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Xuanzang's proof of idealism (眞唯識量) and Sīlabhadra's Teaching.

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Shigeki Moro (Hanazono University, Kyoto, Japan)

玄奘“眞唯識量”與戒賢的敎授


茂樹 (花園大學, 日本)

摘要

窥基的《因明入正理论疏》中所介绍的玄奘的唯识比量(真唯识量)向来都是 用《大正藏》中所收的《续高僧传》和《大唐大慈恩寺三藏法师传》等资料来进 行解释的。但据近年来的最新研究,玄奘的传记资料有着不同的版本,有些版本 之间在内容上有着显著的差异。因而,关于唯识比量的研究也应当注意这种史料 间的比较研究。尤其是在日本兴圣寺发现的《续高僧传》中,明确的记载着唯识 比量是玄奘见戒贤之前所作这一值得关注的信息。 向来被参考使用的《大正藏》中所收的《续高僧传》和《大唐大慈恩寺三藏法 师传》等资料都主张玄奘从戒贤处学到的唯识思想是当时印度最完善、最精深的 唯识教理。在这一背景下,也促成了《解深密经》的三转法轮说的诞生。 《大正藏》中所收的《续高僧传》和《大唐大慈恩寺三藏法师传》等资料记载 了玄奘在戒日王的无遮大会上与其他论师进行辩论之事,但并未提及唯识比量。 根据窥基的《因明入正理论疏》等资料,对唯识比量的讨论和研究是在玄奘死后 才展开的。众所周知,尊戒贤之师护法的思想为正统的《成唯识论》与窥基有着 密切的关联。彰显戒贤思想的《大正藏》版《续高僧传》等文献的相关记载,很 可能也与推崇护法正义的窥基的主张有一定的关联。 關鍵詞


唯識比量 (真唯識量) /

戒賢

興聖寺發現的《續高僧傳》 / 《解深密經》的三轉 法輪說

著者簡介 師茂樹,1972 年生,博士(文化交渉学),日本花園大學准教授。主要研究领域是 唯識思想史,因明学,Digital Humanities。


Abstract


Xuanzang’s 玄奘 proof of idealism (眞唯識量) has been interpreted by combining the descriptions in his Biographies, such as the Tripitaka Master of the Great Ci’en Monastery of the Great Tang Dynasty 大唐大慈恩寺三藏法師傳, and the Yinmin-ruzhengli-lun-shu 因明入正理論疏 (Commentary on Nyāya-praveśa), written by Ji . However, due to the variation in the biographies on Xuanzang, it is necessary to comparatively review each biography of Xuanzang, and review the background of the proof of idealism as well. According to the Kōshō-ji 興聖寺 version of the Further Biographies of Eminent Monks 續高僧傳, he created the proof of idealism before studying vijñapti-mātratā from Sīlabhadra 戒賢. It seemed reasonable to think that the representative biographies on Xuanzang, such as the Taisho Tripitaka version of the Further Biographies of Eminent Monks, have an agenda to honor the vijñapti-mātratā learned from Sīlabhadra as the most outstanding teaching in India, and were reconstructed based on the theory of the three turnings of the wheel of dharma 三轉法輪說 from the Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra 解深密經. Moreover, Xuanzang’s debates and his participation in Śīlāditta’s Buddhist ceremony are recorded in his biographies, but the tradition of the proof of idealism was only introduced in the writings of his disciples, such as the Yinmin-ruzhengli-lun-shu. Ji, one of Xuanzang’s disciples and the writer of the Yinmin-ruzhengli-lun-shu, played a major role in the completion of Cheng-weishi-lun 成唯識論, which canonizes Sīlabhadra’s master Dharmapāla 護法. The claims of the representative biographies on Xuanzang have considerable overlaps with Ji’s concept of orthodoxy.


Keywords


Xuanzang's proof of idealism / Sīlabhadra / the Kōshō-ji version of the Further Biographies of Eminent Monks / the theory of the three turnings of the wheel of dharma from the Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra.


