“A real Ultima Thule“

BRUNO BERNI & ANNA WEGENER

EDIZIONI QUASAR

ROMA MMXVIII

Analecta Romana Instituti Danici – Supplementum L Accademia di Danimarca, via Omero, 18, I – 00197 Rome

Abstract1 Giuseppe Gabetti was professor of German Literature in Genova from 1915 and subsequently taught the same subject at Rome University from 1919 until his death in 1948. Although he began his career in 1912, it was not until the mid-1920s that he began publishing essays on Scandinavian writers, issuing a lengthy article on Jens Peter Jacobsen and three essays that can be seen as a brief history of the Nordic soul. He published a complete translation of Niels Lyhne in 1929 and another of Marie Grubbe in 1930. His subsequent 1935 publication of Mogens e altri racconti (Mogens and Other Stories) completed his translation of Jacobsen’s entire body of prose. Focusing on the study of Scandinavian literature became a parallel and at times almost predominant concern for Gabetti. His work as a translator and essayist, and later as director of the Istituto Italiano di Studi Germanici, was influential in establishing the study of Nordic literatures in Italy.

Nordic literature has a relatively brief history in Italy as regards translations, critical essays and articles in general. The knowledge of it was originally acquired through indirect means, the occasional text being translated from a French or a German version, and read without any consideration of the original cultural context. Only in the early twentieth century was there a gradual move towards a more structured approach, triggered by the huge international success of figures like Ibsen and Strindberg, which then sparked an interest in the rest of the literary output of Scandinavia. Any study of how this came about should not overlook those names that, prior to Scandinavian studies becoming in the 1960s a university subject with official academic

positions, played such a vital role in carrying out work which was initially sporadic, but gradually became increasingly more focussed and systematic. Of the people, the institutions and the publishing ventures that were of primary importance between the beginning of the 1920s and the Second World War, Giuseppe Gabetti,2 and later, the Istituto Italiano di Studi Germanici (Italian Institute for Germanic Studies) that he directed, were at the forefront. The Institute was inaugurated in April 1932 to celebrate the centenary of the death of Goethe, and Giovanni Gentile gave a speech in which he spoke of the creation of “a home that would foster the study of the Germanic world”,3 adding:

And the news of this has been enough for individuals and governments to come forward and help us in our research project: from Austria, from the German-speaking parts of Switzerland, from Germany, from Holland, from Denmark, from Sweden and from Norway. Many of the books that you already see in the collections of the Institute library have been donated by these foreign friends and by those overseas organizations that have been pleased by our venture. […] It is here that an extensive specialist library with over 20,000 books and hundreds of journals will be open to the public.4 “A real Ultima Thule”: Giuseppe Gabetti and Scandinavian Literature in Italy

1. This article is an expanded version of Berni 2016. 2. No scientific research projects on Gabetti’s role in Scandinavian studies in Italy are currently available. His work as professor of German literature and director of the Istituto Italiano di Studi Germanici in Rome has never been fully researched. 3. Gentile 1932, 25: “Una casa ospitale agli studi sul mondo germanico”. All translations are my own. 4. Ibid., 25-26: “Ed è bastato l’annunzio perché ci venissero incontro privati e governi, pronti ad aiutarci in questo nostro programma di studio: dall’Austria, dalla Svizzera tedesca, dalla Germania, dall’Olanda, dalla preciano v3

Giuseppe Gabetti, professor of German Literature at Rome University, was chosen to direct the newly created institute, thus guiding it through its initial phase, and personally taking on the responsibility of making suitable additions to the library, particularly through donations.5 Born in Dogliani in 1886, Gabetti studied at Turin University under Arturo Graf and Arturo Farinelli, who kindled his interest in German studies. He then went to Munich to study under Hermann Paul and Julius Petersen. A professor of German Literature by 1915 at the young age of 29, Gabetti held a chair in the same subject at Rome University from 1919, where he remained until his death in 1948.6 Gentile’s words did not only express a wish, but also a specific plan that was already

under way. Choosing Gabetti as the director of an institute that was to be concerned with the culture of Germanic peoples – and therefore Nordic cultures too – was almost self-evident. Indeed, it is Gabetti himself who seems to have widened the scope of the institute beyond Germany. His own short speech at the inauguration focussed on Weltliteratur, which allowed him to plan the way ahead for the newly created institute, while making many detailed references to Nordic cultures, from Brandes to Strindberg. He also made some unusual associations, maintaining, for example, that “from Mazzini to Bjørnson, all great

exponents of human ideals have also forged the spirit and (the) destiny of their own nation”.7 Gabetti began his career in 1912 with a book on Giovanni Prati in which, among other things, he discussed the relationship between Italian and German romanticism.8 In rapid succession, he then published monographs on Goethe’s Wahlverwandtschaften (Elective Affinities), on Grillparzer, Platen and Zacharias Werner, as well as essays on Hebbel, Wagner,

