the departure in his aim to console the king in the final passages of the
chapter, and he remarks upon the fine actions of the horse, for which it “will enjoy divine
pleasures in the abode of the Thirty-three gods” (LV 15/352).
45. First crowds of men and women came to see him and “behold the one who is like pure gold.
His self-mastery is complete” and they told it to king Bimbisāra (LV 16/364).
46. In the successive text Māyā has been informed – in the Trāyastriṃśa heaven – by the
devaputras about the condition of her son; she came down to see him and she began to weep and
uttered ghātās lamenting that he has gone to his death in the forest without obtaining
Enlightenment. However, she is obviously not depicted here, because when the Bodhisattva
consoled her as she will soon see the Enlightenment of a Buddha (LV 17/386), he was still in his
meditation. The text then recounts how Māra approaches, speaking sweetly in order to seduce
him to abandon his striving for perfection (LV 17/399).
47. Here it is explained that the village girls “prepared several kinds of food which they offered
to the Bodhisattva. He partook of them and thereafter regularly sought alms in the village. So
that he regained his colour and his strength, and became known as the beautiful śramaṇa”
(LV 17/404).
48. Alternatively, it could perhaps be Indra, who took the form of a garuḍa and sought to take the
golden bowl from the nāgas but did not succeed. As soon as the Bodhisattva had eaten, his body
regained its former beautiful colour “through the strength of his merits and the force of his
wisdom” (LV 18/409). And he had the strength to go forth to the bodhi tree, the king of trees, and
become an omniscient Buddha.
49. The encounters with different kinds of beings are recounted next in the text: “[…] gods, the
nāgas and the yakṣa, the kinnaras […] reflect that their own airy abodes are cemeteries in
comparison” (LV 19/426).
50. The Bodhisattva’s radiance completely illuminated the abode of Kālika, the king of the nāgas,
and in the following verses Kālika praises this, saying there can be no doubt that a king of the
dharma has been born (LV 19/428).
51. In order to pay honor to the Bodhisattva, the devaputras decorated the Bodhimaṇḍa with rows
of tāla trees which rimmed the altars (LV 19/423). The tāla tree (Borassus species, or Palmyra
palm) can reach a height of 30 m; palm leaf manuscripts are manufactured out of the dried leaves
of this tree (cf. Syed 1990, 308).
52. From the lower region, the Bodhisattva Mahāsattva Ratnagarbha approached and caused
“golden lotuses which grow in the water of jambu to appear within the circle of lapis lazuli. In
the hearts of the lotuses appeared radiant maidens revealing the upper halves of their bodies
well ornamented” (LV 21/449-450).
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53. The translation “Great Beings” in plural by Bays 1983 remains unclear here, however,
obviously Māra is not addressed here.
54. The animal swirls (birds, deer, etc.) are a further symptom of an assimilation process in
which the inventory of ceiling patterns of earlier temples succumbs to the imperatives of the
spatialisation and in this case integrates the principles of “domes of heaven” in Central Asian
cave temples from the period of the Tibetan domination such as Dunhuang (Papa-Kalantari 2007);
there, comparable dynamic motifs can be observed indicating the ceiling is not conceived as an
upper border but an opening to the sky or heaven.
55. The Buddha walking as a wandering monk and flying in the sky are depicted on the walls of
the Zhag cave (Be valley, Ngari) and on the 12th century ceilings at Alchi.
56. It has been generally assumed that for depictions of architecture, material culture, trees,
plants, nature and decorative features of jewelry, visual models have been used and little
attention has been paid to the texts as a source of the setting of the scenes. The Lalitavistara (and
other Mahāyāna texts) gives numerous accounts of the natural and built environment and of the
sumptuous abode of the Buddha, with ample descriptions of honorific parasols, precious silks
with gold, banners, and of nature, animals related to water and clouds, as dispensers of plenty
and well-being. Many of these heavenly creatures and divinities of nature such as female tree
gods have been assimilated and integrated from the pre-Buddhist Indic realm.