About the author


Shigeki Moro, Ph.D., is an associate professor at Hanazono University, Kyoto, Japan. He specializes in Yogācāra Buddhism in Japan and East Asia, and Digital Humanities especially in the field of East Asian studies and Japanese history.


1. Introduction


According to the Yinmin-ruzhengli-lun-shu 因明入正理論疏 (Commentary on Nyāya-praveśa), written by Ji (632–682), Xuanzang 玄奘 (602-664), during his studies in India, was at a large Buddhist service held by the king Śīlāditta 戒日王, and on the king’s request, established an inference (anumāna) to prove the vijñapti-mātratā (henceforth referred to as «tradition of proof of idealism»).


After traveling around India and completing his study, our master (Xuanzang), wanted to return to China. At that time, Śīlāditta, who was the king of India, held a large and uninterrupted Buddhist service that lasted for eighteen days and asked our master to spread his interpretation of Yogācāra all over India. The king chose those who have wisdom and goodness, called them to the service. He sent non-Buddhists and Hīnayāna Buddhists to dispute with Xuanzang. Our master had made the following inference and no one could make an argument against it: Thesis: From the point of view of ultimate reality (*paramārthataḥ), color and form (*rūpa), which are well known among the people (*lokaprasiddha), are not separate from the visual consciousness. Reason: Because while being included in the first three [[[dhātus]]] that [we too] accept, they are not included in the sense of vision. Example: Like as the visual consciousness.1


Since this inference (also known as proof of idealism, or proof of vijñapti-mātratā) was introduced to East Asia, a controversy broke out in East Asia. One side, centered around the Faxiang/Hossō 法相 school (the East Asian transmission of Yogācāra), gave arguments in favor of this inference, while on the other side, many criticisms were brought forward, starting with Wonhyo 元曉 of Silla 新羅. Numerous studies were conducted regarding the proof of idealism, particularly in Japan from ancient times to the middle ages2.


1 「且如大師,周遊西域,學滿將還。時戒日王,王五印度,爲設十八日無遮大會,令大師立義遍 諸天竺。簡選賢良,皆集會所。遣外道小乘,競申論詰。大師立量,時人無敢對揚者。大師立唯 識比量云:眞故極成色不離於眼識宗 自許初三攝眼所不攝故因 猶如眼識喩」 (T44, 115b.) English translation is based on Franco 2004. 2 For examples of specialized texts, Yuishiki bun-ryō ketsu 唯識分量決 by Zenju 善珠 (723-797), Yuishiki-hiryō kengi kōshin shō 唯識比量遣僞興眞章 by Gyōga 行賀 (729-803), Yuishiki-hiryō shūki In modern times, such research abounds particularly by Chinese scholars. Lü Cheng 呂澂 appraises Xuanzang as having a very high command of Yinming 因明 (East Asian Buddhist logic), and argues that the proof of idealism is free from logical flaws3. Meanwhile, some scholars, such as Shen Jianying 沈劍英, criticize the proof of idealism for having errors in Yinming4. In Japan, Nakamura Hajime 中村元 assessed that East Asian Yinming itself was imperfect, and criticized the proof of idealism as being “meaningless as a proof”5. Therefore, there is little research on the proof of idealism. There has not been much research done in Europe,

but recently, Eli Franco critically introduced the history of research on the proof of idealism in Europe to date (Franco 2004). Franco himself, contrary to Shen and Nakamura, announced the interpretation that the proof of idealism has no errors based on Indian logic. While Franco’s interpretation still has several issues, as has been indicated in my argument6, it is a noteworthy study. As seen above, there is no agreed-upon logical evaluation on the proof of idealism, but very few have turned a critical eye to the «tradition of the proof of idealism», which serves as the premise of these arguments. Representative biographies on