Nietzsche and Storm.9 Gradually, however, his interest in Nordic literature began to make itself felt, and in the mid-1920s he started publishing essays on Scandinavian writers. The first result of this interest appeared in a monographic edition of the journal Il Convegno, in which Gabetti published “L’arte di Jacobsen”, a long article on the Danish writer, which was accompanied by translations of various extracts from Jacobsen’s novels Marie Grubbe and Niels

Lyhne.10 Il Convegno, edited and published in Milan by Enzo Ferrieri from 1920 to 1940, was a literary magazine (an “anthological journal”11) aimed at publishing mostly Italian literary texts and essays, but with “occasional forays into foreign literature” in order to “present texts of notable writers in specific literatures”.12 Over the years, an extensive number of foreign authors appeared, with essays and translations written by various contributors.

Indeed, Il Convegno published the first translations of Joyce by Carlo Linati, as well as essays by Prezzolini on Proust, Montale on the French novel, Eugenio Levi on Dostoyevsky and Emilio Cecchi on Conrad. Giuseppe Gabetti began working with the magazine as early as 1923 with an article on Nietzsche and Leopardi,13 which was followed two years later by a long essay on Theodor Storm.14 Here,

as was the case with the Danish Jacobsen, [...] he demonstrates his appreciation for the underlying lyricism in many of the early novellas, highlighting Storm’s distinctive, sensitive understanding of his characters’ most intimate feelings and his ability to convey the changes caused by intense passion, which at any rate are never expressed in a histrionic manner.15

Danimarca, dalla Svezia, dalla Norvegia. Molti dei libri che ora vedrete già raccolti nella biblioteca dell’Istituto, ci sono stati offerti da questi amici stranieri e dagli enti che dall’estero si son compiaciuti della nostra iniziativa. […] Qui una ricca biblioteca speciale, che già conta più di 20 mila volumi e centinaia di periodici, sarà aperta al pubblico”. 5. About the library see Berni 2007. 6. Gabetti 1999. 7. Gabetti 1932, 29: “da Mazzini a

Björnson, tutti i maggiori interpreti degli ideali di umanità furono anche i formatori dello spirito e dei destini della propria nazione”. 8. Gabetti 1912. 9. A partial bibliography of the works of Giuseppe Gabetti can be found in Gabetti 1998, 16-17. 10. Gabetti 1926a, 425-537. 11. Ferrieri 1920, 3: “rivista antologica”. 12. Ferrieri 1921, 3: “incursioni nelle

letterature straniere [per] offrire pagine di scrittori notabili nelle singole letterature”. 13. Gabetti 1923. 14. Gabetti 1925. 15. Ponti 2003, 217-218: “come sarà anche a proposito del danese Jacobsen, […] mostra di apprezzare il sostrato lirico di molte delle prime novelle, sottolineando la sensibile aderenza stormiana alle emozioni più intime dei personaggi, la capacità di cogliere il trascolorare di passioni profonde, che pure non si esprimono in modo plateale”.preciano v3

Unlike another key mediator of German literature, Lavinia Mazzucchetti, who mostly published translations in the journal, Gabetti took it upon himself to introduce various writers in extended essays:

In the first half of the 1920s, the writings of Giuseppe Gabetti conveyed a different outlook with respect to how Germanic cultural studies were generally approached. […] His work with Il Convegno is distinguished by an academic approach, both in his choice of authors, which are often very different from those usually chosen by “militant criticism”, and in his style, which is less didactic and more nuanced than that of other cultural commentators.16