57. The text addresses also the sense of hearing and the olfactory sense replete with descriptions
of the smell of perfumes, of fine incenses, flowers and oils used to honour but also to heal; all this
emphasizes the aesthetic aspect and provides an emotional access for the devotee to the story,
the magnificent realm of the Buddha and the Buddhist doctrine. However, a certain
contradiction lies in this, as on one hand the depiction of desire and sensual pleasures celebrates
and glorifies the divine, and on the other hand the abstention from it by the Buddha, the “world
renouncer”, is praised as his major achievement.
58. As emphasized by Luczanits, the 12th century is an important period for the development of
Tibetan Buddhism, which took place mainly in Central Tibet (Luczanits 2004a, pp. 119-120); it is a
phase of the collection of specific texts, as well as the development of the notion of a teacher’s
reincarnation and of teaching lineages.
59. However, Tholing retained its position as spiritual centre of the kingdom (Vitali 1996,
pp. 352-355; see also Petech 1997, p. 110).
60. The Lotsaba Lhakhang at Nako can be considered as the first sacred space to display fully
developed mandala as geometric configurations covering the walls, dateable to the beginning of
the 12th century (Luczanits 2004a, p. 129).
61. Roger Goepper found the inscriptions in the third floor of the Sumtsek in 1983 and published
it in 1990. He was the first who attributed the foundation of Alchi to a considerably later date
than previously assumed, namely 1200-1220 for the Alchi Sumtsek. He explained that in the
Sumtsek the inscription written by Tsültrim Ö (Tib. Tshul khrims ’od) gives clues about the time
when the Sumtsek was erected and of the sectarian affiliation; he deducted a lineage of
transmission, beginning with the mystic Bodhisattva Vajradhara (Tib. rDo rge chang), over the
Indian “adept” (Skt. siddha) Tilopa (10th c), Naropa, Marpa, down to Drigung Jigten Gönpo (died in
1217), (Goepper 1990, p. 116). In1993 he published the inscription on the eastern beam of “great
stupa”. The analysis of the content revealed that the stupa was built by Tsültrim Ö of the noble
’Bro clan, thus the stupa is part of the early sacred compound and we arrive at a dating of about
the same time as the Sumtsek, ca. 1220.
62. See also Linrothe 2001 for the development of new religious-artistic themes in this period
such as group portraits of teachers and Great Adepts (Skt. mahāiddhas) at Alchi and Luczanits
2006 for a discussion of Alchi in the context of the Drigungpa School of Tibetan Buddhism.
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63. The oldest cycle of the Buddha’s life in the Western Himalaya is preserved in wood-carvings
on the monumental portal of the Khorchag temple (Gyalpo et al. 2015; Kalantari & Allinger 2018;
Kalantari, in press).
64. Goepper & Poncar 1996; Klimburg-Salter 1997; Luczanits 2015.
65. From the First Sermon onwards the scenes are legible again, followed by the Miracles,
Mahāparinirvāṇa, the Cremation and the Distribution of the relics in the last part.
66. In general architecture and architectural ornaments are symbols of the magnificence of the
Buddha realm; they are important art forms of the time, in particular in the Kashmir artistic
realm.
67. The latter scenes are lifted out of the main pictorial space and assigned inserts, in order to
maintain the integrity of the spatial order of the image panel.
68. The dynamic element is emphasized also in the earlier narratives such as the woodcarvings at
Khorchag (Kalantari & Allinger 2018).
69. In Mangyu nine scenes are visible, organized in four registers; they are in the uppermost
register: Dream of Māyā; Discussion between Māyā and Śuddhodana; Alms offerings to the
Ascetics (cf. Ham 2010, p. 93), (the Birth is overpainted); in the second register: a bodhisattva or
prince in a setting with books and offering vessels in conversation with a person which could be
the Buddha-to-be; image not legible; Competition, (lost: Palace and Departure); in the third
register: Hair-cutting before Austerity; two scenes not legible, one of them with three figures
(they could be from the Five men of good house); in the lowest register only the miracle scene of
the Gift of honey can be identified.