Xuanzang, such as the fourth volume of the Further Biographies of Eminent Monks 續高僧傳, and the Biography of the Tripitaka Master of the Great Ci’en Monastery of the Great Tang Dynasty 大唐大慈恩寺三藏法師傳, state that while Xuanzang was invited to Śīlāditta’s Buddhist service, there are no records that he explained the proof of idealism there. Furthermore, due to the recent discovery of codices left in Japan, it was found that each biography of Xuanzang varied in its contents. But all previous research uncritically combines the «tradition of proof of idealism» from the Yinmin-ruzhengli-lun-shu with the biographies on Xuanzang, interpreting that he did explain the proof of idealism there. For instance, Franco states,

唯識比量集記 by Ganken 願建 (-848-), Yuishiki-hiryō shō 唯識比量抄 by Zōshun 藏俊 (1104-1180) and Yuishiki-hiryō 唯識比量 by En’nen 緣圓 (1194-1258). 3 「由于它很好地運用了因明格式和規則,从唯識派立場看,好像它是成立唯識理論的顚扑不破的 比量扑所以后來又把它叫“眞唯識量”」(Chen and Lü. 2007, 265.) See also Yu Yu 1981. 4 「玄奘以自比量冒說爲共比量,這就使他在宗,因,喻三支上普遍犯過」 (Shen, ed 2001, 82.) See also Yang 1982. Gang Xiao 剛曉 states that Shen has a misunderstanding on the inference (Gang 2007). 5 Nakamura 1958, 7. See also Akamatsu 1988. 6 Moro 2010.


Xuanzang thinks like an Indian logician. His proof was delivered in a public debate in Kānyakubja (modern Kanauj), most probably in Sanskrit, and was intended not only for Buddhists, but also for a Hindu and Jain audience7.


thus interpreting the proof of idealism by combining the descriptions in the Biography of the Tripitaka Master of the Great Ci’en Monastery of the Great Tang Dynasty and the Yinmin-ruzhengli-lun-shu. However, due to the variation in the biographies on Xuanzang, it is necessary to comparatively review each biography of Xuanzang, and review the background of the proof of idealism as well. This article will explore the differing contents in each biography of Xuanzang, particularly focusing on the accounts of his learning vijñapti-mātratā from Sīlabhadra 戒賢, and review the historicity or narrativity of the «tradition of the proof of idealism».


2. Xuangzang’s Biographies and the proof of idealism


First, we must confirm the accounts of Śīlāditta’s Buddhist service corresponding to the «tradition of the proof of idealism», and the accounts before and after them. While the Taisho Tripitaka version of the Further Biographies of Eminent Monks and the Biography of the Tripitaka Master of the Great Ci’en Monastery of the Great Tang Dynasty, which are often referenced as biographies of Xuanzang, have rough differences in the descriptions, they are consistent in general contents such as the following8:

Plot A 1. Arrival in Nālandā. 2. Learns vijñapti-mātratā from Sīlabhadra. 3. Pilgrimage to all regions of India. 4. Return to Nālandā. 5. Learns vijñapti-mātratā from Jayasena 勝軍. 6. Prophetic dream of Śīlāditta’s demise. 7. Victory in debate with Madhyamaka’s priest Siṃharaśmi 師子光 in Nālandā. He

7 Franco 2004, 201. 8 T50, 451c-453c.

then created the Huizong-lun 會宗論 (Treatise for Reconciling Various Doctrines), and received Sīlabhadra’s endorsement. 8. Prajñāgupta 般若毱多, ascholar monk of Sāṃmitīya 正量部 in South India, writes the Po-daicheng-lun 破大乘論 (Treatise for Refuting Mahāyāna Doctrine) criticizing Mahāyāna, and offers it to Śīlāditta. Xuanzang and others are dispatched to debate with Prajñāgupta. 9. Before departing, attains victory in debate with a scholar of Lokāyata 順正外道. 10. Creates the Zhi-ejian-lun 制惡見論 (Treatise for Controlling the Wrong View), a rebuttal to the Po-daicheng-lun, which also receives Sīlabhadra’s endorsement 11. In King Kumāra’s kingdom of Kāmarūpa, challenged to debate by non-Buddhist scholars. Creates the Sanshen-lun 三身論 (Treatise on the Three Bodies of the Buddha), highly appraised by the king. 12. Called by Śīlāditta to explain the Zhi-ejian-lun. Holds the great Buddhist service in Kānyakubja to spread this. Many Buddhist priests and Brahmins gathered, but for 18 days, no one could argue with him. 13. Return to China.