Of all the texts that Gabetti produced for Il Convegno, his work on Jacobsen is something of an exception. In fact, a whole double edition was dedicated to the Danish author, comprising a long study that was meant to “act as a bridge”17 between extracts taken from his two novels. Whereas Gabetti’s essay on Storm in Il Convegno of 1926-1927 was followed by one of the stories translated by Enzo Ferrieri,18 when he was writing on Jacobsen he translated the texts

himself. These were his first ever translations from Danish, although the extent of his actual knowledge of the language – and of Nordic languages in general – remains uncertain. Based on textual analysis, the most likely hypothesis is that Gabetti used the German versions of the novels as his primary

sources, although the translation work he carried out in those years provides evidence that he was gradually able to work from the Danish texts, while also keeping an eye on the German translation. Gabetti thus represents an intermediate mediator, positioned between those who had translated Nordic literature

through another language (but without any knowledge of the culture in question, and thus adopting a rather haphazard approach), and that generation of professional translators that was beginning to emerge in Italy, capable of working directly from the source language. While Gabetti’s translations might

potentially cast doubt upon his knowledge of Nordic languages, it remains a fact that as an essayist he displayed such sensitivity and such a depth of understanding that it is evident that he had read an incredible amount of literature and criticism on Scandinavian literature, probably in both German and

French.19 The essay on Jacobsen was not an isolated case: the double monographic edition of Il Convegno introduced an author who already had many admirers in Germany, but who had been published in Italy only on one occasion.20 Il Convegno was a suitable publication for this, it being a wide-ranging journal

that boasted “curiosity and insight”,21 was alert to what was new, but not elitist, and coupled “the perceptiveness of Serra and the methodology of Croce”.22 The same year, 1926, also saw the publication of three essays by Gabetti in L’Europa nel secolo XIX (Europe in the 19th century): one on

Jacobsen, one on Ibsen and Strindberg, and a third one on Heidenstam and Lagerlöf. These were largely based on a series of lectures that Gabetti had given at the headquarters of Il Convegno in Milan, where Ferrieri had a conference room and later a theatre. The essays were immediately republished in book form

under the title Le letterature scandinave (Scandinavian Literatures).23 This short work can be seen as a brief history of the Nordic soul, a brief literary history dealing with that fundamental period in Scandinavian literature that stretches from the end of the nineteenth to the beginning of the twentieth

century. From an Italian viewpoint, this widened a field of study established by a similar text that Benedetto Croce had published over thirty years earlier.24 Following on from Croce’s 1892 analysis of the period, that is, from when Scandina

16. Ibid., 219-220: “Nella prima metà degli anni Venti, gli interventi di Giuseppe Gabetti riflettono un’impostazione diversa rispetto a una parte consistente della mediazione culturale di area germanica. […] La sua collaborazione al “Convegno” risente di un’impostazione accademica, sia nella scelta

degli autori, che non di rado sono lontani da quelli più frequentati dalla critica militante, sia nell’impostazione, meno divulgativa e piana rispetto a quella di altri mediatori culturali”. 17. Ibid., 222: “funge da tessuto connettivo”.

18. Storm 1926-1927. 19. The question of Gabetti’s knowledge of Nordic languages merits further discussion and will be the subject of future research. 20. Jacobsen 1909. 21. Ponti 2003, 243: “curiosità e intuito”. 22. Ibid., 241: “la sensibilità di Serra guardando al metodo di Croce”. 23. Gabetti 1926b. New edition: Gabetti 2016. 24. Croce 1892.

vian literature first started to come to the attention of the Italian public with the first stagings of Ibsen’s plays, Gabetti adds new names – such as Heidenstam and Lagerlöf – whose influence was felt in the first part of the new century and therefore subsequent to Croce’s antecedent text. Croce and Gabetti called for art to have an aesthetic value. Certainly, their views on Georg Brandes were similar (but expressed very differently from the profane

language used by Italo Tavolato).25 Gabetti criticized Brandes for “the one-sidedness of his perception”,26 in contrast to Jacobsen who “saved in the modern conscience the entire romantic inheritance that Brandes wanted to renounce”.27 While the latter is still viewed with a certain benevolence by Croce in Letteratura moderna scandinava, Croce is much more critical in his later, well-known review of Brandes’ Main Currents in Nineteenth Century Literature: If, in fact, I was asked how I thought a history of the poetry of the nineteenth century should be written, I would say this: exactly the opposite of how it was executed by the Danish critic Georg Brandes in his six-volume Main Currents in Nineteenth Century Literature; this is an example of a sociological, rather than aesthetic, history of poetry.28