70. For early portable artefacts from Western Tibet such as thangka see Heller, 2014.
71. An interesting element are the “spaces for creativity” outside the image field with graphic
depictions of faces, like in a sketchbook.
72. The daughters of Māra appear to play an important role in the Himalaya; in the
Enlightenment scene on the Sumtsek skirt almost solely the daughters are represented (in
Luczanits 1999, see fig. 1p, scene 40).
73. A similar phenomenon has been described in Poell, in press, in regard of the carved scenes on
the Alchi Dukhang’s portal.
74. This is in line with the prominence of the depiction of the female protector Hāritī of Indic
origin in various temples, such as at Tabo and Dungkar, prominently depicted above or near the
portal.
75. Ebba Koch (2010) coined this term in the context of Mughal art and ideology.
ABSTRACTS
The case study identifies and analyses the detailed depiction of the story of the life of the Buddha
up to the Enlightenment in the early Western Trans-Himalayan Buddhist temple of Dungkar. It
examines the relation between image and text, asseses the art-historical context, and explores
the narrative modes. Comparative investigations based on multi-sited and multi-disciplinary
research in historical Western Tibet (Tsamda/Ngari, Spiti, and Ladakh) show that the designers
of the visual programmes at each of these sites developed different solutions of cycles based on
textual sources and also visual models have been used in various ways.
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Cette étude identifie et analyse la représentation détaillée de l’histoire de la vie du Bouddha
jusqu’à l’Illumination dans le temple trans-himalayen occidental de Dungkar. Elle examine les
traditions artistiques et explore les modes narratifs. Une analyse comparative basée sur une
recherche multi-disciplinaire à travers plusieurs sites du Tibet occidental historique (Tsamda/
Ngari, Spiti et Ladakh) montre, qu’à chacun de ces sites, les concepteurs des programmes visuels
ont developpé, à partir des sources textuelles, différentes solutions de cycles iconographiques.
INDEX
Keywords: Buddha, Buddhism, visual narrative, textual sources, art, Western Tibet, Dungkar
Mots-clés: Bouddha, bouddhisme, narration visuelle, sources, art, Tibet occidental, Dungkar
AUTHORS
CHRISTIANE KALANTARI
Dr. Christane Kalantari (Austrian Academy of Sciences, Institute for Social Anthropology, ISA,
Vienna) is an art historian specialising in Tibetan and Oriental Studies (PhD, University of
Vienna, Austria). She held the position of Lecturer and Research Assistant at the University of
Vienna between 2000 and 2005, and since 2006 has worked as a Senior Researcher in a multidisciplinary team at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. Her latest book publications are (together
with Gyalpo, Tsering, Christian Jahoda, and Patrick Sutherland) ’Khor chags/ Khorchag/ Kuojia si
wenshi Daguan [Kuojia. An overview of its history and culture] (Austrian Academy of Sciences
Press, 2015), and (together with Christian Jahoda, eds) Studies on Western Tibet II (Austrian
Academy of Sciences Press, in press 2020).
Christiane.Kalantari@oeaw.ac.at
EVA ALLINGER
Eva Allinger (M.A, University of Vienna) is an independent Tibetologist and art historian. Since
2006 she has worked as a consultant on various projects and publications, together with
Dr. Christiane Kalantari at the Austrian Academy of Sciences (ÖAW). Her latest book publication
is (together with Christian Jahoda, Maria-Katharina Lang, Anne Vergati, eds) Interaction in the
Himalayas and Central Asia: Processes of Transfer, Translation and Transformation in Art, Archaeology,
Religion and Polity (Austrian Academy of Science Press, 2017).
Eva.allinger@chello.at
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