This tells a story of Xuangzang, having learned vijñapti-mātratā from Sīlabhadra, triumphing in debates with Madhyamaka and Hīnayāna scholars, under the guidance of Sīlabhadra. Account 12 is the one corresponding to the «tradition of proof of idealism», but in this story, it is posited as a debate with the Hīnayāna. As opposed to these biographies written after Xuanzang’s death, the Kōshō-ji 興聖 version of the Further Biographies of Eminent Monks9, written during Xuanzang’s lifetime, has an entirely different framework, as seen below10:

Plot B i. Arrival in Nālandā (≒1) ii. Debates with scholars of Nālandā for 18 days, highly appraised. iii. Victory in debate with a scholar of Lokāyata (≒9) iv. In King Kumāra’s kingdom of Kāmarūpa, non-Buddhist scholars challenge him

9 I could not compare to the Kongō-ji 金剛寺 version, which would be the oldest version of the Further Biographies of Eminent Monks (Saito 2012). 10 Fujiyoshi 2001, 222-229.


to debate (≒11). v. Summoned by Śīlāditta and participates in Buddhist service in Kānyakubja? (≒ 12). vi. Returns to Nālandā, learns vijñapti-mātratā from Sīlabhadra (≒2). vii. Pilgrimage to all regions of India (≒3). viii. Return to China (≒13).

While v corresponds to 12, the amount of description in v is notably less than 12. Even assuming that v corresponds to the «tradition of proof of idealism», not only would this mean he created the proof of idealism before studying vijñapti-mātratā from Sīlabhadra11, there is no story as in Plot A. The changes from Plot B to Plot A are likely due to the effects of the theory of the three turnings of the wheel of dharma (dharmacakra)

三轉法輪說 from the Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra 解深密經.

Then the Bodhisattva Paramārthasamudgata said to the Buddha: “Initially, in the Vārānasī area, in the Deer Park called Sage’s falling site, the Bhagavan turned the wheel of dharma [by teaching] the four [[[noble]]] truths only for those who aspired the Śrāvaka vehicle. Although [the wheel of dharma] was very rare and uncommon, and no gods and humans could turn dharma appropriately before in the world, this wheel of dharma turned [by the Bhagavan] in this period is surpassable, provides an opportunity [for refutation], is of unfinished meaning, and serves as a basis for dispute. In the second period, only for those who aspired the Great vehicle, the Bhagavan turned the wheel of dharma [by teaching] obscurely that all phenomena lack self-nature and any marks of arising or cessation, are originally quiescent, and are naturally in a state of nirvāṇa. Although [the wheel of dharma was] much rarer and more uncommon, the wheel of dharma turned [by the Bhagavan] in this period is surpassable, provides an opportunity [for refutation], is also of unfinished meaning, and serves as a basis for dispute. Now in the third period, for those who aspired all vehicles, the Bhagavan turned


11 According to the Great Tang Records on the Western Regions


大唐西域記, vol. 10, Xuanzang was instructed by Sīlabhadra before meeting with Śīlāditta.


the wheel of dharma [by teaching] obviously that all phenomena lack self-nature and any marks of arising or cessation, are originally quiescent, and are naturally in a state of nirvāṇa. [The wheel of dharma is] the rarest and most uncommon. The wheel of dharma turned [by the Bhagavan] now is unsurpassable, does not provide an opportunity [for refutation], is of definitive meaning, and does not serve as a basis for dispute.12