It is useful to ask ourselves exactly when Gabetti began to be interested in the study of Nordic literature and how much time and energy he actually devoted to it in those years. This can be done by looking at his output as a whole. Gabetti’s interest in Jacobsen had certainly not been exhausted by the essays published in 1926: in 1929 the Treves publishing house brought out his complete translation of Niels Lyhne29 and in 1930 he published his translation of Marie Grubbe (Maria Grubbe in Italian) for Giuseppe Antonio Borgese’s “Romantica” series (Mondadori).30 Albeit belatedly, Jacobsen had now

been introduced to Italy, and he did not go unnoticed. When Niels Lyhne was published, Giacomo Prampolini, who had previously reviewed the double edition of Il Convegno on Jacobsen,31 summed up the novel’s cultural impact and literary worth in a short piece,32 while the publication of Maria Grubbe elicited a long article by Guido Piovene, who discussed the significance of Jacobsen’s two novels, also mentioning “the translation of Gobetti [sic]”.33 Evidence of how Gabetti’s essays and translations stimulated Italian publishers’ interest in Jacobsen is provided by the fact that his edition of Niels Lyhne was swiftly followed by Ervino Pocar’s translation for Carabba34 and Gustavo Macchi’s for Sonzogno.35 These three translations of the same novel were made

despite Piovene’s view that “perhaps Niels Lyhne on its own is not enough to convey to us the real world of Jacobsen”,36 although they do provide an indication of what the tastes and interests of the period were. Finally, in 1935, Gabetti published Mogens e altri racconti (Mogens and Other Stories), again with Treves,37 thus completing his translation of Jacobsen’s entire prose works. The reasons – cultural, and perhaps also personal – why Giuseppe Gabetti worked for so long, and so thoroughly, on Jens Peter Jacobsen might well be found in the enormous, and enduring, influence that Jacobsen’s work had on German literature. However, we should also consider the fact that, as Carlo Antoni recalls, even “in texts by writers of prose, history and philosophy,

[Gabetti] gleaned and savoured their poetic qualities”,38 and that: He admired the dramatic power of Ibsen and Strindberg and the picturesque narrative art of Heidenstam and Lagerlöf, but of all the Nordic writers it was Jacobsen that he loved the most. It is for him that Gabetti became a skilful 25. Tavolato 1913. 26. Gabetti 2016, 24: “nella unilateralità del suo intuito”. 27. Ibid., 24: “salvava nella coscienza moderna tutta quella eredità romantica, che il Brandes voleva rinnegare”. 28. Croce 1919, 60: “Se, infatti, mi si domandasse come io intenda che si debba svolgere una storia della

poesia del secolo decimonono, direi: proprio al contrario di come l’ha svolta il critico danese, Giorgio Brandes, nei sei volumi delle Correnti principali della letteratura del secolo decimonono, che è un esemplare di storia sociologica, e non già estetica, della poesia”. 29. Jacobsen 1929. 30. Jacobsen 1930a. 31. Prampolini 1926. 32. Prampolini 1930. 33. Piovene 1930, 21: “la traduzione del Gobetti [sic]”. 34. Jacobsen 1930b. 35. Jacobsen 1932. 36. Piovene 1930, 40: “forse il solo Niels Lyhne non sarebbe bastato a suggerirci il vero mondo di Jacobsen”. 37. Jacobsen 1935. 38. Antoni 1963, 6: “anche negli scritti dei prosatori, storici e filosofi, egli coglieva e gustava i tratti poetici”. preciano v3

“A REAL ULTIMA THULE”: GIUSEPPE GABETTI AND SCANDINAVIAN LITERATURE IN ITALY 89 and loving translator. That is, in this too he was faithful to his tastes. He found in Jacobsen’s novels the themes that were dear to him in the poetry of Storm and Mörike, but (that were), in a certain way, rendered more clearly.39

This partly explains Gabetti’s love for the Danish author, and it is interesting to note – as Antoni also observes – that of all Gabetti’s output, Jacobsen’s novels and stories were the only translations he published in book form, that is, apart from the prose or poetry extracts that he included in some of his essays. Starting from 1925, Gabetti was also engaged on another front, working for the Treccani Encyclopedia and providing the entries on