The theory of the three turnings of the wheel of dharma is a theory that the teachings of Buddha’s lifetime can be divided into three major periods. This theory has been interpreted as the classification of the history/doctrines of Buddhism; the doctrine of Early Buddhism, such as the four noble truth, as the first period, the theory of emptiness (śūnyatā), as typified by the Prajñāpāramitā sutras, as the second period and the Mahāyāna sutras, such as Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra as the third period. The debate with Lokāyata corresponds to the first wheel of dharma, the debate with Prajñāgupta corresponds to the second wheel of dharma, and the debate with Siṃharaśmi corresponds to the third wheel of dharma13. From this, the plot A can be interpreted as having an agenda to honor the vijñapti-mātratā learned from Sīlabhadra as the most outstanding teaching. The commentaries of the Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra states that the theory of the three turnings of the wheel of dharma can not only be interpreted simply for the Buddha’s biography, but also as the ascetic training process of a disciplinant14. In other words, Plot A depicts Xuanzang as a disciplinant of vijñapti-mātratā who replicated (or restaged) the three turnings of the wheel of dharma of the Buddha in the form of debates15.


12 「爾時勝義生菩薩復白佛言:世尊,初於一時,在婆羅痆斯仙人墮處施鹿林中,惟爲發趣聲聞 乘者,以四諦相轉正法輪。雖是甚奇甚爲希有,一切世間諸天人等先無有能如法轉者,而於彼時 所轉法輪,有上有容是未了義,是諸諍論安足處所。世尊,在昔第二時中,惟爲發趣修大乘者, 依一切法皆無自性無生無滅,本來寂靜自性涅槃,以隱密相轉正法輪。雖更甚奇甚爲希有,而於 彼時所轉法輪,亦是有上有所容受,猶未了義,是諸諍論安足處所。世尊,於今第三時中,普爲 發趣一切乘者,依一切法皆無自性無生無滅,本來寂靜自性涅槃無自性性,以顯了相轉正法輪。 第一甚奇最

爲希有。于今世尊所轉法輪,無上無容是眞了義,非諸諍論安足處所」(T16, 697a-b). English translation is based on Powers 1995. 13 See Yoshimura 1999, 66-67. 14 Kitsukawa 2011. 15 Katsutaka Hōjō states that the biography of eminent priests is not only a historical record, but also religious narrative practice for designing disciplinant’s life plan (Hōjō 2011). In relation to this, I would like to focus attention on the biographies of Asaṅga and Vasubandhu, the brothers who perfected the Yogācāra theory, follow the same course of story; they became monks of Sarvāstivāda and converted to


3. What did Xuanzang learn before his arrival in Nālandā?


In Plot B, in other words, the Kōshō-ji version of the Further Biographies of Eminent Monks, written during Xuanzang’s lifetime, Xuanzang triumphed in the debate with his knowledge of Buddhism learned before his arrival in Nālandā. In the Kōshō-ji version, titles such as Vibhāṣā 阿毘曇毘 婆沙論, Kṣudraka(Miśraka)abhidharmahṛdayaśāstra 雜阿毘曇心論, and Paramārtha’s 眞諦 translation of the Abhidharmakośa 阿毘達磨俱舍論 and Mahāyānasaṃgraha 攝大乘 論 are listed as what he studied in China before leaving for India16. Also, he studied at the following places in India before his arrival in Nālandā.

Studied Abhidharmakośa, Abhidharmanyāyānusāriṇī 阿毘達磨順正理論, hetu-vidyā 因明 (logic), śabda-vidyā 聲明 (linguistic and grammatical studies) and Vibhāṣā from Priest Saṃghakīrti 僧勝 of Kashmir17. • Studied Vibhāṣā under


Vīryasena 毘耶犀那 , a monk of Kānyakubja18. • Studied


Yogācārabhūmi 瑜伽師地論 from the “Gṛhapati of Mahāyāna

大乘 居士 in Mahābodhi Temple at Bodh Gaya19.

These were all described as occurring before his arrival in Nālandā. Of these, Makoto Yoshimura and Hiroe Yamaguchi equate the “Gṛhapati of Mahāyāna”, whose name is not given, with Jayasena20. According to the Biography of the Tripitaka Master of the Great Ci’en Monastery of the Great Tang Dynasty, Jayasena studied hetu-vidyā under Bhadraruci 賢愛, śabda-vidyā and Mahāyāna/Hīnayāna theory from Sthiramati 安慧, and Yogācārabhūmi from Sīlabhadra21. While the title of gṛhapati is common to both, according to the Great Tang Records on the Western Regions, the “Gṛhapati of Mahāyāna’s” location in Mahābodhi Temple is over 200 li Mahāyāna. It is reasonable to suppose that their biographies were also written as exemplary life-histories of Yogācāra practitioners based on the theory of the three wheel of dharma. Conversion from Hīnayāna to Mahāyāna has a deep relationship to the Five gotra theory (see Moro 2008). 16


Fujiyoshi 2001, 202-205. 17


Fujiyoshi 2001, 212. 18


Fujiyoshi 2001, 213. 19

Fujiyoshi 2001, 220. 20 Yoshimura and Yamaguchi 2012, 304. 21


從此復往杖林山居士勝軍論師所。軍本蘇剌佗國人,刹帝利種也。幼而好學,先於賢愛論師 所學因明,又從安慧菩薩學聲明大小乘論,又從戒賢法師學瑜伽論」(T50, 244a) (≒80km) away from Jayasena’s residence in Yaṣṭi22, it is doubtful that they are the same person. In the biographies of Xuanzang in the Kōshō-ji and Taisho Tripitaka version of the Further Biographies of Eminent Monks, there are records of a “mystical experience 瑞 during his studies under the “Gṛhapati of Mahayana,” in which he met a shining monk beneath the Bodhi tree with the Buddha’s śarīra 舍利. However, according to the Biography of the Tripitaka Master of the Great Ci’en Monastery of the Great Tang Dynasty, he went to Mahābodhi Temple with Jayasena after his prophetic dream of Śīlāditta’s demise (6 from plot A), and experienced the “great miracle” 大神變 of the Buddha’s śarīra23. As stated in the above section, among the changes from Plot B to Plot A, Sīlabhadra’s

introduction was moved to the front, and his significance was increased. In contrast, the introduction of the “Gṛhapati of Mahayana” or Jayasena was moved to later, and he was given relatively low importance compared to Sīlabhadra. According to Xuanzang’s biography in the Taisho Tripitaka version of the Further Biographies of Eminent Monks and the Biography of the Tripitaka Master of the Great Ci’en Monastery of the Great Tang Dynasty, there are more names given of people Xuanzang received instruction from before his «tradition of proof of idealism» than in the Kōshō-ji version. If the proof of idealism is historical, then it is necessary to conduct a historical criticism comparing each biography of Xuanzang, to discover what kind of ideological background Xuanzang had. 4. Circumstances during the Announcement of the «Tradition of the Proof of Idealism»


As stated before, Xuanzang’s debates and his participation in Śīlāditta’s Buddhist ceremony are recorded in Xuanzang’s biographies, but the «tradition of the proof of idealism» was only introduced in the writings of Xuanzang’s disciples, s uch as the


菩提樹北門外,摩訶菩提僧伽藍 [[[Mahābodhi Temple]]] (…) 菩提樹東,渡尼連禪那河大林中, 有窣堵波。其側有過去四佛坐及經行遺迹之所。四佛坐東渡莫訶河 (…) 莫訶河東入大林野,行百 餘里,至屈屈吒播陀山(唐言雞足) (…) 鷄足山東北行百餘里,至佛陀伐那山 (…) 佛陀伐那山 空谷中東行三十餘里,至洩瑟知林(唐言杖林) (…) 杖林中近有鄔波索迦闍耶犀那 [[[Jayasena]]] 唐言勝軍) 」 (T51, 918b-920a.) 23 T50, 224b.