Germanic literature. Many of these regarded Scandinavian writers, but he was also responsible for some of the entries on Copenhagen, Oslo and Stockholm, and sections on Danish, Norwegian and Swedish literature.40 His collaboration with Il Convegno ended in 1928, but Gabetti was called upon shortly afterwards to direct the Istituto Italiano di Studi Germanici. He thus had the chance to strengthen his relationship with Nordic cultures, improve the library at Villa Sciarra, where the Institute was and is still situated, and, above all, make use of the specialist platform offered by the Institute’s

journal, which was perhaps more suited to his “academic approach”.41 In fact, Gabetti expressed these aims extremely clearly in the introduction to the first number of the Institute’s journal, Studi Germanici (Germanic Studies), which appeared a few years later in 1935. The future editorial line would be based on the understanding that “interest in German culture now has a long tradition in Italy”42 although Gabetti also noted that “the real knowledge we have of that culture is uneven […] and above all fragmentary and incomplete”.43

Naturally things are worse with regard to other Nordic peoples and this is exacerbated by our limited knowledge of their languages. With the exception of the figurative arts and the philosophy of Spinoza (for Holland) and the plays of Ibsen, Bjørnson and – to some extent – Strindberg, and a few works of fiction – such as Jacobsen and Lagerlöf (for the Scandinavian countries), the rest is a real Ultima Thule, from whence some lone stray voice reaches us from time to time. This distinctly restricted view is particularly surprising given that, for many years, names such as Kierkegaard and Hamsun have, in a

certain sense, put the smaller Nordic nations in a leading position in Europe. Kierkegaard himself, however, is little known here apart from his Diary of a Seducer, while Hamsun is hardly more than a passing acquaintance. Our interest in the figurative arts is limited to Zorn and Munch, not to mention our ignorance of other cultural issues concerning religious, social and political thought, or the gradual processes that shaped them. We ignore the various evidences of a history that has also had moments of greatness; of the ancient sagas that have touched us only peripherally, even though they constitute,

alongside the Nibelungenlied, the greatest poetical expression of the Germanic spirit in the Middle Ages.44 From the day the Institute was founded, and then again, when it began publishing its journal, Gabetti was aware that its duty was to specialize in Germanic literature in the broadest sense of the word, 39. Ibid., 14: “Ammirava la potenza drammatica di Ibsen e di Strindberg e la pittoresca arte narrativa di Heidenstam e della Lagerlöf, ma, tra gli

scrittori nordici, è lo Jacobsen che ha amato. Per lui si è fatto traduttore amoroso e sapiente. Anche qui, cioè, è rimasto fedele al suo gusto. Ritrovava nei romanzi dello Jacobsen quegli stessi motivi che gli erano cari nella poesia dello Storm e del Mörike, ma resi in certo senso più limpidi”. 40. For a complete list of the entries written, or co-written, by Gabetti, cf. Gabetti 1998, 177-181. 41. Ponti 2003, 220: “impostazione accademica”. 42. Gabetti 1935a. Reprinted in Gabetti 2011, 1: “l’interesse per la cultura germanica ha bensì già in Italia una lunga tradizione”. 43. Ibid.: “la conoscenza reale

che di quella cultura si possiede è disuguale […] e soprattutto è dispersa e frammentaria”. 44. Ibid., 2-3: “Naturalmente peggio stanno le cose nei riguardi degli altri popoli del Nord, resi ancora più lontani dalla limitata conoscenza che possediamo delle loro lingue. Se si prescinde, per l’Olanda, dall’arte figurativa e dalla filosofia di Spinoza, e, per i paesi scandinavi, dal dramma di Ibsen, di Björnson e – qualche poco – di Strindberg, e da alcune opere di narrativa – da Jacobsen alla Lagerlöf −, tutto il resto ci è

rimasto veramente un’ultima Thule, da cui solo di tratto in tratto ci giunse qualche voce vagante, isolata. Del singolare sorprendente sviluppo che, da Kierkegaard a Hamsun, per alcuni decenni parve portare i piccoli popoli del Nord, sotto certi aspetti, alla testa dell’Europa, abbiamo avuto un’assai incompiuta visione: lo stesso Kierkegaard ci è poco altrimenti noto che per il Diario del Seduttore: lo stesso Hamsun è stato poco più che un incontro occasionale: lo stesso nostro interesse per l’arte figurativa si è arrestato a Zorn e a Munch; e non parliamo delle altre manifestazioni della cultura nel