Yinmin-ruzhengli-lun-shu. According to the Yinmin-ruzhengli-lun-shu, the «tradition of the proof of idealism» was followed by criticism from Sun’gyeong 順憬 of Silla.

Priest Sun’gyeong in Silla (…) created [an inference for] confirmation of a contradiction (viruddha-avyabhicārin) in this [[[Xuanzang’s]]] inference, and during the Ganfeng years [666-668] sent it seeking the Master’s [[[Xuanzang’s]]] interpretation: Thesis: From the point of view of ultimate reality (*paramārthataḥ), color and form (*rūpa), which are well known among the people (*lokaprasiddha), are definitely separate from the visual consciousness. Reason: Because while being included in the first three [[[dhātus]]] that [we too] accept, they are not included in the visual consciousness. Example: Like as the sense of vision.24 From this, we understand that Sun’gyeong’s criticism arrived in the Ganfeng era (666-667), after Xuanzang’s death, and therefore, this account in the Yinmin-ruzhengli-lun-shu was written afterwards. According to Zenju 善珠 in Nara Period, Sun’gyeong’s criticism is based on Wonhyo’s Pan-biryang-non 判比量論. Pan-biryang-non is believed to have been completed in “Xianheng year 2” 咸亨二年 (671), based on the postscript of the codex25. A summary of the above events in a timeline, combined with the completion of Xuanzang’s biographies, would be as below:

Zhenguan 貞観 19 (645) Xuanzang returns. Zhenguan 20 (646) Great Tang Records on the Western Regions translated. Zhenguan 22 (648) The Kōshō-ji version of Xuanzang’s biography completed. Linde 麟德 1 (664) Xuanzang dies. Linde Period (664-666) Completion of the Later addendum of the Further Biographies of Eminent Monks 後集續高僧傳 (lower limit for completion of the Further Biographies of


然有新羅順憬法師者 (…) 於此比量作決定相違,乾封之歲,寄請師釋云:眞故極成色定離於 眼識。自許初三攝眼識不攝故。猶如眼根」 (T44, 116a). Moro 2007 summarizes the interpretations of the proof of idealism in Silla. 25

Fukihara 1967, 5.

Eminent Monks) Ganfeng Period (666-667) Sun’gyeong’s criticism of the proof of idealism. Ganfeng 2 (667) Daoxuan 道宣, the author of the Further Biographies of Eminent Monks, dies. Xianheng 2 (671) Pan-biryang-non completed.

It is likely not a coincidence that the completion of Plot A, which introduces Sīlabhadra at the beginning and clearly records the debate at Kānyakubja that corresponds to the «tradition of proof of idealism», and the introduction of the topic of the proof of idealism by the Yinmin-ruzhengli-lun-shu, both occurred after Xuanzang’s death. Ji, the writer of the Yinmin-ruzhengli-lun-shu, played a major role in the completion of Cheng-weishi-lun 成唯識論, which canonizes Sīlabhadra’s master Dharmapāla 護法. The claims of Plot A have considerable overlaps with Ji’s concept of orthodoxy.


5. Summary


This article has indicated some issues in the historical documents surrounding the «tradition of proof of idealism». The proof of idealism is undeniably a subject worth researching in both the history of Buddhist logic and the history of Buddhist thought. However, past research may have held these discussions by uncritically citing Xuanzang’s biographies. As stated above, Plot A can be interpreted to have a religious/ideological agenda, but that is no reason to say that the accounts in Plot A are completely baseless. To the contrary, it has been indicated that Daoxuan, the author of plot B, which was written during Xuanzang’s lifetime, often reflected his own ideas into his historical narratives26, so it cannot be simply approved as historical. In future research, it will be necessary to not simply evaluate


the biographies of Xuanzang and traditions such as the «tradition of proof of idealism» based on whether or not they are historical, but critically review them, keeping in mind that writing history and tradition is a religious/ideological practice. Furthermore, it may be


26

Iyanaga 2002, 52.


necessary to continue interpreting the proof of idealism.


Works cited.


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