pensiero religioso, sociale, politico, né dello svolgimento graduale con cui questo si è venuto formando; né delle testimonianze varie di una storia che pure ebbe momenti di grandezza, né della saga antica, che appena in minima parte finora ci è giunta, mentre costituisce, accanto al Nibelungenlied, la maggiore espressione poetica che lo spirito germanico abbia avuto nel Medio Evo”.

that is, to include Nordic literature. This is perhaps surprising: indeed, Gabetti was the only professor of German literature of his generation (and successive generations) to reason in this way. Likewise, he was the only academic who, faced with the fact that there was no official chair of Nordic literatures at university level in Italy – although perhaps it was also for this reason – made sure that some of the activities of the newly established

Institute involved Scandinavian studies. Focussing on the study of Scandinavian literature thus became a parallel, and at times, almost predominant, concern for Gabetti. Indeed, it is extraordinary that a full professor of German Literature at Rome University, who was also the director of the Istituto Italiano di Studi Germanici, suddenly interrupted his work on German authors for a decade; his last German monograph on Mörike and Lenau45 was published in 1926, the year that marked the start of Gabetti’s interest in Jacobsen. Except for the Treccani Encyclopedia entries, his “German” output only recommenced with a brief piece on the centenary of Platen’s death in the 1935 edition of Studi Germanici, and then with the introductions to Joseph Weinheber and

Friedrich Bischoff in 1938. In the meantime, the translations of Jacobsen came out in rapid succession, while numbers II and III of the journal of 1935, its founding year, contained two long articles on the work of the Swedish poet Gustaf Fröding,46 again based on a lecture Gabetti had given in Milan at the headquarters of Il Convegno on 24 February 1926. From 1926, the year of his first essay on Jacobsen, to the years just before his death, Gabetti wrote

little on German literature, but much on Nordic literatures. The translations of Jacobsen and the numerous Treccani entries on Nordic writers demonstrate a strong desire to introduce a hitherto lesser known literature to Italy, and his work in the following years shows that Gabetti wrote increasingly more about those Nordic writers he became personally acquainted with through his work as director of the Institute. It is a development that is not only evidenced by his own studies, but also by his “Collana Nordica” (Nordic Series) that the Institute brought out with the Sansoni publishing house starting

in 1938, as a result of which Heidenstam, Gunnarsson and Strindberg were published. Furthermore, the large amount of correspondence from the period shows that as director of the Institute, Gabetti also acted as a go-between for other translators with various publishing houses with which he had contacts. He also wrote various prefaces to Italian translations, as in the case of Sigrid Undset’s Kristin Lavransdatter (translated as Kristin, figlia di Lavrans),47 and he invited Scandinavian writers to Villa Sciarra, albeit just a few travelled to Italy in those difficult years. However, the archives of the Institute

also contain letters from Hamsun, Undset and Lagerlöf, and there is also evidence that a certain Jørgensen, probably Johannes Jørgensen, visited,48 as well as the Norwegian philologist Magnus Olsen, whose article “Roma e la poesia del paganesimo nordico” (Rome and the poetry of Nordic paganism) appeared in the journal.49 Moreover, it was in those years, between the end of the 1920s and the end of the 1930s, that Gabetti managed to get native Danish (and Swedish) instructors to Rome to launch university-level study of Nordic languages and literatures (although this only became an official part of the system much

later). Giuseppe Gabetti’s unceasing efforts to introduce Scandinavian literatures to Italy lasted a good 20 years, well before there was any study of Scandinavian language and literature at university. However, it was his work first as a translator and essayist, and then as the director of the Istituto Italiano di Studi Germanici at Villa Sciarra, that truly established the study of Nordic literatures in Italy. 45. Gabetti 1926c. 46. Gabetti 1935b. 47. Undset 1931. 48. Antoni 1963, 17. One assumes that Antoni is referring

to the Danish writer Johannes Jørgensen, who lived in Assisi at that time. 49. Olsen 1935. preciano v3

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